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Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement International Symposium Lausanne, 1999

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International Symposium 2 4 ~ a n d 26* November, 1999

Volunteers, Global Society &*Ă  t h e O l y H i p i C M o v e m e n t

Miquel de Moragas, Ana BelĂŠn Moreno, Nuria Puig, Editors

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"DOCUMENTS OF THE MUSEUM" Olympic Museum collection published by the International Olympic Committee In the same collection: Ferran Brunet Economy of the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games, 1994 (In English, French and Spanish) Nikolay Gueorguiev Analysis of the Olympic Programme 1896-1996, 1994 (In English and French) Analyse du programme des Jeux Olympiques d'hiver 1924-1998, 1995 Elias Mbengalack La gouvernementalité du sport en Afrique — Le sport et la politique au Cameroun, 1994 Under the direction of Jean-Loup Chappelet Sport Management: An International Approach, 1996 (In English and French) Miquel de Moragas, John MacAloon and Montserrat Llinés, Editors Olympic Ceremonies. Historical Continuity and Cultural Exchange, 1996 Miquel de Moragas, Montserrat Llinés and Bruce Kidd, Editors Olympic Villages Prof. Yves Pierre Boulongne Pierre de Coubertin, humanisme et pédagogie: dix leçons sur l'Olympisme IOC Radio and TV Commission, the Autonomous University of Barcelona and the Olympic Museum Television in the Olympic Games. The New Era, 1998

Cover design Grand Large, Lausanne

Cataloguing information Symposium on Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement: Lausanne, 24th, 25th and 26th November, 1999 / ed. by Miquel de Moragas, Ana Belén Moreno and Nuria Puig - Lausanne: International Olympic Committee, 2000. - 360 pages: ill.; 30 cm - (Documents of the Museum) ISBN 92-9149-069-5 Subjects: Volunteer - Olympic Movement - Symposium The contents of this book cannot be reproduced, neither in whole nor in part, without the previous written consent of the authors.

© 2000 INTERNATIONAL OLYMPIC C O M M I T T E E 2


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CĂ tedra Intern .u ion al d'Olim pis me Catedra Intemacional de Olimpismo Chaire Internationale d'Olympisme

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International Chair in Olympism

The International Symposium on Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement was the fourth symposium organized by the Olympic Museum and Studies Centre and the Centre d'Estudis Olimpics i de l'Esport at the Autonomous University of Barcelona. These regular symposia are part of the academic programme carried out by the International Chair in Olympism, created in 1995 by agreement between the International Olympic Committee and the Autonomous University of Barcelona, with the aim of contributing to collaboration between the Olympic Movement and universities.

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Table of Contents

Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement

Opening Speeches of the Symposium Message from Mr Juan Antonio Samaranch Foreword by Mrs Françoise Zweifel

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Foreword by Mr Miquel de Moragas

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Opening Conference John MacAloon - Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement I

Volunteers as a Social Phenomenon

15 17 29

Jordi Estivill - Voluntary Organisations and Networks in a Changing World

31

Jean-Marc Richard - The Psychological Aspects of Volunteering

39

Colloquium

41

International Organizations and the Future of Volunteers

45

José Manuel Gil Meneses - International Red Cross

47

Diana L. Pérez-Buck - United Nations Volunteers

51

Liz Burns - European Volunteer Center

55

Robert Müller - Médecins sans Frontières

59

Kang Shin-pyo - Volunteers in East Asian Religions and Cultures

61

Communications

79

Roy Panagiotopolou - The Notions of Voluntarism in the Modern Greek Society and the Challenge of the Olympic Games

81

Virginia Oprisan - Aspects and Trends of Voluntary Work in Romanian Sport

91

Maria Luisa Honrubia and Angel Ignacio Fernandez Nino -

II

Volunteering versus Olympism

101

William Guegold - Volunteerism and Olympic Music Venues

109

Xavier Blanc - Managerial Problems in Combining Sports Projects with Volunteerism

121

Colloquium

129

Olympic Volunteers

131

Miquel de Moragas, Ana Belén Moreno and Raul Paniagua The Evolution of Volunteers at the Olympic Games

133

Photo Dossier

155

Past Experiences

175

Andreu Clapés - Barcelona '92

177

Petter Rönningen - Lillehammer '94

183

Shigeyuki Nakajima - Nagano '98. Activist Volunteering: The Bind-Aid Volunteer Group and its Work Prior to the Nagano Games Colloquium

187 191


Future Experiences David Brettell - Sydney '2000

193 195

Laurence Chalip - Sydney '2000: Volunteers and the Organisation of the Olympic Games: Economic and Formative Apects

205

Ed Eynon - Salt Lake City '2002: Volunteer Programme

215

Sport and Olympic Volunteers: Prospects

221

Richard W. Pound, Q.C. - Volunteers and the Olympic Movement: Past, Present and Future Richard Palmer - Volunteers and the National Olympic Committees

223 231

Werner Ausgburger - The Swiss Olympic Association

235

Kostas Georgiadis - A Framework for the Training of Volunteers in Olympism

239

Communications

243

Jean-Loup Chappelet - Volunteer Management at a Major Sports Event such as the Winter Games

245

Franรงoise Papa - Albertville '92: Volunteers or the Ideal Community

255

German Calpe - Olympic Volunteering: Post-Olympic Prospects

267

Chris Auld - A Model for Pre-Olympic Volunteer Involvement: a Case Study of Queensland Dimitris Gargalianos - The "Professional Practice" Subject in a Post Graduate Sports Management Degree. An Innovative Approach to the Concept of Volunteer Work in an Organising Committee for the Olympic Games

287

Richard Cashman - The University as Recruiting Agency: the Second Level of Volunteers (Opportunities and Issues)

291

Colloquium

297

III The Experience of Major Sport Events

273

299

The Experiences of Volunteers

301

Virginia Lane - Atlanta '96 Olympic Games

303

Anna Andreadis - Athens '2004 Olympic Games

307

Silvia Mosca - Olympic Museum Volunteers

309

Timothy Fok - Volunteers are the Sources of the Sports Culture

311

Communications

313

Holger Preuss and Bodo Kebernik - Social Structure, Inducements and Opinions of Volunteers from Nagano 1998

315

Igor Lanzoni - The Volunteers During and After the Games

325

Angel Fernandez - From Barcelona'92 to Atlanta '96: an Experience in Volunteering

333

Round Table: Volunteers and Major Sports Events

341

Max Bouchet-Virette - Volunteer Programme of the "France 98" Foootball World Cup

343

Jacky Delapierre - "Athletissima", International Athletics Meeting in Lausanne

347

Jean-Claude Schupp - General Association of International Sports Federations

349

IV Conclusions and Recommendations

353

The articles published in the "Documents of the Museum" do not necessarily reflect the opinion of the International Olympic Committee. 6


Opening Speeches of the Symposium

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Message from the President of the International Olympic Committee Juan Antonio Samaranch Marques de Samaranch

On behalf of the Olympic Movement, I would like to convey my greetings and best wishes to the participants of the Symposium on Volunteers held in the Olympic Museum in Lausanne, the Olympic Capital. The Olympic Movement is composed of dedicated volunteers without whom the organization of such a major sporting event as the Olympic Games would not be possible. As we begin the new millennium and look towards the modernization of our Movement their contribution is as important as ever. This report of the symposium, organized by the Olympic Studies and Research Centre with the cooperation of the Autonomous University of Barcelona, contains the presentations and a summary of the discussions. I would like to take this opportunity to express my sincere thanks to all the participants for their contribution and kind cooperation.

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Foreword Franรงoise Zweifel IOC Secretary General, Executive Director, Olympic Museum, Lausanne

I would like to welcome you all to Lausanne, Olympic Capital, home of the IOC headquarters, the Olympic Museum and numerous International Federations. The Olympic Museum has for a long time wanted to hold a Symposium on all aspects of volunteering. The IOC wanted to show how grateful it was to all the volunteers who help and support us in everything we organize in Lausanne and throughout the world. Without volunteers, many sports events could not take place, notably for economic reasons. I would mention in particular the Olympic Games and give you some figures: in Atlanta, we had the help of some 60,000 volunteers; in Nagano 30,000 (it was funny to read in Nagano's official report that the volunteers were between 16 and 83 years old). There are presently an estimated 50,000 volunteers for the Sydney Games. The Olympic Museum is able to open its doors every morning and host numerous events thanks to the team of volunteers on whom we rely and with whom we have now developed strong friendships. I am convinced that these three days of meetings will enrich us all because all the different aspects of volunteering will be covered and would like to say how much we enjoy the collaboration that exists between the Olympic Studies Centre, based in the Olympic Museum but working for the IOC, and the International Chair in Olympism at the Autonomous University of Barcelona, represented here by Professor Moragas. May I wish you an excellent day. I greatly look forward to participating in this Symposium.

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Foreword Miquel de Moragas Director of the Olympic and Sport Studies Centre at the Autonomous University of Barcelona (UAB), Spain

Mrs Franรงoise Zweifel, IOC Secretary General and Director of the Olympic Museum, Dear Friends, As coordinator of the UAB International Chair in Olympism, it is an honour for me to take the floor during the opening ceremony of the International Symposium on Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement, which is the fourth Symposium that our Chair has organized in collaboration with the Olympic Museum. The first three Symposiums concerned a number of other phenomena which we considered to be of great interest to the Olympic Movement: the Ceremonies in 1995, the Olympic Villages in 1996, relations between television and the Olympic Games in 1998, and now this fourth Symposium devoted to volunteers, an issue which is crucial, not only to the Olympic Movement and sport, but on a wider scale, to forms of social participation and organization in contemporary society. Through these Symposiums, which are now becoming something of an Olympic tradition, we aim to contribute to bringing university research closer to those in charge of Olympic organization and management. But on a more general level, we aim to facilitate information to the Olympic Movement on the major transformations occurring in present society which affect it in many ways. The relationship between Olympism and society will bear its greatest fruits if it suceeds in combining fidelity to tradition with the challenges of modernity. This is, moreover, our understanding of academic activity related to Olympism. Furthermore, this Symposium coincides with a transcendental moment in the history of the modern Olympic Movement, in a phase of profound and decisive reforms, and before the need to confront the new and serious risks of sustainability that the information society poses to sport and Olympism. The first part of the Symposium that we are opening today will be devoted to analyzing the role of volunteers in society, which involves analyzing new forms of participation, social commitment and the exercise of solidarity and reorganization of democratic participation in modern society. In order to do this we have the analyses and evidence provided by specialists and those responsible for different programmes which, although they are external to the world of sport, have many aspects in common and share the same ideals. The second part of the Symposium will deal with the experiences and leading role of volunteers in the history of the Games, from the most remote voluntary and altruistic participation of boy scouts to the new and more modern form of participation by volunteers engaged in complex training and educational programmes. 13


Indeed, we will find out how the Olympic ideals have become concentrated in volunteering - in a form of volunteering based on the idea of altruism, economic impartiality and solidarity, that is, in forms of motivation which we would like to and can truly call "OLYMPIC". Finally, some considerations regarding content and procedure: firstly, thank you all for your collaboration and participation in this symposium which has attained a maximum participation of speakers and rapporteurs. Thanks again to the IOC President, Juan Antonio Samaranch for his faith in the academic initiatives which are becoming increasingly consolidated in this Museum. I would like to inform you also that this will be our first symposium which can be followed simultaneously via Internet. The moment the speakers begin their speeches in the hall, we will put the text of their speech on line. In this way, we will respond to our aim of international dissemination, facilitating at the same time maximum participation. Many thanks.

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Opening Conference

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Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement John MacAloon University of Chicago, USA "Everyday more and more people are interested in making Olympic sport, and fewer and fewer in making the Olympic Movement. " German Rieckehoff Sampayo. Paris, 1994

I would like to thank the organizers of this symposium for their kind invitation to participate. I also congratulate them on their wisdom in choosing the subject of our deliberations. While some might think that the topic of Olympic volunteers is at rather great distance from the conversations about the fate of the Olympic Movement that have filled Lausanne halls in recent months, I will argue to the contrary that no Olympic question is more essential to the future than understanding and maintaining Olympic volunteerism. Of late, we have had many signs and public assertions of permanent trouble in the Olympic Movement. In my judgment, Olympic volunteers are the real canaries in the coal mine, the group which has the most to tell us about the actual health of the system. Unfortunately, this fact is insufficiently recognized in the corridors of Olympic power. I must report that I did not hear Olympic volunteers mentioned during the deliberations of the IOC 2000 Reform Commission1. To me, this fact is first of all ironic, second of all pragmatically worrisome, and thirdly indicative of everything that will remain to be done, after the December IOC Extraordinary Session, to re-balance the sports industry and humanistic dimensions of the contemporary Olympic phenomenon. As the late Don German Rieckehoff pointed out in a statement I have chosen for my epigraph, the scales everyday tip more toward the sport professionals and against the partisans of Olympism. Contemplating the position of Olympic volunteers can help us to challenge that cheap and dangerous wisdom which asserts that salaried professionals and top administrators automatically participate in Olympism and automatically know what is best for it. The direct commercialization of international sport through wildly increased sponsorship, television, and ticket revenues over the last twenty years has been widely noticed and analyzed. Unfortunately, less attention has been paid to the radical impact these new finances have had on sports administration world-wide. To put things in a nutshell, paid professionals have seized day-to-day control of sports organizations from volunteer officials and have in some cases driven the volunteers out of leadership entirely. Indeed, the professionalization of the elite athlete is in several respects a less novel and less significant development than the professionalization of sports administrators. The more elite the sports organization and the richer the country, the greater the number of highly-paid professional managers, lawyers, accountants, marketers, public relations experts, technicians, and general staff to be found, with scores of others outside the door aspirin

'I was present for every moment of discussion in the IOC 2000 Executive Commission, Plenary, and Working Group on the "Role of the IOC." I did not hear the discussions in the other two working groups, on the "Composition of the IOC" and "Candidate City Policy." Since volunteers were never mentioned in the reports of these working groups, I'm quite sure no substantial consideration took place.

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to their positions. And, at the elite level, these paid staff today spend far more time dealing with independent fellow professionals - agents, publicists, coaches, event managers, lawyers - than they do working with community, club, or volunteer board constituencies. The irony, then, is that International Olympic Committee members are among the last volunteer officials of any consequence left at the top of the Olympic system. Given the internal liberty of the International Federations and the incentives within National Olympic Committees, it is quite possible to expect that volunteer presidencies in these organizations will increasingly become salaried or at least professionalized posts. Volunteer presidents are simply finding it too difficult to hold their own in day-to-day leadership contests with paid secretaries general, legal affairs and marketing staff. As this happens, the situation of IOC members, at least of those who do not draw salaries from other sport posts, will stand out all the more plainly. The new revenues to the IOC have made it possible to pay members' expenses, leading to somewhat increased democratization of the organization. This point has been widely reiterated in the context of the scandals and journalistic perceptions in certain parts of the world of the "lavish lifestyle" of IOC members. What has drawn less comment is the fact that IOC members who are not independently wealthy, yet who wish to be active and influential, have basically three options today: secure a paid post in another sports body, an NOC, sports foundation, or sports broadcasting agency, for example; be a government employee or public official in essence on loan to sport; or be a member of a remunerative profession with flexible work scheduling permitting long absences from the office. (It should surprise no one that the competition for the next generation of IOC leadership is basically being conducted among lawyers, physicians, and diplomats.) Even members so blessed find it challenging at times to counter-balance the weight of the paid professional staff at Vidy. Back bench IOC members whose personal economic lives are more difficult have complained of feeling like they are as often supervised and ordered about by the paid IOC staff as the reverse. Thus, at the IOC as at many other top sports organizations, access by volunteer officials to the paid professional staff is now as often the condition of power as it is power's prerogative. There is likewise, in this new sports system, the fact of relative impoverishment of IOC members against the external actors with whom they come into contact on a regular basis. IOC members are repeatedly called upon today to help negotiate or approve million dollar events and deals among persons who are all being highly remunerated for their services. Not infrequently the IOC member is the only unpaid volunteer at the table, and in the richer NOCs and IFs the experience of watching millions flow through highly paid hands is a weekly experience for IOC members holding multiple mandates. While I strongly believe that these conditions have contributed to the recent IOC scandals, the question here is whom else in the system IOC members are consequently led to morally identify with. One might naturally expect it to be other groups of unpaid volunteers in the Olympic sports system, Olympic Games volunteers, for example, or grassroots and club level volunteer sports administrators. Indeed, as I will return to emphasize in concluding these remarks, such a moral and social solidarity would function to link the "high" and the "low" in Olympism in a way precisely indicative of the presence of a real social movement. This is why it is at least ironic that in the IOC 2000 Commission process, summoned to help return to the IOC a measure of public and popular confidence, volunteers were not formally represented and were hardly mentioned. While I have no doubt that each IOC member has strong individual sentiments toward and relations with other Olympic volunteers, the structure has become such that it pressures members to preoccupy themselves with the actions and opinions of paid professionals rather than, sociologically speaking, with their own kind. It is not surprising then - indeed, it is a basic axiom of organizational psychology 18


- that IOC members' chief day-to-day identifications would come to be with professional sports administrators, as well as, of course, with Olympic athletes. Therefore, you will discover in the IOC 2000 proposals to the Session that only athletes and sports administrators are in the future to be considered for IOC membership. Such facts of the contemporary political and economic sociology of sport organizations help to explain one of the more notable features of the journalistic and the official IOC public relations discourses surrounding and permeating the scandals. I refer to the almost continuous preoccupation in the media and in Lausanne with the TOP and OCOG sponsors' actual and possible reactions to the crisis. Of course, the media, the politicians, and that part of the public with no other source of information had their own reasons to push this line of reporting and speculation, and analysis. Hostility to the IOC and frustration at its independence could naturally lead antagonists to turn to the one group perceived to have real power in the new system. No corporate support, no Olympics as we now know them, and therefore no power for those who have ridden the sponsorship boom into leadership. Moreover, at least one TOP sponsor publicly promoted this discourse by judging that his company could get more value from its sponsorship by taking a skeptical line on IOC reform. But why should anyone be more preoccupied with sponsors' retention or loss of faith than with the reaction of Olympic volunteers to the crisis? You might think this is a simple question with a simple pragmatic answer, but in fact it is a much more complicated one on those same very practical grounds. It is certainly true that the aggregate economic contribution of corporate sponsorships and broadcast rights payments is by far the greater; but it is no less true that without the current level of contribution by OCOG volunteers, the Games as we presently know them could not exist either. Though neither IOC 2000 nor another Olympic body has expressed public concern2, if the OCOG volunteers were to lose faith and significantly pull out, no Olympic Games, summer or winter, could now be held in anything like the form to which we have become accustomed3. Unfortunately no professional organizational economist has, to my knowledge, turned his attention to the actual economic contribution of volunteers in a contemporary Olympic Games. Moreover, the relevant data are not always easy to secure and to interpret. However, the following rough and ready calculations from Atlanta will suffice, I believe, to demonstrate my point. To complete its mission ACOG required the services of 51,881 volunteers, 47,466 of whom are described as having "completed their assignments".4 Volunteers thus composed 40% of the

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According to my information, Sydney volunteer lists were so well subscribed that public reactions specific to the IOC scandals were not thought to be troublesome in this regard. At this writing, SOCOG officials are more concerned with the impact on volunteers of certain controversies surrounding SOCOG itself, but here there is confidence that Australian national and civic spirit will eventually overcome these problems. In Salt Lake City, it is still early in the volunteer process, but SLOC officials have been concerned. The social and cultural context of volunteerism is very different in Athens, and, in any case ATHOC officials have other more pressing concerns this far out from the Games. 'Strange to say, but a significant decline in Games volunteers might have a stronger impact on the problem of gigantism than any of the sport bodies have yet managed for themselves. Either significant numbers of competitions would have to be cut or the O C O G and its partners would have to come up with tens of millions of dollars more in replacement paid and seconded labor costs. One fears, however, that continuing another unhappy trend, the cuts would be made in the purely cultural and educational aspects of a Games, notably the Ceremonies and Cultural Olympiad, thus fulfilling Coubertin's great fear, that the Olympics would become "just a mere series of world championships." 4

All data are taken from the Official Report of the Centennial Olympic Games, Vol 1. This information has been supplemented by many conversations with the ACOG executives in charge of volunteers and my own field work in ACOG and at the Atlanta Games.

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131,788 individuals making up the "Olympic Games Staff" at the time of the Games. (The rest consisted of ACOG paid employees, 6,560 paid persons seconded from partners, and 78,240 accredited contract workers.5) In addition, 800 internal ACOG volunteers, over the years leading up to the Games, contributed an estimated 542,000 hours of labor. If these 51,8881 volunteers worked for an average of eight hours each over 12 days they contributed 4.98 million hours of volunteer labor which, if compensated at a minimum wage of US$ 5.50 per hour, would have cost ACOG US$ 27,393,168 to procure on the open market. Adding in the 542,000 hours of the ACOG internal volunteers across the Olympiad and calculating a minimum wage of US$ 10 per hour for such skilled senior people, would add US$ 5,420,000 for a total of US$ 32.8 million in labor value contributed by volunteers to the running of the Games. However, in the opinion of all of the experts I've spoken with, these are very conservative estimates. First of all, Olympic labor markets are extremely tight and housing for guest workers would be a huge problem even in large Olympic cities. It is highly unrealistic to suppose that one could replace volunteers with paid labor at anything like a legally minimum wage. Changing the base wage to a low-end standard of US$ 10.50 for a tight day-labor market in Atlanta at the time (and leaving the high-end volunteers at the same figure, a conservative stipulation) provides a new aggregate value of US$ 57.7 million in volunteer contributions to the ACOG budget. This is a figure equivalent, at face values, to two or three TOP sponsorships! And while sponsorships bring with them a great deal of value-in-kind, so too do volunteers in incalculable contributions to public communications, hospitality, good will, and peace, and to internal O C O G morale. Of course, volunteer training, outfitting, maintenance, and insurance costs decrease the value of Olympic volunteers on the O C O G balance sheet. Volunteer labor is never free to an organization, a point which is too often overlooked in romanticized discussions of volunteerism. Indeed, especially in the litigious countries of the English-speaking world, legal liability costs alone are a factor of growing importance for organizations making extensive use of volunteers.6 Such cost factors are much on the minds of Olympic organizers today. It is very difficult to get a clear and fair idea of these costs, because OCOGs apportion them in such different ways and to such different accounting purposes. A number I have heard casually bandied about here in Lausanne is US$ 2000 per Olympic Games volunteer in aggregate costs. While this seems a bit high to me, let us use this figure for purposes of argument. Its Olympic Games volunteers would then have cost ACOG some US$ 104 million for a return of US$ 58 million in labor value, leaving a net cost to the organization of US$ 46 million. This might seem to represent an apparent net savings of only $US 12 million over purchasing the same labor on the open market. However, the actual savings are far greater, since wage laborers would require the same training and maintenance costs as volunteers do, making for a US$ 162 million total of direct and indirect costs under a wage labor regime, and therefore a net savings of US$ 58 million with a volunteer regime. But even this considerably understates the benefit because in the U.S. and many other countries wage labor brings with it significantly higher ancillary costs for such things as mandatory benefits and federal and local tax accounting.

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These numbers exceed the total figure of Olympic Games Staff because of double-counting workers who moved from one category to another. 6

In my country, the American Youth Soccer Organization is one of the most important grass roots sports organizations, having been the starting point, for example, for most of the players on the women's world and Olympic champion team. AYSO is about to mandate formal certification for all parent volunteer coaches and referees. The reason is increased protection from liability lawsuits, nothing else.

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Using a US$ 500 per worker estimate of these extra indirect costs, US$ 26 million is added to the wage labor regime for a new total savings of US$ 84 million under the current volunteer regime. This is equivalent now to as many as four face-value TOP sponsorships. Now, I imagine that the IOC Marketing Department would wish to quibble with the last statement. Certainly there are some unverified assumptions in the figures I have used. Yet neither point really matters, since the simple fact is that OCOGs today really have no options. Even in a populous, non-union, middle wage cost environment like the American South, ACOG would not only have broken its bank trying to buy equivalent labor power on the open market, it would have had trouble filling at any price the required positions now willingly filled by volunteers. And in smaller countries with tighter labor markets, the situation would be still more impossible for Olympic organizers. In Sydney earlier this year, SOCOG and government partners created a row by suggesting that they might have to recruit guest workers from abroad just to fill the paid Olympic positions available from sub-contractors. What would happen to them if the volunteers weren't coming forward in their usual numbers ? Even Seoul and Barcelona, where substantial numbers of Games-time workers were available to be seconded from government agencies, could never have met requirements without their volunteers. The same situation is true, on a proportional scale with the Winter Games. While there have always been Olympic Games volunteers, only since Los Angeles, a scant sixteen years ago, has their utilization become so massive. Indeed, the increase in the scale, reach, and quality of the Games across these Olympiads would have been impossible without the increase in volunteers. Therefore, it is no exaggeration to say that the Olympics of today are as much a creation of the volunteers as of anyone else. "No volunteers, no Olympic Games", we can say, because this is equivalent to saying "No Olympic Games beyond the scale of the 1950s." Since that is highly unlikely, we can see why Olympic leaders and journalists should have been at least as concerned about the impact of the scandals on the Olympic Games volunteers as on sponsors. If the volunteers walk away in disgust, the Games are not any longer possible in their present form. Contemplating the contemporary Olympic system as a whole we can now recognize what we might term the "Volunteers Paradox". As the higher echelons of sport administration become more professionalized and industrialized, volunteers and the volunteer spirit are declining in significance there. Yet, at the very same time, at the level of the OCOGs, the scale of involvement, the role, and the spirit of Olympic Games volunteers are not only growing but the Olympics have become literally impossible to hold without them. Is this "Volunteers Paradox" a good or even a stable situation? From a Games-making point of view it certainly has been functional. But does it not also bear with it uncomfortable overtones of a kind of developing class structure or a least a radical segmentation of role in what is supposedly a common Olympic Movement? Highly motivated and able professional administrators, necessarily selfinterested because sport has become either their livelihood or their access to prestige, run things from a distance. Highly motivated and able volunteers run things on the ground, contributing their time, earning power, and local prestige with no other gain than the experience and the moral and material souvenirs derived from it. Appreciative (and mostly one-way) lip-service notwithstanding, neither group has very much directly to do with the another (save through the mediating presence of sometimes paid but always civicly understood O C O G officials). Perhaps if we knew why the volunteers haven't walked away from the Games despite the scandals, we would be in a better position to address these difficult questions. I know of no direct surveys of Olympic volunteers, past or present, in the context of the scandal and reform process. However, there are extensive surveys of the populations from which Olympic Games volunteers are typically drawn. Meridian Management commissioned these interviews and 21


surveys on behalf of the IOC Marketing Department, and they were conducted by a very reputable firm7. In March and April last year, two focus groups of 21-45 year olds with an affinity for the Olympics were held in each often countries. Then in May and June, 5,500 respondents, aged 1649 and aware of the Olympics, were surveyed in eleven countries. The results are most interesting, particularly when you know that a somewhat smaller re-survey of the same populations in the summer of 1999 showed no negative changes whatsoever despite the corruption scandals (See Appendix). Now the marketers naturally interpret these data in ways that are important to them. They regard the survey respondents as potential "customers" who are providing attitudinal information on what the marketers choose to refer to as "Brand Olympic." The conclusion the IOC marketers take to their commercial sponsors from these surveys is that the Olympic Brand remains "well-positioned" and a good investment for major multinational corporations. Over on the other side of the Olympic Continental Divide, these survey respondents can be treated not as potential customers for sponsor products but as potential volunteers for the Olympic Games. These same data are telling us that the moral values and social aspirations associated with the Olympic Movement are the main elements forming attitudes toward Olympic Games in such populations and that the flow of Olympic volunteers derived from these motivations is likely to remain strong for the foreseeable future. As mentioned, these data showed little change in a restudy after the Olympic scandal, and therefore our interpretations and conclusions with respect to the root sources of volunteerism are rendered even stronger. Of course, the survey and focus group questions addressed attitudes toward "the Olympic Games." No questions were directly asked about attitudes to any Olympic organizations, such as the IOC or the OCOGs. Indeed, in its own design and content the study itself entirely sets apart "Olympic Games" and "Olympic organizations," while conflating to its own purposes the terms "Olympic Brand" and "Olympic Movement." We may well infer from other kinds of evidence that respondents' attitudes toward the IOC may not be so positive, in certain study countries at least. Moreover, we use the term "Olympic Movement" in its conventional socio-moral and sociological senses, being a little bit outraged - as the data show many survey respondents would be - at the Marketing Department patois which turns the Olympic Movement, the Red Cross, and UNESCO into "brands" to be compared with Nike and Disney8, in order the better to be sold to Panasonic, McDonalds, and Time/Life9. 7

I am grateful to the IOC Marketing Department for supplying these data and for permitting me to cite them here.

8

Of course, specialized professions develop their own languages, and marketing is understandably no exception to this rule. The development of specialized professional languages is but one more sign of the industrialization and rational segmentation of sport today. My conversations with marketing managers at Vidy and in OCOGs and NOCs make very clear that marketers themselves know how offensive the term "brand" can be to others and they self-consciously try, in some cases, to keep this language confined to business circles within their own organizations and to interactions with corporate partners. But whole human beings cannot so easily partition off their professional from their other selves. Language has its own material effects on the consciousness of business professionals too. It is never, "just a way of speaking." Moreover, language leaks out under the door in a hundred different ways, and the knowledge that "brand-speak" now inhabits Olympic offices throws up higher that Continental Divide in sports organizations. There are powerful reasons why other sport leaders, professionals, and ordinary citizens are taken aback and offended at association between the terms "Olympic Movement" and "Olympic Brand", reasons which have directly to do, I am arguing, with the significance of Olympic volunteerism in the preservation of the Olympic Movement, in strictu sensu. 'It is not hard to notice that no TOP sponsor brands were included in the survey comparison. Where would Samsung or McDonalds have placed in a brand image competition with the Red Cross or the Olympic Movement? As poorly as the "enemy brands" did ?

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So the overall conclusion I believe we should draw from these survey data is that the kind of populations which generate the Olympic Games volunteers today give credence to and associate themselves with the Olympic Movement and Olympism as such, whatever the sport industry bosses may be up to, that is, whether these bosses are good but distant people, self-interested sports careerists, or the corrupt sorts of persons portrayed in the newspapers. It seems to me that the clear challenge issued here - as I put it to the opening plenary session of the IOC 2000 Commission - is for the IOC and the rest of the leadership to demonstrate that they too remain part of the Olympic Movement and not just part of the sports industry. The volunteers and the general publics that produce them are issuing that challenge. In a certain symbolic and moral, but no less powerful sense, we may say that it's the Olympic volunteers who have composed themselves as the group most true to the Olympic Movement and beyond suspicion within it. As a group, volunteers suddenly seem closer to the heart of the phenomenon than even athletes, who are today beset, like sports officials, with their own struggles with professionalization and corruption. There are, of course, many kinds of volunteers in sport and the Olympic system today, but continuing to speak of Olympic Games volunteers, it should be pointed out that the OCOGs are not just the chief organizers and beneficiaries of volunteers' generosity, they are also spaces for innovation and outreach from the Olympic to other worlds dependent on it. This is an important theme of our conference and a central feature of and debate about post-modern life. As we wonder about the shifting boundaries between civil society and the state in different cultural regions of the world, the wider civic and social mission of volunteers has become a compelling issue. In particular, parents and educators in many parts of the world are wondering whether volunteerism is not the way to help inspire young people to think beyond material values and local pleasures. In Osaka, earlier this year, I heard interesting discussions among Olympic planners as to how to renew the "Kobe spirit" through hosting Olympic Games. In Japan, as you may know, there is not a strong tradition of individual volunteerism. Yet many young people rallied to help after the Kobe earthquake, and educators and civic figures wish to use the Olympics to keep this spirit of volunteerism alive. I believe special aspects of volunteerism will compose a central theme of other future bids as well. In Atlanta, a huge achievement was made in the opposite direction. There is a strong historical tradition of volunteer service and local community service in the United States, driven equally from the right's desire to minimize the state's role in local affairs and from the left's long tradition of union, civil rights, and anti-war organizing. But we too have our worries that the volunteer and community service spirits are in decline. Billy Payne, Linda Stephenson and the other ACOG leaders - who always said and quite sincerely believed that "the volunteers are the heart and soul of ACOG" â&#x20AC;&#x201D; wanted to find a way to connect the Atlanta Olympic volunteers with community volunteerism on a nation-wide basis. Realizing the power and outreach of the Olympic Flame Relay, they came up with the idea of "Community Hero" torchbearers. The majority of those who carried the flame across the country were persons nominated by their local communities for services they had given freely to others. Sometimes these were heroes in the usual newspaper sense of the term. Others were heroic survivors of terrible events or circumstances. Most were people who gave of their time and energies as community volunteers in more regular and less noticeable ways, many had been using heroes until the day they carried the Olympic flame. ACOG's message was that these volunteers are the real heroes of any local community. Without them life could never be as good for anyone, and would be much, much more difficult for the least fortunate and most oppressed and marginalized members of our society. ACOG's Olympic imagination did not stop there. The "United Way" is an umbrella organization linking and supporting private charities in the United States. Every community has its United Way chapter, and many organizations and businesses yearly solicit contributions to United Way from 2}


their employees. But the organization had fallen on hard times, in part because of poor leadership and apparent irregularities in the national office. ACOG gave to each United Way chapter in every community through which the Olympic flame would pass the right to select the Community Hero Torchbearers from among the local nominations. United Way chapters also played key roles in planning and staging local community celebrations along the route. This experience of collaboration with the Olympic Movement played a critical role in revitalizing America's most important charitable organization, and it presents a model, I believe, for the kind of volunteers-to-volunteers outreach that must be sought everywhere today. From a purely national point of view, the Community Heroes Torchbearer program was an outstanding success, perhaps the single most important initiative in the United States in decades for raising the profile of those values-driven, non-commercial, and non-mass-mediated aspects of the Olympic Movement that we most want to celebrate. The program is soon to be repeated in Sydney and in Salt Lake City, and it may become a regular tradition that could spark cultural innovation when the Olympics return to host countries without strong traditions of acclaiming private individual volunteerism. In today's world, we are all familiar with the rising importance of NGOs, as against the central political state. In the increasingly transnationalized public sphere and with so many local spheres today being constituted or reconstituted by interaction with global forms, we may well expect an upsurge in the importance of new forms of volunteerism as the popular, grassroot equivalent to what the NGOs represent in the greater public world. If so, the Olympic Movement's constitution of armies of volunteers, in its outreach to other movements and volunteer communities, may offer some powerful models for the 21st century. The ACOG Olympic flame relay team consisted of 230 staffers of whom 160 were unpaid volunteers. These included persons on leave from their jobs as journalists, stockbrockers, carpenters, arts fundraisers, school teachers, college students, and dozens of other walks of life. As any of you who have traveled with the Olympic flame will know, the flame relay staff is the head of a comet, pushing ahead its aura and leaving behind a tail consisting of tens of thousand of other persons' efforts and stories and millions of persons' gazes and shouts. It is the most physically demanding, morally challenging, and spiritually engaging of any Olympic volunteer work I know. On the flame relay, you encounter things that can change lives and certainly change minds. Some volunteers never go back to their old careers; some never go home at all. Not a few are converted by the experience into a desire to be of more permanent service to others. All participate in a mass ritual whose power lies greatly in the fact that it's a free, unticketed event, with few or no sports officials or other elites around, with relatively little media coverage and none outside the host country. There's some sponsor presence now, but it seems so inappropriate and tiresome that it's pretty easily ignored. (Except by the relay officials who must police its backstage disruptions.) In other words, for most of it length the relay is a volunteer matter for observers and participants, as it is for most of the staff. It's a face-to-face matter between individual human beings who come or go as they please and whose presence together is relatively unmediated by any cash nexus. There are no "A" or "B" or "C" class tickets, because there are no tickets at all. It is an event designed for free human beings, not for the comfort of elites and for television. The Olympic flame relay has become the opposite, for some indeed the anti-dote, to everything the Olympic Games themselves have become. Today, the flame relay is to the Olympic sports contests as the volunteers are to the professional sport administrators. The volunteers on the 1996 Olympic flame relay had a saying which they developed and repeated among themselves. "If you don't weep once a day, it's time for you to go home." They meant many things by this saying: the astonishing human scenes they witnessed hour by hour; the living embodiment of history and society they helped bring into being mile after mile, day after day; the fear that they would get sick if they kept the emotions too bottled up inside; the permission they gave each other to have their ups and downs in order to keep the flame moving and the team 24


together; and other things they found difficult to articulate, things sometimes having to do with duty, and revelation, and biography, and symbolic power, their rite of passage with the passage of that strange little flame. In other words, no one had to tell these volunteers that Olympism is or should still be a social movement, a human movement for peace and intercultural encounter, a ritual encounter with human diversity and common humanity. Indeed, I believe these volunteers and others like them around the world could tell Olympic leaders a thing or two about the Olympic Movement. Few Olympic volunteer positions are so dramatic and transformative, but all of them seem to carry the possibility of smaller doses of the real Olympic spirit. That is in the end why so many people volunteer for and stick with them. Just so, there are a few Olympic leaders who haven't become so weighed down by administrative complexity, political in-fighting, and relative loss of income that they have forgotten that the Olympic Games were never meant to be just another branch of the sports industry. If these groups, the IOC and the volunteers could see a little more of each other, that is, could share as much as O C O G leaders and OCOG volunteers do now, then perhaps we might be less worried about whether people will mistake the IOC reforms for the end rather than just the beginning of revival of the Olympic Movement. The volunteers hold a key to the future of Olympism as a bona fide social movement. German Rieckehoff was gazing across a carpeted hotel lobby at a buzzing hive of his fellow IOC members and IF and N O C officials when he spoke the sentence used to introduce this essay: every day more and more Olympic sport and less and less Olympic Movement. He wasn't looking at a group of Olympic volunteers and he would have spoken otherwise had he been.10 People don't volunteer their services to increase the profits of commercial entities; they don't give their precious time and energy in what is frequently isolated and mindless labor for the sake of increasing the private enjoyments of elites; surprisingly few actually volunteer out of any desire or hope to meet Olympic athletes or see events for free, and that volunteer's uniform is rarely all that great. When you see former volunteers wearing pieces ofthat uniform at subsequent public events, it surely not to express support for something called "Brand Olympic". Volunteers are often like athletes and artists, better at having great experiences than at articulating them. But from what we know already and from what I believe we'll learn in the articulations at this Symposium, volunteers are people seeking to be and being touched by the Olympic Movement... the real Olympic Movement.

'"I know this because I've seen rural peasants and urban poor people approach German Rieckehoff to ask what they could do to help the cause of Puerto Rican Olympism, some stuffing precious dollar bills in his hand, while he was asking them in return just what he should be doing to support their common cause.

25


Appendix

89% of consumers perceive the Olympics to be more than just a "sporting event"

"The Olympic Games is": Global Average (% of all Respondents)

Response • An opportunity fof gfoDal peace • A sporting, event with ceremonial traditions •An international entertainment festival • A multi-national sporting event

EDGAR, DUNN & COMPANY

22% 17% 16% 34%

M<(Cridian

Olympic Brand Imagery % respondents agreeing: 'Nothing brings the world together like the Olympics"

Vertical lines indicate significant levels based on "Total 26

& COMPANY

ridian M^CMLc


Magnifying the "high importance association sector" depicts the strongest candidates for the brand's positioning 8.6

High importance

8.4

Peaceful 8.2 —

Honorable • •»Trustworthy

Determination/ «Dynamic

• Unity

7.8

• Being the best/ Celebration

• Respectful 7.6-

• Patriotic Dignified

(

7.4

• Inspirational

7.2

Powerful/Heritage/Modern

\ = Highest importance and association

High association

• Worldly 7.2

7.6

7.4

8.2

8.6

8.4 EDGAR, DUNN & COMPANY

ridlan AAwldlQ

Globally, the Olympics is held in the highest regard, tied only with cause-related organizations 'How highly do you regard each of the following organizations and events?" (0= no regard; 10= highest regard)

Brand • Olympics • Red Cross • UNICEF • World Cup • Disney • Nike

Global Average Rating 8.2 8.2 8.2 7.2 6.1 5.9

(± .3 constitutes significant difference) EDGAR. DUNN & COMPANY

M«(Cr i d l a n

2^


Consumers are about evenly divided on whether the Olympics has lost its original ideals. Attention is warranted to prevent further erosion of ideals

'The Olympics seem to have lost their original ideals" Global Average (% Respondents)

Total Agree 43% Slightly Agree 26%

Total Disagree

25%

28

EDGAR, DUNN & COMPANY

M ^ tridian


I Volunteers as a Social Phenomenon

29


30


Voluntary Organisations and Networks in a Changing World Jordi Estivill Gabinet d'Estudis Socials, Barcelona, Spain

1. Introduction The world is changing under our very feet but we are scarcely aware of the current deep transformations which are modifying the reasons, the motivations, the expectations and the values of both volunteers and their organisations. This paper first aims to delimit the concept of voluntary organisations; secondly, it offers significant figures of the increasing role played by such organisations while depicting some changes in their typology and that of their members; lastly, it poses some questions which represent their main challenges.

2. A territory without borders? Delimiting the concept of volunteers, let alone that of voluntary organisations, is not an easy job. Each new definition (Estivill, 1996) is either partial or obsolete due to the great variety of situations and cultures and the speed of current changes. Finding a single word to encompass the whole phenomenon is quite complex: "third sector", "associations sans but lucratif", "organisations bÊnÊvoles", "privato sociale", "societat civil", "economia social", "Instituiçoes Particulates de Solidariedade Social", "Organizaciones no gubernamentales (ONGs)", "organizaciones voluntarias", etc. What is more, not all of these words can be directly translated into other languages and then they usually take varied meanings. We have only to think of the diverse nuances of the concept "civil society". As for the contents of all these terms, one finds oneself before an enormous range of possibilities which on one hand nearly merge with informal primary social networks such as family, friendship, neighbourhood and small local communities* whilst on the other hand there are great complex transnational organisations such as the Red Cross, Amnesty International and Greenpeace. One of the conclusions we can draw from this disparity is that one of the conditions that voluntary organisations must fulfil is achieving a certain degree of organisational and institutional formalisation. During a certain period, voluntary organisations were easily traceable in that they belonged neither to the State nor to the market. Therefore, they were assigned the defence of private interests with a nonprofit making approach. But nowadays many of them wish to protect the common good and answer collective demands while they sometimes employ thousands of often highly paid workers and deliver services and sell products to public and private markets. But they undeniably belong to the private sphere, they have a certain independence with regard to public administrations and do not distribute their "profits" among their managers or owners. From another point of view, they have a certain degree of internal participation in aspects such as information, consultation, decision-making or internal control. Another common trait is that * In English literature, "Community groups" are usually distinguished from "voluntary organisations". In Italy, the "terzo settore" is seen as somewhat different from the "privato sociale", etc. Nevertheless, the term "non-governmental organisations" is gaining ground everywhere (Casado, 1999).

31


they attract people who somewhat selflessly contribute their time or money to the organisations. Nevertheless, what do donations, reciprocity and exchange mean exactly nowadays? Legal status is not usually a clear criterion of differentiation. Associations, institutions, foundations, charities and even co-operatives, limited corporations like Community Businesses, are some of the existing formulas according to the diverse national laws but they do not exhaust all the juridical possibilities (Boccacin, 1993). In fact, we have been able to detect: (1) the enlargement of the voluntary organisations' territorial basis from the local to the transnational level and even to the international one (Harvey, 1995); (2) the overflowing of their historical limits towards economic activities and promotion; and (3) the overcoming of the classic typology specialised in mutual help, delivery of services and lobbying (Beveridge, 1948). In this context, who would dare to put borders on the future territory of voluntary organisations?

3. Some significant features It is not easy to offer figures on voluntary organisations and their dynamics, particularly from a global viewpoint, as most surveys are nationally based. The first transnational studies appeared at the end of the eighties (Documentation Franรงaise, 1985; Robbins, 1990). From then onwards, a number of meritorious works have been published at the European Union level (Milanesi, 1990; Casado, 1991), a few others that even include some of the Eastern European countries (Gaskin and Davis, 1999, includes Slovakia and Bulgary) and still others that analyse in depth the differences between Northern and Southern Europe (Estivill, 1995; Fondazione Italiana per il Volontariato, 1998) or laying the stress on specific aspects (Osborne, 1994). One of the latest studies (European Commission, 1997) includes a number of recommendations to reinforce these organisations by establishing so called "civil dialogue". At the beginning of the nineties, a Johns Hopkins University team launched a comparative transnational research on the third sector (Salamon and Anheier, 1994). The first results concerned eight countries (USA, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Sweden, Hungary and Japan), which have been very recently (Salamon and Anheier, 1998) extended to 22 countries (USA, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Hungary, Japan, the Netherlands, Ireland, Belgium, Spain, Austria, Finland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Romania, Australia, Israel, Argentina, Peru, Brazil, Colombia and Mexico). Though the criteria used by this research are arguable, it is worth transcribing the most significant data, upon which this section is based. (1) In the above mentioned 22 countries, close to 19 million people work on a full-time basis in these organisations, which average 4.7% of the gross domestic product. They account for nearly 5% of all non-agricultural employment, over 9% of all service employment and 30% of all public sector employment. According to unpublished research conducted by J. Deffourny in the European Union countries the latest figures show that the labour force employed by this sector is between 6 and 7% of total employment, with countries such as the Netherlands, Belgium and Ireland where around one out often people work in this type of organisation, (12.4, 11.5 and 10.5% respectively), well ahead of the USA (7.8%), which was thought to be the leader in this field. 32


(2) According to these figures, this sector constitutes the worlds eighth largest economy. Compared with the 4.3 million workers in the textile sector, the 4.6 million in printing and the 5.5 million in chemistry, the number of employees in the non-profit sector (see the paragraph above) is a clear indicator of the role that voluntary organisations are playing in the labour market. (3) In the countries where chronological statistical data are available, the number of employees in this sector increased by 2 3 % between 1991 and 1996, while the total employment rate only grew by an average of 6%. This dynamic is still stronger in this corner of Europe (Belgium, United Kingdom, etc.). In France, for instance, one out of seven jobs newly created between 1980 and 1990 belongs to this sector, while in Germany the ratio is one to eight or nine, particularly in fields such as health and social services. (4) Generally speaking, the non-profit sector is larger in the more developed countries. Thus, in Western Europe it accounts for 10.1% of total employment (including voluntary staff), whilst it only averages 2 . 1 % in Latin America and 1.3% in Eastern Europe. (5) There are other territorial and functional differences worth mentioning. Two-thirds of all nonprofit employment are based in organisations involved in the fields of education (30%), health (20%) and social services (18%). This pattern changes radically if volunteers are included, as 6 0 % of them collaborate with organisations devoted to both recreation, including sports, and social services. The relative weight of volunteers increases further from 2 5 % to 3 1 % if one considers other fields such as environment and advocacy. In Western Europe the organisations providing welfare services constitute the major force in nonprofit employment. Three-quarters of all non-profit employees work in education, health or social services, whilst in Eastern Europe those devoted to leisure, sport, advocacy and development are much more important in employment-related matters. As for Latin America, education is the major field (43%), followed by the defence of professional interests (15%), culture and recreation (13%), social services (9%) and development (7%). In other developed countries such as the USA, Australia, Japan and Israel, health (35%) and education (29%) organisations lead the way. (6) What about the sources of income? In the nineteen countries for which we have figures, 4 7 % of the income comes from the sale of goods and services, 4 2 % from public sector funding and 11 % from philanthropy. In Ireland, Belgium, Germany, Israel, the Netherlands and France, public administration funding exceeds 5 0 % whilst in the Eastern countries philanthropy is above 15% (Rumania, 36%, Slovakia, 2 3 % , Hungary and the Czech Republic, 18%), as a likely result of the historical role of their enterprises in the provision of social and health services. Nevertheless, this pattern seems to have been changing between 1990 and 1995 in favour of a greater weight of the income derived from the sale of products and services. After these figures, which reveal the dynamics of the non-profit sector and the relevance of its social, economic and employment role everywhere, it is time to put forward some hypotheses in order to explain the changes in volunteers' motivations.

4 . " O l d a n d new v o l u n t a r i s m " Despite the risk of a simplistic assessment typical of any dichotomy, we will try to detect some values and attitudes which distinguish the more traditional features of voluntarism from its current wave. Thus, yesterdays, or the day-before-yesterday's, volunteers were driven by religious, class-related or humanitarian motives. As far as the first two are concerned, in France we would find the "Secours .\">


Catholique" and the "Secours Rouge" (the Red Cross). In most cases volunteers felt driven by a belief in a future spiritual or earthly salvation. Categorical duty was a must. People had to be catered for and this help was obviously aimed at the most "disadvantaged", the least "conscious", the physically and psychologically disabled. The idea was to compensate for the most negative ordinary or extraordinary material (wars, catastrophes) and ideological effects of the political order and alleviate its most harmful consequences. Charity, benefaction, reparation, generosity and moralisation were the most common expressions used to explain, promote and legitimise voluntary actions which were seen as exemplary but which were often poorly skilled and scarcely concerned about the links with similar actions and organisations. Generally speaking, these organisations were quite closed to external influences and internally reproduced the dominant patterns in terms of verticality, hierarchy, uncritical adhesion and economic opacity. They very rarely thought of introducing models of business management or evaluation. Politics and economy were distant worlds they usually ignored or even despised. The relationships with the public sector were only sporadic and mutually suspicious as the latter charged itself with the defence of general interests whilst voluntary organisations catered for particular concerns. These traits were not, obviously, typical of all the organisations, volunteers or countries. Lots of exceptions could be found, although some of those features are still applicable today. Nevertheless, despite historical continuity and a number of examples where patterns rooted in the past and others looking ahead are mixed, it is already possible to distinguish a few signs which identify this new culture of voluntarism. The processes most likely to have brought about this swing are the following: (1) the need to find new alternatives to a model that advocated on one hand the State's hegemony and on the other, acute profit-making privatisation (Donati, 1997); (2) the need to make up for the loss of primary links, an aspect (the loss "du lien social") upon which French literature is quite insistent (Sainsaulieu, 1997), isolation and individual insecurity through collective action and the rediscovery of richer personal relations based on adventure and pleasure; (3) greater availability in terms of time, knowledge and resources by a number of populations while at the same time poverty, exclusion and discrimination became more serious and pressing (European Commission, 1992); (4) the search for independent solutions in terms of staff, organisations and activities; (5) the dichotomy between corporativism, lobbying for people to join the biggest organisations and individualism, laying the stress on the effectiveness of small organisations (Chanan, 1992); (6) the enthusiasm provoked by great recreational events (concerts, etc.), sports and campaigns (solidarity with the 0.7% movement, etc.), which provided people with new signs of identity at the same time as small specific actions encouraged reciprocity; and (7) the search for alternative ways to achieve social, economic and cultural emancipation in contrast to the erosion of the political game and policy options. In this context, new motivations and values have been arising that are breaking ancient polarisations between lay and religious, spiritual and earthly, conservative and progressive views. In addition, they are less ideologically crystallized and more pragmatic, they achieve more specific and momentary adhesions and are driven by the wish to attain immediate and tangible results. Solidarity, peace, tolerance, the right to be different, exploration and pleasure are the new identifications of this movement. The relationship with excluded populations has also shifted. The focus is no longer on salvation but on

34


trying to discover jointly the reasons for their exclusion and to achieve the independence of individuals, groups and populations (European Commission, 1998). At the same time as equal access to rights is campaigned for and real discriminations denounced, new organisations involved in the delivery of services are appearing, which try not to reproduce external models. Networks and their horizontality are good examples of this. They devote efforts to training and qualification. Professionalisation, not without contradictions, is now the order of the day. New functions such as integration, mediation, advice, partnership, evaluation, public relations, etc., are emerging but what is truly new is an internal style which swings from laying the stress on efficiency and good practice to the demand for a participatory and collective decision-making process; between the introduction of entrepreneurial criteria and the quality of personal relations. This latter aspect is most common in self-help and female groups and in all those particularly concerned about introducing more community and qualitative ways of life. The relationship with the economic sphere has also changed as voluntary organisations have gradually become usual producers of goods and services, social enterprises that have taken root in their respective territories, which constitute economic consortia and circuits, which seek alternative sources of income and are often helped by other volunteers, as is happening in Italian social co-operatives (Berney and Estivill, 1994). The new culture of voluntarism does not deny itself a certain political dimension and sees itself as a social and political agent of transformation. It demands a new impartial protagonism focused on the defence of both global and private interests, criticism and denunciation of any violation of specific or global rights, protection of the environment and involvement in world-wide humanitarian campaigns (famines, refugees, antiapartheid, natural disasters from local to universal levels, etc.). These shifts in the positions and values of both volunteers and their organisations have obviously resulted in a rapprochement with public administrations, which are interested in the "private social sector" from the viewpoint of either virtue, i.e. with regard to a discourse to promote the participation of civil society, or of a necessity connected to a sharing of functions owing to the lower costs and higher adaptability of voluntary organisations. Certain events, such as the Olympic Games themselves, and functions such as the defence of common property, like the environment, cultural heritage, civil protection, peace and local development overcome the old-fashioned differentiation between the public and private sectors, thus resulting in a new strategic partnership (Estivill, 1997) where supplementariety is feasible. Would the public sphere then be the monopoly of public administrations or should we be moving towards other concepts? Whatever the case, all this implies that both volunteers and their organisations should break with their isolation, segmentation and, in short, narcissism. Consequently, they are in need of new models of interplay: - with the territory, from local to universal levels and vice versa; - between the organisations involved; and - between them and the other actors. Forums, platforms, egalitarian commissions, confederate formulas and above all networks which are trying to overcome the ancient internal and external borders are arising everywhere.

5. "Small streams become great rivers": Risks and challenges Voluntary organisations look like a river which has been long squeezed between high mountains such as the State and the market, and is now overflowing towards the nearby valley while flooding the 35


public and economic fields. In such a context, their first challenge is to find new words and concepts to signal the key parameters of what is currently happening. It is essential to undertake a deep and obviously transnational analysis of the present significance of volunteers and the new role of their organisations. Such analysis could perhaps be started up from Olympism, in that it regularly gathers hundreds of thousands of participants, spectators, volunteers and professionals in a particular location, but is a worldly phenomenon which would not exist without the confluence of governments, public administrations, professional and voluntary associations, social and economic agents and citizens in a framework of competition and brotherhood. Could this symposium be the beginning of such necessary deep reflection? Reflection that should not make us oblivious to the fact that the overflowing of the "great river" of voluntarism poses relevant external and internal questions that will have to be faced. As far as external elements are concerned, the first one worth mentioning is that the entry into the economic world and a certain acceptance of its logic may result in an increase in the degree of competition between and within voluntary organisations, in the use of management models focusing on effectiveness, productivity and professional!ty, in the abandonment of the delivery of services on a freeof-charge basis and of the social, cultural and ethical values that have historically constituted the core of voluntarism. The risk of shifting towards the profit-making approach is then quite serious (see the paper presented by Bernard Erne at the European Voluntary Congress held in Sitges on December 1998). The other riverbank is not free of risks either, since the occupation of a share of the public territory may lead to a misunderstanding of the notion of subsidiariety, by which voluntary organisations would feel that they were the only representatives of all the citizens and thus try to replace political institutions. On the other hand, public administrations and political leaders should overcome clientelism, "collateralism" (an Italian expression used to depict the organisations' dependence on the great political forces) and colonial dependencies of which they are so fond, particularly in the Southern regions and countries. Nevertheless, it seems that the stress is being placed on supplementariety. This happened in Thatcher's United Kingdom and Reagan's USA, where the number and relevance of voluntary organisations was on the increase, although in both countries the prevailing ideology charged the market with solving most of the problems. This has also been the case in two other countries: Portugal and Ireland, where the weight of both public expenditure and voluntary organisations has grown and platforms have been created such as the "Pacto de Cooperaรงao per la Solidariedade Social" (Ferro, 1997) and the National Economic and Social Forum (Department of Social Welfare, 1997). Both these platforms join together central and local public administrations, social and economic partners and voluntary organisations to negotiate, distribute and implement a remarkable share of collective programmes, services and measures. This is how the foundations are being laid for a supplementary and equitable partnership which includes an institutional distribution of the functions of each partner (Putnam, 1997, has proved that the richer civic tradition is, the more effective are both the State's and the market's performances). Another challenge arises from the economic globalisation and reshaping of the world's political framework. Acting locally and thinking globally is essentially a necessary though inadequate answer for the voluntary movement, since the sum of local actions does not provide comprehensive solutions and because global actions are also necessary. That is why voluntary organisations need not only to take territorial roots but must also extend their networks by scaling their own walls, practising transnational work and increasing the pressure on international institutions and bodies. As far as taking strong territorial root is concerned, voluntary organisations are faced with the challenge of proving their ability to carry out their functions while filling them with new contents, envisaging new needs, experiencing new organisational models and validating themselves as interlocutors. 36


Experimentation and innovation are indeed the key pieces of the voluntary movement which has to live in accordance with the speedy pace of cultural, social, economic and policy changes and with the emergence of new demands, without forgetting that strategies are meaningless if they are not based upon world-wide values. Only then will the tributaries flow into the sea to nourish it and make the beginning of a new cycle possible.

Bibliography Bemey, J.; Estivill, J. (1994); Les cooperatives socials a Itàlia. Utopies a I'abast; Barcelona; Hacer Editorial. Beveridge. W. (1948); Voluntary action; London; Allen & Unwin. Boccacin, L. (1993); Le sinergie delle differenze; Milano; F. Angeli. Casado, D. (1991); Las organizaciones voluntarias en Europa; Madrid; Editorial Acebo. Casado, D. (1999); Imagen y realidad de la acciôn voluntaria; Barcelona; Hacer Editorial; pp 45-60. Chanan, G. (1992); Out of the shadows: local community action at the European Community; Dublin; European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions. Commission Européenne (1997); La promotion du rôle des associations et fondations en Europe; Bruxelles. Commission Européenne (1998); Forum de la Politique Sociale. Department of Social Welfare (1997); Supporting voluntary activity; Green Paper, Dublin. Documentation Française (1985); Le volontariat en France et dans le monde; Paris. Donati, P.P. (1997); Sociologia del terzo settore; Roma; Ed. Nis. Estivill, J. (1995); "Pobreza y voluntariado organizado en la Europa del Sur"; El voluntariado; Valencia; Bancaixa; pp. 107-122. Estivill, J. (1996); "Noves tendencies del voluntariat a Europa"; Congrès Català del Voluntariat, Barcelona; Generalität de Catalunya, Departament de Benestar Social; pp. 145-153. Estivill, J. (Ed.) (1997); Elpartenariado social en Europa; Barcelona; Hacer Editorial. European Commission (1992); Charitable associations within the European countries; Bruxelles. Ferro, E. (1997); Luttar pela erradicaçao da pobreza; Lisboa; Ministerio da Solidariedade e Segurança Social. Fondazione Italiana per il Volontariato (1998); L'attività voluntaria neipaesi deWEuropa Mediterranea; Roma; Quaderni Internazionale. Gaskin, K.; Davis, J. (1999); A new civic Europe; London; Volunteers Centre. Harvey, B. (1995); Networking in Europe; London; Bedfore Square Press. Milanesi, C. (1990); Volontariato internazionale. Verso una nuova identità; Bolonia; Ed. De hoane. Osborne, St. (1994); The once and future pioneers? The role of innovation in Social Welfare Services in Britain; London; Rownthree Foundation. Putnam, R. (1997); La tradizione civica nella regione Italiana; Milano; Oscar Mondadori; p. 214. Robbins, D. (1990); In the core of the community; Galway; Irish Government.

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Sainsaulieu, R. (Dir.) (1997); Sociologie de l'association; Paris; DesclĂŠe. Salamon, L.; Anheier, R. (1994); The emerging sector: the nonprofit sector in a comparative perspective; Baltimore; Institute for Policy Studies, John Hopkins University. Salamon, L.; Anheier, R. (1998); The emerging sector revisited; Baltimore; Institute for Policy Studies, Johns Hopkins University.

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The Psychological Aspects of Volunteering Jean-Marc Richard Presenter of the "ChaĂŽne du Bonheur", Switzerland

In Switzerland, there are two radio programmes that deal with volunteering. One of them is called the "ChaĂŽne du Bonheur" and the other one "Chacun pour tous". After the Second World War, a volunteering programme was created to help those who had lost everything during the war. Nowadays this help comes in a different form. It is now more often financial help, but not only that. This volunteering programme and the SSR (Swiss radio and TV) came to an agreement to allow those who gave a donation the opportunity to explain their reasons for doing so. There are many different ways of participating in a volunteering mission. Financial help is one of them; to give a little bit of your time is another. As an example, I will mention the 250 or 300 volunteer operators, mainly women although men are increasingly starting to get involved in such activities, who took all the donation promises for the Kosovo victims. We collected 50 million Swiss francs. Thus, to involve yourself in a cause giving part of your time is considered a volunteering act. The goal of the radio programme called "Chacun pour tous" is to give people who have some projects to help others the opportunity to speak. I will illustrate this with the example of a Kosovo worker who had lived in Switzerland for 15 years when the war started. He used to send almost all his savings to his family who had stayed behind in Kosovo. During the war, all their goods were destroyed so he decided to leave Switzerland and go to Kosovo to help his family to rebuild everything. Then, a Swiss family decided to broadcast an appeal for this man, asking people to give tools and machines for him to rebuild his family house. In the same way, some people do not hesitate to give up their jobs and go to lend a hand to people who have lost everything. Today, we see a lot of distress in the world through the media. But the media can also play a very important role to promote volunteering by showing not only the distress in the majority of the countries of the world, but also the fabulous work that volunteers are doing in these countries to remedy the situation, or at least relieve the suffering a little. Volunteering is giving a hand to somebody who needs it, but also giving yourself a hand. You feel useful, you feel proud to help someone who really needs it. Many of the people who get involved in volunteering have at some time in their lives been on the other side of the fence, and they now want to take their turn at helping people. Volunteering is often associated with solidarity. On the other hand, solidarity is often used to serve political needs. But to conclude, I would like to stress that real solidarity is self-sacrifice and not politics at all.

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Colloquium A DELEGATE FROM TORONTO said that Prof MacAloon had struck a chord with him when he had mentioned United Way in his earlier speech as he had just stepped down after three years as a volunteer chair of the Board of Trustees of United Way for Greater Toronto. In a city of a little over two million people, they raised, on an annual basis, between 60 and 70 million dollars, largely through the work of volunteers. They also had an army of 23,000 that were pounding the pavement at this very moment as they were in the middle of their campaign. Perhaps volunteers and the volunteer movement did not seem to have much influence when it came to formulating the policy within the IOC. He asked what practical measures could be taken in order to empower the volunteers. One factor that they found in the other voluntary sector was perhaps the accountability of volunteers at a senior level and the legal liabilities, which made the paid senior officials also listen to the direction given a little more readily. In the Olympic Movement perhaps there was no such accountability or liability. What could the volunteers themselves do in concert with the IOC and bodies of a similar nature that would give them a better and stronger voice? PROF MACALOON thanked him for his intervention and for such a powerful question, which was most helpful at the very beginning of this Symposium. He had no easy answer and had raised the question in the hope that their colleagues with much more experience than he had would debate just this issue. His first reaction was that so much depended on face-to-face contact. Just as they appreciated the efforts of volunteers by their direct face-to-face work with clients and objects of their attentions, so too the beginning of an answer would be greater contact between volunteers and sports leaders. He had tried to make the distinction in his remarks that they already had, inside the context of organizing committees or bid committees, very strong contact between the leadership and the volunteers. At least in his anthropological studies of past organizing committees, he had found that that distance was not great and that there was a good deal of communication and collaboration. When one turned to the issue of the relationship between the IOC, the leadership of IFs or NOCs, events-centred phenomena, then the distance was greater. All the IOC members that he knew had very close relations with individual volunteers, or volunteers in individual circumstances but there had not been any organized mechanism for the IOC, or to his knowledge the Federations as a group, to have regular contact with volunteers constituted as an organization. There had been no organizations across Games of Olympic volunteers. So, a first approach would be to begin to think about how to increase contacts, to regularize contacts, whether on the side of the IOC there should be, for example, a commission directly concerned with volunteers and on the volunteer side, should there be organizations to contain and maintain the kind of communication and contact across events. He hoped that this would be something that would be a strong, practical result of this Symposium. A DELEGATE had nothing to say about the way in which volunteer organizations could influence the Olympic Movement but could speak about how, in certain countries, there had been the process of having more power for volunteers. The question of power was an interesting one and had not been asked by the volunteer movement several years ago. Just asking the question about empowerment was already taking a step forward towards having more power. He took the examples of Ireland, Portugal and Italy, where volunteer organizations had had a marginal role and had obtained more and more power. They had done several things to bring this about. They had shown themselves to be useful and to work well, not only from a quantitative point of view but also from a qualitative one. Another thing was to project their role into public opinion and in this the role of the mass media was very important. Thirdly, they had organized 41


themselves better, finding new forms of organization. Finally, one of the key things was to break their "narcissism" and to coordinate themselves and articulate on the global stage. This was the case for many organizations, including the National Forum in Ireland. In 15 years, volunteer organizations had become capable of negotiating, discussing and playing an important role in future social, cultural and economic development. MR RICHARD thought that the principle problem in today's society was that good things were never heard about. If a train left late, everyone talked about it but if it left on time, this was forgotten. For the IOC, and for Olympism in general, it was a source of pride to have volunteers. Such organizations should promote this work and incite press reaction in order to inform people. Responsibilities that volunteers could take were important and their work had to be honoured. He had once thought that there were no volunteers within the Olympic Movement and was sure that he was not the only person to think this. It was essential to promote the work that volunteers did and to get the press talking about them. MRS ZWEIFEL agreed with this. Within the transformation work that the Olympic Museum was currently undergoing, there would be an area reserved for volunteers. In all events and in the Olympic Games, there was always recognition given to volunteers, notably by the IOC President in his speech during the Opening and Closing Ceremonies. There were always meetings with the volunteers. Human relations were the most important thing and such relationships lasted after the Games had ended. In this very room, there were volunteers from certain editions of the Games who had kept a marvellous contact with the IOC. MR RĂ&#x2013;NNINGEN introduced himself as Chief of Operations of the Lillehammer Games. He had had a very close hands-on relationship with the volunteers. His experience had taught him a lot. He wondered if they were raising the right question because they had asked what could volunteers do in order to strengthen their positions. He thought that they should rather say what could they do to make sports leaders, IOC members and other key people understand the importance of volunteers and how organizing committees were totally dependent on them. Quite a few of the participants in the Symposium were sports leaders. Volunteers in Olympic sport were not a group moving around from one place to another- they showed up where the Games took place. He himself had been a member of the Evaluation Commission twice and had tried to focus on demands from candidate cities, including how would they solve the needs of volunteers. He wondered whether they should put more focus on this and ask the bidding cities to do so. Before getting the Games, they should involve the volunteers which would give them an ownership. There was more work to do on groups other than the volunteers. They should have already been focusing on this in the past and there was a risk of collapse because if the volunteers really knew the lack of understanding of the functions they were serving, there could be trouble. This was why he was happy to see this Symposium taking place. MR RICHARD thought it was the same thing in every field in life. Leaders throughout the whole of Europe needed to be very careful about the human level of involvement. It was important to attach importance to volunteers' involvement and their human investment. In the radio programme "Chacun pour tous" they tried to say what volunteers had done and give them the floor. It was important to give people the opportunity to exist in an institution side-by-side with sportspeople with the same worth as the sportsperson or director. PROF MACALOON wanted to add that the power of Olympic rituals was the main source of public understanding or at least visualisation of the Olympic Movement, which was otherwise very distant. The President's insistence on mentioning and thanking the volunteers in his ritual speech had been important. He thought that it would also be important to find some way of formally representing the volunteers themselves in the ceremonies. This could be something to think about 42


and conclude. Mr Rรถnningen represented the very thing he called for, by being a member of the Evaluation Commissions and pushing the concern with volunteers. As Mr Estivill had said, it was also a matter of language - in the IOC, the discussion with Evaluation Commissions increasingly spoke of technical competence. The word technical got in the way - it meant facilities, finances, engineering, media, infrastructure, etc. These were very important, but there was nothing less technical than one's ability to provide volunteers to support. This was very technical too and therefore, they had to fight against this kind of language which separated the rationalities from "that human stuff" in thinking about bid cities and organizing committees. He was very grateful for Mr Rรถnningen's intervention and thought that they should remember it throughout the Symposium. A DELEGATE FROM TORONTO thought that Mr Estivill's presentation had been very succinct in the percentages of population employed in the non-profit sector. One country he had not polled was Canada and in this country, the last figures had been about 13% of the employed were employed in this sector. In Ontario in particular, which was the economic hub of Canada, it had been this very concern about the impact of the voluntary sector on public policy that had forced the Premier of Ontario to form a round table on voluntary action. He himself had had the privilege of sitting on the executive of this round table. The main thrust of the round table had been to make the voluntary sector an equal partner, together with government, industry and the private sector when it came to formulation of public policy. This level of recognition for the voluntary sector was being given in Ontario, Canada, which meant that volunteers made a difference. MRS PEREZ-BUCK introduced herself as a member of the team that was working on the International Year of Volunteers (IYV), as declared by the United Nations General Assembly. The more she heard in this room, the more she thought that this UN International Year of Volunteers could provide impetus and momentum to this notion of introducing strongly the volunteer dimension within IOC policy. She was also interested in Prof MacAloon's idea of actually featuring the volunteers in the closing ceremonies or opening ceremonies. She thought that perhaps the volunteers could form the IYV logo, graphically representing volunteers on the field. Any other ideas would be welcome. MRS BURNS had been very interested in the presentations heard thus far, particularly when Mr Estivill had said about the need not only for a new language but for a new philosophy of volunteering. She supported this and wondered how they might set about building this in Europe, given that it would probably come out very differently in the different countries. It linked to the other comments heard about the role of the third sector and it was interesting, certainly in the UK, as the role of the third sector in economic terms was increasingly valued and recognized. The sector itself grew but particularly in terms of its employment role it became more and more unlikely when the sector was engaging as the equal partner that that representation would involve volunteers and the sector itself became increasingly led by professionals. She was a full-time professional as Chief Executive of the National Centre for Volunteering in Scotland. Although a volunteer in her own life, she went representing the interests of volunteering in Scotland as a professional and did not always remember to invite the Chairman of the Board, for example. This was a problem for the sector itself, ironically and was a really difficult issue for them. PROF MACALOON agreed that this was a major issue, and was the same issue whether thinking about philanthropic or product-orientated Olympic volunteerism. As he had tried to suggest in his remarks, there was an assumption by the professionals and often a correct one that they knew so much more and were involved so much more being full time. At the same time, this could lead to the very people they were representing being suspicious of them because they were now paid employees. This important ambiguity was also significant in term of global, political and cultural 43


development at the moment. Who earned the right to speak? What was authority in the world today and what was it based on ? This was the huge question they were really asking here. MR BRETTELL ran the volunteer programme for SOCOG. When he had taken on this role about three years ago, he had not been aware that one of the fundamental issues that would need to be corrected was the attitude of the paid staff in the organizing committee itself. This translated to the community sector as well. They had a huge challenge and he was concerned about rhetoric and the lack of responsibility for ongoing support of volunteerism within the Olympic Movement. He did not think what they saw from the senior level of the IOC, nor necessarily within the organizing committees, represented a genuine commitment to the longer term good of volunteerism. This said, he also thought that the volunteer sector had a huge marketing exercise to undertake to sell itself and its value. One of the challenges they currently faced, and had faced for three years, was getting their paid staff to understand the ethos of volunteering. Empowerment was a word that had been used that morning and it was an important word as they moved to the point where they would have many of their volunteers acting in supervisory and managerial roles. It was interesting to see the level of discomfort of people within the organizing committee of people who were somewhat reluctant to allow that empowerment to transfer to volunteer staff. He still believed that there was an image issue with volunteering, particularly in sport. It was very unusual for a volunteer in sport to acknowledge that they were a volunteer and they had a major exercise to address that issue. MR RĂ&#x2013;NNINGEN confirmed that they had the same attitude in Lillehammer. He had had to take the staff of some hundred people and give them a few lessons to explain to them that when they were doing the Games that being a staff member did not mean anything more than being a volunteer and that they had to be ready to take a position where they were under the command of a volunteer. He had to do this to be sure that he had a team who really understood that it made no difference to him whether they were paid staff or volunteers. It was funny to talk about this and bring these problems to the surface. MR ESTIVILL said that there was a growing need to train and qualify volunteers to give them a bigger capacity for discussion and partnership. PROF MACALOON said that the history of these symposia as collaborations between the Museum, the IOC and the International Chair of Olympism had represented really unique conversations amongst experts, academic scholars and, above all, practitioners who were people that knew what they were talking about from ground level up. In a context which connected Olympic issues with wider issues in the world and, judging just from the initial interventions made, it looked as if this symposium would be extremely successful if they kept going with really dealing with these issues in a very informed, concrete, practical way but in a context of world development. He hoped that everyone would continue to be as open and direct and speak from their experiences because this had made these symposia very unique and influential events. Thanks were due to the Museum, the Secretary General Mrs Françoise Zweifel and her colleagues and to Miquel de Moragas for bringing them together. MR DE MORAGAS thought that the morning had been very interesting and creative. He had understood that contact between Olympic volunteers' experience and people looking for voluntaries in general would be really very positive. He wanted to return one idea, talking about the responsibility of the Olympic Movement in relation to the definition of new concepts of volunteering itself. At the end of the session, a new idea which could probably be very important would be how to use the power of communication, the power of creating the image of the Olympic Movement to help volunteers in general in the world today. The idea of looking at the representation of volunteers in Olympic ceremonies, with a world-wide audience could be a very interesting point in their future reflections. The role of Olympism again as a leader of the humanitarian projects could also be very interesting. 44


International Organizations and the Future of Volunteers


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International Red Cross JosĂŠ Manuel Gil Meneses International Red Cross It is a great honour and a pleasure for me to represent the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies in this symposium on Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement. I will base my presentation on the view of the Red Cross about the future of its volunteers and its related plan: Strategy 2010. But first, let me give you some brief background about the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies. The International Federation was founded on 5lh May 1919, to improve the post-war health of populations by strengthening and uniting the existing Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies and by promoting and creating new National Societies. The International Federation is now a world-wide network of national organisations formed by volunteers, present in almost every country (169) and with more than 128 million of Red Cross and Red Crescent volunteers or members world-wide. This is the main competitive advantage upon which the International Federation must draw. In order to prepare itself to confront the humanitarian threats of the next 10 years, International Federation has prepared a conjunction of strategies called Strategy 2010. This project, based on a review of our activity over the last 10 years and on an evaluation of global trends, has redefined the concept of the International Federation's mission which is: to improve the life of vulnerable people by mobilizing the power of humanity Our analysis has shown us that there are growing difficulties in attracting, training and keeping volunteers, and that the number of volunteers has progressively declined. Furthermore the trend for the future is for progressive withdrawal of the state in the sense that national governments will probably lose autonomy, transferring it up to bodies and supranational authorities and down to local authorities. This will mean that governments will reduce their role as service providers and will prefer to look to the market for solutions and on the capacity of citizens to formulate their own solutions. Volunteers, family, neighbours and friends play an important practical and emotional role for the vulnerable people in the community. The withdrawal of the state as service provider, the crumbling of the National Health's Networks and the ageing of the population will mean an increase in the demands on volunteers and informal helpers in the future. The fundamental principles of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent movement are: - humanity - impartiality - neutrality 47


-

independence voluntary service unity universality

This relates to the individual's responsibility to give help to others. Voluntary work is the manifestation of this responsibility. The National Societies of Red Cross and Red Crescent offer individuals the opportunity to meet in their "one space" to exercise this collective responsibility to offer help and find solutions to communitary problems. This fortifies and enriches the social fabric and has a direct effect on the strengthening of civil society and the development of the community. Moreover the world-wide network of the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies allows individuals and communities to interact and jointly contribute to making a more humane society. What must be the role of volunteers and NGOs and, obviously, of the Red Cross? In the Red Cross we believe that the role of volunteers must be that of building bridges (1) assessing needs, (2) covering of needs and (3) reporting on needs; and stressing the importance of: - beneficiaries' participation - preventive action and - respect for all. (1) How do we assess needs? In two ways: - by meeting the vulnerable on their terms, in their time and using their language and - by listening, discovering, accepting their reality, their unit and their capacities. (2) The covering of needs must include: - being a companion to the vulnerable, - supporting good existing initiatives and - developing activities : - as an answer to uncovered demands and - participatory and development oriented. (3) The reporting on needs must strengthen the capacity of vulnerable people to speak for themselves and we must also adopt an advocacy role. And, most importantly of all, we must constantly work in co-operation with others. But how can we attract, train and, above all, keep the volunteers that we will need for our mission ? Our best bet is "participation". 48


Participation that must be guided by: -

matching their opinions about their roles, constant evaluation of project methodology, proposing improvements, enabling groups of volunteers to establish their own channels of communication, favouring the promotion of leaders who represent the opinions of the different volunteer groups, and - ensuring the presence and participation of volunteers in the policy-making sphere of the organisation.

All of this must involve: -

creating in each project the opportunity for volunteers to meet, establishing mechanisms for discussion and debate, assigning to the volunteers concrete functions that are in relation to their participation, promoting the rotation of responsibilities among the volunteers to ensure and improve leadership and their participation in the organisation, and - promoting democratic methods for the election of the leaders. We hope that with more participation we will have more volunteers and with the power of their humanity we will be able to improve the quality of life of vulnerable people.

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United Nations Volunteers Diana L. PĂŠrez-Buck Consultant for International Year of the Volunteer 2001, United Nations Volunteers

I would like to begin by saying how pleased I am to participate on behalf of United Nations Volunteers (UNV) in this Symposium on Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement, the first of its kind. At UNV we are also preparing an Olympics of sorts, which will take place in 2001, that is, between two real Olympic events: Sydney 2000 and Salt Lake City 2002. Just as is true of the Olympic Movement, our Olympics also encourage "a way of life based on the joy found in effort, on the powerful and educational value of good example and on respect for fundamental universal principles". Our Olympics last 365 days (granted, a bit longer than traditional Olympic Games!) but like yours, are part of a permanent, on-going effort. Our Olympics are also universal, covering five continents. And while our Olympians will not compete with one another, they do and will indeed face great challenges and perform against all odds. Our Olympics are the International Year of Volunteers (IYV 2001).

IYV2001 Background What is IYV 2001? Why an International Year of Volunteers? The original idea for the Year came years ago from several non-governmental organizations and made its way to the United Nations system, first to UNV, who brought it to the attention of its parent organization UNDP, then to the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), and finally to the United Nations General Assembly. And, on November 20, 1997, the General Assembly unanimously voted to proclaim 2001 as the International Year of Volunteers and designated United Nations Volunteers as the international focal point for the Year. For whom is IYV 2001? It is for all types of volunteers, everywhere. Volunteers of all ages, volunteers of all languages and volunteers of all kinds: both domestic and international (for example UNV is the volunteer-sending arm of the UN and has a multilateral strategy aimed at international development cooperation: every year close to 4000 mid-career professionals from over 150 countries serve as UNVs in more than 150 countries). But IYV 2001 is just as much for those volunteers who work in their own countries, in their own communities. IYV 2001 is also for volunteers who are ongoing or occasional, remunerated or unpaid, serving or administering, formal or informal. It is for volunteers as individuals and for volunteers in organizations. In short the year is inclusive of all volunteers. IYV provides a unique (and unprecedented) opportunity to highlight the achievements of the millions of volunteers who devote some time of their lives to serving others and to encourage more people to engage in volunteer activity. The General Assembly identified four objectives of the Year: to recognize, facilitate, network and promote volunteer service. 51


Recognition: In the "account books" of many nations and many societies, the contributions of volunteers are recorded with invisible ink. They don't show up, but if they did, the numbers would be impressive indeed. So many essential services, so many events would not happen if it weren't for volunteers. One need not look further than the Olympics: many people probably don't know that SOCOG will harness the support of an estimated 50,000 volunteers. IYVis here to recognize such important contributions. In the Netherlands, for example IYV 2001 will be the backdrop for a national "labeling campaign" to recognize the volunteer dimension of events. Promotion: IYV seeks to promote caring for others. While caring may be based on love and shared emotion, it is also an act of will. (In a recent interview, International Olympic Committee President Juan Antonio Samaranch also described friendship as an expression of will). If caring for others is an act of will, it can be taught, learned, encouraged. In short: it can be promoted and over the next two years and beyond all of us have a wonderful opportunity to do so. Networking and Facilitation: To illustrate these two objectives I'll mention that volunteer organizations in all Latin American countries plus Brazil, Spain and Portugal are currently setting up a "league" to network with each other, exchange ideas, information, experience. Furthermore, the Ministries in all those countries are planning to facilitate this process by sponsoring seminars and conferences, training and providing them with facilities and resources. We hope IYV2001 will serve as the backdrop for many more of such initiatives. How will IYV 2001 "happen"? UNVwill act as the international focal point, but for IYV 2001 to be truly successful and effective it has to happen "nationally" each and every country has to take the Year and make it its own. For that, we hope each country will take two steps: first to hold a process of national consultation bringing together volunteers and other partners at the local, regional and national level to identify objectives and priorities for IYV. This process is important so that the Year will truly reflect the hopes and aspirations of volunteers. Ideally, this "thinking" process will result in the formation of an IYV National Committee, made up of a wide variety of partners: NGOs, Governments, universities, the private sector, individuals, etc. This Committee will plan and implement IYV 2001 and recommend measures to reach IYV 2001 objectives nationally. Both of those steps take different shapes in different countries but some already involved in the process are Japan, Ecuador, South Korea, Canada, Switzerland, the Netherlands and the Republic of Moldova. I will mention a bit later more on what UNV is doing for the Year but I will ask you now to mark in your calendars December 5, 2000, which will be the official global launch of IYV 2001. (De-cember 5, as you may know, is the International Day of Volunteers). The UN Secretary General will launch the Year at the UN Headquarters in New York. What is especially significant about IYV is that in declaring it, the UN General Assembly is identifying a "direction", a "guiding principle" for the next millennium. We celebrate the arrival of a new era filled with possibilities but also with tremendous challenges; challenges that increasingly affect all of us as does finding the solutions to them. We need to start the new millennium realizing we have a responsibility to each other and to the places we inhabit together. This is at the heart of the idea of "civil society", which is the essence of this Year. While the idea of civil society is not new, it has been evolving and in the context of IYV it is taking, will take, must take new meaning and new importance. This idea of a global civil society will become especially important in a world in which cultural and civilizational differences come into play more and more. Success in finding solutions together will require increased willingness to find common, basic bonds. IYV has the potential to bring about a 52


new common, global identity, one that transcends language, culture, religion, and social and political differences. (I am reminded here of volunteers I recently met who have succeeded in bringing together youth from both sides of the Dniestr River, a line of conflict between the Republic of Moldova and the separatist Transdniestrian Republic). By choosing the theme "volunteering" for the year that will inaugurate the new millenium, the United Nations General Assembly reminds us all of the centrality, importance and urgency of this new global identity, of volunteerism in the next millennium. Indeed it tells us clearly and eloquently that the success of the next millennium will depend on the spirit of volunteerism, on an engaged global civil society committed to sustainable human development. These ideals set forth by the General Assembly are very much in line with the ideals inscribed in the Olympic Charter, where sport is placed "at the service of the harmonious development of man, with a view to encouraging the establishment of a global peaceful society". Because of this and because of the hundreds of thousands of volunteers who have served and serve today under the Olympic banner, the Olympic Movement has tremendous potential to help make volunteerism a practice which enjoys wide currency in the new millennium and to help make IYV2001 a success. The Olympic Movement can do so in different ways: It can do so through its youth mandate, to educate young people through sport, promoting cultural exchange and fostering international cooperation. In so doing, the Olympic Movement has the potential of transmitting the values of volunteering to many future generations. It can do so through the widespread visibility it commands and through the high regard in which it is held worldwide. Also, it can do so by illustrating the sorts of new partnerships that will be increasingly important in order to address the challenges we face. Indeed, partnerships among different stakeholders (governments, NGOs, UN agencies, private sector) is emerging as a powerful organizing principle for people and groups throughout the world and the UN Resolution proclaiming IYV recognized this trend. The Olympic Movement has succeeded in forging such strategic partnerships both at the global level (for example the IOC cooperates with a number of UN organizations) and at the local level. (An example that comes to mind is the NSW State Government in Australia providing five days leave if public servants take five days annual leave to volunteer at the Games). IYV encourages more of such initiatives. It calls upon public and private enterprises to make a "time-out" for volunteer work viable for more workers. And it encourages organizations to tap the potential of volunteers. (Indeed more and more companies and organizations are seeing volunteerism not only as good corporate citizenship but also as ar effective approach to developing capable, motivated, strategic workers and managers). By promoting such partnerships, and in many other ways, we hope the Olympic Movement will be an essential component of IYV 2001. To conclude, I would like to mention Team IYV 2001. Thanks to the generosity of various governments and organizations, a small Team of five people has been set up at UNV Headquarters in Bonn. The Team's role is not to plan and implement the Year but to facilitate, to act as catalysers. The Team helps volunteers network electronically through the interactive IYV 2001 Website (http://www.iyv2001.org) and through the IYV 2001 Global Update, which is issued in three languages and now reaches over 3000 people. The Team promotes IYV and its objectives through publications, brings IYV to the attention of international conferences and encourages and mon53


itors research on volunteering. The Team is there to answer your questions and help you in any way it can. The year 2000 is not quite here but IYV 2001 is already underway and we encourage all of you to get involved with this unique UN initiative. In the eve of the new century I recall the words of Colombian Nobel laureate Gabriel Garcia Marquez who says: let it not be us who have expectations of the XXI Century, as it is the XXI Century that expects everything from us.

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European Volunteer Centre Liz Burns President of the European Volunteer Center

1. Introduction This paper is based on two basic premises: â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that there is growing interest in "international volunteering", â&#x20AC;&#x201D; that the local, national and international dimensions of volunteering are interconnected, and need the means of shared dialogue and learning. The paper will explore the premises in four stages : (1) A brief overview of what the term "volunteering" encompasses, and of current key trends and developments in volunteering. (2) A speculation on how they may be reflected in, or impact upon, international volunteering. (3) A description of the work of the European Volunteer Centre, and of the growing networks of volunteer centres. (4) Some thoughts on the role of volunteer centres in relation to international volunteering, and how it can be developed.

2. Volunteering: a complex, changing phenomenon 2.1. The growth and increased diversification of volunteering has been one of the more encouraging and hopeful developments of the twentieth century. Traditions of volunteering have very different roots which vary across cultures, across time and within different political and social frameworks. The longest and most powerful tradition is that connected with religion, with its emphasis on compassion and help for those in need. In some cultures there is a military connection, both in terms of the distinction between career soldiers and conscripts, and in terms of service demands "above and beyond the call of duty". In some cultures there is a strong connection with a pioneer history. The connection with political traditions and struggles may also be very strong. 2.2. Volunteering is a social and cultural construct, which is best described and understood in developmental terms, having an impact on communities and societies but also reflecting and affected by them. It may be useful therefore to reflect on different models of volunteering which are identifiable at present, before going on to look at key trends affecting the development of volunteering. 2.3. Seven models are proposed. There may be more. The range and balance of models shifts and changes from place to place from time to time, depending on the needs to be addressed, and 55


political and social context. A single, large international organisation may well use or support several models at the same time, in different places and to meet different sets of needs and circumstances. (1) The philanthropic and service-giving model, which is very strong. Often primarily associated with social welfare, it also plays a major part in sport, and in culture and the arts. (2) Mutual aid and self-help models, which grow out of shared need and a co-operative approach to finding solutions and creating change. (3) The community activist model, where people identify a need and work together for change, partly through practical means and partly through engaging with "the authorities". (4) The campaigning model, focused on particular ideals and issues, and based around publicity and lobbying. (5) "Volunteering as protest", using direct action to speed up or to prevent change. (6) "Government programme" models, most often targeted at particular population groups young people, for example. (7) Volunteering as personal development, where the personal growth and learning of the volunteer is defined as part of the aim. 2.4. The importance of the idea of "models" of volunteering has in the evidence they provide of the ongoing development and adaptability of volunteering, which has made it such a vigorous and potent force for change. The models are not "given", not laid down, but have been shaped by the efforts of those involved to make change possible, and to achieve the goals they have set themselves. The recognition of a range of models and approaches presents a real challenge to those who see volunteering as simply "doing good", and puts it at the heart of notions of community and solidarity. It offers a challenge and perhaps new possibilities for effective action for organisations facing complex needs and tasks. 2.5. The key connection is of course with people, which is where volunteering starts and finishes. There is extensive research evidence from many countries that people of all ages and from all sections of communities and societies can and do engage in voluntary activity. They do so across a wide range of interests and activities, and with very different purposes and aspirations. It is therefore inevitable that the ways in which they do so - they models they develop - will also vary. 2.6. Research also confirms what experience tells us, namely that people volunteer for many different reasons, and that each individual has his and her own mix of motivations. The mix will include altruistic aims - to help others, to contribute to the community, to protect the environment, to support and protect human rights, to support a chosen cause, personal aims - to meet friends, to learn new skills, to improve one's curriculum vitae, to travel, to find new experiences. 2.7. At the same time the field of volunteering is subject to external influences and pressures which affect people's motives and experience, and can over time change whole operating frameworks. Others papers deal with this in more detail. The following factors seem of particular significance at present: 56


- A widespread shift in personal and social values has in turn created a more even balance in terms of motivation to volunteer between the personal and the altruistic. In order to attract and keep volunteers, organisations must give increased weight to meeting volunteers' aspirations. - Competition for volunteers' time and commitment has increased as the range and level of need and demand increases, and as, particularly in developed countries, people have more and more choices as to how to spend their time. - The structures and frameworks within which volunteer organisations have become more formalised. Much of this stems from widening public concerns about safety, and much from a welcome move in volunteering itself towards high standards of quality and achievement. - At the same time, a growing demand for "adventure", particularly from young people, is creating wide interest in opportunities to volunteer abroad, and in high risk fundraising activities. - It presents both new opportunities and risks. It opens up major new PR and fundraising potential. It also has a big role in recruitment of volunteers, but may require new approaches to follow-up and selection. - Demographic and social changes make their impact notably in the changed role and status of women as the traditional backbone of volunteering - and the emergence of a new generation of healthier, better educated, more confident older people who, in some areas at least, are becoming the new backbone, offering stability and continuity. - T h e political profile of volunteering has been greatly enhanced, particularly in Europe, and at all levels of government. - Corporate interest in the potential of employee supported volunteering has grown considerably, opening up new and interesting avenues for volunteer recruitment. - In combination, these reflect the growing sophistication of our understanding and appreciation of volunteering. They have stimulated and underpinned the development of organisations which specialize in the promotion and support of volunteering. Generally known as volunteer centres, or volunteer bureaux, their work is described below.

3. International volunteering 3.1. International organisations, and opportunities for volunteering abroad, have a distinctive and often distinguished - place in the history of volunteering. As global society becomes more and more of a reality, and as more issues need to be addressed globally, their profile increases, as does interest in their work. They offer a wide range of volunteering opportunities. The majority of people who volunteer for international organisations do so in their home country. They help with administration, with campaigning and above all with fundraising. They may also be involved in service deliver. Their motivation and experience are therefore very similar to those who volunteer for national or local organisations, and fits with a key characteristic of volunteering, i.e. that it is primarily a local activity. 3.2. Volunteering abroad has traditionally been more attractive to younger people, to whom it offers opportunities for personal development, travel, new experiences and, perhaps, identification with a cause or major world event. Interestingly, there are signs now of growing interest among newly and early retired people in volunteering abroad with organisations like Voluntar Services Overseas. 3.3. All of this creates significant new prominence and opportunities for international organisations. It also places greater demands on them both for opportunities and for the management, training, staffing and financial resources to support volunteers effectively. The big, longestablished organisations are well placed in this respect. More challenging is the position of smaller and perhaps ad hoc organisations created in response to a specific crisis. Serious issues of insurance, inadequate preparation and equipment, and risks to personal safety, have arisen. ^


4. European Volunteer Centre 4.1. It is against that backdrop of increased prominence and complexity that the networks of Volunteer Centres have developed, initially at national and local levels, and now at international levels also. 4.2. The European Volunteer Centre (CEV) is an association of national and regional volunteer centres in Europe. It has members in eighteen European countries, and has a small office in Brussels. It exists to support the development of volunteering in Europe by promoting and supporting the work of volunteer centres. To that end it organises network meetings, training workshops, and conferences or seminars. It facilitates the exchange of information, ideas and experience, has its own website and publishes a newsletter. The main purpose of these activities is to help volunteer centres to work more effectively. 4.3. CEV is a very small organisation. Its main income at present comes from administering and providing the technical assistance for the Commission's Phase Tacis Programmes. This has had the advantage of creating a good working relationship with part of the Commission, and also of establishing strong contact with a range of volunteer groups in eastern European countries. The CEV Board is elected from its members, and at present includes representatives from seven countries. CEV is a member of the International Association for Volunteer Effort.

5. Volunteer centres and international organisations 5.1. The function and role of volunteer centres (sometimes called volunteer bureaux) vary from one country to another, but will include some of the following: - resisting the development of new volunteer groups and initiatives; - helping individuals to find voluntary work; - helping organisations to find volunteers; - promoting volunteering in their area; - providing information, advice and training to organisations on good practice in working with volunteers; - assisting in the dissemination of research, of new ideas and new approaches to volunteer development; - working with Government and with volunteer organisations to develop sound policy frameworks for volunteering; - acting as a focal point for volunteering interests and information, and as a communication channel e.g. between local and national. 5.2. A key part of their role is to be well informed about volunteering in their area, and to be a source of expert advice and assistance to organisations seeking volunteers and to individuals seeking voluntary work. Most carry information about international organisations and volunteering. 5.3. There is considerable scope for strengthening the links between the network of volunteer centres and international organisations. The key is likely to be in the centres' role as an information and communication channel; in promotion and recruitment; and in development of good practice. 5.4. The CEV can act as a link to its members, promoting special programmes or opportunities, encouraging them to develop their own contacts. The UN International Year presents a unique opportunity for raising the profile of international volunteering. CEV will be happy to assist at European level. 58


Médecins sans Frontières Robert Müller Médecins sans Frontières

Some information about "Médecins sans Frontières" (MSF): - "Médecins sans Frontières" is a private organization composed of many volunteers. - It is also an international N G O comprising national sections in 18 different countries all over the world. - To co-ordinate all the national centres, an International Secretariat was created and this is based in Brussels. - MSF has a social aid programme in 75 different countries. - Just to give you an idea, in 1998 about 2,500 people went out into the real world with our organization. - The MSF organization is composed as follows: 24% of doctors 30% of paramedics 46% of non medical staff - Every national section has its own management team which is composed of one programme leader, one head of finance and one head of information. All of them must have in-the-field experience before they can obtain these posts. - In the field, a team usually composed of many young volunteers doing their first mission, supported by an experienced co-ordinator. - Some people working in the organization stay for many years; some stay only 1 or 2; and some participate in just one mission in the real world. About 30 years ago, when MSF was created, what drove these volunteers was the moral need to give people who need it a helping hand. Their involvement could not be limited merely to the basic care they could give, they also had to denounce the human rights violations they witnessed. They were all devoted to this cause and went out into the field only under special conditions. All that, added to the reliability they display, contributes to the reputation the organization enjoys today. Humanitarian volunteering is still present nowadays; nevertheless it has changed a little, as it has had to adapt to the new world reality. The humanitarian world has become more professional as it has to ask specialized people for help in many areas of its activity (I am thinking particularly about computer science). The salary policy has slowly taken the place of volunteering. Unemployment and the social and economic situation contribute to the fact that nowadays volunteers come to us concerned about the future, and this is probably what determines their involvement, as they may be thinking that some day their volunteer job will shift to a paid job. 59


The MSF missions are complex and they require a lot of local volunteers. That is why it is import ant to underline the collaboration between the volunteers coming from abroad and those based locally. However, the MSF staff consider themselves as volunteers, available at any time to help people in danger. Volunteers share the same ideal and all of them have courage enough to shout loudly about what they consider unacceptable, the drifts that occur in the countries where they perform their mission...

60


The Volunteers in East Asian Religions and Cultures Kang Shin-pyo Inje University, Korea

1. Introduction The true spirit of volunteerism and togetherness displayed by the Korean people, in the spirit intended by Pierre de Coubertin, during the Seoul Olympics in 1988 was the foundation that led to the success of the Games. The Korean people were proud of the part they played in such a historical event, and the basis for such pride and unity can be found in their cultural traditions shared with neighboring East Asians, the Chinese and Japanese. In his recollection, Dr. Park Se-Jik, President of the Seoul Olympic Organizing Committee (SLOOC), mentioned that "it is not too much of an exaggeration to say that in actuality, the Seoul Olympics was led by volunteer workers" (Park 1991: 85-92). SLOOC wanted to make the Seoul Olympics a true "feast of the Koreans", not "somebody else's feast", not "a feast for the elite class", nor "a feast for sportsmen alone". The number of operational staff assigned to track and field events in the Main Stadium, for example, was 4,057, but only twenty-two of these people were committee officials, with 2,190 (more than half) being volunteers, 956 government officials, 385 personnel from various athletic organizations, 119 soldiers and 336 short-term employees. The operational manpower at other venues had a similar composition. The Olympic operational staff were carefully selected on the basis of their ability to work with precision and professionalism. The fact that 55 per cent were volunteer workers demonstrated beyond doubt the remarkable potential and morale of the Korean people. The Organizing Committee upheld the theory that the volunteers, true representatives of the nation, should participate in the Olympics so that it would be an event undertaken by the whole nation, and not only by a minority of professional staff. The risk taken by the committee leaders to rely on volunteer services proved to be worth taking, for they had accurately assessed the potential of the Korean spirit of voluntary service. About 120,000 applied for volunteer service, and in fact, some rejected applicants kept sending petitions to government offices asking for reconsideration of their application to work for the Olympics. More than half of the 49,712 operational staff of the Seoul Olympics (27,221) were volunteer workers. The Organizing Committee classified these volunteers into seventy-eight categories according to educational background, individual talent, hobbies and experiences, to assign them to the most suitable posts at thirty-four arenas and seventy-seven training grounds. Operating expenses were greatly reduced by saving on labor costs of all these jobs, thus increasing the overall profits. Many volunteers were experienced, highly skilled technicians. Both men and women of all age groups worked as volunteers. The passion of youth, the expertise of mature age, the driving force of men, and the delicate minds of women harmonized well. Especially remarkable was the service activity of housewives who were endowed with both expertise and dedication. An overwhelming amount of service activity came from various women's organizations, such as the National Council of Housewives' Classes, the Korean Federation of 61


Housewives' Clubs, Seoul City Council of Social Welfare, the Kwachon branch of the Korean National Council of Women, the Korean Catholic Women's Organization in Seoul and the women's committee of the 1988 World Evangelism. Members of these organizations not only prayed for the success of the Olympics but undertook all the menial work, such as cleaning the toilets of the Olympic Village. These ladies even came to work on Chusok Day (Korean Thanksgiving), with some bringing the traditional rice-cake soup to share with others at the village. Along with their other duties, they mended worn-out jerseys for foreign athletes and bought new ones to give as presents. Foreign athletes and officials asked these women how much they were paid per day because they could not believe, at first, that they were volunteer workers. Eventually the visitors were so impressed by the service received that they all became like one affectionate family. When the Games were over, many of them shed tears of sadness over parting from the motherly housewife volunteers. The origin of strength for these women to carry out "worthy" and "respectable" work had been the support of their families and their society. Many said that they had been reinvigorated each day when they went back home to be welcomed by their husbands and children. Due to their sense of pride and accomplishments, they proudly wore their uniforms at all times. One taxi driver reportedly refused to accept the fare when he recognized a housewife volunteer by her uniform. There is a Korean saying, "A woman is weak but a mother is strong." The women of Korea, especially the members of the women's organizations, helped greatly in making the Seoul Olympics a success. The people participating in the Olympics ranged from heads of state to taxi drivers, from residents of Washington D.C. to dwellers in Moscow. The Seoul Olympics, as it turned out, attracted a massive attendance, and the SLOOC saw to it that no Korean person would feel left out or alienated. The anticipated traffic jam in Seoul was one of the main worries of SLOOC. The maximum transit speed in the downtown Seoul area in May 1988 was only 20.5 kilometers per hour. If tourists poured in during the Olympic period, there was no doubt that Seoul traffic would become terribly congested. To facilitate the movement of the traffic, the Organizing Committee and the City of Seoul recommended a shift system which allowed private cars with even registration numbers to operate only on even-numbered days and odd-numbered cars only on odd-numbered days. When this shift system governing the use of 470,000 private cars in Seoul was put into effect, almost one hundred per cent of the citizens cooperated with the authorities. Thus 235,000 cars in Seoul were taken out of operation every day, with considerable increase in traffic flow. Those who had been skeptical about the people's cooperation when the shift system was recommended - and even those who had been optimistic about its effectiveness - were extremely surprised by the results. This was another example of the willingness of the Korean people to cooperate with the Olympic planners for the success of the Games. The spirit of volunteerism and sacrifice of the Seoulites was worthy of a gold medal.

2. East Asian religions and cultures Since the end of World War II, three East Asian groups - Chinese, Japanese and Korean - have entered into more direct contact with Western ideology and behavior. The Japanese experienced the American military regime and began to carry out various social reforms supervised by a more Western-oriented elite. The Chinese also started to build a socialist state in the vast continent following another branch of Western ideology. Koreans were exposed to two streams of Western thoughts in the post-war period - South Koreans to capitalism, and North Koreans to communism. They suffered the conflict of these two Western ideologies during the Korean War. During the past half century, there have been great changes in various parts of the social life of all these 62


countries. The changes brought not only development but also much social confusion. It is no longer the case, as it once was, but most of the members of these societies think and behave in mutually understood ways. Even in individual thought and behavior, there is often a felt inconsistency in judgments and actions. Although this sort of inconsistency makes modern Asians uneasy, they are reconciled to it by the fact that they see the same contradiction in the thought and behavior of their fellows. Nevertheless, the inconsistencies are the root of various new social ills. The loss of self-identity, an increase in mental disorders and a breakdown of social control are some of the most prominent phenomena among the East Asians in general. Asians have adopted, and in increasing numbers continue to adopt, various approaches to resolving this dissonance. Some try to restore their identity by returning to tradition; others try to interpret their tradition in terms of Western ideology. In either case, the somewhat westernized, alienated, Asian begins to be conscious of certain aspects of his traditions of which he previously was not aware. These kinds of Asians cannot be satisfied with the distorted picture of their societies and traditions drawn by many westerners. In understanding the people and cultures of East Asians, Western scholars have given various "labels" ("namings") which result in distorted pictures of the Asian situation. Some native Asian scholars give some of the same namings as, and some different namings from the ones given by Westerners. As a whole, contradictory namings â&#x20AC;&#x201D; generalizations or conclusions - coexist about the same reality. In The Study of Japan in the Behavioral Sciences (Norbeck and Parman 1970), the contradictions are also apparent in the way Western scholars generalize about Japanese modal personality. Fischer and Yoshida (1970:216-217) summarized the contradictions as follows: The Japanese typically are less rational than Westerners in certain situations, and extremely rational in others. They are extremely sensitive to their rank in a social hierarchy, but at the same time group members of different rank are strongly concerned with the mutual welfare of the group. Finally, the Japanese at a conscious level are morally tolerant of personal pleasure, but also rather suspicious of it, which may be evidence of unconscious guilt. An individual who generally thinks of himself as happy is likely to feel guilty if he thinks his parents are not happy. This feeling of guilt stems from the intense and long-lasting tie between parents and children. And as Japanese society became an increasingly industrial and urban nation, social change in Japan has been viewed "as a process of alteration of preindustrial pattern of feudal and familial communalism under the stimulus of Western ideas and practices exemplified by industrialism, technology, urbanization, and democracy" (Bennett 1970:18). Bennett also warns that "this generalized view of change is consistent with the major thrust of Western social-science work on modernization and Westernization which, since the time of Max Weber, has viewed the world from Western perspectives of stability and change. This view of change is by no means entirely false, but it is inadequate to handle all the Japanese facts" (1970:18). As a whole, for a theory of Japanese society, he emphasizes that these Western frames of reference should be abandoned "in a search for novel and indigenous perspectives" (Bennett 1970:23). Nevertheless, the one Western approach to the human mind, which is variously called ethnoscience, ethnosemantices, cognitive anthropology, structuralism, and ethnomethodology, provides a valuable springboard for the Asian who wishes to re-examine his tradition and to describe more rigorously the essential features of his culture. It is very fruitful not only for the anthropologist but also for the native to analyze his own culture. Instead of comparing the native culture with Western culture, as do many scholars, this approach attempts to understand each culture in its own terms. The East Asians in this study mean specifically Chinese, Japanese and Koreans. Though the three Asian groups are quite different from each other in many ways, they also share many common features, namely influences from China. Before the contact with the Western world, the Chinese 63


world was a social universe in rhe mind of the Koreans and Japanese. Historically the Chinese written language, socio-political institution, and belief systems provided the main framework for Koreans and Japanese to organize their world. The Confucian "World (Wright 1960, 1964, Wright & Nivison 1959, and Wright & Twitchett 1962) which is frequently used to represent the East Asian societies is an indication of the sharing by Asians of the Chinese social universe. A systematic analysis of the shared nature of these cultures will eventually provide a stepping stone for further discussions of differences among the three Asian subcultures in the Confucian world. This study focuses on the shared aspects. I will use "world-view," "structure," "grammar," and "culture" in mutually interchangeable ways. Based on these premises, I have isolated what I would call an East Asian culture. The East Asian culture provided a basic framework for interpreting the supernature and nature, in writing history and poetry, in organizing political and social (family) structure, and in judging the appropriateness of their behaviors on various levels. The culture which "remained unchanged for about two thousand years, from the establishment of the Han empire to the overthrow of the Ch'ing empire" (Ch'u 1965:10), is reflected isomorphically in every corner of the East Asian social lives. In keeping with Goodenough's definition of culture as "the forms of things that people have in mind, their models for perceiving, relating, and otherwise interpreting them" (1964:36), the approach tries to describe the socially acquired and shared cognitive systems of various people. To "state rules of culturally appropriate behavior" (Frake 1964:133) is the prime purpose of the approach. They assume the rule can be analyzed by formal methods similar to those used by mathematicians, logicians, and linguists. Lounsbury suggests that a formal account of empirical data has given when (1) a set of primitive elements, and (2) a set of rules for operating on these are specified such that a model generated by the sets of elements and rules may reveal an interrelatedness and systematic nature of the empirical data. "A formal account is thus an apparatus for predicting back the data at hand, thereby making them understandable, i.e., showing them to be the lawful and expectable consequences of an underlying principle that may be presumed to be at work at their source" (Lounsbury 1964:35). The underlying principle, however, is the "coherent 'logical' scheme which may be constructed by the scientist, fitting together the various premises of the culture" (Bateson 1958:25, italics added). Thus, the formal analysis of culture, like that of grammar, is concerned only with "expected and appropriate" behavior. In this connection, Levi-Strauss also tends to regard cultures in a similar vein as "codes to allow significant communication or exchange, and all social processes as grammars governing particular rules of reciprocity; e.g., kinship systems are alliances between groups to ensure the exchange of women, economic systems to allow the exchange of material goods, etc. Given this interest in the syntax rather than in the content of culture, anthropological method should be formal and structural rather than descriptive and empirical. As in mathematical logic, what matters are not the things but the relations between them" (Schรถlte 1966:1194). Thus the problem of ethnography, Goodenough concludes, is "how to describe the culture of another people for an audience that is unfamiliar with it so that the description is not a caricature but presents a set of standards that satisfactorily represent what one needs to know to play the game acceptably by the standards of those who already know how to play ^V" (1970:105). In order to find the cognitive system which gives "the appropriateness" to the native's judgment, the approach uses an individual informant to elicit the appropriate behavior. The research may "rely on trial-and-error, on divine inspiration, or on his own empathy with the cognitive processes of his informants" (Bright 1967). There are certain problems with this approach. First, there is a difficulty in the use of the individual informant. In a rapidly changing society, with a good deal of cognitive dissonance on the part of the individual, an informant's judgments may show extreme variation from time to time or from situation to situation. The informants may lack a clean, coherent 64


set of rules. Similarly, in such a changing society two individuals, especially if they are of different social backgrounds, may disagree radically in their judgments of appropriate behavior. In this sort of change situation, the philosophical or ideological system may be a better starting point for an analysis of the "grammar of the culture" than the statements of an individual informant. The Chinese wrote down the principle of their social life and cosmology more than 2,500 years ago and have traditionally applied these principles to all aspects of their social life (Fung 1949). Whether it be expressed in Confucianism, Taoism, or Buddhism, the formal principle of these ideologies was the main tenet of the individual life. As Goodenough pointed out, "In any community... there are some people who are regarded as greater knowledge of what the standards for group are supposed to be. They are called upon to produce what the standards are in disputes about them" (Goodenough 1970:101). Such authorities in traditional Chinese society were the father in the family and the scholar in the village who usually referred to Confucian teachings. In fact, Fung saw the Chinese philosophy [religion] as the basis of interpretation of traditional Chinese society (1949). A second problem with work in the approach is that it has been concerned only with the classification of things, and only minimally with relationship between things classified. Many contemporary anthropologists hold that different cultures have different ways of classifying or organizing the infinite diversity of the physical world. The vocabulary in the informant's language reflects the classificatory system of the natives. According to this view, it would follow that the description of a semantic system seems to be the essential job of ethnography. "A culture itself," Stutevant states, "amounts to the sum of a given society's folk classification, all ofthat society's ethnoscience, its particular ways of classifying its material and social universe" (1964:100). Therefore, much work in ethnoscience has been preoccupied with taxonomic hierarchy and componential analysis. Taxonomic and componential analyses are concerned similarly with differences of attributes or features of classes and components. They have seldom been concerned with the relationship between the classes and between the components. Very recently, an alternative to traditional semantic analysis using class-product logic, Wallace proposed the possibilities of analysis in term of relative product in lexical-taxonomic domains (1970). The concepts of taxonomy and componential analysis are very congenial to those in the West whose minds are mechanically oriented Western minds. In fact, "Chinese thought... characteristically avoided substance and clung to relation" (Needham 1956:243). Furthermore, "in such a thought-world as the Chinese it is process which is stressed" (Creel 1929:122, italics added). Third, ethnoscientists disregard the fact that these classifications are not only for thinking about the world but also for living in the world. Instead of "imposing a pre-existing order on it" (the semantic world), cognitive anthropologists try to "discover the order underlying it" (Tyler 1969:11). "Discovering the order''is still not the same as "living in the order". Discovering is a set of acts by an analyzing observer. Living is a set of acts by a living actor. A living actor is likely to locate himself in the classification, while the analyzing observer builds up the semantic world without the native actor. What I want to say on this point is that the semantic world drawn by an analyzing observer is not the same world as that seen by a living actor. In other words, a semantic world depicted by the analyzing observer may have its completeness and its meaningfulness only for the observer himself. Moreover at the level of an abstract analysis it is possible to develop a logically consistent system. However, when these categories are being used as a reference point in guiding the actual behavior, an actor is constantly faced with the need to make decisions and to act. This brings him into conflict with principles which are in particular pragmatic situations inconsistent, though within the logic of the system they are not necessarily contradictory. For example, ideological loyalty to family and to the king should not create conflict though in fact this could happen. The 65


point I am making is that life always involves the actor in such conflicts and the cognitive system is for the native actor as importantly a set of principles for resolving such contradiction as it is a system for categorizing experience. The continual need to make decisions constantly reflects, creates, and changes the very categories in the cognitive map. Additionally the static picture drawn by the ethnoscientist of the total system is not the relevant point for an actor. The immediate situation defines certain portions of that system as pertinent for the moment, and since the individual must accommodate him to this immediate set of circumstances. His choices are more fitted to the constraint of these circumstances than to the dictates of the total logical system. There is a saying in Korea, that "unless you were in his position, you cannot understand his action." Fourth, the approach is concerned mostly with a "template" in the mind and not with a human being as a "transformer" (Brown 1964). They discuss the "categorical grid" (Brown 1964:251) which is composed of semantic features. Human behavior is directed by existing categories of grouping, but human beings also create and invent new categories in their strategies of behavior. In fact, all of the categories are constructions and inventions and not "discoveries" (Bruner et al. 1956:232). Discussing only the template leads to a one-sided picture of the mind. It is necessary "to nail together the template and the transformer" (Brown 1964:252). Here, I would like to suggest the template and the transformation as a human behavior binary set. To give as analogy - when playing the guitar, the left hand touch is the template and the right hand's playing is the transformation. The guitar cord is described in a sort of grid, and the neck of a guitar looks like a template. Following the left-hand touch (template), the right hand plays (transformation). As both hands are necessary to create music, the cognitive structure (template) and the transactional process (transformation) are indispensable to create behavior. Another analogy is that the role of the composer is the template, the role of player is the transformation, and both together create music. Furthermore, I see a dialectical relationship between the template and the transformation. That is, the transformation is the antithesis of the template and at the same time, is the thesis of the following transformation. In the interactions of interpersonal relationships, "As behavior is both a response to B's previous behavior and a stimulus to B's future behavior" (Bateson 1942:78). This sort of idea is fundamental to the yin and the yang in the Chinese world view. The Yang is the template and the Yin is the transformation. A transformation becomes a template to a following transformation. The endless dialectical process of the template and transformation can partly be comparable to "the concept of emergence" (Blau 1964). Garbett summarized the concept as follows: (In Blau's theory of exchange) actors are assumed to make rational choices but on the basis of restricted information and limited perception. Although they act to satisfy their self-interest, in order to do this they must to some extent satisfy the self-interest of others. The exchanges which occur among actors are seldom in balance; and balance in one set of relationships is conceptualized as producing imbalances (Blau 1964:214) in another set or at other levels. In the process of interaction and exchange, properties are held to emerge which are independent of the properties of individual actors and which influence their courses of action (1970:224). The Asians are very familiar with "The best way to learn is to forget something every day" in Tao Te Ching, as well as "Balancing in one set of relations is imbalancing in other sets." By the same token, naming (template) creates actuality (transformation) and actuality creates naming in endless "emerging" processes. As a native of Asia, I am going to outline the structure of this cognitive system as presented in the Asian philosophical traditions to make clear the importance of the relationship between classes in the system, and to show how the natives put themselves to the system of classification, and finally to reveal how the natives transform the social situation with their strategies. However, the problem 66


of appropriateness of behavior is not so simple in a rapidly changing society. The set of standards in the native's judgment is changing. The events they confront in their everyday social life can no longer be understood by traditional standards. We may, then, suspect a total transformation of the traditional cognitive system into a new one. The events they have to manage have been changed qualitatively, linked to wider contexts as well as to a foreign (Western) world. The authorities who actively provided the standards in dispute and the exemplifications of social behavior in their traditional society, ceased to function in the present social world. As the Asians increasingly encounter more Western-connected events, new authorities who were well versed in western cultural rules come to play a more influential role in the new situation. The interpretations and guidelines of action presented by the new authorities are in some cases totally incompatible with the ones suggested by the old authorities. Thus the society is frequently divided into several segments guided by different authorities with different sets of standards, i.e., urban and rural, younger and older generations. Each segment, with its own standards of appropriateness, constitutes a different cognitive niche for its constituents. The rules underlying the traditional philosophical or ideological system may be more appropriate standards in disputes among ruralities and the older generation. Emphasis on the individual rather than the group may be more valid as criteria of behavior among urbanitĂŠs and the young generation. The important difference between old and new standards is rather a matter of quality than a matter of quantity. The old generation cannot, therefore, understand the new standard, and cannot find themselves in the new framework, and the younger generation cannot find any validity in old standards. The structural principle of the Asian cognitive system may only serve as a starting point for understanding the Asian culture in a possible new perspective.

3. Structural principle of the Chinese world view As far as the Chinese world is concerned, the analysis of the culture through the ideological systems is very fruitful. These systems are well documented and have been painstakingly applied to their social lives for a long period of time. Furthermore, as the analysis of the structural principles underlying the Chinese ideology proceeds, the coherent logical scheme of a culture may be constructed by the scientist, fitting together the various premises of the culture. In the structure of Asian culture, the importance of the relationship between classes or individuals makes itself clear. In addition, I will demonstrate how the natives put themselves into the system of classification, and how the natives transform the social situation with their strategies by examining several key concepts of social action among the Asians. The universe in Chinese philosophical thinking is a harmoniously functioning system consisting of an orderly hierarchy of interrelated parts and forces which are all equally essential for the total process. The dialectical change in the harmonious cooperation of all beings is a marked feature of the process. The change follows a fixed cosmic pattern consisting of eternal oscillation between two poles. The dialectical transformation of the two poles is a common denominator of most Chinese philosophical schools. The dialectics involve not only harmonious interaction but also resolution of conflicting exchange. The two poles are commonly expressed as yin and yang, which supplement and alternate with each other. The binary classification of yin and yang is discussed in various forms such as man and universe, heaven and earth, Being and non-Being, male and female, self and others, It (principle of form) and chi (matter of content), Hsing (reason) and Ching (emotion), Knowledge and Conduct, the one and the many, good and evil, production and destruction, and so on. The nine hundred years of the Chou period (1100-220 B.C.) constituted the most important epoch throughout Chinese history because during this period were formed the traditional patterns 67


in all aspects of Chinese civilization "that was to last for the next two thousand years" (Chang, 1968: 256). According to Granet (1959:53), "a social dichotomy" was the "crystallizing factor for Chinese history" from the beginning. This was a social dualism by which society was divided into the palace-city dweller and the peasantry. From many archaeological excavations, we can see that the ancient cities have a number of persistent traditions throughout the Shang and the Chou dynasties, such as the wall of stamped earth, the ceremonial and palatial platform, and the aristocratic center (Chang 1968:280-281). And it is generally assumed that the city dweller provided the religious and military protection, while the peasant was confined to agriculture and breeding domestic animals, and gave his products and service to the former in return. The origin of the citydweller, known as shih, is sometimes explained as arising from a different racial origin from that of the common people; the invaders or the conquerors of the Shang dynasty came from the West China (Eberhard 1965). But this point is not clear yet. It is, however, generally agreed that the social differentiation between the city-dweller, shih, and the peasant commoner, went to far extremes. Creel concludes that there was little common ground left in customs and ways of life between the two groups. Insisting that the Chou society was a superstratified feudal society by conquest, Eberhard also suggests that the two cultures in Chou China formed a dual society. He calculates this duality in several fields as follows: (1) In the area of religion, the formalistic, almost abstract heaven-religion of the rulers stands against a popular, demonistic religion. (2) In the field of literature, a dry annalistic-statistical court literature stands against lively folksongs and folktales. "The court literature ordinarily does not record myths, legends, tales, or if for some reason they have to be recorded, the myths and tales are "cleaned" of all "inappropriate" elements and transformed into historical reports; lovesongs are reported only if they can be presented as symbolic songs, alluding to the virtues or mistakes of the ruler or the noblemen." (3) In the field of law, a moral code of the nobility, later systematized by Confucianists, often consisting of stories and aphorisms, stands against a criminal code of the lower class, consisting of paragraphs which clearly describe the crime and its punishment. (4) The final contrast is in the location and forms of settlement and in the ownership of landed property (Eberhard, 1965:32-33). In addition, Gernet (1968:51-52) remarks on seasonal distinctions and a strict division of functions between the sexes within the peasant division of the world of the Chou period. He states, "The whole of peasant life was ruled by the clear-cut distinction between the winter period of rest and the season of agricultural work, with festivities to mark the beginning and end of each... Weaving, silk-worm culture, and wine-making were a woman's domain whereas work in the fields, harvesting, small game hunting and fishing were masculine activities." Furthermore, Gernet says that "the opposition between male and female manifests itself on temporal and spatial levels: indoor and outdoor life and peasant dwelling, the season of work in the fields and winter inactivity, places exposed to the sun and those in the shade. All these opposing but complementary realities depended on the two general principles of the yin (manner of being and feminine powers) and the yang (manner of being and masculine powers)" (Gernet 1968:52). Various features of the Chou society, particularly the social dualism, are thus clearly revealed consistently in such things as social class, way of living, ideology, and division of labor between the sexes. We cannot conclude here that the idea of yin-yang, an extremely persistent image in Chinese thought, directly reflected the social dichotomy of the Chou society, but we can imagine that there 68


was a close metaphorical relationship between the social regularity and the principle of categorical classification. As a matter of fact, the Chinese world view is neatly represented by the idea of yinyang, "the dualism in ideology." The principal conception of early Chinese philosophy is that of harmony and order, in which social and cosmic regularity are combined in a single complex; the idea that all things originated from the interaction of the yang and yin (Creel 1929:35). Bodde concludes that there is hardly a people on the face of the earth, which has tried more consistently to look for balance and harmony in the universe, and hence has striven more zealously to reduce all phenomena under sets of orderly, all-inclusive schemata. Bodde calls this characteristic feature of Chinese thought "categorical thinking" (1939:200). On the history of dualism, Weber suggests the probability that the yin and the yang conception has gradually evolved from the primitive belief in spirits. Here as elsewhere, there was originally a dualism of good (useful) and evil (harmful) spirits of the shen and the kuei, which animated the whole universe and expressed themselves in natural events as well as in a man's conduct and condition. Man's "soul too, was believed to be composed of the heaven-derived shen and earthly ÂŁwÂŤ substance which separated again after death" (Weber 1951:28). Later the polar opposites turned into the "right-wrong" in Confucianism, and "clean-unclean" in Taoism (Weber 1951:205). On the other hand, Gernet believes that yin at first referred to the position taken by the female dancers in the spring festival, while yang referred to the proper place of the male dancers (1959:569). Again Tung talks about the relationship between the yin and yang in the annual process. The yin and yang annually meet each other in the north in the winter, when the yin is dominant and the yang subordinate, and again in the south in the summer solstice, when the reverse is true. They are annually opposite each other at the spring equinox, when the yang is in the east and the yin in the west, and again at the autumn equinox, when their positions are reversed; on both occasions they are exactly equal in strength. Tung Chung-shu said that all this constitutes "the course of Heaven," which "when it has been completed, begins again" (Bodde 1953:23). The yin and yang, which seem already to have been current in the "arts of divination" as practiced during the Chou dynasty, operate among various categories such as the Five Elements, the four compass points, the four seasons, the five notes of the musical scale, the twelve months, the twelvepitch pipes, the ten "heavenly stems" (t'ien kan), and the twelve "earthly branches" (ti chih) to cause transformations to take place and thereby bring all things of the physical universe into being. Tung Chung-shu asserts that for all things in the universe there is the first cause or point of beginning, yuan, or Origin: divided, the ethers (chi) constitute the yin and yang; quartered, they constitute the four seasons; still further sundered, they constitute the five elements. These elements (hsing) represent movement (hsing). Their movements are not identical. Therefore they are referred to as the Five Movers (Wu hsing). These Five Movers constitute five officiating (powers). Each in turn gives birth to the next and is overcome by the next but one in turn (Fung 1953:19-22). In the Chinese ideology, it is process which is stressed. Creel remarks that perfection in the Chinese cosmology is "a dynamic, not a static ideal." Harmony, as the summum bonum, must be a high way to follow, not a temple in which to stop. The highest ideal, then, is the tao, "the way," "the road," or "the path" (1929:122). The main idea of the / Ching (The Book of Change) is that one yin and one yang constitute the Way (tao). The yang gains the yin and thus becomes complete; the yin gains the yang and thus assumes its proper sequence (Fung 1953:44). Tung stated that "the course of Heaven has its sequence and seasons, its regulations and controls. It undergoes changes, yet retains a consistency; it passes through opposite phases (of winter and summer, spring and autumn), which nevertheless assist one another. It is minute yet extends to what is remote; it is distant, yet reaches unto the finest essence; it is single, yet collects into itself (all things). Spread out widely, it nevertheless has solid actuality; an empty void, it nevertheless is filled. The sage, when he acts, observes Heaven" (Fung 1953:52). 69


From the above discussion, we can easily notice the importance of the relation between the yin and yang rather than the substance of the yin and yang themselves. The fact that Chinese concentrate more on "categories of relationship" than on "categories of substance" is worthy of pervious consideration (Hughes 1967:86). In the analysis of the relationship, we can see two aspects: static and dynamic. The static can be summarized as a spatially hierarchical and a temporally sequential relationship. A spatial relationship connotes a temporal relationship and vice versa. The dynamic relationship can be equated with the "Tao," the way in which the binary poles dialectically exchange and reciprocate in supplementing and alternating with each other. The idea of "the oneness of the yin and yang in the infinite harmony" is the most fundamental principle in the cognitive structure of Asians. The binary sets of Heaven and earth, form and matter, Being and non-Being, Knowledge and Conduct, and so on, mentioned above, are "the oneness in infinite harmony." Tao Te-ching says, "Heaven and earth and all things that come from being, and being comes from non-being" (Chan 1967:134). In the Doctrine of the Mean "the end and the beginning of things leads... to activity... change... and transformation" (Chan 1967:135). The opposites of Being and non-Being and the end and the beginning, are one in the process of selftransformation. This idea of oneness is expressed not only as a balancing factor in dynamic transformation, but also as a complementarity in a static relationship. It implies that without being, there could not exist non-being and vice versa. In the same way, with respect to knowledge and conduct, Wang Yang-ming insists that unless coupled with conduct, the full value of knowledge cannot be realized, and unless coupled with knowledge, no conduct can be really intelligent or correct. The logic underlying the idea of "the oneness in infinite harmony," was once clarified as "doubleharness dialectic" (Hughes 1967:92), "Chain syllogism" or "sorite" (Bodde 1938:228; Granet 1934:337), "co-ordinative thinking" or "associative thinking" (Needham 1956:280), and "Sinism" (Creel 1929). In analyzing early Chinese poems, Hughes finds that the Chinese thought is packed into "pairs of sentences related to each other, sentences of equal length so that contrasted meaning may stand out clearly" (Hughes 1967:82), and one pair releasing the mind for the next pair. And he concluded that "from the impact of one meaning on its fellow meaning, the (Chinese) mind is impelled along a straight course of comparable meanings until the author arrives at what he regards as a conclusion, or a complementary pair of conclusions" (ibid. 1967:91). For the explanation of this sort of "doubleharness" writing and thinking, he looks to the Chinese cosmological principle "the two theoretical forces" {yin and yang) in which "a constructive force and a destructive force working in conjunction, the one the logical antithesis of the other, but the two working as one indivisible existential process" (ibid. 1967:97). In a similar manner, Bodde pointed to "the chain-syllogism or sorites" as a form of argument in Chinese writing. In the analysis of the climax of Li Ssu's memorial, he took this example. "When (if) one's subjects are without disparity, (then) the empire will be at peace. When (if) the empire is at peace, (then) its ruler will be awe-inspiring and venerated, (then) supervision and holding responsibility are definite. When (if) supervision and holding responsibilities are definite, (then) what is sought for will be obtained. When (if) what is sought for is obtained, (then) the nation will be prosperous. When (if) the nation is prosperous, (then) its ruler's joy will be abundant" (Bodde 1938:228-229). The Chinese original consists of a series of six sentences, each composed of two clauses of three words each connected with each other by the word tse (then). The structural forms of argument (chain-syllogism or sorite), are not only to be found in Li Ssu's writings, but are to a considerable extent typical of Chinese thinking as a whole (ibid. 1938:232). Bodde did not forget to add from the western point of view that the Chinese sorite is not a form of logical argument at all since it contains fallacies which are embedded in the Chinese language. Both Hughes and Bodde laboriously penetrated some structural principles of Chinese thinking: 70


the former discussed it from the point of view of western epistemological structure and the latter discussed it from that of western logical structure. In either case, the two concepts of "double-harness dialectics" and "chain-syllogism" are very helpful for a westerner to understand "the oneness of the two in infinite harmony" in Chinese thinking. In fact, there are innumerable expressions of "a mystic awareness of the oneness" (Bodde 1953:56) between man and the non-human universe even in neo-Confucianism. According to the "epistemology" and the "logic" of the Chinese native, the oneness between man and the nonhuman universe, is never "mystic" as it seems to the Westerner. This "logic" is a logical fallacy in Western logic, but is a structural principle in the native cognitive system. As I mentioned above, the yin and the yang supplement each other and alternate with each other, with the "oneness" as a result. This logic is the basic structure in the Chinese cognitive system. Once they classify any binary set, they do not simply set it up as "a contrast set", but go further to ascertain any relationship between the members of the set which ultimately reciprocate dialectically. Such a possible relationship may not exist in nature "out there", but it also can be created easily in "their perception" (Hallowell 1951; 1955) by their cognitive structure. Their perception of society and nature and their interaction with them are ordered by their cognitive structure as given in their ideology with little attention to those empirical "facts" which were not directly relevant to applying the established rules to reality. There were no "empirical facts" "out there"; the facts were created by participation of men in society and nature. Thus society, nature, and ideology were experienced as a unified whole, a "oneness" in which the individual participated completely. The oneness is an ending as well as a beginning. The "beginningness" of the oneness means that the one transforms itself into two by itself. And also at the end, the two transforms itself into the one by "the oneness in harmony." When they equate Heaven and man, Heaven and man are the unity in the beginning as well as in the end. Will of Heaven and mind of man are seen to be the start as well as the finish. They are both transformers and mediators. Either as yin or as yang, depending on situation in time and space, man properly postulates himself in the right position, and carries out his role in the dialectical relation with other. The result is "the oneness in harmony." Man in kingdom is the yin to king as the yang, while the man is the yang as head to his family member. Likewise, man in his family is the yin as son of his father, as well as the yang as father of his children. Even this chain of dual roles, Chinese think of in terms of the "chain syllogism". If he was a good son, then he would be a good father. If he was a good head of the family, then he would be a good ruler. The utmost development of the yin (son) is going to be the utmost development of the yang (father and ruler).

4. Traditional life in Korea Koreans often use the word uri, which means "we" or "us", when English speakers would use "me" or "mine". Why is this? Don't Koreans differentiate between the individual and the collective? Or is it because the individual and the collective cannot be separated in Korean culture? This issue provides an important clue to understanding Korean life. The word uri is said to have come from ult'ari, the wall around a house. This wall, made of clay or wood, establishes a living space for a family. Those who live within this boundary are called uri, without distinguishing between individuals. They live together through hardships and joy. One becomes uri by birth or by being neighbors. In other words, uri is a living community. Traditional Korean life was based on agriculture, which required the sharing of labor. Many people pooled their resources - labor and tools - when planting, weeding and harvesting. Everyone 71


worked, rested and played together. The year was divided into a busy period and a slow period, and everyone in the village worked together and rested together as the seasons changed. Life revolved around the cycle of nature. Koreans had no choice but to accept what nature handed them. No one thought of trying to dominate or control nature. Farming followed the four seasons, and water was provided by heaven. Too much rain meant floods; too little meant drought. These were great concerns but neither flood nor drought was under human control. Natural disasters were accepted as heaven's punishments, and the king was thought to have done something wrong to deserve such punishment. He would bathe and don clean clothes to pray for forgiveness. For their part, villagers performed rites praying for rain. Various rituals were developed as expressions of their devotion, combining elements from indigenous folk beliefs, shamanism, Buddhism and Confucianism. This accommodation to the natural order as a way of finding stability was applied to social life as well. Living together in a community required dedication to the community and mutual adjustment, and the family was the basis of life. It is no coincidence that the Korean word for "nation", kukka, contains the ideograph ka, meaning "family". The nation is an extension of the family, and this concept is shared by Korea, Japan and China - the East Asian cultures that use Chinese characters in their writing systems. While the three cultures are linguistically distinct, they have used the same Chinese characters for the past 1,500 years. China was the center of the East Asian world order. The common use of Chinese characters allowed the Chinese worldview to dominate those of its neighbors. The Chinese system laid the foundation for every aspect of life, including politics, economics, society, culture and religion. For this reason, many clues to everyday Korean life can be found in comparisons with lifestyles in China and Japan. In particular, it is no exaggeration to say that the Chinese public order formed the foundation for the Korean public order. In many ways, the Confucian system is stronger in Korea than in China, where it originated. In Korea, various Confucian attributes, including ancestor veneration, strict family hierarchy and family rituals remain strong. During the Choson Dynasty, political leaders sought to govern according to Chinese Confucian ideology. They were scholar-bureaucrats who studied and practiced Confucian ideology and philosophy. The Chinese public order was not limited to Confucianism, however. Before the introduction of Confucianism, Buddhism, which also came to Korea through China, influenced the Korean worldview for 1,000 years during the Three Kingdoms and Unified Shilla periods and the Koryo Dynasty. Throughout Korean history, it normally took 300 years for a foreign idea to merge with native thought and become part of everyday life. Syncretism of native and foreign beliefs has been a frequent occurrence. Folk beliefs, shamanism, Buddhism and Confucianism remain intertwined today. On the other hand, once introduced to Korea, foreign religious thoughts remained true to their prototypes in many ways. As mentioned before, the Confucian prototype is better preserved in Korea than in China, and Shamanism and Buddhism have also maintained many of their original characteristics in Korea. Relatively speaking, foreign elements exist in parallel with preexisting elements. Perhaps this is the context in which we can best understand the boom in Christian belief since liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945 and the Korean War (1950-1953). In Korea, Christian prayer meetings held at the crack of dawn draw larger crowds than in other countries. These early morning gatherings are comparable to the folk practice of pison in which old women rise at dawn to pray before a bowl of freshly drawn well water, and to dawn chanting sessions held in Buddhist temples. Researchers have also pointed to the shamanic fervor of Koreas Christians. A recent study shows that Confucian values occupy the depths of Korean Christians' consciousness. On the surface, Christianity, introduced from abroad, may dominate, but deep in the Christians' psyche, the ethic of filial piety remains central. In traditional Korean society, the most important human relationship was between father and son. From it grew other relationships, between monarch and subjects, husband and wife, old 72


and young, and between friends. Thus an understanding of the father-son relationship sheds light on traditional life in general. It also extends to relationships between parents and all their children. In these relationships, filial piety is the guiding principle. According to sociologist Choi Jae-seok, filial piety is a one-sided relationship. Of all relationships involving respect, respect for parents is the most important and fundamental. Filial piety is the foundation of morality and benevolence, and therefore is the source of all behavior and the guiding principle of human life. It is also the basic ethical relationship. Clearly Chinese Confucian principles run deep in Korean culture. Then what does filial piety mean? First, it refers to respect for one's parents. Children should respect their parents and follow their parents' wishes in attitude and behavior. Children should never do anything without first seeking their parents' advice and permission, and without parental consent, they should not act. This norm applies not only in their relationships with their own parents but also in relations with senior relatives, neighbors and members of society. Second, children should care for their parents. They should recognize their parents' desires, even when unexpressed, and make sure their parents' wishes are realized. Material needs-clothing, food and housing-should also be satisfied. Children owe their lives and upbringing to their parents, and as adults they are obligated to support and wait upon them. Third, children should do everything possible to give their parents peace of mind. They should try to provide pleasure to their parents and never go against their wishes. Abiding by parents' wishes means inheriting and practicing what one's parents have failed to achieve themselves. Children should enjoy what their parents have enjoyed, they should respect what their parents have respected, they should be friendly with the people their parents have been friendly with. And when parents pass away, filial piety is practiced again in the form of funeral rituals and ancestral memorial rites. Fourth, carrying on the family line is essential to filial piety. The Korean family system is patrilineal. For a son, the most important filial act is marrying and producing a son of his own. In the olden days, women who did not bear sons were expelled from the household or a concubine was taken in to produce a male heir. Sometimes a boy was adopted from the man's brothers. This is quite different from the Japanese custom, where the ability to carry on the family business was as important as bloodline in the adoption of male heirs. The systems of inheritance in Korea, China and Japan are quite different. In traditional China, family property and ritual obligations in ancestral memorial rites were distributed equally among sons. Family headship was not handed down to one son in particular. In Japan, both birth sons and adopted sons inherit property along with ritual obligations in ancestral memorial rites. The family does not continue through bloodlines, but through the person who inherits the family line. In Korea, on the other hand, the eldest son inherits the most property and family headship. In return he pays most of the expenses for ancestral memorial rites. Roger and Dawnhee Yim Janelli have noted that because Korean parents divide property while they are still alive, there are fewer disputes over the division of property than in China. (Roger L. Janelli and Downhee Yim Janelli, Ancestor Worship and Korean Society [Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1982], pp. 104-105.) Filial piety was the behavioral norm of traditional Korean life and has remained at the foundation of the Korean consciousness throughout the transformation from agrarian to industrial society and from rural to urban life. Even today, Koreans address strangers in the street as grandfather, grandmother, uncle or aunt, depending on their age. They are treated as family members, though they are not blood relations. Major conglomerates refer to their employees as "family". In the workplace, filial piety is expressed as loyalty to the head of the company or union boss. While loyalty to nation (chung) and filial piety (hyo) are different concepts, in action they are quite similar. 73


From this perspective, the nature and unique characteristics of traditional Korean life are apparent. First, an individual cannot exist as a separate being. All Koreans are identified as a member of a group. In fact, only as a member of a family is one's identity confirmed. The family belongs to a clan, to the same bloodline and to the same surname. It is also confirmed through regional ties. Individuals are often categorized as natives of the Kyongsang region, the Cholla region, or sometimes as members of a certain workplace. Hence the use of the term uri forms the basis of community life. Second is the hierarchical order of human relations. The fundamental patrilineal relationship develops along generational lines according to which the leaders rule and the younger generation obeys. In traditional society, a class order dividing the yangban elite from the common people was also part of this strict hierarchical consciousness. Bureaucrats monopolized wealth and status, which were reflected in their clothing, food and housing. Honorific forms of address born in this hierarchical tradition live on today. They may serve to perpetuate and re-create a hierarchical mind set. Lastly, throughout history, Koreans have placed the highest value on community cooperation and harmony, just as they have valved harmony with nature. In a society where an individual could not survive alone and individual existence was not recognized, community-centered life may have required loyalty and filial piety within a strict hierarchy. Children and subordinates were expected to serve elders, even when their wishes were not explicit. Community harmony depended on an almost telepathic understanding of each other's needs and desires. In other words, the community came before the individual. Today, urbanization and the introduction of Western lifestyles have disrupted the traditional Korean lifestyles. The individual is taking precedence over the group, and people are beginning to express their own opinions. Equality is overpowering the traditional hierarchical order. Conflict is more common than collective harmony. In fact, some people embrace conflict as a strategy. As Koreans pass through the industrialization stage, traditional lifestyles are entering a transitional period. We must wait and see how society changes, but we can be certain that traditional culture will be re-created over and over again in the depths of the Korean consciousness.

5. Volunteers in the Seoul Olympic Gaines On September 30, 1985, Roh Tae-woo, the President of the Seoul Olympic Games Organizing Committee at the time, gave the following speech to the Korean people: "People! We have three years to go before the opening of the Seoul Olympic Games, only one year to go before the staging of the Asian games which will dictate the operational course of the Seoul Olympic Games. At this important juncture, the Organizing Committee has decided to recruit volunteers to work for the Olympiad. The Seoul Olympic Games requires the input of operational personnel on a large scale to the tune of about 75,000 persons to perform jobs involving 213 sectors, and we are going to utilize volunteers to fill much of the manpower demand. The positive volunteer activities launched by American citizens in the last Los Angeles Games greatly contributed to the successjul operation of the Games, the volunteers themselves felt a sense of personal achievement and pride in their country. As such, those volunteers set a beautiful precedent in Olympic history. I hope that our people will also join in the volunteer services in the firm belief that this is an honorable role play to "bring them rewards, and to bring glory to the fatherland".

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Needless to say, the Seoul Olympic Games represent an unrivaled chance for us to enjoy in our time, and to stage the Games successfully represents a historic mission all of us should strive to fulfill. By fully carrying out this historic mission through pooling national wisdom and energy, let us make this period in our history be remembered as a "glorious time" and let us be chronicled as the generation that did its utmost for the brilliant tomorrow of the fatherland. " The speech recollected the contribution made by the volunteers towards the success of the Los Angeles Games, and appealed to the Korean people to volunteer their services to the Seoul Games. Although the hosting of the Olympic Games is awarded to a host city, the Korean people understood this responsibility as being a host nation. The phrase, "for the brilliant tomorrow of the fatherland" asks that the people come together for the good of their country. The volunteers who took part in the Los Angeles Games stated that they experienced "a sense of personal achievement" and "pride in their country", and these same feelings were once again experienced by the volunteers of the Seoul Olympics. Accordingly, the motto "bring them [volunteers] rewards [personal satisfaction] and bring glory to the fatherland" was established. The hosting of the Olympic Games was a national event, and the people thought they had the responsibility to take part in this national event, as in the religious and cultural traditions of East Asia, the country is an extension of family, and the members of the family should actively participate in the overall affairs of the family. The hosting of the Olympics was enough to reactivate the traditional cultural grammar of a country, and the Korean people had never previously had the opportunity before to participate as the main player on the global stage. So in some ways, taking part in a national event in this rapidly changing culture and society gave the Korean people a good reason to come together and unite as one. The cultural tradition of stressing the importance of the harmony between the yin and yang was applied directly here. In a family, the responsibility of an offspring is in recognizing the expectations of his father, and acting accordingly, while the father acts and expects in the best interest of his family, and not for himself. Therefore, the management of the Olympic Organizing Committee utilized this cultural tradition ideally for their benefit. The idea of "the oneness of the yin and yang in infinite harmony" was revitalized in recruiting the volunteer workers for the Olympic Games. In addition, the scenario of the opening ceremony of Seoul Olympic Games was constructed based on this tradition (Kang 1993, MacAloon and Kang 1990). The degree of volunteer participation by the Korean people during the 1988 Seoul Games surprised the world, but for the natives and those who know the Korean culture, it came as no surprise. The Chinese teachings have always been a part of the Korean thinking and their way of life, and the concept of showing loyalty to the community they were a part of, was the basis of the people's participation in the historical Games. Under such characteristics, it was only natural for the Korean people to come to the aid of their country in times of need. As people were taught from childhood that an individual does not exist alone, and the welfare of a community is the welfare of the individual, Korean people took it upon themselves to assist their community when they were called upon to make history. The Koreans saw it as an opportunity to place their country on the map, and by doing so, each would benefit as citizens of that country. The relationship between the ruler and their subjects, where it is the duty of the subjects to follow the ruler, and a citizen's loyalty lies in the country he was born and raised, played an important role in encouraging the people to volunteer their services. Such contribution and sacrifice of the people occurred again to the astonishment of the world during the International Monetary Fund bailout in 1997 when people participated in the "Gold Sales Campaign" where average Koreans sold their gold possessions to acquire U.S. Dollars for their troubled foreign reserves in the economic crisis. 75


Bibliography Bateson, Gregory 1942 Some systematic approaches to the study of culture and personality. Character and Personality 11: 76-82. 1958 Naven. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press. Bennett, John W. 1970 Some observations on western anthropological research in Japan. Rice University Studies 56 (4): 11-27. Blau, Peter M. 1964 Exchange and power in social life. New York: John Wiley. Bodde, Derk 1938 China's first unifier: a study of the Ch'in dynasty as seen in the life of Li Ssu, 280?-208 B.C. Leiden: E. J. Brill. 1939 Types of Chinese categorical thinking. Journal of the American Oriental Society 59 (2): 200-19. 1953 Harmony and conflict in Chinese philosophy in Studies in Chinese thought. A.F. Wright, ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bright, William 1967 Toward a cultural grammar. Lecture delivered at Delhi University. Brown, Roger 1964 Discussion of the conference in Transcultural studies in cognition. A.K. Romney and R.G. D'Andrade, eds. American Anthropologist 66 (3) part II: 243-53. Bruner, Jerome S., J.J.Goodman and G.A.austin 1956 A Study of thinking. New York: John Wiley. Chan, Wing-Tsit 1967 "Syntheses in Chinese metaphysics in Chinese Mind. C.A. Moore, ed. Honolulu: East-West Center Press. Chang, Kwang-chil 1968 The archaeology of ancient China. New Haven: Yale University. Ch'u, T'ung-Tsu 1965 Law and Social in traditional China. Paris: Mouton. Creel, Herrdee G. 1929 Sinism: a study of the evolution of the Chinese world-view. Chicago: The Open Court Pub. Eberhard, Wolfram 1965 Conquerors and rulers: social forces in medieval China. Leiden: E.J. Brill. Fischer, John L. and Teigo Yoshida 1970 Some issues in the study of Japanese modal personality. Rice University Studies 56 (4): 209-19. Frake, Charles O. 1964 Notes on queries in ethnography. American Anthropologist 66(3) Part II: 132-54. Fung, Yu-Lan 1949 "The philosophy at the basis of traditional Chinese society in Ideological differences and world order: studies in the philosophy and science of the world's culture. F.S.C. Northrop, ed. New Haven: Yale University Press. 1953 A history of Chinese philosophy Vol.11. Princeton: Princeton University. Gernet, Jacque 1968 Ancient China: from the beginning to the empire. Berkeley: University of California. Goodenough, Ward H. 1964 "Cultural anthropology and linguistics" in Language in culture and society. D. Hymes, ed. New York: Harper and Row. 1970 Description and comparison in cultural anthropology. Chicago: Aldine.

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The Notion of Voluntarism in the Modern Greek Society and the Challenge of the Olympic Games Roy P a n a g i o t o p o l o u National and Capodistrian University of Athens, Greece

1. I n t r o d u c t i o n In contrast with the modern Greek state which was formed after long-term and gradual annexations of land, the Greek nation drew its historical continuity and its origins from ancient times. For this reason, the cultural events of ancient times (e.g. the Olympic Games, ancient theatre, etc.) were considered by the majority of Greeks as being directly related to national identity and thus their symbolic meaning and their ethical value became more easily understood and accepted in comparison to any other nation. T h e Olympic Games are indissolubly connected with the feeling of national cultural continuity, which is deeply rooted in the Greek national consciousness. For this reason, Greece's undertaking of the Olympic Games in 2004 was greeted with great enthusiasm by almost all of the Greek people and filled Greece with pride. T h e familiarity which the Greeks feel with the Olympic Ideal, facilitates on the one hand, the preparation of the organisation of the Games and on the other, it heightens expectations. At first glance, the possibilities of a large segment of the population becoming mobilised and assisting on a volunteer basis are high.

2. Relations between state a n d citizen: collective or individual interests? Before I present the case of voluntarism in Greece, I would like to say a few words about present day Greek society and the perceptions which determine the meanings of individual and collective interests. Since the entrance of the country into the EU (1981) a process of dĂŠmocratisation and modernisation of the Greek state has taken place. Significant changes which related to all the social strata reshaped the relations between the state and the citizen and imposed typical liberal social structures. More specifically, the functioning of a democratic political system was stabilised and connected the country with the economic and political choices and decisions of the countries of Western Europe. T h e gradual rationalisation of the functioning of institutions did not bring about a consolidation of social relations as in other Western European countries. Quite the contrary. During this period, a fluidity with regard to the processes of social integration of the broader popular strata predominated, which led to an intense and rapid social mobility. The latter expressed on the ideological and political level through populist politics. Social cohesion was based on already well known clientelistic relationships. It was built upon the rationale that different social groups are united on an opportunistic basis which gives political expression and real content to a basic concern of Greeks: individual or family social ascending mobility. T h e clientelistic relations between the state and the citizens were strengthened. In addition, the notion was cultivated that the state should intervene in all areas of social and political life and regulate almost all relationships, significantly limiting private initiative and the functioning of the free market. The result of this policy appears at the beginning of the 1990s when it was understood that the omnipresence of the state hindered rather than promoted the development of the country. XI


The period from 1974 until the end of the of the 1980's is characterised by the intense interest of citizens in politics and by the decisive presence of political parties and political organisations in all facets of the public sphere. Given this political climate, non governmental organisations and volunteer organisations were not of concern to the society as a whole. They were of concern only as an expression of philanthropic activities which aimed at individuals or families with very low incomes and at socially excluded individuals. It is interesting to note that in Greece, until the 1980's, voluntarism was a concept, if not identical then directly connected with, that of private philanthropy. The philanthropic organisations attempted to intervene and to "cure" the inequalities and the injustices between different social groups, without concern for the reasons which led to the consolidation of this inequality1. Briefly we could say that the volunteer, non governmental organisations in Greece were rekindled in the last 15 years. The basic reasons which contributed to the development of this phenomenon of voluntarism in the present modern Greek society are the following: ( 1 ) The crisis of the welfare state. The public system of social protection is shrinking. On the one hand, this is due to the globalisation and the terms of international economic development which impose austerity measures on the national states. On the other hand, the citizens, adopting an individualistic understanding of the value and effectiveness of the welfare state, turn more and more towards the private provision of services. (2) The crisis of the political parties. Political parties are facing a drop in the active participation of supporters through their mechanisms. Their catch-all character does not allow the development of direct affiliations particularly in a period in which the fragmentation of interests makes the functioning of these affiliations even more remote. (3) The new perceptions of self-organisation, self-help and self-management, offer new possibilities for individuals to give meaning to their lives, to be involved in socially beneficial activities, to have the feeling that they are participating personally and asserting through their participation demands or values which for them are valuable and significant in the achievement of their quality of life. In this way, a new meaning is given to the perception of "citizenship" which does not put all those needs and expectations into the political and administrative system of the state. At this time, the state is in the process of overturning its initially indifferent position with regard to non governmental volunteer organisations. State interest increases and is expressed in the more active support of the social role of these organisations. Despite all this, the non governmental organisations have not yet achieved the role of official partner in dialogue in the various negotiations of the state with the social agents. They do not participate systematically in the shaping of the social dialogue. Many political organisations, although their impact on a variety of social strata is continuously declining, insist on ignoring this, on not recognising the non governmental organisations and on not seeking collaboration to reach common goals.

3. Family and social solidarity Due to the social and political development of the modern Greek state, Greeks had difficulty, and to some degree still do, accepting the rules which govern the liberal political systems and constitute the necessary conditions for them to function. They also have difficulty accepting the pattern 'Korasidou, M., The Wretched of Athens and their Therapists, Poverty and Philantrophy among the Greek Youth, Athens: Publications of the General Secretariat of Youth, 1995.

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of western individualism characterised by impersonal yet collective social organisation and responsibility. In Greece, individual mobilisation predominates, which obeys and identifies with rules that are constructed within (extended) family solidarity. Individuals' commitments are personal, responsibilities and values relate primarily to solidarity between family members and relatives. Social integration takes place through the family, which in many cases takes on the role of the deficiently functioning welfare state, taking on the activities of an enterprise group and consequently lays down strategic plans for the future of its various members, particularly for the young. Finally, it shapes the social needs and the cultural values of its members. The relationships of mutual assistance helped, after the second world war, in the social integration of immigrants from the agricultural sector into the cities and particularly in Athens. The new ethical codes were based on networks of solidarity among relatives and people from the same village and offered the framework of legitimisation, so that the individuals could exploit to the utmost, any possibilities that emerged for the improvement of their personal positions and those of their families. This attitude provided, on the one hand, a sort of protection from the general insecurity which rules in social relations. However, this insecurity stabilised a liquidity in relations of exchange and strengthened egotistical behavioural tendencies without taking into account the collective interest. For this reason, until the mid 1980s, while the feeling of solidarity is highly developed, the offer of volunteer service never acquired primary importance and was never seen as a significant form of individual mobilisation that would provide an outlet to some basic needs and possibilities for participation in politics. Mutual assistance which did not go beyond the limits of the family was always opportunistic. This perception provides an interpretation for the phenomenon in which many people become active in natural disasters, without these activities acquiring a repeated or systematic character of behaviour in the form of volunteer assistance. This individualistic attitude-centred behaviour of Greeks has created a feeling of continuous insecurity, discontent and disrespect in interpersonal relations. The youth are resentful of these practices and express this intensely, without however, putting forward a different discourse which would reject these practices and impose a merit-based confrontation of individuals. Their attitude is more utilitarian, and its orientation depends upon the opportunities they discover. Every differentiation leads to suspicion and to a devaluation of the significance of the service provided. On the contrary, the fact that even the smallest triumph by Greeks abroad is greeted with tremendous enthusiasm is indicative. These individuals (e.g. athletes) became immediately well known and acquire almost heroic dimensions. Their influence surpasses the confines of the areas in which they have gained distinction and extends to almost all areas of social activity. The need for awards and universal recognition for personal effort is thus intense. This is an area in which voluntarism could deal with significant deficiencies in the construction of the social values of Greek society. In summary, we should stress the contrast which is inherent in Greek society. On the one hand, the individually-centred egotistical behaviour and perception predominates, with its guiding individual interests which obey the explicit rules of family solidarity. On the other hand, there is an increasing willingness by individuals to participate in unions and organisations which have the public interest as their goal. Until recently, Greeks participated on a mass scale in political organisations (e.g. political parties, trade unions, etc.) in order to further their clientelistic relationships. Gradually, participation and interest declined because it became clear that political participation could no longer meet the strictly personal needs of individuals and the political practices led to alienation and to abstention from active participation2. In recent years, political apathy and indifference, particularly on the part 'See Kafetzis, P. "Political Crisis and Political Culeure. Political Alienation and Involvement in Politics: An Incompatible Relationship?" Greek Political Culture Today, Introduction, in N. Demertzis, (ed.), Athens: Odysseas,

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of the youth with regard to political organisations, had reached the same dimensions in Greece as in the rest of the countries of the EU. Changes in attitudes and in perceptions are a phenomenon which usually requires a long term process. It appears that Greek society, and primarily the youth, are now at the stage of radically reforming their choices regarding the possibilities of active social intervention. Participation in non governmental, non profit organisations is now beginning to appear as an outlet for involvement with the public and for the active support of different ideological values. In addition, it appears that new forms of participation are being sought which are more creative, more communicative and less selfish.

4. Voluntarism and volunteer organisations The limited empirical data available outline the development of humanistic and philanthropic volunteer organisations in Greece on an indicative basis. In the VOLMED research undertaken under commission from the EU in the Mediterranean countries in 1996, of all existing volunteer organisations established between 1900 and 1980, only 36.3% were functioning in 19963. On the contrary, 60.3% of all the volunteer organisations were founded after 1980. More specifically, during the five year period from 1991-1996, more than a quarter of all the functioning volunteer organisations were created. Today it is estimated that the number of volunteer organisations offering services in Greece is approximately 1,200. Unfortunately, there is not sufficient data with regard to the activity of all these organisations. The number of organisations for which accessible data exists with regard to their functioning reached 400 in 19974. A more general trend is thus clear which is directed towards strengthening voluntarism and the multiplication of volunteer organisations. This is a trend which follows, with a considerable time lag, the trends recorded in the other countries of the EU. In addition to the numerical increase in the number of organisations, in recent years an increase has also been observed in the development of volunteer work programmes, in the participation of youth in volunteer organisations and primarily in the willingness of youth to participate in volunteer activities. This development also strengthens the interest which the institutions of Local Government have begun to demonstrate recently. These organisations are putting more and more programmes for the voluntary provision of services in their areas of activity into place. According to the data from the research on volunteer organisations in Greece, the overwhelming majority of organisations (91.5%) are of a non profit character and are funded, to a large extent, approximately 70% from private contributions and about 30% from state subsidies. 55.5% of their members are unpaid, while, depending upon the size of the organisation, they employ individuals on an ongoing paid basis. Forty percent (40%) of the organisations have defined a minimum time period prior to granting full participation to the members in their organisations. On the contrary, the remaining 60% do not demand a minimum period of compulsory activity. Finally, 69% were made up of non religious organisations. Twenty-five percent (25%) belonged to the Orthodox

1994., pp. 228-230 and Demertzis, N. and Kafetzis, P. "Political Cynicism, Political Alienation and the Mass Media: The Case of the Third Greek Demacracy", Society and Politics: Views of the Third Greek Democracy, 1974-1996, ed. by Lyrintzis C , Nicolacopoulos E., Sotropoulos D., Athens: Themelio, 1996, p. 193, ff. 3

See the results of the reserach VOLMED Organised Voluntary Services in the Countries f mediterranean Europe: Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, Final Report, FLVOL 1996, p. 59. Furthermore, in the same study, it is mentioned that 95.5% of Greek volunteer organisations belong to the category of well structured bodies and only 4.5% belong to informal organisations of self help which do not have statutes. See op.cit. p. 55. 4

See Anthopoulos C , "Voluntarism Today, a Developing Phenomenon", For a Europe of Social Rights, in Katseli L., PelagidisT, (eds.), Athens: Papazisis, 1998. p. 251.

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church. Six percent (6%) were made up of church organisations which did not belong to the Orthodox church5. The distribution of the sizes of the organisations with regard to the number of their members, demonstrated that the small organisations with under 50 members surpassed the others and made up 65% of all the volunteer organisations. Those with more than 100 members made up 2 3 % of the total of all the organisations6. The areas of mobilisation are in general terms the three which follow. The first category concerns philanthropic organisations which constitute approximately 65% of all the organisations7. The second category concerns the protection of the environment and the third is involved with various cultural activities8. Briefly, the Greek volunteer organisations are primarily non profit-making, are well structured bodies, the majority of them are small, without strict rules of participation, and do not belong to the church. Their goals may be divided into three categories: philanthropic, environmental and cultural.

5. Youth and volunteer organisations The young, from 15 to 29 years of age, constitute the part of the population which is more open and more sensitive to social change. In addition to this it is an age group which may be mobilised more quickly, more intensely, more on a mass scale and with greater devotion to a goal. Thus we will examine separately the attitudes and the perceptions of the youth with regard to political and non governmental organisations9. Before proceeding analytically with the viewpoints of the youth regarding voluntarism, we will attempt a brief description of the basic data which characterise today's youth in Greece. The main finding is that the youth remain in the family even after their entrance into the production process. Largely due to unemployment, the length of time which young people remain at their parents' home has been extended. For the youth, the family constitutes a predominant social value which is not questioned and is "the most important thing which a person has in his life" (90% of all the responses)10. The youth consider that times are more difficult for them (72% ). They do not feel certain about the future (65%) because they are afraid primarily of unemployment (37.4%). They express a widespread sentiment of being abandoned by the government and believe that they

5

See VOLMED research, op. cit. pp. 64, 65 and 88-89.

'See VOLMED research, op. cit. pp. 69 and 70. 'More specifically, this category is divided into agents who provide care to the elderly (7.5%), the sick (7%), the disabled (8%), children from ages 0-12 years (22.5%), adolescents and youth (20%). See VOLMED research, op.cit. p. 74. "See VOLMED research op.cit. p. 74. Both categories have more or less the same number of organisations. 'The data which are presented in this text come from the research which was done in November 1997 nation-wide and examined for the first time the phenomenon of volunteerism and the willingness of youth to participate in non governmental organisations. The research was done on a sample of 1,600 individuals, aged 15 to 29, with a questionnaire, in the period from October to November 1997. See V-PRC Institute, Research on the Political and Social Participation of Youth, undertaken for the General Secretariat of Youth, Athens: November 1997. "'See Institute V-PRC, Initial Conclusions of the Research "Politics and Social Participation of the Youth Today in Greece", Athens: November 1997, p. 3.

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are cut off from the social processes because "Greek society is hard on the weak" (75.6%). They condemn politics on a moral basis and recognise the trend towards a generalised individualism, accepting the viewpoint that "everyone looks out for himself" (69.2%). Furthermore, they believe that "the government of Greece is less involved than it should be (66.8%) or not at all (19.5%) with the problems of the youth" and that "our society requires basic changes" (54.9%). The main fields of interest of the youth are in order of priority: athletics and sports (15.8%); vacations and trips (15.1%); the major social problems (14.1%); and the protection of the environment (13.9%). A clear distinction can also be made between the interests which are centred upon the individual and those which are focused upon social reality. Individual interests make up approximately three quarters of all the responses, a fact which demonstrates once again the individually centred perceptions and attitudes which characterise Greek youth. Interest in politics is extremely low. Only 4.9% are very interested in politics. It should be stressed that among adolescents, the interest shrinks to 1.8%". The total social and political participation of youth in all types of organisations is estimated at approximately 42.2%12. However, the largest segment concerns participation in athletic associations and high school councils. If these categories are excluded, then the total participation of youth in political and social organisations reaches 22.7% of the total of the sample13 and is distributed analogously with the type of organisation as follows:

Table 1 Participation of youth in political and social organisations in 1997 (in percent) Organisations Athletic High School Councils Political-Unions Social

Participate (%)

Do not Participate (%)

36.1 22.7 15.1 26.6

63.9 77.3 84.9 73.4

Source: V-PRC Initial Results of the Research: Politics and Social Participation of the Youth Today in Greece, Athens: November 1997. "On the contrary, the percentages in the age groups from 23 and older are higher and one can note a clear line distinguishing between high school students and those who are in University or have been in the labour market (they either worked or were unemployed). Only one in five questioned declares an interest in politics while almost one in two (46%) declares that he/she is "not at all" interested in politics, while one in three (32.3%) declares that politics interests him/her "little". Politics evoke feelings of indifference (25.3%), disappointment (20.1%), distrust (18.6%) and boredom (11.3%). See Institute V-PRC Initial Results... op.cit, Tables 17 and 18. In comparison, it is mentioned that in research undertaken nation wide in Greece on political behaviour, which was done in 1988, the lack of interest in politics on the part of the youth aged 18 to 29 years of age reached 15-9% for women and 16.6% for men, see Pantelidou - Malouta M., Women and Politics. The Political Physiognomy of the Greeks, Athens: Gutenberg, 1992, p. 165. This great reversal of the interest in politics towards indifference came about within one decade and is primarily the result of the crisis of politics and of politicians, of uncertainty about the future and of the orientation of the youth towards interests and outlets of involvement far from parties and political organisations. u

Fifty-eight percent of the youth do not participate in any kind of organisation or association. Of those who participate, 25% choose only one organisation while 17% participate in more than one organisation. See Institute V-PRC, Initial Results, op.cit. p. 11. "The general percentage of participation of youth in organisations in Greece is the lowest when compared with other EU countries, as seen in the special research of Eurobarometer on Youth (ages 15 to 24 years). See the European Commission, The Young Europeans, 47.2, DGXXII edition, Brussels: 1997, p. 21/160.

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Although the participation of the youth in volunteer-humanistic organisations is limited, their high degree of willingness to offer volunteer services is notable. More than half of the youth consider of taking part in volunteer organisations and approximately three quarters of the youth declare that they would offer their services without charge.

Table 2 Willingness of youth in volunteer activities 1997 (in percentage) Willingness

Yes No Don't know /No answer Total

They have thought about dedicating time

They would offer their services without charge

55.7 39.6 4.7 100.0

72.6 18.0 9.5 100.0

Source: V-PRC Institute, Research on the Political and Social Participation of Youth, Athens: November 1997, Tables 36 and 37.

The characteristics of the youth who are disposed to participate in some humanistic or philanthropic organisation, as emerges from the analysis of the research of 1997, can be summarised as follows: A noticeably greater willingness is expressed by women (38.5%), by youth from 19 to 24 years old, university graduates, those who are not involved in the production process - that is the unemployed and housewives who clearly have more free time, the youth who are married and those whose monthly family income belong to lower income categories. Place of residence, that is if they live in a large or small urban centre or in an agricultural area appears not to influence the decision of youth to offer volunteer services14. The youth who are thinking about devoting time or to working without pay for some volunteer organisation display approximately the same social and demographic characteristics. And once again, women more than men, the middle age categories from 21 to 24, graduates of higher educational institutions, housewives and the middle income categories declare more emphatically their willingness to devote time and to provide their services for free15.

6. Conclusion If one takes into account: first, the fact that in recent years a steady increase in the members and the number of volunteer and non-governmental organisations has been recorded, second, the increased interest in athletics and the athletic organisations which is also accompanied by an equally increased interest in trips for the purpose of learning about other countries and civilisations and third, the intense willingness to proffer volunteer services declared by the youth in recent years, then the prospects for organising volunteers who will support the Olympic Games with their interest and their active presence, appear to be particularly promising. It seems that the attitudes and perceptions on social participation of Greek society and particularly of the youth, change rapidly Apathy, egotism and individualistic points of view can be turned into co-operation and proffering l4

The profile of the youth who are inclined to participate in humanistic, volunteer or philanthropic organisations differs significantly from those who wish to become active in ecological or environmental organisations or associations. Possibly the meaning of voluntarism and the offering of volunteer services is conditioned by the strong motivation of altruism and is even identified with that of philanthropy and of the taking care of the weak and the socially excluded, such as that which took place in the past in our country. For a more analytical comparison, see Table III, appendix. 15

See Table IV, appendix.

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provided that the country puts forward a vision of a great event of peace and culture and offer a unique opportunity for these youth to materialise all those perceptions and values which appear not to find outlets in the everyday routine of Greek society. Perhaps the Olympic Games are not only an athletic celebration, a celebration of competition, friendship, humanism and international contact, but also a unique opportunity, a challenge for Greeks and particularly for the Greek youth, to combine in practice, the Greek point of view about ancient times as a continuation of Greek civilisation. The basic precondition is for the youth to discover areas of involvement analogous with their capabilities and their present interests, to find possibilities to express the creativity and altruistic spirit which defines them within a framework of values which inspire and offer new possibilities for acquiring knowledge and new skills. The key to the success of the volunteer program in Greece is the role and the indirect participation of all the family. If through every volunteer, his/her entire family could become involved and participate, the success of the above is guaranteed. For all of this, careful planning and a great deal of imagination will be required. In my opinion, there is today fertile ground and willingness to organise a body of volunteers who could effectively assist in the preparation and the undertaking of the Olympic Games in 2004 in Athens, the modern city of contradictions, a city with a great history.

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Table 3 Participation of youth in various types of organisations/associations by demographic and social characteristics in 1997 (in percentage) Participation by type of organisation/association EcologicalEnvironmental

HumanisticVolunteerPhilanthropic

Cultural

Sex Male Female

26.6 23.7

16.9 38.5

10.0 10.8

Age (in years) 15-16 17-18 19-20 21-22 23-24 25-26 27-29

32.3 29.5 20.5 25.5 15.9 25.1 26.0

27.6 25.2 30.0 29.6 34.0 25.1 23.6

8.7 5.1 8.0 12.0 13.6 12.7 12.2

Educational level Primary Secondary Higher (Technical Schools) Higher (Universities)

11.7 37.0 31.9 26.1

24.7 25.6 26.5 27.2

4.0 5.9 14.1 13.6

Social position Studying Employed Unemployed Housewives

28.7 25.0 20.6 18.9

27.9 24.3 30.7 42.1

8.3 12.5 10.0 10.8

Geographical distribution (population) Urban cities Semi-urban areas Rural areas

27.6 25.0 18.9

27.9 25.2 27.6

7.4 10.3 18.2

Type of household With parents Alone With husband With roommate

25.5 26.9 22.4 26.9

27.1 23.6 32.9 24.9

10.0 12.4 11.0 12.3

Monthly family income < -150,000 dra. 150,000-300,000 dra. 300,000-500,000 dra. 500,000- > dra.

21.2 24.8 27.0 26.4

29.4 28.9 27.4 26.0

6.8 10.2 9.3 12.9

DemographicSocial characteristics

Source: Institute V-PRC, Research on political and social participation of Youth, Athens November 1997, Tables 525531, pp. 351-359. 89


Table 4 Willingness of youth to participate in humanistic, volunteer and philanthropic organisations by demographic and social characteristics in 1997 (in percentage) Willingness to participate in organisations/associations They have thought about dedicating time

DemographicSocial characteristics

They would offer their services without charge

Yes

No

No answer

Yes

No

Don't know

Sex Male Female

48.7 62.9

46.5 32.5

4.8 4.6

65.3 80.1

23.0 4.7

7.7

Age (in years) 15-16 17-18 19-20 21-22 23-24 25-26 27-29

56.1 54.4 54.3 60.1 60.8 50.4 54.6

36.1 38.5 42.0 37.3 37.6 44.6 40.9

7.8 7.1 3.7 2.8 1.6 5.0 4.5

75.8 73.6 71.7 75.5 74.3 69.8 69.1

12.1 15.0 20.0 17.0 18.4 18.4 22.0

7.9 7.2 5.1 5.6 6.2 7.3 5.0

Educational level Primary Secondary Higher (Technical Schools) Higher (Universities)

49.1 60.8 59.9 69.4

48.3 34.1 36.6 23.8

2.6 5.1 4.3 6.7

57.6 78.0 71.4 78.5

35.7 12.4 14.6 14.5

5.4 5.5 9.6 3.5

Social position Studying Employed Unemployed Housewives

58.2 55.0 47.5 65.5

36.2 41.4 46.8 30.3

5.6 3.6 5.6 4.2

74.8 71.5 68.0 79.1

14.7 19.9 20.0 17.8

7.1 5.6 6.9 2.0

Geographical distribution (population) Urban cities Semi-urban areas Rural areas

72.7 69.6 73.7

17.0 22.0 17.8

6.2 6.8 5.8

72.7 69.6 73.7

17.0 22.0 17.8

6.2 6.8 5.8

Type of household With parents Alone With husband With roommate

52.5 66.5 61.7 54.8

42.0 31.4 35.0 43.4

5.6 2.1 3.3 1.7

70.7 72.8 80.0 71.3

18.3 16.9 15.5 18.8

6.5 8.9 3.3 8.2

Monthly family income < -150,000 dra. 150,000-300,000 dra. 300,000-500,000 dra. 500,000- > dra.

53.3 56.5 58.9 55.9

45.4 39.8 37.5 39.3

1.3 3.7 3.5 4.8

67.7 73.7 76.9 73.0

21.8 16.9 16.4 17.0

8.4 5.7 4.4 7.2

Source: Institute V-PRC, Research on political and social participation of Youth, Athens November 1997, Tables 532544, pp. 360-366.

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Aspects and Trends of Voluntary Work in Romanian Sport Virginia Oprisan Romanian Olympic Committee, Romania

1. Introduction This paper will start with two antagonistic assertions: 1.1.

Today's economists say that, in spite of the different forms of crises, society is heading towards a "humanistic" type of development the main goal of which would be the higher accomplishment of individual and social needs. (See Bibliography, ref. 4) (Global level) ;

1.2.

On the other hand, sociologists consider that there is a shift of values between the generations and that the younger generation is more self-centered, more materialistic and demanding. (Individual level). Being a mirror of society and contributing to the improvement of the quality of life, sport touches both the individual and global levels (See Figure 1).

At the individual level, sport is a mean of self expression and self-accomplishment, offering unique satisfactions irrespective of the level of performance achieved. Integrating sport into one's life means getting a faithful life-time companion, discovering the common language that makes friends, keeping the medical expenses low and enjoying life. It really creates life quality.

Figure 1 Sport-Quality of Life interrelations at the individual and global levels Individual level /

SPORT iÂť

PERSONAL DEVELOPMENT

Global level

x

SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 1

'

QUALITY OF LIFE At the global level, one should notice that the most significant indexes of economic and social development - the spare-time duration and the mean life expectancy - are in direct relation with sport. Sport contributes to: ( 1 ) cultural advancement, through creating a genuine sport culture, with specific values, such as discipline, character formation, challenge, balance, fitness, etc. From this perspective, the global dimension of sport is most visible. Its international feature, its structures and rules as well as its wide-ranging media coverage contributed to globalization; 91


(2) social well-being, through its positive effects on human communication, by the improvement of the physical condition of the members of society and even by creating a certain lifestyle; (3) economic development, through its contribution to consumption, incomes, labor, local, regional and even national development, specific industry, export and import, etc. With the advancement of society, people's demands of sport have constantly raised, while material and human resources have remained limited. Public budgets for sports organizations have diminished, in contrast with the volume of work required to provide quality sport services for a constantly larger and more emancipated population. The sports consumer's taste has evolved. What sport could offer, both in the case of participant sports and spectator sports, had to diversify in order to remain competitive; it had to include a wide range of sports - from the very ancient ones (boxing, different forms of wrestling, athletics, etc.) to the very new and multiplying "extreme" sports (bungee jumping, extreme ski, surfing, sky diving, acrobatic gymnastics, etc.); it had to make use of qualified personnel to deliver the required quality; it had to accommodate new trends in old facilities or to invent cost-efficient facilities. Therefore, sport organized in federations and clubs had to rely on voluntary work. The contribution of the voluntary sector to the labor market is important in all the developed European countries, depending on the social and economic conditions and on a certain "culture" based on democratic traditions, by virtue of which the individual is educated in the spirit of fulfilling his duties towards society (See Bibliography, ref. 1).

2. What is the situation with regard to voluntary work in Romania? Irrespective of the history of democracy, dedication has always been an intrinsic quality or potential characteristic of human beings. In Romania, the traditional fields for voluntarism were related to civic actions, religion, rescue, culture and sport. There is no specific definition of the volunteer except for the general one: "a person who works without direct remuneration" for the better functioning of an organization or to deliver a service to others. Romanian sport has greatly relied on voluntary work, sometimes without realizing to what extent. No specific studies have been conducted to assess the phenomenon so far. In the preparation of this paper an attempt was made to get a "glimpse" of the dimensions of voluntary work at the 55 national sports federations. A questionnaire based on the one used by the Council of Europe in 1994 was circulated to all the national sports federations, returning a kaleidoscopic image. The two main categories of factors that seem to influence voluntary contribution in Romanian sport are: 2.1.

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Socio-economic factors. They are determining factors in the dimensions of sport practice at country level (sport for all), influencing the number of participants, the types of sports practiced and the quality of sport services. However they do not seem to be a determining factor at the level of performance - exceptional results were obtained in hard economical situations. Of course, sport is more present where economic and social circumstances are more favorable and where the general education level is higher. The many rapid changes in the country's economic and social environment affected voluntarism in sport:


2.1.1. Changes in the labor market. a) Return of retired professionals. In the early 1990s, many sports specialists retired upon reaching retiring age was due, in the hope that they could rely on their pension and devote themselves either to their hobbies or to profit making activities (paid sports classes, private gymnasiums, different foundations, business, etc.). They soon found out that either they could not make a living from the pension or could not live outside the world of sport. So, they came back to the clubs or federations, as volunteers, remunerated more or less symbolically by work-day or activity. Their contribution was welcome as they were specialists and the federations could not afford to hire or train more staff. b) Migration of club personnel towards the education system. The better salaries and the school holidays in the education network tempted some of the clubs'and federations' specialists who preferred this sector and gave up the sustained year-long work in the field of performance combined with management and bureaucratic responsibilities. This migration resulted in the clubs or federations appealing to more volunteers. c) Young trained or untrained people volunteer for sport. Since 1990, attending higher education institutions, including physical education and sport faculties does not provide certainty of finding a job. Consequently, the students in the final years of these faculties begin to look for a work place and, in this perspective, offer to work as volunteers in sports organizations, to learn more and possibly to be kept there. 2.1.2. The reduction of sport budgets. Public sport budgets in Romania can cover only part of the activities of federations and clubs. The need for funds is satisfied to a certain extent by sponsorship, while the need for personnel is satisfied by volunteers. Funds are never enough and they are allocated according to the priorities established by the national sport policies, that use criteria of performance, representation and image. Consequently, there are fewer volunteers in gymnastics, rowing, track and field, football, etc. and more volunteers in "minor" federations and in sport for all. The less importance is attached to a certain sport discipline a the level of national sport policy, the more the federation relies on volunteers. Here is what the Secretary General of the Romanian Modeling Federation declares: "Due to limited financial possibilities, the Federation will appeal as much as possible to volunteers in future, in all possible areas. We can call on specialists who are able to fulfill different responsibilities with minimum costs or free of charge. " 2.1.3. Trend to develop private sports services. Private aerobics, bodybuilding and martial arts clubs started to develop in recent years. As they need qualified instructors, their demand for specialists may diminish the available number of volunteers in public sport services. 2.2.

"Culture" of Voluntarism. To be a volunteer, one needs a psychological availability to care, to be generous with oneself and with the others, to feel free to offer your help, your knowledge and your time. Good people live everywhere and Romania is no exception. The point is what kind of voluntary culture and what mentality about volunteers exist in Romanian sport? Negative connotations about voluntary work in sport persisted at the beginning of this decade. Older generations who worked in sport have all been volunteers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; some willingly, 93


thers forced to convey through sport the legitimacy, visibility and impact of other kinds of essentially non-sporting events. Fortunately, the last decade also purified sport of all unwanted partnerships. As a consequence, at the beginning of this decade, people rejected non-remunerated activities in sport until they had become separated from the past. Now sport volunteers accept to work for free unless their standard of living forces them to ask for some form of payment. There is also a change in the values system of the sport consumer and the sport volun teer is in fact a genuine sport consumer. He or she values his or her time and likes to use it in an enjoyable or useful manner. There appeared a need to manage leisure time, in response either to the shortening of working time (mostly as a result of the 5-day working week but also due to unemployment) or to the raising of standard of living and education requiring putting any spare time to good use. A leisure sport industry is in the process of being developed and, initially, it will be based on the use of volunteers. There are many difficulties in attempting to get a general view of voluntary work in Romanian sport. These difficulties relate to: -

The significance that different people attach to the word "Voluntary work". Would it be completely non-paid or not?

- The range of activities people have in mind when using this term. Volunteers in sport are used differently by different sports federations, from leadership and regulatory positions to the least qualified jobs. -

The lack of data and records about volunteers. Apart from the documents that contain formal decisions adopted at the top level - when this level is formed by volunteers, it is difficult to get an idea of the volunteer's personal profile, mostly because the federations and clubs keep records only of events, results or financial matters in which volunteers eventually appear in relation to travel, rewards, arbitration, etc.

- The lack of networking among the volunteers themselves.

3. Volunteers and national sport policy In spite of the fact that volunteers in Romania are not subject to any special policy in sport, they are used at all levels of sport organization: National Olympic Committee, Ministry of Youth and Sports, national sports federations, clubs and associations. Traditionally, they play a role in the leading boards of sports organizations, in specialized commissions, in activities and events. This tradition is so deeply rooted in sport that most of the federations' staff forget they are led by volunteers (at least formally). However, their oblivion could be motivated by the feeling that leadership truly belongs to those with immediate access to information and money. This could explain why the federations involved in the survey did not mark the functions of "leader" or "administrator" on the list of assignments for the volunteers they claimed to use. The volunteers in the leading bodies of sports organizations are generally highly qualified. Some volunteer bodies constitute the highest authority in specialized sports fields; an example is the National Anti-Doping Commission. 94


There are no legal provisions to encourage or protect the status of the volunteer in Romania. Some sports federations feel that legislation on sport financing should be modified by a referendum among the federations to include the whole range of payment forms corresponding to each specific sport activity. The Ministry of Youth and Sports and the Finance Ministry should decide on the annual levels and amounts that can be allocated to sport volunteers or collaborators who are not hired on a work contract basis. At the same time, sports specialists consider that the Sport Law - now in final phase of approval - as well as the Sponsorship Law and the taxation policy should include provisions about voluntary work. Many of the investigated organizations declared they do not apply a special strategy for volunteers. However, one should be aware that in spite of the absence of formalized policies, a large majority of organizations expressed their intention to extend the use of volunteers in the near future.

4. Sport areas using volunteers Volunteers cover a large volume of work with minimum costs in all sports. The extent to which voluntarism is used in sport seems to depend on: -

the degree in which an organization is related to sport performance and competition: the more related to high level sport, the less volunteer work is used;

-

the degree in which a sport tends towards professionalization: professional or professional oriented sports organizations tend to resort less to volunteers;

-

the extent of the educating mission the organization assumes. All sports organizations clearly have a basic educational mission based on the propagation of the intrinsic values of sport. If this mission is more explicitly pursued, more volunteers tend to be involved;

-

the volume of work carried out by the organization's permanent staff: the more work is needed the more volunteers are used;

-

the territorial structure of the organization or its absence: when the organization has no territorial structure of its own, it has to rely greatly on volunteers;

-

the financial means available to the organization: the higher the budget, the more permanently employed personnel is used;

-

the culture of the organization ; if the voluntary tradition is strong, the organization will attract and involve more volunteers.

There are organizations, such as the Romanian Football Federation, which claim to function without volunteers meaning, in fact, that its financial position enables it to reward any kind of performed task. At the other extreme, some federations, such as the Romanian Sport for All and the Mountaineering Federations, cannot exist without volunteers, meaning they depend on volunteers for between 80% and 100% of their activities. The average use of volunteers for the investigated national federations is between 30% and 50% of the total volume of activities. For example, at the Romanian Olympic Committee, there are 108 elected members out of whom 98 are volunteers: 25 members form the Executive Committee, out of whom 23 are volunteers, including the President; the same applies to members of the 6 specialized commissions. Some of 95


the commission members are additional volunteers, without being N O C members. The staff of N O C Romania consists of 19 permanent employees. Besides this structure, which ensures the current functioning of N O C Romania, another structure has been created which is totally devoted to its Olympic education mission: the Romanian Olympic Academy, which is entirely composed of volunteers. The Romanian Olympic Academy functions through four commissions (Organization of Events, Olympic Education and Culture, Olympic Research and Documentation and Staff Upgrading). The Academy has developed 18 regional branches and 200 Olympic Clubs and Circles in the country. In all about 500 persons, mostly represented by professors, teachers and students who are active at all levels of the national education system. In addition to the activities performed by the Romanian Olympic Academy, there are activities pertaining directly to the Romanian Olympic Committee, to which volunteers make a contribution. This applies mainly to the series of events that take place in connection with the annual "The Olympic Day Run". This year's national race took place in Timisoara; only 8 employees were used to organize it, along with about 350 volunteers. The humanist message of Olympism attracts many enthusiasts. A similar phenomenon - people's attraction to a generous idea - can be seen in the field of Sport for All, a renewed philosophy of sport practice for health and recreation, in accordance with one's interests, abilities and preferences, in an organized or unorganized background, the main goal of which is individual and social well being. In this field of sport, the activity involves a voluntary contribution. During the last 5 years, the Romanian Sport for All Federation, not only encouraged work with volunteers but devoted efforts and money from quite limited funds to systematically training them. It organized regional and national courses each year, in collaboration with the Staff Training Department of the Ministry of Youth and Sport and with the International Sport for All Federation (F.I.S.p.T) for roles that did not exist before: Sport for All instructors, animators and recreational coaches. The courses were intended to train qualified volunteers who could offer their assistance in the activities of the Federation. Some of the other federations also train their volunteers by organizing clinics for coaches, referees, with an average frequency of one every two years.

5. How many volunteers and how much work? When sports organizations are asked about the number of volunteers they use, they first think of operational volunteers, which they are not eager to quantify due to their relatively high fluctuation rate. A second and more important observation is that figures are given only for the central headquarters of the organization, not for the entire (existing or non-existing) structure in the territory. Unfortunately, no sports organization has quantified its voluntary forces in the territory so far and we can have only a partial idea of what happens at a central level. The figures obtained for the operational volunteers are extremely variable: Gymnastics, 20-30 highly specialized persons; Rowing, 86; Boxing, about 300 persons; Hockey, 9; Sport for All, 55; Yachting, 22; Martial Arts, 270; Air Sports, 74; Ski-Biathlon, 15; Modeling, 100, etc. To these figures one should add the decision-making volunteers from the leading bodies of the organizations (executive committees and specialized commissions) and by extension, the members of the General Assemblies, in all between 80-200 persons per federation. The federations that are 96


well represented in the territory by clubs (such as team sports), have larger voluntary structures. Generally, the number of volunteers compared with the number of employed persons (2 to 40 in federations) is several times higher. In some organizations, the permanent helpers - usually retired specialists - , work every day, in a similar way to hired personnel. In others, they work up to 60-90 days per year. They have special tasks to cover, in accordance with their professional profile. It is quite usual for permanent volunteers to be used for administrative and bureaucratic duties, which they fulfill with the competence gained through long experience. Temporary volunteers fluctuate considerably. Some federations declare that only 50% to 70% of such volunteers repeatedly take part in the federation's activities. The number of days they work is very different from one federation to another. For example, the Water Polo Federation mentions that non-permanent volunteers work about 15-20 days per year, have a stabilizing tendency and their number is rising. Another federation, such as the Sports Federation for the Disabled, reports that permanent volunteers work 6 to 9 months a year, while temporary volunteers work about 60 days a year. The principal duties assigned to volunteers in sport result from the positions they are used in: -

coaches judges/referees instructors lecturers medical assistants translators monitors accompanying personnel unskilled workers

-

organizers leaders administrators advisors P.R. specialists, journalists photographers animators drivers, etc.

6. Benefits and disadvantages of volunteer work From the point of view of the federations involved in the survey, the benefits of using volunteers were, in order: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)

Savings. Expertise and efficiency. Motivation. Coverage of a wide area of activities and sports. Keeping former athletes or sports technicians close to sport. Ensuring the link between the sport organization and the community.

The most frequent difficulties and drawbacks encountered when using volunteers were reported to be, in order: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)

The relation of authority not clearly defined or applied. No real reward for work and no stimulation. Budget limitations related to the maximum amount of remuneration for the volunteer. Fluctuation. Low possibilities for upgrading or training. Independence. 97


7. Status of the sport volunteer in Romania It is difficult to highlight the volunteer's status in Romania, mostly because society, more precisely sport, though benefiting from his contribution, seems to have no interest in clarifying his position and his rights. However, the few existing data help us identify several other characteristics: 7.1. Demography As far as the professional qualification of volunteers is concerned, it varies from an unqualified status (high school graduates) up to the highest possible qualifications. Most of the volunteers used in the organization of sport events have a technical background: coaches, referees, instructors, doctors, physiotherapists, etc. Volunteers' standard of living is generally average to high. These standard levels should be considered within the socio-economic context of the country. However, when volunteers expect some kind of reward from the sports organization, the personal motivation for participation could rely on a low standard of living, especially in the case of the unemployed, students or the retired. The range of ages is wide, from 20 to 70 years old; both genders are well represented. 7.2. Structure Most of the sports organizations are led by an executive committee. At federation level this committee, called a "federal bureau", consists mainly of volunteers. Depending on the size and importance of the federation, the federal bureaus consist of 11 to 25 persons. Besides this category of decision-makers, another category of volunteers is used in operations, which can be permanent or temporary, who usually assist the federation staff in their daily tasks. Hence, decision-making volunteers are usually organized in a leading structure at the organization level hile operational volunteers are not organized in any special way They simply appear on lists at the secretariat of the organization. 7.3. Motivation Persons who offer to work for free are personally motivated. The most frequent personal motivations relate to: -

passion for sport; a wish to help; a wish to be regarded as a professional; the possibility to establish contacts with experts from the same field; the possibility to have a more diverse life; the satisfaction of being active and useful; material reward.

7.4. Recruitment Sport volunteers are generally recruited from sport. A general observation is that all the persons in the federations who took the time to answer the questionnaire declared to have worked themselves as volunteers, mainly in sport, but also in other areas, such as education or the Red Cross. Even the young volunteers recruited from among students or the unemployed are directly or empathetically connected to sport. 98


7.5. Training Volunteers are generally qualified personnel. At the level of federations, formal or informal training courses are organized, the costs of which are covered by different sources: public budget, volunteers' budget or, most frequently, sponsorship. Training clinics are also viewed as communication events, enabling an exchange of experience but mostly facilitating networking. 7.6. Management Decision-making volunteers theoretically represent the management at the sport organization level. However, as their presence is not permanent, their authority seems to be perceived mostly at a representation level. Operational volunteers freely follow the policy of the organization's executives and administrators. Irrespective of their decision-making or operational positions, volunteers always preserve a recognized amount of independence. 77. Evaluation There are no records of formal evaluations of volunteers, except for those made at the end of training courses. In practice, the activity of both employees and volunteers is evaluated globally, per activity or in annual reports. 7.8. Rewards The kind of reward that volunteers receive is mostly public recognition. However, the range of the word "public" seldom goes beyond the boundaries of the organization, except for personalities who lead powerful organizations and whose achievements are media covered. Federations declare they generally offer some kind of reward for the services performed by volunteers. These rewards differ in accordance with the permanent or temporary status of the volunteer. Permanent volunteers may receive up to XU of the national minimum salary. Temporary volunteers, especially those acting as judges, may receive a daily arbitration indemnity within predetermined limits; others are paid by the hour. However, collateral expenses relating to travel, accommodation, etc. are reimbursed. Other rewards may consist of obtaining free access to sports activities or getting sports equipment and material from federations or sponsors.

8. Future prospects for voluntarism Volunteers cover a significant amount of qualified and cost efficient work. This could be one of the reasons why the phenomenon survives in sport and equally in the other traditional fields: it has become indispensable. Sports organizations have based themselves on volunteers from their very beginning, becoming dependent on them, practically being formed by them. Some believe that voluntarism will diminish with hard economic and social conditions. Some federations state that nobody is willing to work for free anymore. This would reflect not people's rejection to give for free in a pragmatic society but rather the need to provide for a decent living. Voluntarism is connected with a status of emotional and material comfort. 99


Educational campaigns could help stimulate the individual's generosity and the social value of voluntary contribution. Social recognition should be increased by creating special rewards with high symbolic value (diplomas, medals, etc.) and by providing adequate media coverage. If living standards are low, material rewarding should be increased to levels that enable the preservation of the idea of voluntarism. Special programs for attracting volunteers to sport should be created by the highest sports authorities, in the interest of both sport and society. This paper is simply a tentative initial study of the subject. Data and facts, though based on investigation, rely on the subjectivity of the respondents and of the author, not on scientific field research. However, voluntarism can not be separated from subjectivism and idealistic behavior. In spite of a reserved prognosis, as long as there are ideals there is hope.

Bibliography Andreff W. - The Economic Importance of Sport in Europe Financing and Economic Impact, Council of Europe, Strasbourg, 1994. CDDS, Conseil de l'Europe - Le sport et l'activité bénévole. Résultats du Groupe de Suivi sur le Travail bénévole en 1994. Okita S. - Towards the 21" Century, AGER, Economistul, RAI, Bucharest, 1992 (in Romanian). Popescu C , Ciucur D., Popescu I. - Transition Towards a Human Economy, Editura Economica, Bucharest, 1996 (in Romanian).

100


Volunteering versus Olympism Maria Luisa Honrubia Spanish Federation of Olympic, Sports and Social Volunteering, Spain Angel Ignacio Fernandez Nino Olympic Volunteering Association of Murcia, Spain

The very existence of this symposium should be enough to confirm to many of us the existence of a large army of helping hands, who from day to day work in sport to create a better society. Notwithstanding the above, a large part of society is unaware that we even exist. Nevertheless, it has been shown that Olympic volunteering was one of the most important cogs in the machinery that enabled the granting and staging of the biggest and most important sports event ever held in Spain. I am referring to the Barcelona '92 Olympic and Paralympic Games. Eight years later, and from the perspective of president of a national federation, I am here to tell you who we are, what we are doing now, and why we are doing it. This paper will therefore be in five sections: ( 1 ) Volunteering as an agent of change in society.

(2) (3) (4) (5)

Olympic volunteering, a new area of solidarity. Activities carried out by Olympic volunteers. The Spanish Federation of Olympic, Sports and Social Volunteering. The future of Olympic volunteering: a proposal for the IOC and a challenge for us all.

1. Volunteering, an agent of change in society Today, modern societies in developed countries tend to provide their members with a plethora of facilities to make their lives safer, more comfortable and more pleasant. By means of taxes, citizens obtain some of these facilities from the states in which they live: health, security, culture, education, recreation, pensions and help in the event of illness, accidents, disasters, etc. This package of responses to the needs of individuals or groups makes up what is known in sociological circles as the welfare state. This has led us to consider it normal that, given a particular situation, one can obtain medicines, psychological help, grants, human support, etc. and what is more striking: almost always free of charge, as the cost of such help is covered either by the State or other bodies, thus creating what is known as a culture of gratuitousness. In addition to public authorities (first sector) and some economic and financial agents (second sector), the main agents of this culture of gratuitousness are all of the bodies that make up what is known as the third sector: cooperatives, associations, federations, foundations, professional colleges, unions, religious organizations, etc. 101


Many of these bodies are precisely the instruments that the law, and in the case of Spain, our constitution, defines as means of social participation, i.e. groups of people who are capable of changing social structures through their work and contributions. This finally brings us to one of the most attractive and overwhelming social options of recent times: solidarity. Solidarity, the quest for a fairer society with fewer inequalities and more justice, is the main driving force of volunteer activities. Its main protagonists are volunteers. It is true to say that few gestures today awaken such delight and admiration as the hope for a better future thanks to volunteer service. A volunteer organization, in accordance with the definition given by the Council of Europe in 1985, is a philanthropic body or association made up of volunteers who engage in social action, mainly in order to benefit people outside the association itself. Voluntary service, however, takes its inspiration from the universal principles of volunteerism, selflessness and solidarity. Voluntary work or service implies the growth of a new culture of selflessness, substantial improvement to the strength of the social fabric, and the primacy of solidarity as the highest value of our collective mission. As well as strengthening the social fabric, volunteer associations provide dynamism, responsibility and credibility in the face of the bureaucratization, dehumanization, rigidity and dependency that many public bodies and institutions are rightly accused of.

What is a volunteer? "A volunteer is someone who dedicates some of their spare time or knowledge to performing an activity that is useful and committed to the service of others, without expecting anything in return". Volunteerism as a social movement is something over a century old. Over the years many people and organizations have shaped volunteer service, such that today we can say that a volunteer, in order to be classed as such, should perform their function within the context of the following five areas: (1) Their action must be personal. (2) They act in a completely free and voluntary fashion. (3) Their action should have some value or use for society. (4) They work not in an isolated manner but within the framework of a body or organization. (5) They do so in a completely altruistic and disinterested fashion. Today we have gone beyond the isolated actions that had their origins in occasional volunteering and, within the Welfare State, we are moving towards a collective use of leisure time, which is increasingly abundant and of higher quality. We can state that volunteer service is ceasing to be something occasional in people's lives, and is becoming a "way of life". 102


2. Olympic volunteering, a new area of solidarity We have seen that volunteering supplies those areas that the Welfare State or public authorities are either unable to supply or supply unsatisfactorily. It is said that volunteers will have fulfilled their aims in life when they no longer have anything to do in their spare time.

Where do volunteers work? Any situation of need, not necessarily of obvious urgency, can be fertile ground for volunteer service. Orthodoxy defines certain classic volunteer groups (the oldest, the most committed and those with the greatest effects on society) who work with poverty, the marginalized and social emergencies. In any case, and in view of the fact that we live in a society that is compartmentalized in everything, we can posit the following sectors of operational activity: Social assistance (1) Volunteer work with the socially marginalized. (2) Volunteer work with the disabled and other social/health services. (3) Volunteer work with drug addicts and AIDS sufferers. (4) Human rights volunteers. Development (5) Volunteer work in development assistance and third world relief Recreational (6) Volunteer work in civil protection (7) Olympic, sports and cultural volunteering, leisure time volunteering (8) Volunteer work in environmental protection (9) Volunteer work in social involvement and personal development. Volunteers traditionally work in the first two groups. For many years they have been cropping up in other fields of activity that would be unthinkable for the majority of "traditional" volunteers, but which are fuelling a major increase in the number of volunteers. This "recreational volunteerism", which is apparently less complicated, focuses on matters related to leisure and better quality of life. Its attraction is undeniable to the general public, and it should be given due consideration and respect, as it is turning out to be the "strait gate" through which many people, particularly youngs-ters, can enter the fascinating world of solidarity, almost without realizing it. Not everyone can or should in the first instance take on situations as dramatic or responsible as a traffic accident, personal care for a terminal cancer patient, or working in a Third World country. We believe that Olympic and sports volunteer service is a first step towards solidarity, without involving any major commitment or personal trauma. Olympic volunteers begin their volunteer service on the most attractive and accessible path. Their contact with other volunteers during their experience (Red Cross, civil protection, carers for the disabled, the elderly, prisoners, immigrants, etc.) will open their eyes to the social reality and, perhaps, encourage them to join other more socially committed groups. Whenever this happens, the Olympic volunteer will already have some basic training and other useful skills, and will have acquired a minimum of experience that will enable them to proceed with confidence along their new path. This is why we strongly defend our 103


position in the volunteer corps, as in addition to demonstra-ting that we cover a social area, we are fully convinced that we are a living school of solidarity.

3. Activities carried out by Olympic volunteers A volunteer can perform any kind of task. Nevertheless, the strained labour situation in Europe at the moment (unemployment rates, etc.) suggests that volunteer functions should be limited according to prevailing economic conditions. A volunteer must never knowingly fill the position of a paid employee. On the other hand, it is difficult to know where to draw the line between salaried positions and volunteer tasks, (but at least this could form the basis of another symposium such as this!). Equally, volunteers should never be "used" as "cheap labour", either by private bodies or public authorities. The responsibility for ensuring compliance with this basic ethical code should lie with the volunteer bodies themselves, who should avoid, and if necessary remedy any breaches or unjustified exploitation. As far Olympic volunteering is concerned, the experience of the associations belonging to this federation has shown clear success in the wide range of relationships they have built up through active participation. Volunteers have fulfilled the following functions: -

access control accommodation assistance accompanying vehicles assistance to judges and referees assistance to press and media assistance to sports teams and delegations (12/24 hours) assistance to the board at sports competitions assistance to VIPs audiovisual bib distribution braille and sign language broadcasts care of people needing special attention: the blind, mentally and physically disabled, children, the elderly, etc. child care cloakroom and store-room control communications, conferences and discussions competitions and lotteries copy service crowd control development assistance driving a variety of vehicles first aid and emergency guides information and promotion stands interpreters (English, French, German, Italian, Portuguese, Arabic, Russian, Catalan, etc.) leading walks and races, and bringing up the rear liaison medical and other health services

104


-

office organization and logistics preparation of courses and facilities preparation of ski slopes preparation of tracks in stadiums and halls presentation of prizes and trophies press briefings protocol public address and simultaneous interpreting refreshments registration desk reporters search for lost property and persons security socio-cultural events statistics stewarding street and crossing control telephone reception, fax and e-mail training and other educational activities

4. The Spanish Federation of Olympic, Sports and Social Volunteering We have to go back to 1986, when Barcelona was a candidate to host the Games of the XXV Olympiad, to find over 100,000 people who selflessly offered to become "Olympic volunteers". Because of this extraordinary initiative some of these groups of volunteers, in an effort to ensure that their efforts and friendship would not fade away once the Barcelona Games were over, decided spontaneously to form associations with a view to continuing to develop this social assistance through sport, at local or regional level, by supporting Olympic-type activities such as community sport, high-level championships, cultural events and support for NGOs. Thus, in May 1991, before the Games themselves began, the first such body was officially registered - the "Association of Olympic Volunteers" in the Murcia Region - to be followed soon after by several more scattered throughout the country: Asturias, Navarra, Valencia, Catalonia, Madrid, Aragon, La Rioja, Extremadura, the Balearics, the Basque country, etc. Once the flame of the Barcelona Olympic and Paralympic Games had gone out (around 45,000 volunteers were involved), these groups decided to join their forces and dreams and work together towards a common future. Meetings in Navarra (Alsasua), Barcelona (Tarrasa), Valencia, and Alicante (Moraira) sought ways of creating a body with its own articles of association, structure and legal status that would be able to represent such a broad group, and which we believe is even today unique in the world. It is worth mentioning that, as far as we know, after the celebration of an Olympic Games, the volunteer corps who worked on it have never continued to exist afterwards in a stable and organized manner, as their work and existence ended at the end of each Olympiad, and they disappeared from their respective social spectrum. In March 1995, in the incomparable setting of San Lorenzo de El Escorial in Madrid, the "Federation Espanola de Voluntariado Olimpico, Deportivo y Social" (FEVODES) finally saw day. The following year, in Murcia, its first management board was democratically elected. 105


The aims of the Federation, as stated in article 2 of the Social Statutes, include the following: — Service to society in its broadest form. — Coordination and representation of the affiliated associations, giving support to their activities and providing services as appropriate. — Planning the most appropriate actions for the promotion and development of volunteerism. — Encouraging the participation of young people in the volunteer movement. — Facilitating contact between affiliated associations, seeking unification of conditions and taking advantage of synergies and shared experiences. — Support and promotion for the creation and coordination of the appropriate services, and provision of these services, including basic training, recruitment, joint activities, promotion, documentation and representation. — Motivation and raising awareness of society about the volunteer movement, particularly in civic, Olympic, sporting, cultural, environmental and related areas. — In general, any other aim that furthers the promotion of volunteerism and its altruistic work. Our Federation, which is open to any volunteer organization with similar aims, is made up of twenty organizations based in nine Autonomous Communities, representing some 12,000 volunteers. Aragon:

"Aragon Joven" group, Zaragoza.

Asturias:

"Asturcon" volunteers, Gijön (board member) "Andech '92" Asturian Olympic volunteers, Oviedo

Balearics:

Alaior sports group, Menorca

Catalonia:

'Voluntaris" of Badalona, Barcelona (vice-president) 'Voluntaris 2000", Barcelona Voluntaris per al Futur" of Matarö, Barcelona (board member) 'Voluntaris 2000" of Mollet del Vallès, Barcelona (board member) 'Voluntaris" of Reus, Tarragona 'Voluntas Club - Amigos del Olimpismo" of Sabadell, Barcelona 'Voluntaris" of Tarrasa, Barcelona 'Voluntaris per sempre" of Viladecans, Barcelona

La Rioja: Madrid:

Asvol" volunteers of La Rioja, Logrono 'Voluntarios Deportivos" of Madrid

Region of Murcia:

Navarra: Community Of Valencia:

"Voluntarios Culturales de la Region de Murcia" (treasurer) "Voluntarios Deportivos Municipales" Murcia regional council (board member) "Voluntarios Olimpicos de la Region de Murcia" (president) "Asvona" volunteers of Navarra, Pamplona (board member)

"Voluntaris Olimpics S. XXI" of Alicante "Voluntarios de Valencia", Valencia (secretary)

To date several joint and inter-community activities have taken place, the most important being: — "Run through Madrid", a "Guinness" record attempt (1996) 106


— "Partido de las Estrellas" all-star match in Valencia, for charity (1998) — "International Handball Tournament" in Elche, Alicante (1996 to 1999) — Navarra stage of the Tour de France (1996) — Final of the King's Cup basketball tournament, Valencia (1999) — "Street theatre" in Viladecans (1999) — 1999 Alpine skiing world cup, Sierra Nevada (Granada) — State Congress of Volunteering in Madrid (1998) We also plan to take part in: — European Youth Olympic Days, Murcia 2001 — Mediterranean Games, Almeria 2005 — Sevilla 2008 Olympic bid Although it is still very young, FEVODES is well supplied with efficient, well-trained and skilled members, tested over many years of solid experience. The determination of its volunteers has been enjoyably demonstrated in the cities and regions where its members work day after day. The immediate working schedule includes such attractive activities such as: — Creation of "Defensor del Voluntariado" and study commission for the state volunteering plan 1997-2000. — Celebration of "International Volunteer Day" every 5th December. — Organization of individual state congress and participation in important forums such as the present symposium. — Preparation and presentation of "Volunteers of the Year" awards. — Publicity and promotion of the profile of the Olympic and sports volunteering within the social environment. — Collaboration on intercommunity activities. — Maintenance and/or creation of relationships with important sports and Olympic organizations.

5. The future of Olympic volunteering: a proposal for the IOC and a challenge for us all Olympism, and by extension sport in general, is as good a field as any for performing volunteer service, as it features elements that are identical to those of other volunteer groups: friendship, trust, team work, tolerance, coexistence, self-improvement, quality, and many etceteras. Put simply: solidarity, a dimension that is amply represented in the Olympic spirit, which involves making life more human and helping to bring people closer together. This is why I should like to take this opportunity to express a formal request to the highest organ of the Olympic Movement, within which, let us not forget, this form of volunteerism was born. Despite the years that have passed, and its current status, initiatives such as this cannot and should not remain on the sidelines of the official bodies (IOC, Spanish Olympic Committee, Supreme Sports Council, etc.). This is why, taking inspiration from the Olympic Charter, particularly the second Fundamental Principle, I should like to ask the President of the IOC, the admired and respected Juan Antonio Samaranch, to put before the IOC Session and, if appropriate, the Executive Board, the proposal of initiating a process with the aim of recognizing and, eventually, integrating into the Olympic Movement the emerging, valuable, effective, responsible and universal phenomenon of Olympic Volunteering, on whatever terms are deemed appropriate. I should point out that part of the process could be carried out by the NOCs themselves, according to the provisions of Rule 107


32.2.2 of the Olympic Charter, under which legally constituted Olympic volunteering could be understood to be included in "other sports-oriented organizations... liable to reinforce the effectiveness of the NOC or who have rendered distinguished services to the cause of sport and Olympism". It is clear that thousands of people in Spain and possibly in other countries, particularly after this Symposium, will continue to collaborate to the best of their abilities with the universal values expressed through volunteering, and to which the Olympic Movement is a party. To ignore or discount this reality, as well as being a lamentable waste of human and material resources, would be like wanting to silence the murmur of the waves in the sea, or the whistle of the wind through the trees. Olympic volunteering is real and tangible and it has a promising future, particularly if a body such as the IOC, with its experience and organizational abilities, were to listen, respect and value it, and take it under the wing of any one of its institutions. Incorporating the impetus and enthusiasm of volunteering into the Olympic Movement would undoubtedly be an enriching step for both parties, and certainly for society. I therefore invite the IOC to look carefully into the possibility of creating a permanent status for Olympic Volunteering; this "Observatory of Olympic Volunteering" would be the instrument that would carry out volunteer-related activities for the Olympic Movement at all its events, providing volunteering with the legitimacy and continuity in time that, as a legacy of the "best Games in history", a handful of mad but humble Spaniards continue to endeavour to achieve. I would not wish to end this paper without quoting Pierre de FrĂŠdy, Baron de Coubertin, the father of the Olympic Games of modern times : "Olympism seeks to create a way of life based on the joy found in effort and mutual respect." What is this, if not the clearest possible expression of the volunteer movement? We hope that Europe and the entire world can come to know of the existence of "this volunteer force", and to know that its "raison d'ĂŞtre" is none other than the betterment of society. Our society.

108


Volunteerism and Olympic Music Venues

William Guegold The University of Akron, USA

1. Introduction "Fashions have undergone many changes over two thousand years, but music has remained the factor which best conveys the emotion within a crowd, and which best accompanies the amplitude of a great spectacle. " When Pierre de Coubertin made the above statement following the first of the Modern Olympic Games in 1896, little did he know how large a global spectacle the music surrounding the Games would become. Many of these have involved the exposure to the rest of the world of a host country's indigenous culture(s), and/or provided a stage for which many of the world's cultures could be combined into one big aural and visual melting pot presentation. The purpose of this paper is to examine how volunteers have played a major role in the enhancement of the various musical venues of the modern Games including the opening and closing ceremonies, arts olympiads, related social functions, the early arts contests, the role military bands played, and the emphasis the Games have placed on children and young people. In many cases, there are not clear references to the volunteer nature of the musical participants. Yet based on the circumstances, we can assume that many were indeed volunteers and contributed in no small way to bringing together the Global Village. The value of combining music and the Olympic Games traverses time. The comparison begins with the comments of Coubertin as he wished all athletic groups to form singing unions so that they might build a special sense of camaraderie and breathing skills - to those of composer John Williams, as he describes the similarity of an athlete finding the necessary timing to perform at his/her peak and the musician who must find just the right "groove" for a selection to fall into the rhythm just so. Material for the paper has been drawn primarily from the official reports of the Games and a few different sources from the author's writings.

2. Ceremonies Whether one watches the Games in person or on a delayed broadcast, music is evident from the first moment. One of the most prominent places for music can be found in the ceremonies surrounding the Games. While not all of the performers utilized for the ceremonies have been volunteers, a great many certainly have donated their services. Even the military bands, which played an important role in many of the Games, were in attendance because the host country saw fit to donate their services. For the first Modern Olympic Games, the Greek composer, Dionysios Lavrangas (1864-1941), wrote a hymn for choir and orchestra entitled Pentathalon for the event with the same name. Reports indicate that The Philharmonic Band of Corfu led a parade including a group of singers 109


from the Piraeus Musical Union singing a song entitled The Sailor Lad followed by the band playing selections from Wagner's Lohengrin. Bugle calls were used to announce the assembling for the procession to the stadium. The parade was composed of a series of bands including a garrison band, another band from Corfu, a naval band, other bands from Laurion, Leucas, Cephallonia, Zakynthus, and the Philharmonic Band of Athens. The first official Olympic Hymn was written by the Greek composer, Spiros Samaras, with Kostis Palamas providing the text. Samaras was born in Corfu in 1863 and died in Athens in 1917. The Samaras version remained the official Olympic Hymn until 1912 at which time various new hymns were attempted until 1958. His music was retained for the Games of 1960 and continues to be used today at all opening and closing ceremonies. For the Games held in Los Angeles in 1932, a chorus of 1,200 singers rehearsed for several months before the Games. This group was probably made up of volunteers. The chorus performed over the radio on several occasions prior to the Games to help with advertising and promotion. The chorus also appeared in the opening and closing ceremonies as well as at the demonstration football game with the 1,000-member Olympic Band. It is interesting to note that during the football demonstration, a band of 1,000, a drum and bugle corps of 800, and the choir provided entertainment and marching drills. The bands of the 1932 Games played a significant role in all ceremonies. A band was present in the Olympic Stadium at each event held there. Members of the "official" Olympic Band were paid due to the extensive time required in preparing and performing at the Games. Most were professional musicians and the group was known as "The Official Band of the Games of the X Olympiad." This group also performed on the radio and at various public events associated with the Games. Three additional bands made up of college and high school students were used to augment the official band and to provide music at events held outside the Olympic Stadium. These groups were designated Band B, Band C (70 pieces each), and Band D (60 pieces). In addition to the professional band and three amateur groups, 30 bands totaling nearly 1,500 musicians performed at the Games as guest ensembles. In addition to the bands and chorus, groups of trumpeters performed fanfares at the Marathon, opening and closing ceremonies, as entertainment at the Olympic Village, and for other occasions during the Games. The uniform of all Olympic musical organizations was totally white, with Continental caps and sashes in the Olympic colors of blue, yellow, black, green, and red. Members of the chorus wore berets and the Olympic rings were embroidered on all caps and berets. Massed bands of the Brigade of Guards (200 members) played for the opening ceremony in London (1948) for the March Past and stadium exit. During the March Past the group performed continuously for 45 minutes and was conducted by Major G.H. Willcocks. It was reported that although the musicians were dressed in the ceremonial Bearskin and Tunic Order, not a single member passed out in the July heat. The massed bands alone performed the national anthem. A fanfare was played during the ceremonial release of the doves, symbolizing peace. The Olympic Hymn was performed followed by Handel's Hallelujah Chorus by massed bands and choirs. The Olympic Hymn previously composed in 1944 (these Games were canceled) by Roger Quilter with a setting of Rudyard Kipling's Non Nobis Domine was used here. Sir Malcolm Sargent served as Director of Music and conducted the combined massed bands and choirs at the opening and closing ceremonies. 1,200 singers were chosen for the large choir. 110


During the closing ceremonies words by Sir Alan Herbert, Chairman of the Literature Committee, were put to the famous tune Londonderry Air and performed by the large choir accompanied by the massed bands. Also included in the final events were the Trumpeters of the Household Calvary in ceremonial dress, who performed a fanfare in front of the Tribune just before the lowering of the Olympic Flag. For the Helsinski Games in the summer of 1952 a new Olympic Hymn and a cantata by Taneli Kuusisto (A Finnish Prayer) was performed by a competitively selected 526 member mixed chorus. Mr Martti Turunen was selected as the director. Limited rehearsals were held and the full group practiced for the first time at Messuhalli II and at the Stadium two days before the Games. A full dress rehearsal was held with the band on July 18. The 310 female members of the chorus wore Finnish national costumes and the 216 men wore white shirts and dark trousers. All members received a commemorative medal as a memento. A breakdown of the number of voices on each part follows: first soprano-97, second soprano-74, first alto-64, second alto-75, first tenor-45, second tenor-42, first bass-59, and second bass-70. More than 5,600 volunteers helped with the opening and closing ceremonies in Calgary (Winter, 1988). Most of the more than 30 musical pieces used in these ceremonies were written and recorded in Calgary. Musicians from the area were used to make these recordings in three overdubbed components. The opening ceremony choir comprised 1,100 members. These performers were chosen from all over Alberta and sang Coming Together, the official theme song of the XV Winter Games. So inclusive was the local flavor of this event that even the Calgary Stampede Showband performed. The Royal Canadian Mounted Police performed a short version of their famous musical ride. Also heard were Ian Tyson's Four Strong Winds and Alberta Bound by Gordon Lightfoot, both Canadian recording artists. Can't You Feel It?, a song especially composed for the Games was also performed. Participation at these Winter Games was strong with 57 countries sending representatives. Several hundred folk dancers and 350 fiddlers were highlighted in the ski jump arena during the opening and closing ceremonies in Lillehammer (Winter, 1994). The entrance of the athletes was accompanied by drums of the Royal Norwegian Guard playing traditional peasant dances and the Norwegian Radio Orchestra simultaneously playing folk dances to the same rhythms. Nils Henrik Asheim won the competition for the Olympic fanfare. The piece was written for 12 trumpets and played live at all Olympic ceremonies. The composition was based on the Hardanger fiddle tune Bjolleslatt, a country dance from the Valdres valley. Asheim also arranged a brass band version of the fanfare entitled Olympic Fanfare and March. In the closing ceremonies, Nordheim's Magma was performed with the Nokken (river sprite) symbolically rising from the watery depths. The whole ceremony, including the entrance of the athletes, became more relaxed with jazz/folk rhythms by the Bukkene Bruse folk group and the Brazz Bros ensemble. Although, this is by far an all inclusive listing, we can see that volunteer musicians have played a significant part in all Olympic Games ceremonies.

3. Military bands As mentioned in the previous section, military brass and concert bands have been a prominent musical highlight of the Games. All indications lead us to believe that most of these services were made possible by the host countries at no or little cost to the organizing committees. Ill


Another of the early examples of military bands performing at the Games can be found in the records of the 1908 Games of London. The focus of the events was at Shepherd's Bush Stadium. The trumpeters of the Life Guards played a fanfare to open the Games followed by the British National Anthem performed by the Grenadier Guards. A bugle call signaled the athletes to exit in alphabetical order. One of Irving Berlin's early songs, Dorando, which told the story of an Italian marathon runner, was performed at these Games. During Helsinki (Summer, 1952) the massed bands of the Finnish Army were used to fulfill the ceremonial functions for the Games. Musicians were provided from seven different garrison bands and the Army Schools of Music. The conductor of the groups was Chief Bandmaster Martti Parantainen, who had seven assistants performing various functions. In total, 180 band members were used throughout the course of the Games. Garrison bands practiced the music in advance at their respective locations and met during joint rehearsals in Helsinki just before the beginning of the Games. The full complement of musicians was used at the opening and closing ceremonies with the group broken down into smaller units for the various functions. At victory ceremonies a 120-piece ensemble was utilized. The bands for the Games were required to perform at the following functions : opening and closing ceremonies (including the Olympic Hymn with choir, Olympic Fanfare, national anthems, and march music during the entrance and exit of the teams), provide music for the competitions (Olympic Fanfare, the victor's national anthem, and various light music), provide march music for the gymnastic exhibitions and the national anthems at the Olympic villages as the teams' national flags were raised and lowered. Military band scores for the various national anthems were secured well in advance. Countries were also asked to send gramophone recordings so that the conductors could become familiar with the tunes before the Games began. Band members wrote out arrangements of the hymn from the scores provided. The massed band was placed at the north end of the stadium below the new electrical scoreboard. Mr. Turunen conducted the combined bands and choirs. During the opening ceremonies, the band played 24 marches nonstop. This medley lasted nearly an hour. The famous Finnish composer, Jean Sibelius, prepared a march arrangement of his Song of the Athenians which was used at the closing ceremonies as the flag of the nations exited the stadium. This arrangement was not commissioned by the Organizing Committee of the Olympic Games but was provided by the composer based on his personal initiative during the course of the Games. At the 1955 IOC meeting it was decided that no national anthem should last more than one minute and it was necessary to abbreviate all the anthems provided. This was done by Squadron Leader L.H. Hicks, Director of Music of the Royal Australian Air Force. To reduce the anthem length to within the specified playing time, some sections were omitted to ensure closing on an acceptable cadence. God Save the Queen and The Star Spangled Banner'were easily arranged because shortened versions were commonly used. Some lengthy anthems had their main sections cut so that the final closing bars would be included. In the case of the rather long anthem of the former Soviet Union, which had several differing verses, the best arrangement under one minute was selected. All anthems were scored for full military band, copies of which were made for bands playing at outdoor ceremonies. Tape recordings were made by the Central Band of the Royal Australian Air Force and sent to the Organizing Committee which had discs made for use at the outdoor venues. The entire process of preparing the selections took six months. 112


Scores of the national anthems are now in the archives of the Central Band, Royal Australian Air Force, Laverton, Victoria. The master copies of the recordings are in the possession of Amalgamated Wireless Australia Ltd. There were six different bands (four military groups of 100 each and two civil groups of about 60) used at various times during the Rome Games of 1960. Each band received 24-25 musical scores to cover their respective needs, including ten copies of each national anthem. In addition to these bands, the Band of the Tram and Bus Corporation (conducted by Maestro Alu), and the Naples Band of the Italian Navy were utilized as needed. Recordings of the national anthems were made at the studios of the Italian Radio and Television (RAI) by the four military bands. These recordings were designed to be used at awards ceremonies when one of the bands could not be present in the event of anticipated traffic problems. There was great concern that movement of bands from one event to another would be very difficult given the usual traffic congestion in Rome. Fortunately, this provision was not necessary, as the bands always arrived in time. During the opening ceremonies, only the Carabinieri Band accompanied by the Choir of the National Academy of Santa Cecilia, performed the Olympic Hymn and Italian National Anthem. To alleviate problems of fatigue, the four bands played alternately during the opening ceremony March Past (43 minutes) and recessional (41 minutes). At these ceremonies, twelve marches lasting 3-4 minutes each were used. The United States Marine Band, Washington, D.C., directed by Lieutenant Colonel Albert Schoepper, was the official band of the Squaw Valley Winter Games of I960 and performed at all Olympic ceremonies (which were coordinated by Walt Disney). Among the musicians who helped open the 1984 Games in Sarajevo were three military bands which included a host of army composers/arrangers. One of the most popular themes for these Games was the March of the Continents comprising a medley of favorite folk songs.

4. Arts competitions The early arts competitions have long since faded from the minds of nearly every contemporary Olympic student. However, Pierre de Coubertin did recognize the uniqueness of the arts in a competitive nature and noted in his "Suggestions To Competitors of 1912 " that "however it is treated, art cannot be ruled the same way as sport. "Despite some degree of concern about the judging methods, competitions in architecture, city planning, sculpture, painting, music, and literature were conducted from 1912 through 1948. Dramatic plays were entered as part of the literature category. These contests were held seven times, associated with each Olympic Games during this period (three were canceled due to world wars in 1916, 1940, and 1944). The arts competitions were held under the direct auspices of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) and not the host Organizing Committee as the costs of these events were deemed to be prohibitive. The eventual demise of the music contests in particular was due to the cost of hiring musicians (or full symphonic orchestras) to play the numerous entrant's works that might have never been performed again. Also, composers of adequate standing preferred to serve on the adjudication panels rather than submit works (possibly due to the amateur status required). In fact, in 1924 and 1928 no prizes were awarded and only Josef Suk's Toward a New Life won a silver medal in 1932. After 1936 the musical works were divided into several distinct categories. 113


The first composer to win a gold medal in music was Italian, Ricardo Barthélémy, in 1912 for his Triumphal Olympic March.

5. Arts Olympiads Following 1948, the demise of the arts competitions caused the IOC to focus on the Arts Olympiads or Arts/Cultural Festivals that had grown up around the Games. Meeting in Athens in 1954, the IOC Executive Board, at the request of President Avery Brundage, decided to leave the responsibility for the cultural program to the Organizing Committee for each Games. Of primary importance would be an exhibition of native art work. It was decided that diplomas would be presented to participants rather than medals. This decision was written into the Olympic Charter as Article 31: "The Organizing Committee will organize a demonstration or exhibition of Art (architecture, music, literature, painting, sculpture, sports philately, and photography...). The program could also include ballets, theater performances, operas or symphony concerts." The scope of these festivals has grown in direct proportion to the Games themselves. Examples include the Winter Games of 1964. The Olympic Music Hall was established in the center of Innsbruck and hosted such greats as Ella Fitzgerald, Gilbert Bécaud, Charles Aznavour, Manitas de Plata and Johnny Halliday In ten days 20,000 paying guests attended concerts by these performers. Ten additional concerts were held in Grenoble (Winter, 1968) during the month of February at the Municipal Theater, and the Cultural Center. They included Giorgy Cziffra, the National Orchestra of Paris conducted by Charles Munch and Serge Baudo, and the University Choir with a lecture by Olivier Messiaen. Other artists included Lili Lastine, Félicien Wolff, and Marie-Claire

Alain. The Tokyo Committee for Organizing the Olympic Games (Summer 1964) convened two subcommittees to oversee the Fine Arts Exhibition and special performances. It was decided there would be ten displays - four in Fine Arts and six in performance. The performances were held in the Kabukiza Theater, Toranomon Hall (in the Imperial Household Agency), Shimbashi Embujo, Tokyo Bunka Kaikan-Ueno Park, Geijutsuza Theater, and Kanze Kaikan-Omagari. The Cultural Program in Saporo (Winter, 1972) included performances of traditional Kabuki and Noh drama. The "Snow Festival" as it was called, provided an excellent showcase for the fine arts. It included a guest performance by the Munich Philharmonic Orchestra. This was the first half of an exchange with the NHK Symphony of Japan, which later performed at the Munich Games. Also performing was the Sapporo Symphony Orchestra. The 1988 Calgary Olympics saw the longest and most widespread arts festival to date held at an Olympic Games. The five week, 12.6 million dollar program, showcased the diversity of Canada's cultural heritage with more than 2,200 artists and 600 performance exhibitions. Income for ticket sales to the various events reached nearly $2.6 million. Contemporary and classical music were featured including performances by the Calgary Philharmonic, Edmonton Symphony, National Arts Centre Orchestra, Toronto Symphony, Esprit Orchestra, Société de Musique Contemporaine du Québec, and the Calgary Youth Symphony. Performing choirs included the Elmer Iseler Singers, Pro Coro Canada, Tudor Singers of Montreal, Vancouver Chamber Choir, The Mikaeli Chamber Choir, and Toronto Childrens Chorus. Chamber music was provided by the Julliard String Quartet, Colorado Quartet, Carlo Curley, and Corey and Katja Cerovsek. Folk music was provided by André-Philippe Gagnon, Michel Lemieux, the Olympic Jazz Band, and the World Drums. 114


Wintershow '88 was the name given to events in the Calgary area. This included performances in downtown Calgary at the noon hour. The Olympic Arts Festival in Lillehammer (Winter, 1994) centered around Maihaugen Hall, although not everything took place there. Other concert sights included the Banken Cultural Centre, Cathedral Point, Hamar, the Gjovik Hall, the Olympic Park , the Hamar Theater, and several churches in the region. An integral part of the Olympic Torch festival was the formal ceremony that took place at each spot where the torch was kept for the night. These mini festivals were the responsibility of the host community and included performances by local bands and musicians (no doubt, volunteers). Ballet was an important aspect of the Olympic Arts Festival in Norway. The grand finale of the ballet programs was a performance of Stormen (based on the Shakespeare play by the same name) with music by Arne Nordheim and choreography by Gen Tetley. Other ballet performances included music by Edvard Grieg, Ragnar Soderlind, Synne Skouen, and Tveor Nordensten. Norwegian life has been greatly influenced and enriched by folk music. This played an important part in both the Olympic Arts Festival and the Olympic Ceremonies. Soprano Solveig Kringlebotn created a performance entitled Norsk Tonefall-for Grieg og Etter which was featured at Maihaugen Hall on Thursday, February 12. Norwegian national folk champions were featured on February 19 with champion fiddler Sondre Bratland and organist Lver Kleive playing in the region's churches on February 20. Sami Nils-Aslak Valkeapaa led a Ur-konsert at Maigaugen Hall on February 22 with indigenous artists from other lands. The Lillehammer Cultural Program lists a multitude of additional programs that occurred throughout the Festival. The Atlanta Olympic Arts Festival (AOAF), sponsored by the ACOG, was again designed to be one of the largest and best festivals. The promotional brochure for the AOAF announced that "The world's greatest athletes are coming to Atlanta in the summer of 1996... and so are the world's finest performers, artists, playwrights, and composers!''The AOAF ran from June 1 through August 3, 1996. The musical highlights of the arts festival program in Atlanta included a mixture of styles and performers. In the popular music vein James Brown, the Godfather of Soul, was one of the featured artists at the 21 nightly Olympic Amphitheater concerts. Also included was Trisha Yearwood, Willie Nelson, Riders in the Sky, and the western swing band Asleep at the Wheel. Gospel performers included Sounds of Blackness and the bluegrass superstar Alison Krauss with her group Union Station. International stars included AngĂŠlique Kidjo, Shoukicki Kina, and Wei Wei. Classical music was well represented through performances by the Atlanta Symphony Orchestra with Jessye Norman and the Atlanta Opera (performing Gershwin's Of Thee I Sing) and Itzhak Perlman. Charles Wadsworth organized a special chamber music program. Other musical groups and headliners included Lynryd Skynyrd, The Giants of Jazz, Travis Tritt, Yoel Levi, and William Fred Scott. Also featured was the Australian Youth Orchestra and Atlanta Youth Orchestra in a joint program as well as a performance of Mahler's Symphony No 2, The Resurrection, directed by Yoel Levi with the Atlanta Symphony and Chorus. Many of these same artists were also included in the opening and closing ceremonies. Although, the Cultural Olympiads could be considered "social" in nature, there have been some distinct social functions accompanying the Games. 115


One of Baron Pierre de Coubertin's goals in reinstating the Olympics was "to reunite in the bonds of legitimate wedlock a long-divorced couple - Muscle and Mind" by creating an allegiance between Sport and Art in the Olympic Games. When in 1894 Coubertin organized the first Olympic Congress the group heard the Hymn to Apollo set to music by Gabriel FaurĂŠ and sung by Jeanne Remade and several choirs. In the 1995 August/September Olympic Review, Geoffroy De Navacelle stated that "he (Coubertin) was astonishingly talented in many areas, particularly art, which explains his wish to associate art and culture with Olympism and its manifestations... Similarly, the appearance of harps on stage at the Sorbonne in 1894 as part of the musical programme can be explained by Pierre's love for music (he was an excellent pianist himself, without learning music theory, just as he obtained a law degree without attending classes). " In 1912 at the Stockholm Games, an Entertainment Committee was formed to arrange for several events, including concerts, dance performances, and theater shows to be given during the course of the Games. The Royal Opera performed six operas: Carmen, Romeo and Juliet, Tosca, Lohengrin, The Tales of Hoffman, and La Boheme. Other productions produced in the area included A Midsummer Night's Dream, Mostellaria, The Count of Luxembourg, The Merry Widow, and Chaste Susanna. At the opening Olympic Banquet for the Games, a double quartet of men's voices led by Herr Gentzel performed. Later a men's choir of 2,500 gave a concert. Trumpeters dressed in medieval costumes played a fanfare from the towers after the King's opening speech. The choir of the Swedish Choral Association sang a national air following a cheer for the King. The athletes left the grounds to the Olympic Games Triumphal March, composed by Dr H. Alexandersson. This piece was awarded first prize (the Gold Medal) in a competition held by the Swedish Olympic Committee. Special ceremonies probably reached a pre-WW II peak in Los Angeles in 1932, and Berlin in 1936. In 1932 (Los Angeles) a pageant called California Welcomes the World was produce, especially for visitors and the athletes, by a group called "Hostesses of the Tenth Olympiad." While four years later in Berlin, a special concert was performed on August 15 at the Dietrich Eckart Open-Air Theater. This major event was attended by many in the German government, the Diplomatic Corps, State and Municipal Departments, Party Organizers, and foreign guests. Pieces of music that had been awarded the gold or silver medal in the musical competitions were performed and conducted by their respective composers. In addition, Handel's oratorio, Herakles, was performed due to its implicit inner links with the Olympic ideal. It was estimated that 100,000 people attended the performances of the oratorio given on five different evenings.

6. The children Although the participation of children and young adults is documented throughout the reports of even the early Games, their involvement probably began to take on added prominence in the pre-war Games of 1932 in Los Angeles and 1936 in Berlin. For instance in Berlin, through special arrangements of the German Railway, the Postal Service, and the National Socialist Special Guard, 10,000 youngsters were transported to the Olympic site to participate in the ceremonies. After the major wars, children and young people can be found in nearly every opening and closing ceremony. Although the United States Marine Band directed by Colonel Albert Schoepper, was the official band of the Winter Games of 1960 (Squaw Valley) and performed at all Olympic ceremonies, 116


musicians from 52 California and Nevada high schools, totaling 1,285 instrumentalists and 2,645 voices, also participated in various ceremonies. The massed student bands were under the direction of Clarence Sawhill from the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA), and Dr Charles Hirt from the University of Southern California (USC), directed the massed choirs. The following list is but one example of the wide-spread use of students in Olympic Ceremonies: California Bands: Berkeley Ceres El Camino Eagle Escondido Union Harry Ells Hollywood Placer Porterville Union Roosevelt Sonora Union St. Helena Thomas Downey

Nevada Bands: Carson Churchill County Elko Humbolt County Mineral County Reno

Nevada Choirs: Carson Elko and Reno

California Choirs: Abraham Lincoln Acalanes Antioch Bellflower Berkeley Central Union Dinuba Hillsdale Hollywood Hughson Union Huntington Park Live Oak Union Madera Modesto Mt. Diablo Nevada Union Oakland Placer Porterville Union Red Bluff Reedley San Juan Sanger Union Santa Rosa Sonora Union South Fork South Gate Tamalpais Thomas Downey Vallejo Watersonville Willow Glen

A fanfare of royal trumpets opened the 1976 Games in Montreal. O Canada was played by a youth orchestra composed of musicians from 30 countries representing all five continents. The Olympic Orchestra directed by Victor Vogel performed March of the Athletes for the processional. This piece was a symphonic suite composed of neo-romantic themes by Mathieu. Following tradition, the Olympic Flag was brought into the stadium to the strains of Samaras' The Olympic Hymn. The march Bayrischer Defilir and the Stern polka accompanied the Munich delegation dressed in folk costumes as a prelude to the transfer of the flag from Munich to Montreal. The Montreal Dancers performed a suite of Quebec music in front of the Queen including Danse de la plongeuse, Auprès de ma blonde, Marianne s'en va-t-au moulin, Danse des ceintures and RÊel des cinq jumelles. The flame was brought into the stadium during the Olympic Fanfare. The Olympic Orchestra and Choir (composed of members of the choirs of the Petits Chanteurs du Mont-Royal, the Disciples de 117


Massenet, and singers from the Union des artistes de MontrĂŠal) performed during the lighting of the flame. A special cantata was written by Louis Chantigny especially for the 1976 Games and was inspired from Mathieu's Romantic Rhapsody for Piano and Orchestra. A highlight of the opening ceremonies was a seven-minute ballet performed by student gymnasts from several different countries and again accompanied by Mathieu's Concerto No 3, The Quebec. The closing ceremonies followed what by then had become very strict protocol. The Olympic Fanfare was sounded and there was a short ballet of school children. The Parade of the Athletes was played by the orchestra, and a symphonic suite of traditional Amerindian music played on traditional instruments (tom-toms, rattles, and bells) ushered in the athletes. Near the end of the parade Mathieu's Danse sauvage was performed, bringing the procession to a close. The Soviet National Anthem was played as their flag was raised in tribute to the next Games scheduled for Moscow. The Orpheus choir sang Samaras' The Olympic Hymn a cappella as the Olympic Flag was lowered. The flag was removed from the stadium to drum rolls and the combined choir and orchestra. The music for this was taken from Mathieu's symphonic poem, Mistassini. During the extinguishing of the flame, Montreal jazz musician Maynard Ferguson performed a trumpet solo. As a preview to the Moscow Games there was a live broadcast from the USSR on the stadium screens of a choir singing Kalinka. The evening ended with the athletes, Amerindians and young girls dancing the Farandole. In association with the Games of Lake Placid (1980), the New York State Education Department held a composition contest won by three Penfield High School students. The All-American Band used at the Los Angeles Games of 1984 consisted of 736 members. Total participants in the opening ceremonies numbered nearly 10,000. The ceremony was viewed by 92,000 spectators and an estimated 2.5 billion more on television The opening program was written by five people. This group was headed by David Wolper, producer and Tommy Walker, director. Mr. Walker also produced the ceremonies at Squaw Valley (I960) and Lake Placid (1980). Jack Elliott was the musical director and conducted his own New American Orchestra, which also participated in the opening ceremonies. Ron Field choreographed the event. A group of 12 collegiate band directors wrote the band show. The arrangers included Tony Fox, Jack Elliott, Earl Brown, Bill Byers, Eddie Karam, and Jay Wanamaker (percussion specialist). The marching band drill design was completed by Gordon Henderson (UCLA), Ken Dye (Rice), Walter McDaniel (Tennessee), Lee Carlson (USC), and Bartner (USC). The band consisted of 48 percussionists, 48 saxophonists, 128 silks, and 412 wind players. Of these members two-thirds were from California colleges and universities, and the rest from other states. The students rehearsed for two weeks prior to the ceremonies for 12 hours each day. The band was divided into two components and continued to perform at various Olympic Sites throughout the Games. The out-of-state group performed at Disneyland, Dodger Stadium, Sea World, and Magic Mountain. During the closing ceremonies the group performed traditional American marches as the athletes paraded around the stadium, as well as the Greek, United States, and Korean National Anthems. Soon after the announcement that Atlanta would be the site for the Centennial Games (1996), the ACOG formed both the structure for the Cultural Olympiad and the Atlanta Olympic Band (AOB). Jeffrey N. Babcock, Ph.D. was chosen as the Cultural Olympiad Director and Bucky 118


Johnson of Georgia Tech was named AOB director. Andrea Strauss was named Associate Director of the band and Steve Hankla, Tim Hinton, Melvin Hodges, Chris Moore, and Don Roberts were selected as Assistant Directors. The AOB was composed of nearly 600 college and high school students from throughout Georgia and was initially formed in 1992. There were 70 music educators involved in this endeavor and nearly 700 people volunteered to help. There were at least 18 Pre-Olympic performances by the 1996 AOB including the very popular Macy's Thanksgiving Day Parade in New York City. Special music composed and arranged for the AOB included Olympic Flag Fanfare and Theme - James Curnow, Under One Flag - Jay Bocook, Atlanta '96 Olympic Salute — Mark Aramian, Blues for Izzy - Bill Locklear, Anthem for Victory Quincy Hilliard, Olympic Gold, arranged by Tom Wallace, Pinnacle — Bill Locklear, Five Fanfares Ron Mendola, Inno Olympico, arranged by Bill Locklear, The Olympian — Tom Wallace, Eternal Quest- Jay Dawson, and John William's Summon the Heroes. Children played an important part in the 1998 Winter Games of Nagano opening and closing ceremonies. After the usual official opening children surrounded the stage area and shed their outer brown cloaks to become "snow children" and accompanied popular artist Ryoko Moriyama in Lloyd Webber's When Children Rule the World. The conclusion was a true musical and technological marvel, demonstrating perhaps better than ever before an ever shrinking global village, as Seiji Ozawa led the Olympic Symphony Orchestra in Beethoven's finale to the famous Ninth Symphony, Ode to Joy. The event was made particularly poignant by the accompaniment in real time of choirs in Berlin, Sydney, New York, Beijing and Cape Town.

7. Conclusion As we look toward Sydney in 2000 and Salt Lake City in 2002, this author has no doubt that music volunteers and the youth of the world will play an important part in all aspects of the Olympic programs. It should be obvious from this brief listing, that many thousands of musicians have donated their time and talents to the Olympic Games since 1896, helping unite the Global Village unlike any other event. Why would one want to do this? One must conclude that they continue to volunteer because of the on-going attraction of the ideals present in the Olympic Spirit and Pierre de Coubertin's vision to include music and the other arts as an integral part of this truly world-wide spectacle. Why? Perhaps it is better to ask, who wouldn't?

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Managerial Problems in Combining Sports Projects with Volunteerism Xavier Blanc IDHEAP, Switzerland

1. Introduction 1.1. Issues In 1990 Germany recorded 2,700,000 sports volunteers, representing 200 million man-hours annually. In France there were 1,000,000 volunteers, representing 300 million man-hours and in Italy there were 600,000 volunteers, or 151.2 million man-hours (Halba, Le Net, 1997). The volunteer programme for the football World Cup in 1998 in France involved 12,000 volunteers (Bouchet-Virette, 1999), the Olympic Games in Nagano involved 32,000 volunteers and the Albertville Games nearly 9,000 volunteers (Chappelet, 1999). If Switzerland's sports volunteers were to be paid a salary today, it would represent a cost of 1.5 billion Swiss francs (Lamprecht, Stamm, 1997). These figures bring us to the realization that volunteers remain essential to the viability of the sports system. This applies to both the international level, for the Olympic Games and world or continental championships, and the local level, for the day-to-day running of a sports club. Volunteers are necessary to the accomplishment of all kinds of sports projects. Not only do they provide expertise and time, leading to considerable economies, but they also personalize sport by giving it a meaning. This realization has an influence on the leadership and management of sport. Sports entrepreneurs owe it to themselves to successfully manage the volunteer pool. This paper therefore seeks to identify the challenges to efficient management of this resource in a sports context. To this end we will be focusing on two intersecting dimensions. The first, presented vertically, categorizes sports projects on a scale from small to large. The other dimension, presented horizontally, lists volunteers according to their degree of commitment to the sports project (from occasional to permanent).

1.2. Analysis framework In order to define the scope of our analysis framework we shall define three concepts that underpin our discussion: volunteering, sports projects and the managerial function of motivation.

1.2.1. Definitions A volunteer is "someone who freely undertakes to fulfil an unsalaried activity under the leadership of someone else, outside his professional and family time" (ChĂŠroute, 1989). According to the "Centre d'ĂŠtudes et d'information sur le volontariat", there are five necessary conditions for volunteer service: "A volunteer is someone who undertakes (idea of commitment), of his own free will (idea of freedom), in a disinterested fashion (idea of activities without lucrative aim), to participate in an 121


organized activity (idea of membership of a group or structure), in the service of the community (idea of being in the common good)" (Halba, Le Net, 1997). By sports projects, we understand all human enterprises that aim to provide sports-related services with an ideal objective. This does not exclude commercial activity, as long as it is a means of serving sport, whether directly or indirectly. According to ThiĂŠtart, management includes four distinct functions (ThiĂŠtart, 1993): "Planning, which serves to define tasks and link them together, in order to achieve an objective. Organizing, which provides the structural support necessary for implementing the plan. Controlling, which makes it possible to verify whether everything is going as planned. Motivating, which means motivating the people who will do the planning, organizing and controlling."Although motivation is a vast area of management, particularly if people are considered central to the problem of management within organizations, ThiĂŠtart identifies five major themes: motivation, power, conflicts and their resolution, management styles, and finally change within organizations.

1.2.2. Matrix We propose combining two dimensions in order to analyse our problem: the scope of sports projects (from small to large) and the degree of time commitment made by the volunteers (from occasional to permanent). These dimensions have been chosen because we feel they are sufficiently all-encompassing to enable us to cover all the managerial challenges encountered in the management of volunteer service in sport.

Figure 1 Large-scale sports projects Occasional volunteers

Permanent volunteers Small-scale sports projects

2. Relationship between volunteering and sports projects Combining the vertical dimension "scale of sports projects" with the horizontal dimension "time investment of volunteers" gives a type of sports project for each quadrant of the matrix. The intersection of occasional volunteers with a large-scale sports event corresponds to the hypothetical case of the organization of the Olympic Games, world championships, etc. This type of sports project is characterized not only by unity of time, place and activity but also by considerable human resources requirements. Without the presence of several thousand volunteers on competition days, the organization of such sports projects would simply not be possible. Financially, first of all, as the cost of employing thousands of salaried workers (8,647 in Albertville; 9,054 in Lillehammer; 32,579 in Nagano) would represent tens of millions of dollars (Chappelet, 1999). Then, operationally, as the tasks given to volunteers sometimes require specific expertise that they alone possess. Indeed, transporting spectators, athletes and officials, for example, requires specific knowledge of the area (normally geographic knowledge) that only local volunteers possess. 122


In the case of permanent volunteers combined with a large-scale sports event, we would include major sports events organized annually such as the Golden League athletics meetings, and also the day-to-day running of large sports associations such as football and hockey clubs. This type of management requires both salaried employees with very specific skills, and the presence of full-time volunteers to carry out management and support tasks (treasurer, coach, etc). The combination of occasional volunteering with the management of small-scale sports projects is the most common situation in the sports world. It includes management of the activities of a sports club that occasionally organizes sports events or fundraising activities. Although these activities require the occasional presence of a couple of dozen volunteers, their presence is often vital for the success of the activities concerned and therefore for the survival of the club. Finally, the crossover between permanent volunteers and small-scale sports projects corresponds to daily voluntary commitment within a committee or on the sports field as a coach. The continued survival of the majority of sports clubs depends on this type of volunteer activity. The question we ask ourselves is therefore what managerial challenges are thrown up by the need to motivate volunteer resources in the four hypothetical situations presented.

Figure 2 Large-scale sports projects Olympics, World Championships

Golden League meeting, large sports club

Occasional volunteers

Permanent volunteers

Local sports events

Day-to-day activities of a small sports club

Small-scale sports projects

3. Identification of managerial problems

3.1. Coexistence of large-scale sports projects and occasional volunteers There are very few large-scale sports projects that suffer from a recruitment problem. The idea of participating in such projects, in whatever capacity, is enough to motivate a considerable number of people. Nevertheless, this enthusiasm, paradoxically, generates serious problems for the organization of such sports projects. Organization, in the planning or design stage, is a matter of identifying several thousand different tasks. This fragmentation of tasks can lead to distancing the volunteers from their primary source of motivation. Indeed, it is sometimes difficult for them to see what their task has to do with the 123


sports project. This feeling of alienation can be a source of demotivation and loss of commitment. However, there is no large-scale sports event that can economize on a planned task. This task, which was identified at the very beginning of the organizational process, is sequentially slotted in with others to ensure fulfilment of the final objective. If one is missing or of poor quality, the direct and indirect consequences can sometimes be catastrophic. Directly, the non-completion of a task can, by a kind of snowball effect, place an insurmountable obstacle in the way of the whole orgaization process. This situation is, however, the exception. Nevertheless, the problem often causes cost overruns in the area of coordination, and attempts should be made to prevent this by putting in place a crisis centre. Indirectly, the perception of the quality of the final product can suffer. Lack of satisfaction among the traditional clients of such sports projects (spectators, television viewers, media, athletes, etc.) can affect the indirect impact of the organization. We are thinking particularly of the perception of the organizational expertise of the host country and the standard of its hospitality, which can have lasting effects on its tourist industry. The participation of volunteers in the staging of a large-scale sports project can also be the source of other concrete problems. An awareness of the importance of the role and place of volunteers can lead the volunteers to claim prerogatives to which they have no right. It is sometimes very difficult to limit volunteers to a precise role, if they are highly motivated to give up their time and expertise without any thought of recompense. In this hypothesis, a surplus of motivation leads to the feeling of having a claim. If this claim is not satisfied the volunteer begins to question their commitment to the organization of the sports project. Moreover, the tasks identified in the plan are very specialized and therefore entrusted to volunteers who are by definition competent. If supervision is not entrusted to a person whose competence is beyond question it can sometimes generate conflicts of authority. Finally, attempts must be made to involve volunteers as much as possible in the decision-making process for the inevitable operational adjustments to the plan. Firstly in order to make them understand and take on board the changes to be made in the carrying out of their respective tasks. Secondly, because this is a means of retaining their commitment, by making them feel useful. And thirdly, because they are likely to be able to provide concrete solutions on the basis of their direct contact with the sport. In conclusion, a human resources management programme in the planning phase of a major sports event must aim to select the right people for the right tasks, both in terms of carrying out the tasks, and in their direct supervision. In other words, the quality of a volunteer management programme lies in its ability to sort through requests for occasional help and to assign them competent supervisors.

3.2. Coexistence of large-scale sports projects and permanent volunteers The main problem we can identify in the implementation of large-scale sports projects and the presence of permanent volunteers is the coexistence of professionals, in the sense that they are being paid, and volunteers. The latter generally occupy one of two types of function: they are either a member of the management board or they are sports officials in the stadium. The presence of professionals is due to the need for specific areas of expertise (e.g. marketing) on which the existence and continuation of the sports project depends. Professionals can also be brought in because certain particularly onerous tasks, usually administrative in nature, require such a time commitment that the organizers are obliged to pay to have them completed. In the relationship between volunteer committee members and paid employees, the problem, according to Martial Gottraux (by analogy with the situation in non-profit social and health 124


institutions) comes on the one hand from the realization of the initial objective of the sports project, and on the other, from the power the paid employee acquires through his central position. This can even extend to a complete overturning of the hierarchical roles (Gottraux, 1989). This reversal of power is likely to be all the more rapid and therefore more likely to create conflict if: - the aims of the sports project are not clearly defined. In other words, objectives that, in our interpretation, are answers to the questions: What do we want to do? Why do we want to do it? For whom do we want to do it? How do we want to do it? - the availability of volunteer members of the management board is poor, and their competence is limited or recognized as such by the paid employees; - the skills of the paid employees are put to work accomplishing very specialized tasks, which gives them professional prestige; - the paid employees are in control of the main information about the progress of the sports project; - there is a gap of recognized experience in sport that favours the paid employees over the volunteer committee members; - there are more paid employees in comparison with the number of volunteers on the management boards. As far as relationships between paid employees and volunteers in the sports field are concerned, the situation is reversed. The volunteers this time have a central position. Indeed, as they are the ones who are fulfilling on a day-to-day basis the objective of the sports project by providing services to sport, they hold the paid employees to the realization of their tasks. They have a direct influence on the perception of quality by consumers of the sports service, and consequently the skills of the paid employees. Indeed, these latter are generally identified as holding the main responsibility for any failure, by reason of their status. Another unusual effect is that the volunteers tend to rely more than is necessary on the paid employees in the accomplishment of their tasks, which often leads to "burn-out" situations. In conclusion, motivation in the management of large-scale sports projects and permanent volunteers comes down mainly to managing the latent conflicts that inevitably arise from the coexistence of paid employees and permanent volunteers. In order to reduce them, it appears that a clear definition of the aims of the sports project, job descriptions for the paid employees, making the volunteers in the field responsible for their own situation, and the existence of areas for negotiation and information on the progress of the sports project are necessary conditions.

3.3. Coexistence of small-scale sports projects and occasional volunteers Small-scale sports projects do not have the motivating aura of large-scale sports projects. Nevertheless, the presence of volunteers, even occasional volunteers, often proves crucial to the ultimate success of the sports project, even its survival. Nevertheless, the managers of small-scale sports projects are finding it increasingly difficult to recruit occasional volunteers. This is where we have the crisis in volunteering that is so often referred to by leaders of the sports movement. The reasons are manifold. They can be found particularly in the individualistic development of postindustrial societies. Members of a sports club, generally the people who are called upon to offer their time occasionally, no longer join a sports club to share in the accomplishment of a common project or to share a sports experience, but to consume sports services at the lowest cost. Is this due to the professionalization of sports competitions, brought on by media overexposure of sports performances? Or to the darker side of sport (corruption, doping, violence) ? The fact remains that the feeling of belonging to a group or a structure, a precondition of volunteering, as we saw in the introduction, is growing ever weaker. We believe that this feeling remains the essential level on 125


which sports leaders can rely in order to mobilize occasional volunteers. The problem is not an easy one to solve, and has proved to be beyond the ability of sports leaders. They can therefore only try to correct its effects. In our opinion, this requires a policy of volunteer recruitment that explicitly sets out the tasks to be accomplished and the time needed to accomplish them.1 These two conditions must be scrupulously respected, or there is a risk that one day the few people willing to lend an occasional hand will be gone forever. Indeed, the days are long gone when sports leaders could reprimand members for being absent from club activities. In conclusion, occasional volunteers have become a scarce resource, but they are nevertheless essential. They should be retained as long as possible through a well-thought-out recruitment policy that is sensitive to the danger of abusing the goodwill of the people concerned. It is only under these conditions that the recruitment of occasional volunteers can be effective in time, and can meet the needs of running small sports projects.

3.4. Coexistence of small-scale sports projects and permanent volunteers The final situation we have identified is also experiencing a crisis in volunteer recruitment. Here we are not talking about "seducing" occasional volunteers, but keeping permanent volunteers motivated. The volunteer crisis here is a question of keeping the same people motivated over time. According to the reasoning developed by Yves Emery, we are working on the basis that motivation is intrinsic to this type of volunteer (Emery, 1996). The challenge is therefore to maintain this motivation when it has been deflated by repetitive tasks, a lack of recognition for the work done etc., or, in short, the "normality" of the role of a permanent volunteer. Like the paid employee in the context of large-scale sports events, these volunteers often find themselves in a "burn-out" situation. It is true that they are involved in running sports projects which they are interested in by definition, since this is the basis of their commitment. Nevertheless, this does not excuse the lack of a strategy for preserving this resource, which is essential to the survival of the sports movement. This strategy could include the following lines of action (Emery, 1996): - improving the image of volunteers by associating them with the idea of efficiency; - training, within the limits of available resources, and instruction in management techniques; - recognition for achievements. More specifically, the first line of action aims in the first instance to assign tasks according to the motivation of the volunteer and not, for example, according to his or her professional skills. In the second instance, volunteers have to feel responsible for their work. This means that the tasks must not be too fragmented. Also, the work proposed must produce a visible result. In addition, feedback must be given on the services provided, and some independence of activity must be allowed in order to enable the volunteer to make a personal investment. With respect to the second line of action, the duties and expectations of volunteers (if necessary set out in a contract, as mentioned above) must be clearly defined in order to set limits on the commitment of permanent volunteers. The aim is to create a balanced relationship between the sports project and the willingness to act as a volunteer. This will avoid transforming the initial request forhelp into a burden. Finally, if the volunteer can work with a different entourage, while respecting the skills and ideas of each person, this can be very dynamic and creative for the running of a sports project. 'Some people have even suggested placing volunteering for a sports club on a contractual basis. See Bardoud J - C , Ruchaud S., 1995, Guide du dirigeant d'association, Edit Seuil, Paris, pp. 65 ff.

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Finally, the last line of action does not simply mean an occasional thank-you, but a genuine reward strategy} This means formalizing sources of recognition such as: -

official thanks, creation of special membership status, letter of thanks, participation certificate, consideration of opinions and ideas for improvements, reimbursement of expenses, etc.

In conclusion, keeping permanent volunteers motivated in the context of managing small-scale sports events requires a genuine human resources management policy. Indeed, the existence of permanent volunteers should not be taken for granted. On the contrary, it should be nurtured and cultivated throughout the development of the sports project.

Figure 3 Large-scale sports projects

Selection

Conflict management volunteer/professional

Occasional volunteers

Permanent volunteers Recruitment

Maintaining motivation

Small-scale sports projects

4. Conclusions The aim of this paper is to identify the major managerial challenges in motivating volunteers in the implementation of sports projects. Whatever the problems, we realize that volunteers are essential to the continuing survival of the sports movement. The analysis framework we used, simplistic and reductionist though it may be, led us to consider all the managerial problems of motivation. Without concluding or claiming that sports leaders should systematically implement human resources policies for volunteers, they should be sensitive to the fact that the donation of time and expertise without any financial reward is increasingly becoming the exception rather than the rule. Being aware of the situation therefore becomes a condition of the success of small-scale sports events. In the case of large-scale sports events, the challenges appear limited to, on the one hand, reconciling the ability to motivate occasional volunteers with the aims of the project, and on the other hand, managing the coexistence of populations with diametrically opposed characteristics. The complexity of the task is not without its reward, as it is likely to result in high-quality sports events.

2

See Carestia-Lanciaux, C , 1990, Strategie de récompense, Edit. EME, Paris, in Emery Y., 1996, La motivation des bénévoles œuvrant dans le cadre d'associations sportives, in Revue Economique et Sociale, Edit. Société d'études économiques et sociales, Lausanne.

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Bibliography Bardoud J . - C , Ruchaud S., 1995, Guide du dirigeant d'association, Edit Seuil, Paris. Bouchet-Virette M., 1999, Le Programme des volontaires de la Coupe du Monde de football "France 98", paper given at the 33 rd GAISF Congress, Osaka. Chéroute M.-T., 1989, Lessor et l'avenir du bénévolat, facteur d'amélioration de la qualité de vie, Edit. Conseil économique et social, Paris. Chappelet J.-L., 1999, Le management des volontaires d'une grande manifestation sportive à l'exemple des Jeux d'hiver, paper given at the International Symposium on Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement, Lausanne. Crozier M. Friedberg E., 1978, L'acteur et le système, Edit. Le Seuil, Paris. Emery Y., 1996, La motivation des bénévoles œuvrant dans le cadre d'associations sportives, in Revue Economique et Sociale, Edit. Société d'études économiques et sociales, Lausanne. De Knop P. and Gratton C. (Editors), 1999, Volunteers and professionals in sport organisations, European Journal for Sport Management, Edit. Università della Repubblica di San Marino, San Marino. Gottraux M., 1989, Comités bénévoles et professionnels dans les institutions sociales, in Le temps des bénévoles, Edit. C.F.P.S., Sion. Halba B., Le Net M., 1997, Bénévolat et volontariat, Edit. La Documentation française, Paris. Lamprecht, M., Stamm H., 1997, La situation des clubs sportif en Suisse, Edit. AOS, Berne. Thiétart R.-A., 1993, Le management, Edit. PUF, coll. Que-sais-je? n" 1860, Paris.

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Colloquium

PROF MACALOON thanked Mr. Blanc for his informative expose. A DELEGATE was very impressed by Prof Kang's comments about helping them understand the differences between Western views and some of the philosophies of the East. He was wondering if he had additional information as to why President Tai Wu was so impressed with the LA Games in his speech in 1985. PROF KANG said that the LA Olympics were just before the Seoul Olympics. There had been a great deal of publicity about the volunteer movement in the USA so this had given a good model for them. The president of the Seoul Organizing Committee at the time had been advised by the LA staff so the general atmosphere of encouraging the volunteer spree was a good model. A DELEGATE had a question for Mr Blanc. He liked the number of measures mentioned about retaining and cultivating long-term, prominent volunteers. One point he had made was about respecting volunteers' time and not taking it for granted and another was about enhancing the image of volunteers to be taken seriously. He asked what were some of the things he did to achieve these two objectives. MR BLANC did not have a reply to this question. It was true that his expose brought together some of the tools that had been developed, notably in Canada, concerning volunteer management. He thought that it was domain that still needed to be studied and cultivated in order to make sports volunteering, which gave meaning to the sports movement, keep its values. He was keen to listen if anyone could suggest measures to be taken. A DELEGATE did not have any suggestions or clues. His question had been more particularly related to the morning session when suggestions had been made about a more meaningful and active role that volunteers could play within the Olympic Movement. Some of the tools developed which particularly enhanced the image of volunteers, where volunteers played an active role and often had legal liability and accountability, were cases where it was the senior volunteers who were the front-line spokespeople of those organizations when it came to press conferences, media releases and events, whether it be launching a fund-raising campaign or opening a social service agency. The paid staff then became the support and backup services that enabled those things to happen. A DELEGATE had noted that in Ms Honrubia's presentation she had said that she planned to ask the IOC President for a process to start that would seek the acknowledgement and integration of the volunteer dimension in the Olympic Movement. The itinerary might be from the NOCs. She wondered whether she already had some concrete ideas of how this could happen, whether it would be in the form of a meeting of N O C members, or a declaration or if she had some idea of a timetable. MS HONRUBIA said that the association had been to see Mr Samaranch that day to present the papers and to see if this proposal was all right and if he could develop a kind of meeting within the IOC members to accept this proposal. At the moment, they did not know anything. It was a very serious proposal to the IOC. 129


PROF M A C A L O O N asked Ms Oprisan why the volunteers had a poor reputation or status in the previous regime under the old social conditions in her country. MS O P R I S A N said that it was not the volunteers who had a negative connotation, rather that volunteering itself had a negative connotation at the beginning of this decade because it had been connected in the past with the legitimacy that sport gave to non-sports activities because sport was connected with politics. T h e separation of sport from politics also meant a separation in the mentality of the people of the idea of giving to society because society and the state were identical in the minds of people before 1990. People did not make any separation between giving to the state and giving to society. This separation was now being operated and sport was really very clean of anything political. O f course, it was still connected with the ideal image of the country but this was a genuine idea because sport really occupied all Romanian minds in a positive way. T h e fact that it still received funds from the government meant that people accepted public contribution to sports even easier than other fields. There was controversy over dividing the limited funds they had between separate fields and sport was gaining a primary position, even in front of such things as health, for example, which was a major issue in every country. W h e n there was a vote to give funds to sport, everyone was in favour. Volunteering had acquired this very clear new dimension that people had to give to society, which they did freely and with pleasure. There were many sports lovers and those people who had worked in sport, upon their retirement wished to remain connected to sport. Young people also wished to be connected with sport because they liked to practise sport or because they liked to be connected with active life or even make a career in sport. They had good sports models who acted like role models in Romania and people looked up to them and were interested in them. P R O F M A C A L O O N thought that they could draw together the day's discussions by recognizing that the testimony of the experts who were full-time professionals on the subject of volunteers, if not professional managers of volunteers as well. In his opinion, it had been deeply informative for those of them who had been thinking about specifically Olympic questions. H e also thought that causing some of the other people to think about Olympic models might give them ideas and models in their own work. It was precisely this kind of crossover collaboration that Prof. Moragas and his colleagues had always intended for these symposia, including the ability to bring together people with rich practical, professional experience in these matters and those people who observed and thought about them. It was important to continue in their deliberations the spirit of frankness and interesting exchange of those experiences and also believed that this panel had helped them to understand the possibilities of misunderstanding and miscommunication as well as misappreciation that existed in volunteer contexts in highly multicultural circumstances. Prof Panagiotopolou's presentation had made him recall something that others here knew very well, which was the terrible misunderstandings that could have led to bloodshed between segments of the Greek population and the American Olympic organizers in 1984 and were caused by a very deep cultural difference in the nature of volunteer and charity work. It was fair to say that many segments of the Greek population never believed the LA Olympic committee that it was taking money from the torch relay to give to charities, to support volunteer work with boys' and girls' clubs. H e thought that partly the reason for which it had not been accepted was that at that time the question of charities and youth work was really assigned in Greek culture to the state. Therefore, what looked to one side as the cheap commercialization of the Olympic flame looked to the other side like a refusal to use the Olympic flame to support volunteer and charitable work. These issues were of extreme importance when they went into multicultural circumstances that were very complex and fraught with danger as well as great festivity and beauty. H e thanked all of the panellists for their participation.

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II Olympic Volunteers

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The Evolution of Volunteers at the Olympic Games Miquel de Moragas, Ana Bolen Moreno and Raul Paniagua Olympic and Sport Studies Centre at the Autonomous University of Barcelona (UAB), Spain

"Voluntary organizations are creatures of their times: they reflect the structures of their times and the preoccupations of their times."'

1. Introduction This paper sets out to consider the phenomenon of voluntary activity in the Modern Olympic Games. We will consider the development of the concept of Olympic volunteers from the first Games of the modern era up to the present day. It will show that, although the concept of the volunteer began to be more clearly defined in the eighties and nineties, in practice it can be traced back to the very first Olympic Games of the Modern Era founded by Pierre de Coubertin. Our work comprised systematic analysis of the Official Reports of each Olympic Games, both Winter and Summer, up to the present day, and also a survey of the Olympic bibliography. An effort has been made to attain direct evidence from the participating volunteers themselves, although this of course was only possible in the case of Olympic Games after and including Berlin 1936. The basic questions we posed ourselves at the outset were the familiar ones: what, who, how, when and why. What was the concept of volunteer in existence in the context of each Games? Who were the Olympic volunteers over the years? When did volunteer work exist in the Games and what did it consist of? How did they become volunteers? How were they recruited and trained and what planning took place? Why did the individuals involved decide to become Olympic volunteers? These questions have to be addressed from a historical perspective, that is, through study of the intrinsic evolution of the Olympic Games and the increase in their popularity and in the level of popular expectation surrounding them, especially over the last twenty years. They must also be viewed in the context of the external social and political changes which have taken place in the eventful history of our 20th century.

2. The concept of volunteer In previous work, other specialists have defined and contextualised the concept of the social volunteer. It has also become clear that the concept of volunteer differs widely in accordance with social and cultural differences and the nature of the volunteers themselves (religious and political convictions, sports and health factors, etc.), however, it is still possible to establish a number of basic points in common: - Voluntary commitment: that is individual, non-obliged commitment. - Altruism: a lack of monetary reward, non-profit motivation. - Social contribution: the task contributes in some way to society, it is socially useful.

'Gann, Nigel. Managing Change in Voluntary Organizations: A Guide to Practice. Buckingham: Open University Press, 1996.

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That is, being a volunteer involves a commitment to act based on a free personal decision which is motivated by principles of solidarity and altruism.2 However, although the volunteer begins with a personal decision, volunteer work is a manifestation of solidarity which tends to be channelled through organisations, the latter being non-profit-making bodies. These organisations create settings which harness the individual's motivation and desire to participate in society and strengthen the sense of responsibility and cooperation involved in this joint effort. This leads to the formation of social structures which have the effect of reinforcing civil society3. 3. The Olympic volunteer The concept of the Olympic volunteer was first defined explicitly in an Olympic glossary produced as part of the Official Report of the Barcelona Olympic Games 1992: "the volunteer is a person who makes an individual, altruistic commitment to collaborate, to the best of his/her abilities in the organisation of the Olympic Games, carrying out the tasks assigned to him/her without receiving payment or rewards of any other nature.'"1 In the Barcelona Olympic Games then it was made clear that it was the Organising Committee which was to assign tasks to the volunteers and harness their contribution. This role of the Organising Committee had first appeared at the Lake Placid Winter Games in 1980, with the creation of a volunteer programme involving some 6,000 volunteers. At later Games such as those of Los Angeles, Calgary and Seoul, the voluntary element was to become a basic link in the organisation of the Games. At present, this voluntary element is seen as vitally bound up with the sustainability of the Games. However, prior to reaching this explicit definition of modern times, the concept of the Olympic volunteer went through a process of evolution parallel to that of the development of the social volunteer and the growing importance of sport. In fact, in modern listings of types of volunteers, the sports volunteer is an indispensable category. Like the social volunteer, the sports volunteer sets out to act for the benefit of society, of his or her own free will, without the aim of economic or other benefits. The aim of this effort may be improved well-being for the community in general, a better quality of life for others, etc.3 Organisations capable of harnessing these personal initiatives and undertakings are also needed. There are sports organisations which include a stable or permanent volunteer element and others which create groups of volunteers to carry out certain, concrete projects and achieve given objectives. In both types, the stable volunteer organisation and the occasional one (which would be the case of the Olympic Games), we must also draw a distinction between activity carried out within a federation and activity which is outside this sphere.

2

See Congrès Europeu del Voluntariat. Sitges, 10'h, IV' and 12'h December 1998. Barcelona: Generalität de Catalunya, 1999,221p. ' Ibidem.

4

COOB'92. Memoria Oficial de los Juegos Olimpicos de Barcelona 1992. Barcelona: COOB'92, 1992, Vol.1, p.381.

^See Apuntes, I Jornadas sobre formaciôn de voluntarios: desarrolladas en Malaga, los dias del 28 al 30 de septiembre de 1995. Malaga: Instituto Andaluz del Depone, 1997, n° 350, p.7.

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For example, in a number of national federations, especially those with fewer members, professional roles are carried out by volunteers. In the early days of the Olympic Movement, this professional work was also performed on a voluntary basis. Pierre de Coubertin himself, with the support of friends and the heads of the contemporary sports associations, worked on a voluntary basis to create the International Olympic Committee and launch the Modern Olympic Games.6 The latest theories on sports volunteers tend to report a slump in voluntary action of the ongoing, permanent variety, whereas that associated with large-scale events is holding ground or growing in strength. Other viewpoints, more concerned with voluntary social work, are striving to define a new concept of volunteer which would be applicable to the present-day situation and to the foreseeable future over the next 10-15 years. In any case, the concept of Olympic volunteers has lived through its most glorious epoch in the decade of the 1990s and Sydney 2000 will undoubtedly be a key Olympics for redefinition of the concept of Olympic volunteers and for new applications for the future.

4. Evolution of the concept of Olympic volunteers The evolution of the Olympic volunteer can be analysed from the perspective of what we have referred to as the intrinsic structure of the Games themselves and that of external social changes. We could define four basic stages : (1) From the Olympic Games of Athens 1896 to Berlin 1936. This first phase was characterised by the anonymous volunteer work carried out in federations and clubs and in the organisation of the Olympic Games themselves, all in keeping with the social and educational nature of sport in those years. The main volunteer efforts came from groups such as the boy scouts and the army. (2) From the London Games of 1948 to Montreal 1976. This phase was marked by the social and political situation of the times. Most of the Olympic Games held took place in the industrialised countries which acted as guarantors of the new political, social and economic dynamic which was being forged in the aftermath of the Second World War. There were numerous distinctive and particular features in the Games depending on the organising country 7 and its particular tradition of volunteer and social work. The overall importance of volunteer work continued to increase, groups such as the boy scouts and the army were still important, though the increasing efforts of individuals began to gain momentum. (3) From the Lake Placid Games in 1980 until those of Seoul 1988. This was undoubtedly the phase in which the present-day model of Olympic volunteer began to emerge. In the Lake Placid Games, volunteers were incorporated into the Organising Committee's programme and by the time of Los Angeles their role had become fundamental. The Games at Sarajevo, Calgary and Seoul were all to embrace the volunteer element, though from different organisational perspectives. (4) From the Albertville 1992/Barcelona 1992 Games to those of Sydney 2000. Consolidation of the present-day model of volunteer included in the Organising Committee and in human ''See Coubertin, Pierre de. Olympic Memoirs, Lausanne: IOC, 1997. "This was a period of little diversity as far as choosing the host country for the Summer or Winter Games was concerned. They can easily be classified: Scandinavian countries (Helsinki and Oslo 1952), Italy (Cortina d'Ampezzo 1956 and Rome 1960), Germany (Munich 1972), Austria (Innsbruck 1964 and 1976), Japan (Tokyo 1964 and Sapporo 1972), Australia (Melbourne 1956) and Canada (Montreal 1976).

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resources planning. The ever-growing scale and dimensions of the Olympic Games - they are now considered to be "mega events" - undoubtedly leads to an increasingly important role for volunteers in the mega structure which is necessary, not only for the holding of the Games, but also for their television coverage or for the parallel cultural programme.

4.1. The first Olympic volunteers: anonymity In the early years the Olympic Movement grew thanks to the work of many people who worked on a voluntary basis to build up a minimum organisational structure. This process took place parallel to the development of federations in many sports, which also came about due to the voluntary efforts of the amateurs who formed the first sports clubs. In Athens 1896, Paris 1900, St. Louis 1904 and London 1908 the word "volunteer" did not explicitly appear in the Official Reports. Nevertheless, there is no doubting the altruistic motivation of those who participated in the organisation of the Olympic Games which were still small in scale and in which family ties and friendships were essential for successful organisation.

4.1.1. Volunteer groups: Boy Scouts and the army In the early Games, apart from the presence of the army in performing functions given over to volunteers nowadays, the Boy Scout movement, officially founded in England by Baden-Powell in 19078, also played an important role. The boy scouts' contribution began at Stockholm 1912 and basically consisted of delivering messages, maintaining order and safety, helping the public and carrying our various physical functions, such as carrying flags and replacing obstacles: "there was a number of boy scouts and Varingian guards under the command of Messrs, B.E. Lithorin and E. Wernstrรถm, for the purpose of giving necessary aid to the public. "9 This is the first written record of the great work to be carried out by the scouts in many Olympic Games and also of the Scandinavian voluntary spirit. Pierre de Coubertin10 himself referred to the work done by these boy scouts with this rather curious observation: "A record: a Swedish woman, Mrs Versall, had six children who participated in the Games, the youngest as boy scouts enrolled to maintain order and deliver messages. "This seems rather trivial, however, the IOC gave her a special Olympic medal. The links of the boy scouts with the Games went further than purely organisational tasks. For example, an international meeting or jamboree of boy scouts began and was held every four years, following the Olympic pattern. Until the 1920s, sports competitions and parades of all those participating were also held at these jamborees." 8

Baden-Powell was an English army officer who had participared in a number of campaigns in colonial Africa. Among his military experiences was the time when he organised the "Mafeking boys" of 12 years of age, for completion of all the secondary tasks in the besieged city, including work as porters, messengers, etc., in short, anything in which their presence and extreme care and attention freed the adult men for the task of defence. These boys were the forerunners of the boy scouts. See Effenterre, Henri van, Histoire du Scoutisme. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963. "ORGANIZING COMMITTEE FOR T H E V OLYMPIAD, (ed.), The Official Report of the Olympic Games of Stockholm 1912. Stockholm: Walhstrom & Wilstrand, 1913, p. 228. '"Coubertin, Pierre de, Olympic Memoirs. Lausanne: International Olympic Committee, 1979, p. 80. "Effenterre, Henri van, Op. cit. p. 56, 86, 87.

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According to Nikolay Gueorguiev, the contribution of the scouts continued to grow in various Olympic Games before the Second World War, such as those of Antwerp 1920, Paris 1924, and, especially, Amsterdam 1928. The scouts were organised into camps and helped out in providing service to the public and in ensuring safety. Once again we can refer to Coubertin's "Memories" in which he praised the spirit shown by the young at the Antwerp Games.12 Similarly, we also find a reference to the boy scouts' salute during an official ceremony at the Paris Games of 1924." By the Chamonix Games, the Boy Scouts were participating in the opening and closing parades as flag bearers. At the Berlin Games the Boy Scouts were replaced by members of the Nazi youth movement, ideological groupings diametrically opposed to the pacifist, naturalist and fraternal ideals of BadenPowell. In fact, in the years previous to 1939, in both Italy and in Germany efforts were made to disband the scout movement,14 which was later to play a role in a number of countries (France, for example) during the war in the resistance movement against totalitarianism and Nazi occupation. After World War II, the Boy Scouts continued to participate in the Olympic Games. In Helsinki 1952, the scouts and other youth organisations played an important role, their main task being the delivery of messages, though they also did other work: "While the Games were in progress, 2,191 members of the department (1,617 boys and 574 girls) were engaged in unpaid work. Of this number, 59 squad leaders and 434 ordinary members sold programmes, 130 worked as ushers and 1,568 were employed as messengers"^ These statistics from Helsinki 1952 were the first explicit mention of female volunteers, even though the first Girl Guides had been formed in France in 1912, along the same lines as the Boy Scout movement. Without any doubt, female protagonism among the volunteers was to increase significantly in later Olympics, parallel to their increased presence in civil society and politics. All in all, the Games in which the scouts played the biggest role were those of Melbourne 1956. The Youth Organisations were composed of three blocks: the Boy Scouts, the Girl Guides and the members of the Air Training Corps. All of them worked on a voluntary basis and performed a variety of different roles. In the case of the scouts, more than 3,500 members participated from November 1955, in return for which they only received meals.16 The scouts were present at 90% of

"Coubertin, Pierre de, Olympic Memoirs. Lausanne: International Olympic Committee, 1979, p. 180. Coubertin pointed out the dedication of the young as one of the highlights of the 1920 Games. "Comité Olympique Français. Les Jeux de la VIII' Olympiade. Paris: Comité Olympique Français, 1924, p. 69. 14 "Mussolini tried to enlist the scouts en bloc into the Balilla, but Pope Pius XI responded by dissolving the Scout Association and thus avoiding its forced enlistment into a political organisation (...). On the threshold of the War, this hostility of the totalitarian regime towards the scout movement was increasingly clear in its manifestation." Effenterre, Henri van. Op. cit. p.97-101.

"ORGANIZING COMMITTEE FOR XV OLYMPIAD HELSINKI 1952, (ed.), The Official report of the XV Olympiad Helsinki 1952. Pootovo: Werner Soderstrom Osakeyhtio, 1955, p. 150. '"The Boy Scouts' Association, whose Deputy Chief Commissioner", Colonel A.G. Oldham, acted as a co-ordinator of the Youth Organization, put 3,500 members into the "Olympic Good Turn", for which it proffered its services as early as November, 1955. In general, districts were asked to provide services at various venues and special sections. The scouts paid their own fares but were given meals wherever this was practicable. Volunteers were expected to give at least two days; most made themselves available for much longer. The first scouts were rostered at the Village six weeks before the Games began. Eventually, while the Games were in progress, "500 were on duty every day" ORGANIZING COMMITTEE FOR T H E XVI OLYMPIAD, (ed.), The Official Report of the Organizing Commitee for the Games of the XVI Olympiad, Melbourne 1956. Melbourne: W M . Houston, Govt. Printer, 1958, p. 94.

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the venues and, in all cases, the Arena Managers expressed their complete satisfaction with their efforts. As mentioned already, at Melbourne the scouts carried out numerous tasks, such as for example, helping the public and children, helping the police, reception and attention to distinguished guests and acting as guides for the delegates from the different sports federations who had congregated in the University of Melbourne. At the Tokyo Olympic Games of 1964, the spontaneous and indirect help provided by the Boy Scouts and other organisations was notable, where they were entrusted with raising the flags for brief periods of time, both day and night.17 Once again in Japan, this time in Nagano 1998, the boy scouts played a clearly visible role in a given task: the raising of flags at the Olympic Villages.

4.1.2. The army in back-up roles As we have already pointed out, the army's participation was also fundamental in the early years of the Games, though we did not find explicit mention of it in the Official Reports until the Cortina d'Ampezzo Winter Games of 1956, in which the army played an important role. The Military College collaborated in the ceremonial parades and also in the preparation of the races by means of material and technical assistance: "Essentially, it [the contribution of the army] took the form of a technical consultation in the form of organization, the contribution of manpower for the preparation of the courses, technical and material assistance for the "rehearsal" of the Games, in January and February, 1955, and for the Games themselves a year later, and a contribution of manpower for the dismantling of the temporary installations".â&#x201E;˘ The army continued to collaborate in the Games throughout the sixties. At the Squaw Valley Games in I960, a number of people participated on a voluntary basis in providing assistance to athletes and guests,19 however the army's contribution was also a major help, especially a core group of men charged with ensuring safety in the downhill races.20 In a number of later Games there is continued reference to the role of the army in the performance of the tasks now most readily associated with volunteers. This was the case, for example, in the Grenoble Winter Games of 196821 and Innsbruck 1976.22 At Grenoble, the organisational work done by the Army came in for great praise. Among their functions was preparation and maintenance of the facilities and competition sites (the hockey stadium, bobsleigh track, biathlon, etc.) ; "ORGANIZING COMMITEE OF T H E GAMES OF T H E XVIII OLYMPIAD TOKYO 1964, (ed.), The Games of the XVIII Olympiad Tokyo 1964: official report. Tokyo: the Committee, 1966, p. 476. ,8

ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF T H E VII OLYMPIAD 1956, (ed.), The Official Report of the Organizing Commitee for the Games of the XVI Olympiad, Melbourne, 1956. Melbourne: W.M. Houston, Govt. Printer, 1958, p. 354. [pp. 352-353 include photographs of the army in this role]. "Ibid., p.86 ("Within the limitations of personnel and material resources that might be available, complete and extended medical care would be rendered to the visiting athletes and officials free of charge. Care would also be given to all employees and voluntary workers gratis [...]"). 20

ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF T H E VIII OLYMPIC WINTER GAMES SQUAW VALLEY 1960, (ed.), VIII Olympic Winter Games, Squaw Valley, California, 1960: final report. Sacramento: California Olympic Commission, 1960, p.84.

21

ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF T H E X OLYMPIC WINTER GAMES GRENOBLE 1968, (ed.), Xh Olympic Winter Games Grenoble 1968: official report. Grenoble: the Committee, 1969.

^ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF T H E XII OLYMPIC WINTER GAMES INNSBRUCK 1976, (ed.), Final report: XII Olympic Winter Games Innsbruck 1976. Innsbruck: the Committee, 1978.

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helicopter transport for the organisers; transport of equipment for all participating personnel; participation in the ceremonies and background work in substructure, carparks, etc. For its part, the Austrian navy also provided great help at the Games eight years later in a way similar to at Grenoble. However, gradually the army began to carry out more specific tasks concerning security, due to the increased need for security at the Games in the light of wider conflicts, as evidenced by the happenings at Munich in 1972. Without any doubt, the Games' international dimension and impact on the media were determining factors in making them the setting for all forms of political protest (Mexico 1968, Munich 1972, Moscow 1980, Los Angeles 1984 and Seoul 1988). At present, the army still plays a basic helping role in the organisation of the Olympic Games, however its profile is relatively lower and it is seen as another integrated governmental resource.

4.1.3. Individual monetary donations We must also mention the voluntary economic donations made by individuals.23 While not constituting temporary physical aid (in the sense normally associated with the volunteer movement), these donations were important in ensuring the correct functioning of the Games. Pierre de Coubertin himself makes reference to these donations in his memories. He records how on the occasion of the first Athens Games of 1896 donations were obtained from the different Greek colonies all around the world to help with running them.24 In the case of Antwerp 1920 we find the expression "goodwill"25 in reference to the origin of a part of the economic resources, which is evidence that certain people were willing to pay for the Olympics out of their own pockets. Four years later, at Paris in 1924, families made a considerable economic contribution. In concrete terms, the "National Subscription"26 amounted to 332,309 Francs, representing 2.5% of total income, 80% of which was made up of State subventions and ticket sales.

4.2. Olympic volunteers in the post-war period and the new international order We have already mentioned that during the fifties and sixties the Boy Scouts and army continued to provide help, however, slowly but surely individual volunteers began to enlist. Furthermore, at this time the tasks which needed doing began to diversify quite considerably and new roles developed, such as attention to the public, competition preparations, spectator and competitor

"Patrice Cholley considers that the monetary contributions made by families to the holding of the Games in their city is worthy of note. Faced with the lack of documentary evidence of the motivations of these "monetary volunteers", Cholley can only highlight these donations and their voluntary nature. :4

"Two enthusiasts, Romanos, the Greek chargé d'affaires and Constantin Manos, a student at Oxford, were drumming up support and funds among the British colony." (...) "Was it not true that even the Monte Athos friars, separated from the motherland by a painful frontier, had been seen to send their donation for the holding of the Games." See Coubertin, Pierre de. Op. cit. 1997, p. 41-44. " C O M I T É ORGANISATEUR DE LA VIP OLYMPIADE ANVERS 1920, (ed.), Rapport Officiel des Jeux de la VII' Olympiade. Anvers: Le Comité, 1920, p. 16. "These data correspond to a renewed edition of the Official Report of the Paris Games of 1924 (p. 829). COMITÉ ORGANISATEUR DE LA VHP OLYMPIADE PARIS 1924, (ed.), Les Jeux de la VIII' Olympiade Paris 1924, Rapport officiel du Comité Olympique Français. Paris: Librairie de France, 1924.

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information, ushers, replacement of obstacles after athletics events, assistance to the police, interpreting services, etc. Therefore, the tasks performed by volunteers became progressively more integrated into organisational areas, and they began to work side by side with salaried staff, both in the Summer and Winter Games. At Oslo in 1952, a number of new developments took place with regard to the roles performed by volunteers. For example, members of the voluntary groups carried out research and preparatory work aimed at facilitating a more rigorous preparation of events.27 Furthermore, other developments to first appear at Oslo included the role of volunteers in ticket collecting, crowd monitoring and also technical work in various areas.28 At the same time, we must also point out the contribution of the attaches29 in competition preparations: "a great help for the Organising Committee in their cooperation with the National Olympic Committees during preparations, and their work — entirely voluntary, proved fundamental for the smooth running of the competitions in Norway in 1952'?° In a number of these editions of the Olympic Games, we find volunteers who received payment; therefore, whether they were actually volunteers or not could be the subject of discussion. At Helsinki in 1952, federations of young volunteers were at the forefront, the minimum age being 11 years, while the guides were between 16 and 50. These associations received a single overall payment (3,072,270 Marks between all the volunteers). Nevertheless, comparatively the first great diversification of functions took place at the Melbourne Games in 1956, at which we have already mentioned the work done by the Boy Scouts and Girl Guides: "Some 250 Girl Guides volunteered for a service controlled by Miss C. Broadhurst, Training Adviser for Victoria, chiefly for the women athletes at the Olympic Village, acting as guides to athletes and official visitors, assisting with shopping and other activities."^ The tasks were numerous32: messages, attention to official cars in parking areas, machine operators, preparation and maintenance of canoes, reception of distinguished visitors, attention to lost children, distribution of medals to competition areas, aid to camera crews, etc. It is even recorded that these young volunteers were in charge of opening the doors of the Duke of Edinburgh's car when he arrived for official functions.

Some of the tasks carried out by volunteers in the 1948-1976 period Tasks — Preliminary research — Ticket collecting — Crowd control "ORGANIZING COMMITTEE FOR THE XV OLYMPIAD HELSINKI 1952, (ed.), The Official report of the XV Olympiad Helsinki 1952. Pootovo: Werner Soderstrom Osakeyhtio, 1955, p. 62. 28

Ibid., p. 64.

29

Ibid., p. 68.

»THE ORGANISING COMMITTEE FOR THE OLYMPIC WINTER GAMES OF OSLO, 1952, p. 68. 3,

ORGANIZING COMMITTEE FOR THE XVI OLYMPIAD MELBOURNE 1956, (ed.), The Official Report of the Organizing Commitee for the Games of the XVI Olympiad, Melbourne 1956. Melbourne: W.M. Houston, Govt. Printer, 1958, p. 94. 12

Idem.

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-Technical tasks (preparation of material, facilities...) - Guides for the Olympic Family - Messages - Attention to official cars (parking) - Machine operators - Official receptions - Assistance to lost children - Distribution of medals - Helping camera crews - Interpreting - Transport of officials - Announcers - Help to press service - Olympic torch relay carriers At Rome and Squaw Valley in I960, individual volunteers continued to work as guides, interpreters and helpers in various sections of the organisation. A new departure at Squaw Valley was the role of volunteers in staffing transport services, in addition to other tasks: "A group of volunteer ladies worked at the San Francisco and Reno Airports. They helped with customs problems, interpreting and transportation for all incoming members of the Olympic Family".^ Furthermore, the Californian volunteers also played the role of guides and took on maintenance duties at sports facilities, similar to previous Games. The Rome Olympics marked the first time volunteers worked as announcers, and their continuing role as interpreters. In this case the selection process was rigorous and only those young people with the best knowledge of French, English and other languages were chosen, so as to ensure fluid communication channels with the guests. The press service staff were also helped by 155 volunteers. To conclude the decade of the sixties, we must point out the important voluntary role played by the volunteers at the Mexico Games of 1968. As in previous Games, the volunteers worked in the Olympic Village reception and information services and helped out in government and protocol events. However, in Mexico the work performed by the volunteers fell into one of two categories: (1) Personal assistance for IOC members, directors of National Olympic Committees, members of international sports federations, heads of sporting and cultural delegations and special guests. (2) General assistance for media representatives and certain members of sports delegations. This division was a reflection of the increasingly specific nature of the voluntary tasks. The Reports of the Olympic Games in the seventies do not provide many data with regard to the volunteers and their role. In fact, the Official Report of the Munich 1972 Games does not include any specific mention of the volunteers, although certain sources34 highlight the role of volunteers in the carrying of the Olympic flame. However, the work of volunteers as interpreters was mentioned in the 1972 Sapporo Games, where they were available in shops, bus stops and sports locations to help the guests: "As a part of the overall arrangements for interpreters for the guests who came to Sapporo from all parts of the globe, 2,128 Sapporites volunteered their services as "goodwill "ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF THE VIII OLYMPIC WINTER GAMES SQUAW VALLEY 1960, (ed.), VIII Olympic Winter Games, Squaw Valley, California, 1960: final report. Sacramento: California Olympic Commission, 1960, p. 83. ,4

COOB'92, Voluntaris 92. Barcelona: COOB'92, p. 17.

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interpreters", and were stationed at department stores, shops, bus stops and around the sports venues."3'' The Organising Committee for the Montreal 1976 Games managed to practically convert the Games into another subject on the school curriculum for students,36 with the result that many young people participated in the organisational side of the Games and in providing accommodation and help to the Olympic Family. The time for the boom of Olympic volunteers was gradually approaching. The world was in the grips of economic recession brought about by the rise in petrol prices and the Middle Eastern tensions; the Welfare State, which had developed in the aftermath of the Second World War, began to be in need of redefinition, and in the industrialised countries civil society began to come up with initiatives to cover government shortcomings. The Olympic Games had also entered a time of crisis when, in 1980, Juan Antonio Samaranch was elected President of the International Olympic Committee. The "top ten" programmes, television broadcasting rights and the new considerations of entertainment-spectacle and participation began to take a hold. 4.3. The beginnings of the present-day pattern Lake Placid 1980 was a key point in the historical evolution of the phenomenon of Olympic volunteers, as was aptly summed up by a sentence in the Official Report: "Without this army of volunteers, 6,700 strong, the XIII Olympic Winter Games could not have become reality. "v These were volunteers who did not hail from any particular association and did not receive any kind of compensation or reward and were therefore in keeping with the present-day concept of volunteer. In addition, their recruitment and training was in accordance with each individual's capacity in the various sports on the programme. The Lake Placid organisers paid tribute to the volunteers for "this individual dedication"?* The body of volunteers was made up of people from all walks of life: "An army of people was in lake Placid during the XIII Olympic Winter Games about whom little was known. It was comprised of businessmen, students, teachers, homemakers, doctors, lawyers, professors, senior citizens and teenagers, skiers, hockey enthusiasts, bobsled fans, and skating lovers â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in short, men, women and young people from all walks of life, and from all over the United States and the world".y) The Lake Placid volunteers worked in all kinds of areas: "The volunteers served as sport officials and organizers, as messengers and marshalls and mailers, as clerks, collators and crowd-controllers, as typists and timing officials, as judges and juries. They were unknown to the world because they worked behind the scenes, helping to ensure that the dozen days of skiing, skating, shooting, and sledding went smoothly"^ "ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF THE XI OLYMPIC WINTER GAMES SAPPORO 1972, (ed.), The XI"' Olympic Winter Games Sapporo 1972: official report. Sapporo: The Committee, 1972, p. 120. ''ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF THE GAMES OF THE XXI OLYMPIAD MONTREAL 1976, Games of the XXI Olympiad Montreal 1976. Montreal: the Committee, 1978, vol. I, p. 89. "ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF THE XIII OLYMPIC WINTER GAMES LAKE PLACID 1980, (ed.), Final Report. Lake Placid: the Committee, 1981, p- 164. 38

Ibid., p. 165.

"'Ibid., p. 164. ÂŤIbidem.

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They worked long hours, they received a uniform, accommodation, meals and an official certificate, but the most important thing for them was the feeling that they were an essential part of the Olympic Games. In addition, the volunteers with foreign language skills played an important role in a wide range of different tasks and areas.41 The pattern established at Lake Placid was maintained by the following Games, especially after Sarajevo in 1984. At Moscow, the Organising Committee received help from volunteers,42 who helped out in certain tasks in the Olympic Village, the sports complexes, the Main Press Centre, the hotels, restaurants and service establishments. However, the spirit of altruistic collaboration and solidarity which marked the Lake Placid Games, and the wide range of tasks performed by the volunteers were all too absent from the communist rigidity of the Moscow Games. Four years later, at Sarajevo in 1984, the definitive resurgence of Olympic volunteerism was to occur. After a rigorous selection process, 4,000 young volunteers were chosen and carried out their work as messengers and interpreters in a completely voluntary capacity. "Amateurs performed their tasks free of charge, and the only rewards were the official uniforms and free food. The volunteer spirit reflected the attitude of Yugoslav and Sarajevo youth towards the XIV OWG, and numerous praises were addressed to them for their work. "43 The majority of documents on the phenomenon of Olympic volunteers however, do not consider Lake Placid as the starting point of the modern volunteer, instead this honour is assigned to Los Angeles. At Los Angeles, the phenomenon was to appear in all its strength, consolidated and organised, in the form of approximately 30,000 volunteers who helped out in a great range of tasks: competition assistance, health, press, accompanying delegations and individuals, public relations, accreditation services, technology and telecommunications, transport, access control, catering, finances, administration and others.44 At the same time there was a special department of volunteers,45 which played a role in the 25 sub-committees into which the Games were divided. Nevertheless, as pointed out by Clapés (1995:2), it must be remembered that the reasons underlying the Organising Committee's decision to rely on the volunteers was clearly an economic one, since at first there was a marked reluctance to do so. So while it is true that Los Angeles marked a key moment in the history of Olympic volunteerism, in terms of the number of volunteers and the range of tasks performed by them, it is also true that the underlying motivation was more materialistic than at other Games, such as Sarajevo and Lake Placid. After the 1984 Games, the functions of the volunteers were relatively well defined and they were to vary very little over subsequent Olympics. New developments included participation in art festivals by the volunteers and their inclusion in opening and closing ceremonies, thus commemorating the work of the young people at Saint-Moritz in 1924. Popular participation was firmly consolidated at Calgary in 1988. The solidarity and non-profit motivation were clearly reflected in the popular support for these Games, and they were to serve "Ibid., p. 165. «ORGANISING COMMITTEE OF T H E GAMES OF T H E XXII OLYMPIAD MOSCOW 1980 (ed.), Games of the XXII Olympiad. Moscow: Fizkul'tura i sport, 1981, p. 465. «ORGANISING COMMITTEE OF T H E XIV WINTER OLYMPIC GAMES 1984 AT SARAJEVO, (ed.), Final Report. Sarajevo: the Committee, 1984, p. 165. «ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF T H E XXIII OLYMPIAD, LOS ANGELES 1984, (ed.), Official Report of the Games of the XXIII Olympiad Los Angeles, 1984. Los Angeles: the Comittee, 1984, p.404. This page provides detailed information on the roles played by the volunteers, while the statistical data appear on pages 400 and 401. "Ibid., p. 61.

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as a source of inspiration for future Olympic volunteers.46 Those who participated were an extremely varied group, including students47 and also the retired and the elderly, in the best Canadian tradition (Clapés, 1995:2).

4.4. The present-day Olympic volunteer: the volunteer boom The phenomenon of the present-day Olympic volunteer, motivated personally and as an individual, became consolidated after 1992. The Albertville, Barcelona, Lillehamer, Atlanta and Nagano Games are definitive confirmations of the growing importance of the volunteer phenomenon as a reflection of individual commitment to the success of the Games, without any hope or desire for monetary reward, and this consolidation will be further confirmed at the upcoming Sydney Games.48 It must also be pointed out that the Games themselves have taken on vast new dimensions as "mega-events" and have undoubtedly become the most important event in the international sports calendar. The numbers of participants, both athletes and media people, have spiralled and in this new setting the role of the volunteer too has acquired new dimensions, having been incorporated into the structure and overall plan in an organised way.

Evolution of the numbers of volunteers

«ORGANISING COMMITTEE OF T H E XV WINTER OLYMPIC GAMES 1988 AT CALGARY, (ed.), Calgary XV Olympic Winter Games: Official Report. Calgary: the Committee, 1988. The references to the volunteers occur throughout the Official Report. Especially noteworthy are p. 441-445, containing a description of the Calgary Games department of volunteers. The role of the volunteers at Calgary was mentioned by many publications. 47

Tewnion, John. The University of Calgary and the XV Olympic Winter Games. Calgary: The University of Calgary, 1993, p. 70. The author describes the make-up of the staff at the Calgary Games, highlighting the characteristics and hours of work put in by the volunteers. Ventura, Xavier. "Calgary, a la espéra de su invierno olfmpico", in La Vanguardia, 1 November 1987, p. 22-26. 48

However, certain details can be distinguished which tend to break away from this concept. The awarding of diplomas, pins, uniforms, tickets and especially, certain gifts, is in contrast with the altruistic ideal we associated with Olympic volunteerism. As an example, we could mention incentives the volunteers received before, during and after the Albertville Games. ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF T H E XVI WINTER OLYMPIC GAMES 1992 AT ALBERTVILLE AND SAVOIE (ed.), Official Report of the XVI Olympic Winter Games of Albertville and Savoie, Albertville: the Committee, 1992, p. 38-40.

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Now, in the case of the present-day volunteer, perhaps we could consider in more detail some of the questions which we mentioned at the outset, i.e. how and why?

5. Different forms of recruitment and motivation: state-promoted, association-based and individual citizens The individual's decision to become an Olympic volunteer can take place in a number of different personal contexts, but also in a certain social context. A study of the recruitment methods employed over the years by various Olympic Games allows us to conclude that there are three clearly differentiated models :

5.1. State-promoted This system began at the Berlin Games in 1936 and was also employed by other Games such as those of Moscow in 1980, Seoul in 1988 and even London in 1948 (although with obvious differences). In these Games, the organisational challenges were presented as those of the entire nation and state structures were harnessed to guarantee success and convert the Games into a motive for patriotic pride. At Berlin in 1936, the Nazis' use of the Games for propaganda purposes was evident, and the organisation of the Games was intrinsically bound up with the political situation in Hitler's Germany. At London in 1948, the objective was different but there were similarities in that the Games were taken as an opportunity for the British people to offer a show of strength in the aftermath of the Second World War. The Moscow 1980 Games were run in a country ruled by a communist dictatorship. In the case of Seoul in 1988, a speech given by the President of the Organising Committee, Roh Tae-woo, on 30th September 1985 was as follows: "I hope that our people will also join in the volunteer services in the firm belief that this is an honorable role to play to bring them rewards, and to bring glory to the fatherland. (...) Needless to say, the Seoul Olympic Games represent an unrivaled chance for us to enjoy in our time, and to stage the Games successfully represents a historic mission all of us should strive to fulfill. By fully carrying out this historic mission through pooling national wisdom and energy, let us make this period in our history be 145


remembered as a "glorious time" and let us be chronicled as the generation that did its utmost for the brilliant tomorrow of the fatherland."49 5.2. Association-based This pattern is the most frequently occurring throughout the history of the Games. We could even say that it was the form employed in the beginnings of the Olympic Movement. The aim is to harness the already existing associational networks at local, national and even family level. Of course, in the Olympic Games held throughout the early years of the 20th century, these networks were more limited than nowadays and their interconnections were different (the interconnections often being state-based as in the previously described system). At the Atlanta Games, the ACOG announced in April 1992 that it would form an "Olympic Force"50 made up of civil, community and business groups from Georgia, who were willing to make a commitment to the community beyond the level of their usual activities. The Atlanta Games press officer praised the public reaction and even went as far as to claim that it was unprecedented in Olympic history: "Volunteer recruitment follows a four-year program that promoted community volunteerism leading up to the Games. More than 1,600 groups — everything from hiking clubs and professional societies to cultural organizations and garden clubs - joined the ACOG led Olympic Force, which undertook annual service projects. The effort represents the first time the Olympic Games have been used to encourage volunteerism and an unprecedented collaboration among a diverse, active assembly of Georgia citizens"^ 5.3. Through individual citizens This was the pattern which was most widely used over the decade of the nineties and which presently co-exists alongside the association-based system for the upcoming Games in Sydney and Salt Lake City. At Barcelona in 1992, unlike at other Games, the volunteer recruitment campaign actually began before it was officially confirmed that the city was to host the Olympics. For this reason, the explosion of public joy and celebration which greeted the official announcement of Barcelona's selection as host city was the culmination of five years of growing popular support. Indeed, Barcelona is one of the few, if not the only, cases in which the Games led to the formation of volunteer associations after the holding of the Games. The Olympic Family itself paid homage to the enthusiasm and commitment of Barcelona's citizens as a factor which marked the city's candidature out from others. The recruitment campaign closed in December 1986 with a total of 102,000 volunteers signed up, which shows the extent to which w

Kang Shin-pyo, in the paper presented at this same symposium, describes brilliantly the reaction of the Koreans to the words of the President of the Seoul 1988 Organising Committee. This link with the state is interpreted very differently in Asian countries such as Korea, China and Japan. In fact, Nagano 1998 can also be considered from this anthropological perspective. w

For further information on these volunteers, see the News Release, which from 1992 on, followed the development of the volunteer programme at Atlanta. Other articles and publications of interest include: - Rodda, John, "Volunteering: The experience of a lifetime", Olympic Review, August-September 1996, p. 33-35. - Giral Ballerbo, Marti,'A dream come true", Olympic Review, August-September 1996, p. 36. - "The Medical Team limbers up for the 96 Games", 1994, n° 326, p. 569-71. - Organizing Commitee for the Atlanta Games, 1994-1995 Dream Team Memories. ,]

Comité dAtlanta pour les Jeux Olympiques. 1996 Olympic Games: Press Guide: Atlanta Comité dAtlanta pour les Jeux Olympiques, 1996, p. 39.

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the local public was prepared to get involved, since previous Games had required much more time to assemble far fewer volunteers. The volunteer statistics which were drawn up for the first time at Albertville in 1992 showed that the majority of volunteers were local citizens. The same conclusions were drawn from the statistics at Barcelona and Lillehammer and later at Atlanta and Nagano. On 15th October last, The Salt Lake Tribune ran an article on volunteers for the 2002 Winter Olympic Games: "Community volunteers will manage venues during the 2002 Games under a Salt Lake Organizing Committee plan designed to involve Utahns intimately in the Olympics." "The Community will create the Olympic experience for visitors", Romney said of the "Our Town, Your Town" program. "And in doing so, it will generate not only lifelong memories for the volunteer corps but also skills that could be utilized after the Games, when Utah is likely to be a regular stop on the international sports circuit. " These three models are not of course mutually exclusive. Indeed, the majority of Games held over the last twenty years have employed various combinations of all three, though usually with one system predominating, whether for consciously chosen reasons or not.

6. The motivation of the Olympic volunteers The characteristics of the various models employed are closely linked with the individual and social motivation of the Olympic volunteers, and we can outline a range of basic motivations: -

the spirit of solidarity and peace enshrined in the Olympic philosophy, commitment as citizens, members of an association or nation, individual challenge, belonging to a group, identification as a member of that group, the various forms of individual gratification...

Of course, there may exist other more personal forms of motivation, but one of the most frequent in recent Games has been that of belonging to a team. At Calgary, Albertville and Lillehammer, to mention just three, the volunteers were officially part of a "Team". Present-day volunteers are conscious of their special circumstances in the organisation of the Olympic Games, and furthermore they are proud of their role as volunteers. The introduction of such identifying features as uniforms, badges, accessories and other features has strengthened the feeling of belonging to a group and collective participation. Undoubtedly, the uniform in particular has contributed greatly to this feeling of group identity. We first find evidence of the introduction of identifying features for groups involved in the organisation of the Games, including the volunteers, in the sixties and seventies, and the uniforms returned to popularity in the Games held in the eighties. However, they had been used previously and, for example, in the Berlin Games of 1936 "the interpreters hadflag pins in their lapels to identify them all over the city". Having now described the Olympic volunteers, who they were over the years, how they did it, when and why they decided to do it, perhaps we could now go somewhat beyond these questions and seek to draw conclusions from our study of Olympic history. 147


7. The new scale and dimensions: the challenge and limits of gigantic success The increased participation and media impact of the Games has led to new dimensions which should be examined in terms of the present-day sustainability of the Olympic Games on a global scale. What Liz Burns referred to as the gigantic success of the social volunteer phenomenon also occurred in the case of Olympic volunteerism. Sydney will have up to 50,000 volunteers and this figure will undoubtedly go on increasing in future Games. There is no doubt a challenge to be faced, but surely there are also limits. 7.1. Training The increase in the number of tasks which need carrying out at the Olympic Games, in addition to the actual organisational work itself, has led to the need for increasingly specific training programmes, and a range of different models has been employed in some of the more recent Games.53 The training of the volunteers began to gain importance in the eighties, although there had been some notable precedents in earlier years. After the Second World War the first notable incidences of volunteer training took place at the Helsinki Games in 1952. Four years later, at Melbourne in 1956, a number of training initiatives were also put in place and the 3,500 boy scouts received instruction in the ideal of the "Olympic Good Turn", although we cannot yet speak of a specific training programme but rather of simple instructions on how best to carry out their roles. In contrast, the Rome 1960 Games did establish a training course for the young volunteers, with the aim of selecting the most suitable candidates. And the 1960 Mexico Games marked a major advance as far as training for volunteers was concerned.54 The Games held in the seventies scarcely provided any training for the volunteers, indeed we can only mention the courses for voluntary interpreters at the Sapporo Games in 1972. Again the Lake Placid Games marked a key point in the evolution of the phenomenon of Olympic volunteers. The 6,703 volunteers were distributed throughout the different sports and organisational locations according to their skills and experience. In this way, each specific area was able to work with its own volunteers and the Games were prepared for well in advance: "The volunteers were brought to Lake Placid for orientation well in advance of the Olympic Games. As an example, ice hockey minor officials, timers, goal judges, penalty keepers assembled in Lake Placid in September of 1978 (a year and a half before the Games) for a weekend of meetings with representatives from security, press, medical, etc.'"''' Throughout the summer of 1978 the various sports committees organised instructional talks and meetings for the volunteers. The 1984 Games also included training programmes for the volunteers. Both Sarajevo and Los Angeles incorporated a range of training courses aimed at ensuring optimum organisation and preparation of the Games. "This concept was employed by Burns, Liz, Congrès Europeu del Voluntariat. Sitges, 10''', 11th and 12th December 1998. Barcelona: Generalität de Catalunya, 1999, 221 p. 53

For example, in Albertville and Lillehammer, volunteer recruitment was pyramidal in form, which was markedly different from the case of the Summer Games at Barcelona and Atlanta. Instead of accepting all the applications and then proceeding to run a selection process, Lillehammer and Albertville recruited according to a graded process, in accordance with the specific needs of the function to be filled by the particular volunteers. First, the volunteers for key positions were recruited, then those occupying positions of some responsibility and finally, the volunteers with least responsibility were recruited. 54

1) Selection of aspiring candidates; 2) Language test; 3) Preliminary training; 4) Definitive selection on the basis of clearly defined criteria; 5) Designation of heads and supervisors; 6) Period of training for administrative staff; 7) Contract signing; 8) Intensive training according to plan; 9) Trials in which volunteer guides came into contact with different visitors and foreign residents. In addition, the intensive training programme included 22 lectures and 21 guided visits. ÂťORGANIZING COMMITTEE F O R T H E XIII OLYMPIC WINTER GAMES LAKE PLACID 1980, (ed.), Final Report. Lake Placid: the Committee, 1981, p. 165.

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Like Lake Placid, the Sarajevo general programme included basic knowledge of the region's geo-graphy and social and political history, with special emphasis on the principles of socialism. All this would constitute what we now consider to be general training for volunteers. At the same time, there was also specific instruction on the general organisation and technology in use at the Games, as well as on Bosnia-Herzegovina's sporting tradition. The Los Angeles Games of 1984 also included a range of training plans for the Olympic volunteers. And by the Calgary Games56 there was a synthetic plan for the education, training and location of all volunteers. Training57 included a general element and also professional development and specific training for each of the locations for the Games. The general programme provided volunteers with an introduction to the Olympic Movement. Manual training and a series of videos facilitated the volunteers' training process. The specific training was focused on the different sporting fields, and provided them with the basic concepts to enable them to carry out their role successfully. This final training phase started in January 1988 and was the culmination of a training programme that had begun in 1985. All of this guaranteed that "Team 88" was fully prepared for its role as volunteers. In Seoul, like in Los Angeles, previous experience (in the Asian Games) was a fundamental part in the preparation of the volunteers for the Olympics. It is also worth pointing out that of 111,144 initial applications, 99,031 had already participated as volunteers in the Asian Games. As a result, the SLOOC decided to fill half the available staff roles with volunteers (eventually, the figure rose to 55%), with the purpose of increasing public participation and reinforcing the sense of national unity. To summarise, volunteer training was made up of three basic courses: a culture course, another on tasks and functions and finally, a practical hands-on course. The Barcelona Olympics marked a milestone in the area of volunteer training. Volunteer recruitment started in 1986, several months before the city's actual nomination as Olympic host. To guarantee effective preparation, separate basic and specific training programmes were run.58 The courses had a twofold purpose: firstly, to provide training and motivation to achieve optimum collaboration, and secondly, to serve as a selection process. In the first Winter Games of the nineties, the volunteer training programmes were also noteworthy.59 Similar to the summer Games in Barcelona,60 Albertville also ran a general training programme based on video and computer learning techniques, a 170-page book (Le Partage de

""''Facts and information, Calgary 1988, 1986, p. 22. "ORGANISING COMMITTEE OF T H E XV WINTER OLYMPIC GAMES 1988 CALGARY, (ed.), Calgary XV Olympic Winter Games: Official Report. Calgary: the Committee, 1988, p. 441-42. '"Various sources describe these training programmes, among which we must mention the following: - COOB'92. Los cursos de formacion de los voluntarios olimpicos de Barcelona '92. Dossier informativo. 2a ed.rev. Barcelona: COOB'92, 1990, p. 2. - COOB'92.Divisiö de Voluntaris. Formaciô especifica perprojectes. Barcelona: COOB'92, 1992. - COOB'92. Marc general i criteris didactics pelpla de formaciôn de l'Equip'92. Barcelona: COOB'92, 1991. - Clapés, Andreu. Voluntaris'92. La gran festa de la participacio. Barcelona: (s.n.), 1995. p. 5-8. v,

Jan Beretti prepared a thorough document on the education and training policy for volunteers at Albertville, in which he assembles all the details of the volunteer training programme. See - Beretti, Jan. La portée éducative de la formation des volontaires des XVI" Jeus Olympiques d'hiver d'Albertville et de la Savoie (1988-1992), Lyon: Université Lumière, 1992. '"»ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF T H E XVI WINTER OLYMPIC GAMES 1992 AT ALBERTVILLE AND SAVOIE (ed.), Official Report of the XVI Olympic Winter Games of Albertville and Savoie, Albertville: the Committee, 1992, p. 38.

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l'exploit) and three editions of the magazine Equipe 92. For specific training, attention was paid to the actual tasks the volunteers would have to perform in each competition area or role. The Lillehammer and Atlanta Games did not bring any new developments in the area of volunteer training. Emphasis continued to be laid on general knowledge of the Olympic Movement, the Organising Committee, the traits of the host country, the protocol and designated secondary locations. More specific tasks were prepared in accordance with the skills and abilities of the individual volunteer. Especially worthy of mention was the special attention paid to foreign language, technology and media skills in the Nagano Games.61 However, what has become increasingly clear over recent Games is the growing need for high-level professional training in many spheres, especially in the field of new information technologies and languages. In the light of the huge boom in the numbers of volunteers, anything less than adequate training represents a risk. The scale of the present-day Games is giving rise to numerous new demands which constitute a major challenge for organisers. For this reason, in Sydney the volunteer programme has been linked to the Faculties of Communication Science, and in Salt Lake City, a similar system is being employed: "The university hopes to get involved in language training for volunteers and interns and help train students who will work international broadcasting operations." a These developments may lead to a change of expectations among Olympic volunteers.

7.2. Remuneration and benefits In the first Olympic Games and also in the present-day ones, the main reward for volunteers lies in the personal sphere, in the fulfillment of personal goals through carrying out the assigned tasks and functions within the framework of a macro-organisation. In addition to these "moral" rewards, there are others of a more material nature, such as the right to attend certain events and other advantages arising from being a member of the organisation, or the award of a special medal or certificate. The volunteers programme for the 2002 Salt Lake City Games specifies: "The volunteer recognition program includes a certificate of participation, special lapel pin, watch (courtesy of Olympic timing sponsor Seiko), two tickets to the dress rehearsal of Opening Ceremonies and a volunteer uniform."6i However, with the changing requirements for volunteers, the rewards have also undergone changes, and are moving closer to the terrain of professionalism. Participation in the organisation of the Olympic Games may also be seen as an opportunity to gain professional experience which could count when later seeking employment, or the Games could also be seen as serving as the source of highly useful contacts. Another consideration is that if students are employed to carry out highly technical and professional functions this may also add to their expectations.

'â&#x20AC;˘'ORGANIZING COMMITTEE FOR T H E XVIII OLYMPIC WINTER GAMES, NAGANO 1998, (ed.), The XVIII Olympic Winter Games. Official Report, Nagano: the Committee, 1998, p. 165. 62

See Campbell, Joel. Rallying to round up volunteers, http://www.Deseretnews.com from 7 ,h October 1999.

63

See News Release, September 8'\ 1998.

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These developments are currently the subject of debate and study as part of the effort to prepare the role of volunteers for the next millennium.

8. Conclusions Sports volunteers, including Olympic volunteers, provide an example of solidarity and selfless work, not only for the organisation and administration of the Olympic Games, but also for the promotion of the spirit of service and solidarity in our present-day society as a whole. The importance of the Olympic volunteer movement lies in the following: - From the political point of view, it represents the uniting of individual energies into a common project, a new form of participation and the expression of a great public momentum. - From the economic point of view, the Olympic volunteers lead to a major reduction in salary costs and, if adequate training is provided, the result could be a more highly-qualified population. - From the cultural point of view, volunteerism involves basic education in multi-culturalism and solidarity. In the early part of the 20th century, the volunteers were members of associations (such as the Boy Scouts, for example) which provided a service in response to social needs. Nevertheless, nowadays volunteers sign up on individual initiative for projects such as world and national championships, the Olympic Games and others, in which they then become grouped into new associations providing channels for public participation. There are at present a number of issues which demand consideration: - The distinction between volunteers and/or interns, students on work experience programmes and salaried staff. These roles tend to be confused all too often. A number of sociologists claim that this confusion is positive and that in the future volunteerism will be a training option for the unemployed, a source of work experience for the young and a second career for the retired. However, at present the situation is still unclear.64 - The training required by these volunteers is increasingly specialised in nature. Some hold that professionalisation of sports volunteers "is necessary as a result of the superspecialisation affecting all aspects of our society and also the growing demand among the public for highquality service, now that the purely quantitative phase has been completed."1''' Furthermore, we must also consider (although all too briefly) the volunteers for the Paraolympic Games. We should ascertain the characteristics of these volunteers over the relatively shorter history of the Special Olympics and what the training needs are for these Games. There can be no doubt, however, that we must reassess the overall situation, all the more so given the new dynamics of our information society technologies. The Internet provides a unique opportunity for the creation of an information and experience-sharing network for sports and Olympic volunteers. "See Congrès Europeu del Voluntariat. Sitges, 10th, ll'h and 12'h December 1998. Barcelona: Generalität de Catalunya, 1999, 221 p. "Sanchez Vinuesa, Aurelio. Op. cit.

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The new technologies are "an alternative channel for the development of society's economy: (1) As an extra-territorial framework for action which would permit the international promotion of activities taking place on a local scale. (2) As a low-cost supplementary aid in the exploration of ways of connecting with the market and resources. As a new way of amplifying actions which facilitate collaboration among volunteers on a scale higher than the local one and in what is known as a network."6G The concept of the Olympic volunteer and all its intrinsic characteristics arising from the huge task of organising the Games must also be sieved through this new social dynamic.

"'Dochao, Andres & Barragin, José Antonio. "La feina del voluntariat en la societat de la informaciö", Congrès Europeu del Voluntariat. Sitges, 10'1', ll'h and 12,h December 1998. Barcelona: Generalität de Catalunya, 1999, p. 78.

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Bibliography Apuntes, IJornadas sobre formaciôn de voluntarios: desarrolladas en Malaga, los dias del 28 al 30 de septiembre de 1995. Malaga: Instituto Andaluz del Déporte, 1997. Beretti, Jan. La portée éducative de la formation des volontaires des XVI" Jeux Olympiques d'hiver d'Albertville et de la Savoie (1988-1992). Lyon: Université Lumière, 1992. Campbell, Joel. "Rallying to round up volunteers", http://www.Deseretnews.com, 7'h October 1999. Clapés, Andreu. Voluntaris'92. La gran festa de laparticipaciô. Barcelona: (s.n.), 1995. Comité d'Atlanta pour les Jeux Olympiques. 1996 Olympic Games: Press Guide, Atlanta: Comité dAtlanta pour les Jeux Olympiques, 1996. Comité Olympique Français. Les Jeux de la VIII' Olympiade. Paris: Comité Olympique Français, 1924. COMITÉ ORGANISATEUR DU VII OLYMPIADE ANVERS 1920, (ed.), Rapport Officiel des Jeux de la Vit Olympiade. Anvers: Le Comité, 1920. COMITÉ ORGANISATEUR DU VIII OLYMPIADE PARIS 1924, (ed.), Les Jeux de la VIII' Olympiade Paris 1924, Rapport officiel du Comité Olympique Français. Paris: Librairie de France, 1924. Congrès Europeu del Voluntariat. Sitges, 10th, ll'h and 12'h December 1998. Barcelona: Generalität de Catalunya, 1999. COOB'92. Los cursos de formaciôn de los voluntarios olimpicos de Barcelona '92. Dossier informativo. 2' éd.rev. Barcelona: COOB'92, 1990. COOB'92. Divisiô de Voluntaris. Formaciô especifica per aprojectes. Barcelona: COOB'92, 1991. COOB'92: Marc general i criteris didactics pel pla de formaciôn de l'Equip'92. Barcelona: COOB'92, 1991. COOB'92. Memoria Oficial de los Juegos Olimpicos de Barcelona 1992. Barcelona: COOB'92, Vol.1. COOB'92, Voluntaris 92. Barcelona: COOB'92, 1992. Coubertin, Pierre de, Olympic Memoirs, Lausanne: International Olympic Committee, 1997. Dochao, Andres & Barragân, José Antonio. "La feina del voluntariat en la societat de la informacio" Congrès Europeu del Voluntariat. Sitges, 10h, 11* and 12'' December 1998. Barcelona: Generalität de Catalunya, 1999. Effenterre, Henri van. Histoire du Scoutisme. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963. Gann, Nigel. Managing Change in Voluntary Organizations: A Guide to Practice. Buckingham: Open University Press, 1996. Giral Ballerbo, Marti, "A dream come true", Olympic Review, August-September 1996. ORGANIZING COMMITTEE FOR T H E V OLYMPIAD, (ed.), The Official Report of the Olympic Games of Stockholm 1912. Stockholm: Walhstrom & Wilstrand, 1913. ORGANIZING COMMITEE OF T H E GAMES OF T H E XVIII OLYMPIAD TOKYO 1964, (ed.), The Games of the XVIII Olympiad Tokyo 1964: official report. Tokyo: the Committee, 1966. ORGANIZING COMMITTEE FOR XV OLYMPIAD HELSINKI 1952, (ed.), The Official report of the XV Olympiad Helsinki 1952. Pootovo: Werner Soderstrom Osakeyhtio, 1955. ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF T H E VIII OLYMPIC WINTER GAMES SQUAW VALLEY 1960, (ed.), VIII Olympic Winter Games, Squaw Valley, California, 1960: final report. Sacramento: California Olympic Commission, 1960. ORGANISING COMMITTEE OF T H E GAMES OF T H E XXII OLYMPIAD MOSCOW 1980 (ed.), Games of the XXII Olympiad. Moscow: Fizkul'tura i sport, 1981.

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ORGANISING COMMITTEE OF T H E XIV WINTER OLYMPIC GAMES 1984 AT SARAJEVO, (ed.), Final Report. Sarajevo: the Committee, 1984. ORGANIZING C O M M I T T E OF T H E XI OLYMPIC WINTER GAMES SAPPORO 1972, (ed.), The ll'h Olympic Winter Games Sapporo 1972: official report. Sapporo: the Committee, 1972. ORGANIZING COMMITTEE FOR T H E XVI OLYMPIAD MELBOURNE 1958, (ed.), The Official Report of the Organizing Commiteefor the Games of the XVI Olympiad, Melbourne 1956. Melbourne: W.M. Houston, Govt Printer, 1958. ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF T H E GAMES OF T H E XXI OLYMPIAD MONTREAL 1976, Games of the XXI Olympiad Montreal 1976. Montreal: the Committee, 1978. ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF T H E XIII OLYMPIC WINTER GAMES LAKE PLACID 1980, (ed.), Final Report. Lake Placid: the Committee, 1981. ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF T H E XXIII OLYMPIAD, LOS ANGELES 1984, (ed.), Official Report of the Games of the XXIII Olympiad, los Angeles, 1984. Los Angeles: the Comittee, 1984. ORGANISING COMMITTEE OF T H E XV WINTER OLYMPIC GAMES 1988 AT CALGARY, (ed.), Calgary XV Olympic Winter Games: Official Report. Calgary: the Committee, 1988. ORGANIZING COMMITTEE FOR T H E XVIII OLYMPIC WINTER GAMES, NAGANO 1998, (ed.), The XVIII Olympic Winter Games. Official Report, Nagano: the Committee, 1998. ORGANIZING COMMITTEE OF T H E XVI WINTER OLYMPIC GAMES 1992 AT ALBERTVILLE AND SAVOIE (ed.), Official Report of the XVI Olympic Winter Games of Albertville and Savoie, Albertville: the Committee, 1992. Rodda, John "Volunteering: The experience of a lifetime", Olympic Review, August-September 1996. Tewnion, John. The University of Calgary and the XV Olympic Winter Games. Calgary: The University of Calgary, 1993. Ventura, Xavier. "Calgary, a la espéra de su inviemo olimpico", La Vanguardia, 1" November 1987.

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Photo Dossier

155


156


1. London 1908. Drawing representing the parade of the teams.


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2. Stockholm 1912. Procession of schoolchildren at the opening of the Olympic stadium.


3. Antwerp 1920. The Italian delegation.


4. Chamonix 1924.


5. Los Angeles 1932. Boy scouts carry the flags of each nation in the Olympic stadium. o^


6. Garmisch 1936. Judges and referees. In the foreground is Dr Baader (GER).

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7. Berlin 1936. The Swedish team arrives at Berlin station.

8. Berlin 1936. Members of the Austrian team chatting to a volunteer.


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9. St Moritz 1948. The Swiss military patrol team.


10. Squaw Valley 1960. American soldiers flatten the snow on the ski run.


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11. Sarajevo 1984. The Olympic Flame.


12. Los Angeles 1984. The opening ceremony: quite a spectacle. Distribution of flowers.


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13. Calgary 1988. The opening ceremony.

14. Seoul 1988. A chance to relax.

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15 & 16. Albertville 1992. The volunteers (Team 92).

169


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17. Barcelona 1992. Preparation for competition.


18. Barcelona 1992. The teams arrive at the Olympic Village.

19. Barcelona 1992. The tennis tournament. Magnus Larsson (SWE, 9,h


20. Lillehammer 1994. Maintaining the slopes.

172


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21. Atlanta 1996. Volunteers at the airport.

22. Atlanta 1996. Volunteers in evidence at the athletics events.

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23. Nagano 1998. Volunteers flatten the snow on the downhill run.

24. Nagano 1998. An important role in the offices.

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Past Experiences

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176


Barcelona '92

Andreu (lapĂŠs Olympic Volunteers, COOB'92, Spain

1. Introduction Ladies and Gentlemen, Thank you for allowing me this opportunity to share with you all the fruits of an experience that could have a positive impact on global society and, through the Olympic Games, strengthen the bonds of friendship throughout the world. It would be no easy task: creating a global movement of Olympic volunteers would require considerable organization. At the end of this discussion, I will attempt to put forward a concrete proposal. In 1992, we in Barcelona regarded the Olympic and Paralympic Games as a great success for Catalan society. We felt we had done a good job. At the end of the Games, the President of the International Olympic Committee, Juan Antonio Samaranch, attributed much of this success to the work of volunteers. Some eight years on, we continue to reaffirm this impression with even greater resolve. We are convinced that the smooth running of the Olympic and Paralympic Games depends on the hard work, motivation and enthusiasm of the thousands of volunteers contributing their vital services to the Games.

2. The training programme But what is the key to the success of these volunteers? There is just one secret: training. Training to perform a task within parameters and using criteria that go beyond mere knowledge or instructions. It means becoming aware of the sheer effort and sincerity required to play the role of volunteer in such a festival. It also means providing volunteers with sufficient preparation to make them aware of the tasks required. Not only do we need to instil in them enthusiasm; we also need to foster a sense of pride in being Olympic volunteers. We need to devise a set of incentives going beyond what companies specialized in motivation programmes usually offer. It is important for volunteers to feel privileged to have the chance to work for the good of their city and country. We need to create the will among volunteers to share their knowledge of developments with those around them and to implement the programme of the city responsible for organizing the Games. What kind of training was provided to volunteers in the run-up to the Barcelona '92 Games? Firstly, it should be noted that I do not intend to set out the actual contents of this training, which can easily be found in the official report of the Games or in various other publications. In any event, this could form the subject of another symposium in the future, if need be. 177


While tracing the programme devised to train volunteers, I will explain the details and subjects of the underlying philosophy. This is not the usual approach; from what we have observed, however, these are criteria and rules that are still in vogue and look set to remain so for quite some time. One significant aspect was to distinguish a number of well-differentiated phases in order to meet our objectives. The most important of these was to perform a suitable selection of candidates. It was also extremely important to measure the time allocated to each phase: we had to be scrupulous in our time-keeping, while bearing in mind at all times the goals of the various phases and the deadlines required to avoid having to improvise at the last minute. Basically, we distinguished between three different phases (See Figure 1):

2.1. Phase one: Basic training During the course of the campaign, almost 100,000 people enrolled as volunteers, of whom approx. 70,000 were from Catalonia and approx. 30,000 from the rest of Spain. We devoted the first two years to this phase. The main aims were: - Firstly, to reach a final figure of 35,000 volunteers to take part in the Olympic Games and 15,000 in the Paralympic Games. As two different organizations were involved, we had to have two different teams responsible for training and selecting volunteers. Today, we will limit our discussion to volunteers for the Olympic Games. Our main aim was to make the right selection. - Secondly, we set out to create a positive attitude throughout Spain towards the organization undertaken by the city of Barcelona. This meant encouraging all candidates and instilling in them a genuine sense of pride in being the joint authors and protagonists of the event. In addition, the training had to cover a four-year period, which was no easy task! We therefore divided the volunteers into two groups: those under 23 years of age, who in theory could devote more time to their training; and those over 23 years of age, who had to follow a different type of training, as theoretically they were working full time and could devote less time to it. For the younger group, we devised courses involving theory. These courses were given in secondary schools and other schools in towns throughout Spain. We worked closely with the various autonomous governments, though they were not always easy to deal with. We adopted the colours of the Olympic rings for the various training modules : - Red: active participation, i.e. what it means to be a volunteer. This involved a brief course on first aid provided by experts from the Red Cross. To help recruit from civil society, we had to reaffirm the notion of voluntary work as a value in itself, one which fostered the values of generosity, altruism and solidarity. All this was extremely important in reinforcing the value of community work in our society. - White: Olympism and Culture: knowledge of the Olympic world. The history of the Olympic Games. The Olympic Charter. The programme of the Cultural Olympiad. 178


Pierre de Coubertin had more than just games in mind: he wished to contribute towards the creation of a global culture of respect, healthy competition and universal solidarity. By instilling these values in volunteers, the will to organize an event of global relevance became a philosophical rather than economic matter. We believe that this message is valid to this day and will continue to be valid in the future. - Blue: the city and its surroundings. Knowledge of the city of Barcelona. Knowledge of the volunteers' own city as it plays host to the Olympic Games. The motivation programme contained a number of initiatives to help promote knowledge of the city of Barcelona. Teaching volunteers about their city was just an excuse to demonstrate that you cannot love a person, culture or city if you do not know them. A role common to all volunteers was to act as host for all those expected to arrive. To show their city or act as guide in a particular field, they needed to be well acquainted with it. - Black: Knowledge of languages - a basic requirement. Our immediate circle was not exactly noted for its language skills. An agreement was reached with several language schools to provide housands of volunteers with classes to improve their foreign language skills. Preference was given to less well-off volunteers, who benefited the most. - Yellow: Barcelona'92: the bid project and the Olympic project. The Organizing Committee of the Barcelona Olympic Games (COOB'92) and its financing. The most important information channels were provided by the opportunity to achieve a level of information unknown to the wider population, the development of the project and the structuring of the organization, since the positive impact on each volunteer would be passed on to a dozen members of their family, friends, and so on. It was one way of encouraging the social masses. - Green: Sport and man: the Olympic disciplines and their technical development through time. With our knowledge and defence of sport, we decided to distinguish, for health and social reasons, between professional and amateur sport. By getting to know the professional sportsmen and women who visited us from all over the world, we managed to achieve our aims. The courses were given in the form of traditional classes. A team of instructors from the Volunteers' Division ("Divisiรถ de Voluntaris") was commissioned to devise the contents, teaching aids and methodology of the courses. They had to work from scratch, having access neither to equipment nor systematic documentation. For this reason, we compiled comprehensive files combining information from each section and brought out various publications for volunteers. To this day, we continue to consult and - let's be honest - admire these files. Those over 23 years of age attended a series of group meetings with instructors from the Volunteer's Division. They were then given the opportunity to study the files in private, without having to attend the classes. Occasionally, they had the chance to take part in meetings, confer-ences, video projections and visits. During the courses, the instructors kept an eye out for potential group leaders, as well as any troublemakers. The positive and negative selection procedure proved highly effective. Active participation: we had to supplement classroom activities with practical experience of activities similar to those volunteers would encounter during the Games. We also had to get elderly people accustomed to the volunteers, by teaching them how to support and encourage these volunteers. 179


All volunteers had the chance to take part in sports and cultural activities at local level, which led to greater cohesion among the groups and acted as an incentive. Their uniforms, on the other hand, acted as a form of differentiation. By devising a motivation programme linked to the training, we improved the reputation of volunteers among the ordinary public and encouraged many people to rise to the challenge of becoming a volunteer at the Olympic Games. The programme included: -

a wide range of merchandizing products with a special logo for exclusive use by volunteers, 1,000 grants for one-month courses in France and Britain, 2,000 grants for courses in language schools, a magazine, a nationwide radio programme over four years with a competition to win a trip to Greece, the Roda Barcelona programme: 15,000 volunteers from all over Spain came to Barcelona to witness the city's Olympic programme on the spot, - recreational activities allowing volunteers to get to know one another. A painstaking study of volunteers was conducted to determine their skills. This enabled them to be carefully selected and trained for specific assignments in cooperation with the various divisions of the Organizing Committee. Beforehand, a list of tasks was compiled along with an estimate of the staff numbers required to perform them. The first estimate exceeded 100,000! Obviously, this was not feasible. Gradually, the number of volunteers fell to 35,000. The main aim of the training programme was to assign each volunteer a particular task to be performed with efficiency and confidence - not just in themselves, but in the system as a whole. This meant initiating phase two. 2.2. Phase two: Specialized training The criteria, though important, were not always easy to understand, so most people opted for the tasks that were easiest to learn. The more difficult tasks required specialized training that was both time-consuming and difficult. The costs had to be strictly monitored and the limited time available to volunteers used to best advantage. Training was therefore divided into a two-tier approach; the functional divisions were responsible for implementing the training, while it was managed and approved by the heads of the Volunteers' Division. Each subject field had to be implemented differently. We graded each field according to the level of responsibility and technical importance it entailed. Despite having a common base, the material (files, manuals, audiovisual aids) assembled for the training was wide-ranging and complex. The contribution of companies to financing and assistance in developing and implementing the training should also be noted. How were the tasks to be divided? The methodological and functional criteria for assigning volunteers to the various tasks were based on: - Firstly, a systematic list of candidates selected according to similar profiles and arranged into "modules". - Secondly, a list of tasks with well-defined technical and professional requirements: critical judgement, level of technical knowledge, social skills, language skills, and so on. 180


On the basis of these "modules", volunteers were assigned to a particular territorial unit (sports facilities, accommodation or logistical support) according to demand. If the head of the territorial unit agreed, the volunteer would be accepted. They would then enrol in the unit and answer to the head of voluntary staff. The assignment of tasks revealed the existence of a number of flaws. In particular, there were tasks for which no suitable volunteers could be found. This brings us to the section on "specialist volunteers". We enlisted the services of: - government bodies (the Autonomous Government of Catalonia, the Barcelona City Council, the Barcelona Provincial Council and the Delegation of the Government of Catalonia) to assume responsibility for managing the groups; - the PvACC (Royal Automobile Club of Catalonia) to provide 3,000 voluntary drivers; - sports federations, which became the protagonists of the particular sport they represented; - students of colleges of tourism, who helped find accommodation, tour guides and information centres, i.e. tasks for which they were already being trained; - private individuals who, owing to their managerial skills, were called on to take on high-level responsibilities on a voluntary basis; - the Ministry of Defence, with whom we signed an agreement under which it committed to dispatch 3,000 soldiers as volunteers. In return, the time spent in voluntary service would be deducted from these soldiers' military service - and, obviously, the national police force.

2.3. Phase three: Training in facilities Just before the Games got underway and once the volunteers had enrolled in the units and been trained in their respective tasks, they had to be trained in the entire range of facilities laid on for visitors to the Games. The Volunteer's Division devised the facilities to be used, while the heads of human resources of each unit provided the training. We drew up a file for each facility. These files contained an organization chart with photographs of those in charge of each sector and an outline of the facilities and services available to spectators. This file was known as the "Manual de la Instal.laciรถ" (Handbook of Facilities). However, the Handbook for Olympic Volunteers was the real key to the Games. It contained instructions, advice, criteria, etc., to cater for the wide range of visitors expected to visit this global sports event. Let the show begin... To prevent any "conflicts", we set up a facility entitled the Volunteer Support Unit, where the director could speak directly with the heads of the organization. It handled any complaints, irregularities and suggestions made by volunteers. The team was composed of 10 people from various occupations, including psychologists, social workers, youth workers and lawyers. In my view, the task of "defender of volunteers" helped solve many problems that could have developed into serious conflicts. The system must have been a success, as the programme itself was a success. It only remains for me to remind you that the city of Barcelona is still at your disposal.

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3. Final suggestion Before I finish, I would like to make one small suggestion. Thousands of volunteers from Olympic cities and bid cities were mobilized and sensitized; today, all that is left is a distant memory. Surely the time has come to create a movement of Olympic volunteers. With their knowledge, enthusiasm and generosity, they could be instrumental in strengthening the bonds of fraternity and solidarity among the peoples of the world. Obviously, this would require the approval of the International Olympic Committee and its Olympic Solidarity Committee, which is already up and running. After the Games had finished, we devised a project which, for the time being, exists only on paper. But with the help of each and every one of you and if it proves to be a worthy idea, this project could give rise to a new movement and help create a better world.

Figure 1

BASIC TRAINING

CLASSES

PARTICIPATION

INTERVIEWS

KNOWLEDGE

SPECIALIZED TRAINING

TRAINING IN FACILITIES

FOR A PARTICULAR TASK

KNOWLEDGE OF FACILITIES

SELECTION OF VOLUNTEERS AND GUIDANCE

MOTIVATION PROGRAMME

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Lillehammer '94

Petter Rรถnningen Head of Operations, LOOC, Norway

1. Introduction Volunteers and access to volunteers are important prerequisites for organising most types of major events either on a local, national or international level. This is particularly true of aid organisations, yet volunteers are also critical for organising major international sports events such as the Olympic Games. On average around 80 to 90% of the local human resources needed to organise such events are volunteers. In short - access to volunteers is a critical prerequisite when applying for, preparing for and staging an Olympic Games. It is therefore a bit odd that candidate cities in their applications are not required to supply more information about how they plan to cover their need for volunteers, and the time is right to take a closer look at this aspect in the context of the Olympic Games. I would like to take this opportunity to thank the International Chair in Olympism and the Olympic Museum and Studies Centre for organising such a wide-reaching symposium focussing on this topic. 2. Planning Since sufficient access to volunteers is critical both in terms of the financial requirements and the practical considerations of organising major sports events, the planning and preparation phase must give great attention to this subject. A volunteer recruitment policy must be based on a number of key points and considerations. Specifically: (1) The overall need - the number of persons and qualifications. (2) The target groups for recruitment (geography, clubs, teams, organisations, companies, public employees, etc.). (3) The motivational factors for volunteering. Based on the results from the above-mentioned, the following must be developed: (1) An overall concept for what the volunteers will be doing. (2) A strategy for covering the needs of volunteers. (3) Plans for recruitment, training and practical considerations, such as uniforms, accommodation, food, transportation, accreditation, etc., including activities and timeframes/milestones. 183


3. Motivational factors for volunteering Being a volunteer means in principle that one is offering one's assistance without expecting any economic compensation. Factors other than financial gain must be used as motivation. However, it is very important that the volunteers do not have any expenses connected with their participation. This means that at least the following benefits must be provided for the volunteer at no charge: -

food and accommodation; travel expenses; a uniform (even though this is an important element for the organiser, the volunteers usually see it as an attractive gift).

The volunteers' motivation is usually complex, and it is not enough just to make a simple list of benefits. The organiser must clearly show the importance and significance of each individual benefit. The organisation's recruitment efforts should be designed so that any one benefit alone is enough to capture the interest of potential volunteers, and that the benefits seen together are enough to convince the potential volunteer to commit his or her time and energy to help make the event a success. The motivational factors must be designed so that the potential volunteers can clearly see "what is in it" for them. The social aspect must not be underrated either. In a world where we are becoming more isolated from each other and have less and less social contact with people outside our families, volunteer work offers potential volunteers a valuable social experience. The following factors are also important to consider: - once-in-a-lifetime experience; - valuable training and experience - for example speaking in another language in an international environment; - patriotism - helping to promote the city, the region and the country; - loyalty - helping a sporting club or organisation you are personally committed to; - meeting and establishing new friends and contacts; - gaining insight or skill in something that is valuable or meaningful; - participating in a winning team; - experiencing the workings of a major professional organisation from the inside.

4. Recruitment policy The recruitment efforts should first and foremost be designed to capture the interest of potential volunteers, but at the same time the organisation should be aware of the organiser's needs for more general promotional efforts about the upcoming event and the importance of laying the groundwork for both sponsors and spectators. The timing and content of all of these efforts are critical and should be carefully co-ordinated. When launching a co-ordinated campaign to attract volunteers, the key is to get people to register their interest, and then to quickly follow up with more detailed information and a "volunteer kit" to get them committed. 184


Among the many considerations and issues that must be dealt with by an organiser when designing a program to attract enough volunteers are the following: -

cost-effective solutions on the part of the organiser; accommodation capacity for volunteers; the desire to recruit volunteers from the city, region or entire nation; the most effective recruitment policy with respect to using the sports facilities after the major event.

5. Conclusion What I've described above are some of the most important factors when developing a volunteer recruitment policy, which will obviously vary from organiser to organiser depending on the event. The goal, however, is the same for all organisers: recruiting and building up an organising committee that has the expertise, the capacity, the sense of responsibility and the motivation to help stage a successful Olympic Games for the athletes, the media and the spectators â&#x20AC;&#x201D; and the organisation.

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Activist Volunteering: The Bind-Aid Volunteer Group and its Work Prior to the Nagano Games Shigeyuki Nakajima Volunteer at Nagano'98, Japan

1. Introduction Volunteering is a topic that can be addressed from many different viewpoints, as this symposium demonstrates, and volunteers themselves are anything but a homogenous group. More than 32,000 registered Games volunteers from all over Japan contributed to the success of the Nagano Games by working with the organizing committee. While this number does not include local citizens and others who supported the Games in various ways outside the organizing committee, it does represent a real variety of volunteer types. Almost a third of the 32,579 Games volunteers were registered as groups by corporate, government or service organizations. For example, many companies and towns provided drivers familiar with snowy local roads, technical colleges provided computer-literate students to work the information systems, and boy scouts raised the flags at Team Welcome Ceremonies in the Olympic Village. The cultural program would not have been possible without the support of so many contemporary and traditional performing groups and experts in traditional arts like the kimono and flower arranging. But most of the Games volunteers, over 20,000 of them, were drawn from the general public and registered as individuals. Without the support of some buffer organization that has recruited them, such individual volunteers have to deal with the organizing committee all alone, or work to develop new support networks on their own. After registering to be a Games volunteer, I co-founded a small group called Bind-Aidxo address this issue, and I would like to present you with an overview of our experience and some of the lessons we learned in the hope that this may be of use both to future sports volunteers and to organizing committees.

2. The NAOC volunteer training program and Bind-Aid NAOC (the Nagano Olympic Organizing Committee) began recruiting Games volunteers from the general public in mid-1994. Games-time assignments were finalized only much later. For most volunteers, specialized training in their area of responsibility did not begin until late 1997, only six months before the Games. For many volunteers, then, it was as long as three years between registering to be a volunteer and receiving a final assignment. Over this period, NAOC conducted just three general training sessions, and the only other regular communication was a quarterly newsletter. Many volunteers were desperate to receive more information; some wondered if they had been registered at all, or if the organizing committee had forgotten all about them. Volunteers living in Tokyo, about 220 km southeast of Nagano, or in other far-away areas, had an even more difficult time getting information than those in Nagano, and found it harder to get caught up in the excitement. 187


Realizing the importance of taking action, in September 1995 I joined some other Tokyo-based volunteers who had registered for the Nagano Games and established an Olympic volunteer group that we called Bind-Aid. We started with just nine members but by the time of the Games in 1998, our group numbered over a hundred. In the beginning, we were unsure of how best to organize and what to do, but after a lot of discussion and over time we came up with the following self-directed activities to prepare ourselves for Games-time volunteering: -

language training in English, French, Russian, etc.; learning the rules of Olympic winter sports (watching videos, arranging lectures) ; publishing a monthly newsletter to share information among Bind-Aid members; conducting surveys of volunteer concerns ; searching out and building relationships with other volunteer groups in the Tokyo and Nagano area; visiting Olympic venues and watching Olympic winter sports; publishing a volunteer handbook by and for volunteers to supplement NAOC's material; volunteering to help at numerous NAOC publicity events in Tokyo, and at many pre-Olympic competitions and Olympic-related meetings in Nagano; - developing relationships with the NAOC staff responsible for volunteers and sharing information with them. As a result of these activities, Bind-Aid was able to: -

build a relationship of trust and mutual understanding with the organizing committee; maintain volunteer enthusiasm in the long pre-Olympic period; develop a sense of unity and shared purpose among volunteers; help the organizers to better plan for providing Games-time volunteer support.

Through our efforts to build a good relationship with the organizers, most of the active Bind-Aid members were recognized and trusted by the NAOC staff, and provided with positions of some responsibility before and during Games-time. Through Bind-Aid's activities, volunteers were able to get to know each other long before the Games began. Many members conducted their own small-group activities, such as language study, problem-solving simulations or visits to Nagano to meet with local volunteers. This enthusiasm and sense of unity helped these volunteers cope well with the stress of Games-time activity. We realized that volunteer duties themselves could often be quickly learned, but that the success of volunteer participation would most probably depend on the back-up systems and support network for volunteers in place during Games-time. Bind-Aid was able to work in cooperation with NAOC to implement Bind-Aid proposals to strengthen such systems. In many cases, this allowed us to solve volunteer issues with volunteer efforts, taking some of the pressure off the organizers. Organizing committees must recognize that volunteers are conducting their duties while balancing all of the challenges of their private lives as well as the new problems that arise during Gamestime. Volunteers who were registered as individuals and relied only on the organizing committee's training sessions, without ever joining or knowing about groups like Bind-Aid, or being able to participate in pre-Games volunteer activities, had a more difficult time adjusting to the stresses of Games-time. Support systems are critical to ensure that volunteers work effectively and enjoy it.

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3. Conclusion In conclusion, I would like to provide a brief summary of the lessons we learned, and the suggestions we would make to Olympic volunteers and Olympic organizing committees, particularly with regard to what can be done before the Games. For Volunteers: - Get involved early and help the organization understand how to help you. - Don't wait for the organization to send you information. Get out there and be proactive in gathering information yourself. - Don't rely only on the training and workshops arranged by the organizers. Be creative and form your own groups. - Educate the organizers. Volunteers sometimes have more on-the-ground experience than the people managing them at the organizing committee. - Assist one another as you prepare for the Games as well as during the Games. - Make use of your network of peers to share information. - Help volunteers who don't have previous experience volunteering or working with sports events. - As things change or new information becomes available during Games-time, share it with your peers to make sure things go smoothly. For Organizing Committees: - Provide all the information you can to your volunteers. - Avoid making unnecessary distinctions between paid staff and volunteers. Treat volunteers as members of the same team. - Don't underestimate the power and ability of your volunteers. - Give encouragement and support to individual volunteers looking to join or form a volunteer group that would supplement the training you can provide. It's not a threat, it's an opportunity. Our activities in Bind-Aid not only served our volunteer members by preparing them for the Games and providing them with a support network, we also helped the organizing committee by providing better-trained volunteers who were more enthusiastic and better able to cope with their Games-time duties. Our work with the organizers to improve support systems also improved the situation for all the Games-time volunteers. The most important factors of all in ensuring that the Games are a success, not only at the macro level but also in the personal experience of each volunteer, are bilateral understanding and mutual reliance. Groups like Bind-Aid can help foster this and I encourage you to support such independent efforts when planning your Games.

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Appendix

Volunteer Fundamentals (From the Bind-Aid volunteer group's manual for Nagano Olympic Games Volunteers)

Key Words Hospitality

Responsibility

Unity

Information

Knowledge

Ten Rules to Volunteer By 1. Work to create an environment where athletes can perform their best and spectators can enjoy themselves to the fullest. 2. Remember you are a member of the staff with important responsibilities. Never say "I'm only a volunteer." 3. Before asking what the organizers can do for you, ask yourself what you can do for the organizers - and then do it. 4. Trouble can happen anywhere, at any time, to anybody. Stay calm and face it with a smile. Prepare in advance for the problems you can predict. 5. You are responsible for everything you do, so if you can't answer a question or cope with a problem yourself, don't hesitate to contact the person or section that knows the answer. 6. Develop and make use of the support network of volunteers in your section. 7. Whether it's a personal problem or one related to work, don't struggle with it all alone. Find somebody you can talk to and release the stress. 8. Work on your own to learn more about Nagano and the Olympics in general as well as about the sports, the venues and the participating athletes. 9. Conditions and instructions change all the time, so be aware of your chain of command and work to keep abreast of the latest information. 10. Too much information can be just as much a problem as too little, so judge carefully what information you need to solve whatever problem you face.

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Colloquium MR CHAPPELET thanked Mr Nakajima for his refreshing presentation, which had a touch of humour and contained detailed, practical advice. MR JACKSON was interested in knowing Mr Rönningen's opinion on where they went from here in the volunteer emphasis within the Olympic Movement. Did he see representation of volunteers in the IOC, on Coordination Commissions etc in the future? MR RÖNNINGEN did not have the recipe but thought there was no doubt about the importance of getting the volunteer aspect much more into focus than it was now. He had mentioned that he suggested that the IOC demanded more focus and more information about this and to hand out guidelines to evaluate when a candidate came up. This was the way to start. Maybe he should not mention it, but he was surprised that no-one except for Mrs Zweifel was present from the highest levels of the IOC, considering how important everyone seemed to think the question of volunteers was. They should be aware that the world was moving forward in this aspect too and it was important that they were brought together to do something. A DELEGATE complimented all the presenters for their excellent presentations and Mr Rönningen in particular being a person coming from the inside when it came to evaluation. It was very refreshing to hear that access to volunteers be a prerequisite when preparing for the Olympic Games. As Prof Macaloon had suggested the previous day, perhaps this could be the start of the dialogue at that level. They had seen that in no culture was there a shortage of volunteers when it came to organizing the Games. Every Games participant they had heard from had suggested that the volunteer requirement had been oversubscribed, in some cases by two to one. How did they then manage those that were obviously disappointed and disgruntled for not having been included? MR RÖNNINGEN did not have the answer, but had clearly experienced the problem. The key word was timing for what they were doing and what kind of information they gave out from time to time. They had to make the policy clear. For example, they had decided to have all counties in Norway represented in Lillehammer and to get people from each sports federation from each county in Norway. They had said they would have 50 people from each county and would ask for an understanding that they needed a big bulk of IT people and made a contract with universities and high schools. They also said they wanted 60% of the volunteers from the area nearby or within the Olympic area, which saved money and various other problems. When people had all the facts on the table, they agreed and drew the same conclusions but if you tried to hide something then you often ran into trouble. His recipe was be open and tell everyone the concept and the conditions they were working in. MR CLAPES said that for the most part, the selection of the volunteers in Barcelona came about naturally, i.e. they selected those volunteers that had the right criteria according to the conditions they had posed. They had put aside those volunteers whom they thought would be conflictual. MR RÖNNINGEN said that it depended where you were in the world as well. Out of 9,000 volunteers in Lillehammer, only 114 did not show up and had very good reasons for this. They had had experience in the world football championships in the USA where 60% of people who had signed as volunteers had not shown up. MR NAKATIMA mentioned that many applicants had been turned down by NAOC. He had talked to someone whose application had been turned down and this person had been disappoint191


ed but not angry. If there were two volunteers, one already registered and the other declined, and the one who was registered was irresponsible and the other one very responsible and willing then the NAOC cut out the registered one to bring in the other one. He had seen some cases of this. PROF MACALOON thought that all the presentations had been enormously interesting, frank and helpful on the subject of training. In that room was the Dean of the Olympic Academy, the Research Council for the Olympic Museum and other important figures involved in Olympic education. They struggled all the time with this. Why were they failing to communicate the history, the nature and the function of Olympism and the Olympic Movement around the world? How could they be more successful? He thought that, through their presentations, the participants had shown a fantastic opportunity to be able to conduct education about the Olympic Movement, not specifically about the Olympic Games. In his experience being around organizing committees, not only volunteers but sometimes the highest officers had not really had the opportunity to think about or to be informed about the nature of the Olympic Movement itself. He recalled when the chief officers of Atlanta had finally come for the flame lighting in Greece and, with all their work and effort over all the years, it was on the morning of the flame relay that a couple of them had said to him "Oh, so that's what it's about". He hoped that future organizing committees would not only give training on the technical aspects of the job or on a kind of who's who in the Olympic Movement, but to have some opportunities to learn about the moral and ideological, political and religious and historical aspects of the Olympic Movement. It should become a more important feature of the training and opportunities that they were giving so many people to connect with this world. MR CHAPPELET thought that Barcelona had done it through its education programme dedicated to Olympism. It was a good model for future organizing committees to take to educate volunteers. There had been another suggestion - the idea of creating a world association of Olympic volunteers. Did the assembly agree that this would be a good idea? MR RĂ&#x2013;NNINGEN thought that they had touched upon something very important. When the key people in an organizing committee were in their positions, they should be almost ordered to spend some time in Lausanne to give them a framework for their work.

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Future Experiences

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Sydney '2000 David Brettel Program Manager, Venue Staffing Services SOCOG, Australia

1. Introduction â&#x20AC;&#x201D; The Games present a wonderful opportunity for volunteerism in Australia. â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Volunteerism is about doing something good and feeling something real (the Points of Light Foundation). â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Volunteer management is about making volunteers feel good about what they have done. Good morning ladies and gentlemen, and best wishes from the Organising team for this year's Games. There are many things of importance to the successful delivery of mega-events such as the Olympic and Paralympic Games - one of the more important is the delivery of a memorable experience to the stakeholders. It is through volunteers that at least some component of that experience will be achieved. Volunteers will be the face of our Games - first person a volunteer and last person a volunteer. And the memories and perceptions of our Games will be strongly influenced by the hospitality and the work performance of our volunteers. Volunteerism in Australia has a long tradition and is quite strong. Sport in Australia has long been reliant on volunteer support, and sports volunteering has also been quite strong. This strength has been evident in our efforts to bring together a 50,000 strong volunteer workforce for next year's Olympic and Paralympic Games in Sydney. But there are threats and challenges to volunteerism. And we at SOCOG are facing some of those challenges.

2. Challenges face ALL voluntary organisations Volunteering in Australia and volunteering in sport are losing numbers and are being "challenged" by the same pressures which are reflective of our society and the world's society. Included among these challenges are: the ageing of our population, the ageing of our volunteer force, the professionalisation of sport and the daily demands and stresses of life. Whatever the challenges though, all organisations which rely on the support of volunteers should remain mindful of the following points: 195


(1) They will continue to be heavily reliant on volunteers irrespective of the involvement of corporations, irrespective of their increased professionalism and irrespective of the appointment of additional paid staff. (2) People will continue to want to be involved in a voluntary capacity. (3) People will be happy to stay involved in a voluntary capacity if a number of things are right - if they feel they are making a useful contribution, if they are prepared and managed well, if they are looked after, if they are never taken for granted, and if they are enjoying the experience. (4) They need to be "on guard" to an important reality about volunteering - it is getting tougher to recruit volunteers and it will continue to be tough. Changes to social and community "conscience", as well as the generally busy lifestyles of people, can be expected to seriously impact on the success of recruitment and retention of volunteers. (5) They should never forget the strength of the primary motivation for people offering their support as volunteers - citizenship - people want to contribute to their society, their community, their sport. They want to be part of it and they want to feel "ownership" of it. In implementing our Volunteer Program for the 2000 Games, it has been important for us to appeal to that citizenship motivation, to begin to develop a sense of Games "ownership" by the volunteers, and then to begin the all important integration of our volunteers into our one team concept.

3. Current status Firstly, the good news about Sydney's Volunteer Program for this year's Olympics and Paralympics: - Those who have volunteered for the 2000 Games are passionate in their support of the Games and about assisting as volunteers. - We have a very good number of applicants although perhaps fewer than we might have anticipated. - We have high quality applicants - we have been fortunate to accept as many as 95%. - They have a strong commitment and are very genuine about being involved and stamping their own mark on the Games. - In almost all 43 functional areas and 28 sports, our progress towards selecting our volunteers is running to target. - We are optimistic that there will be positive outcomes and longer-term legacies for volunteerism and sport in Australia. None of this good news however is to suggest that the job to date has been easy - it hasn't. For a country of Australia's relatively small population base, recruiting a 50,000 strong volunteer workforce was always a big ask. As you know, making a Volunteer Program work is very demanding. 196


Recruiting, preparing, managing and retaining volunteers demands many things, but two are of fundamental importance: - a genuine organisational commitment and - dedicated resources to make it happen. In Sydney, we have been fortunate to have had both from our two Boards and Senior Management - and it has been helpful. Our progress to date has been positive... and very inspirational to our paid staff. Many of our paid staff have not previously worked with volunteers and therefore carry what I call "baggage" - there are many with preconceived views and attitudes about volunteers, which are not all flattering; many of those perceptions are wrong and originate from ignorance.

4. Our volunteers Our first group of 500 volunteers has been on board with us for some years now and has already contributed considerable time to our preparations for the Games - in all sorts of roles. We call them our pioneers - the first - they have contributed 150,000 hours of time already to our preparations. The eyes of our paid staff have been opened wide by this connection with our volunteers - to their tremendous skills, to their amazing dedication, and to the significance of their contribution. Many of our staff are building good working relationships with those volunteers and commenced the all-important team building process. That's exactly what is needed not only for the Games themselves but also for the longer-term health of sport and volunteerism beyond the Games. Our second group of 25,000 volunteers are our specialists. I'm referring here to those people with particular skills to match the demands of the job. Examples include Medical, Media, Technology, Sport and Languages roles. We began sourcing this group of volunteers in September 1997 primarily through professional associations, sponsors and tertiary institutions. A key source of this group has been 21 Australian universities. The universities have been wonderfully supportive in providing students for roles directly related to the practical component of their courses. One of these universities (UTS) has also worked with SOCOG to source 68 candidates from Greece to work full time with the Organizing Committee (Note: a separate paper on this is to be delivered at this Symposium). Our third group of volunteers are those for more general roles - the many front and back of house positions. This group of volunteers is from the general community - an official call for applications was made for these roles in October 1998. When we made that public call, we conducted nationwide information sessions on games volunteering and generated significant media interest and coverage. 197


The aims of the campaign were many but two of the more important were to provide the opportunity to volunteer right across our country and also to ensure that people were well informed before they completed the application.

5. Recruitment process Our recruitment process has been: (1) Prior to the official call for volunteers, we sought early volunteer expressions of interest â&#x20AC;&#x201D; this didn't commit anyone but it did serve as a "springboard" for us to assess the likely interest and then for later follow-up action with those people. (2) We formed partnerships with sponsors, tertiary institutions, professional associations, our National and State Sports Federations and local sports federations. Each sport formed a Sport Technical Advisory Committee, and these have helped to facilitate the selection of volunteers for their particular sport. (3) A face-to-face interview with applicants has been part of our strategy - some individually and some in groups. This has been very time consuming but important to us for building relationships and helping to manage expectations. More than half of the interviews have been carried out by senior undergraduate and postgraduate HR students and various volunteer associations. (4) Specialist volunteers were given a pre-coded application form because we needed to be able to access them differently to confirm their skills and qualifications. (5) Opportunities to volunteer have been provided to people across the country, not just to those in Sydney - this is good for the longer-term health of sport and volunteerism throughout Australia. It may interest you to know the following couple of pieces of information about our applicants: Gender of our applicants Female 55% Male 45% Age of our applicants under 18 2% 35-44 18% 18-24 21% 45-54 19% 25-34 18% 55+ 22% So, 4 1 % under age 35 and 59% under age 45.

6. Our training plans The effective preparation of our 50,000 volunteers is quite a task and we well understand the importance and magnitude of this task. Volunteers expect and deserve to be well-trained, and we have a responsibility to give them the best possible opportunity to perform to their very best. And we are committed to getting it as right as we possibly can. 198


Such a huge exercise could not be done without the support of a major training or educational institution - TAFE NSW is one of our Games sponsors and is doing a wonderful job in helping us develop our training program. Our training encompasses both volunteer training and volunteer management training: — orientation — job specific training — venue training — event leadership — training your team - directed to each functional area. Quite a lot of training has already been done - for the 17 Test Events already held and also for those volunteers assigned to roles demanding a lot of training.

7. The challenges While our current status is quite positive, we have faced some issues and we still have a few hurdles to get over. The biggest early challenge was the principle of recruiting non-paid staff for such a huge profile and budgeted event. The current biggest challenge is to retain our volunteers during periods of controversy for the Olympic Movement and for our own organisation. Let me just highlight a few of the other more important issues we've had to work on: (1) Building an organisational empathy with volunteering and support of our volunteers - critical to positioning and team building. Not many of our paid staff have worked with volunteers in such large numbers. Solution: Board and Senior Management imprimatur: education; "selling" the skills of our volunteers; developing advocates; experience at events - the very best way. (2) The differences between specialist and general volunteer roles - there wasn't a complete understanding initially, which led us to think about centralised recruitment. (This was not the favoured approach of the specialist functions, and they were correct). Solution/s: Decentralisation of responsibility to the respective sports; the Expression of Interest process; the pre-coding of application forms. (3) Handling the excess application forms for certain functional areas. Solution/s: place in an alternative role likely to provide them with the same level of satisfaction - eg: in the same venue. (4) Shortage of volunteer applicants for some functional areas or venues, particularly those sports which don't have a high profile in Australia. 199


Solution/s: increased profiling of that sport in the Sydney media; some utilisation of the many volunteer applicants we have received from overseas; additional effort made to promote the opportunities to university students. (5) Volunteers inexperienced in conducting events - limited knowledge therefore in the operational dimensions and dynamics of an event (as distinct from a more "traditional" organisation). Solution/s: Lots of training is planned; we're providing as many volunteers as possible with experience at our Test Events and also at other major community-run sporting or other events. (6) Managing the expectations of the volunteers themselves â&#x20AC;&#x201D; as I know you will understand, there is an amazing array of expectations that people have about their involvement in an event like the Olympic Games. Solution/s: We have been very open and honest with people - telling them how things really are - providing an honest assessment of the demands and requirements. (7) Managing the "high maintenance" factor and preparing our paid staff for volunteer management - as you know, there is an additional workload associated with the management of volunteers and not everyone has the appropriate resources to meet that load. Solution/s: Make sure the workload is understood and that the necessary resources are available; most importantly ensure that the best people are available to manage the "people issues" (more often than not, the best managers of volunteers are other volunteers, not paid staff); good training and volunteer management â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Event Leadership Training; and demand documentation on plans for the management of volunteers. (8) Communication with our volunteer applicants is a big issue for us because our hope is to finalise the greater percentage of our volunteer applicants by early 2000 - that's quite a long period before the Games begin and the challenge is to keep them motivated and enthusiastic during this rather long lead time. Solution/s: Various forms of communication will occur during 2000 - some will be centralised and some decentralised. Opportunities to keep in touch will occur at Test Events, at volunteer training, and at the time of uniforming and accrediting our volunteers.

8. The legacies The Games obviously present opportunities for the community to benefit long term. As you know 2001, is the designated International Year of Volunteering. The Olympics and Paralympics are a perfect springboard for the volunteering movement in our country to leap into this important year. A constant dilemma for any Organising Committee is and always will be to find the right "balance" between running a great Games and also fulfilling broader community responsibilities - in this case volunteering beyond the Games. We have always taken the view that our Games-specific responsibilities must be our prime driver and I know that everyone has supported us in this. 200


We have also always maintained that the biggest and best legacy we can provide for volunteerism will come from how successful our Volunteer Program is. And this is both before and during the Games. But SOCOG is merely the catalyst for the generation of legacies - the community needs to work with us, learn from our successes and failures, commit to its own actions and of course make directional changes where necessary. Let me share just five examples of what we see as important legacies resulting from our Volunteer Program - some of these points are relevant messages for the future direction of volunteerism.

8.1. Profile of volunteerism and volunteers In lots of ways, the Games are a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity. For volunteerism, this is certainly so. The Games have lifted the profile of volunteering - in both the media and in the community generally. They have also been good for enhancing the image of volunteering and volunteers in the events business. 8.2. More volunteers A new numbers base a new base of skilled volunteers a new "breed" of volunteer - 41% of our applicants are under the age of 35 and 59% under the

age of 45. Many of our Games volunteers are "first-timers" to volunteering; some, of course, are driven uniquely by their passion for the Games; if they value their volunteer experience, they will continue volunteering beyond the Games.

8.3. The involvement of and sharing of information with community leaders in volunteering We have an extremely positive relationship with a community-based Volunteers Advisory Committee, which comprises the leaders of the community and volunteering organisations - representatives of Lions, Rotary, Volunteering NSW and Australia, the AOC, the State Emergency Service, the Rural Fire Service, the multicultural community, the indigenous community, the YMCA, the YWCA, Surf Lifesaving, and the Sports Council for the Disabled - these groups review and contribute to our plans, and have given much valuable advice. They have been tremendously supportive of our work and we are confident our work will be helpful to their ongoing work.

8.4. Partnerships Our recruitment partnerships with universities are a win for all - their students assist in the selection of our volunteers - this results in a 3-way win - SOCOG wins because we get skilled volunteers; the students win because they embrace the Olympic experience and gain a valuable insight 201


into this thing called citizenship; and the universities win because it enhances their profile and gives their students valuable work experience. Our training partnership will almost certainly provide an impetus for volunteering and also assist in the establishment of a model for the training of a mass number of volunteers.

8.5. Corporate volunteering Winning the minds of corporate leaders is vital to the success and growth of volunteerism beyond the Games. Our partnerships with our sponsors has great potential for volunteerism. Some of our sponsors have been quite active in recognising the support provided by their staff to various community organisations. For the Games, a number have generously offered to provide some time off to their staff to assist us in voluntary roles. And part of the selection criteria they themselves have insisted on for their Games volunteers is previous volunteering experience. At least some part of the future direction and success of volunteering rests with this type of involvement from the corporate world.

9. Conclusion As I move towards concluding my address, I want to highlight a few challenges for volunteerism in sport: Civil society and volunteering go hand-in-hand. But civil society hasn't always been easy to apply to sport. Why? Let me suggest just 3 reasons: (1) There appears to be an image issue with the word "volunteer" in sport. Most non-paid people working in sport don't consciously acknowledge themselves as volunteers. They often see volunteers as being more closely linked to the welfare sector and therefore working in more menial and less meaningful roles. Being a volunteer does not mean being an amateur I don't offer this comment as a criticism of sports especially, but it does highlight a challenge for volunteerism generally and sports volunteerism in particular. Taking pride in being a volunteer is important to any repositioning - it's actually OK to say "I'm a volunteer" - It's not OK to say "I'm only a volunteer" - and my blood boils whenever I hear a volunteer say it. (2) Because today's sport now has a stronger reliance on sponsorships, the involvement of corporations in sport is much needed and highly valued. But it does cause some conflict with one of the primary motivators for people to offer their support as volunteers - and that motivation lies in that somewhat esoteric term called citizenship. 202


Business interests quite reasonably think firstly of the value of their corporate sponsorship then they may think of the citizenship value. There's not a natural fit between business interests and civil society interests. Again, not a criticism - corporate support is needed and many corporations are committed to good corporate citizenship - but again it is a challenge for sport - sports leaders must know how to play the game to ensure that all parties are winners. (3) Because as sports have "professionalised" their administration, they quite understandably have had a need to increase their number of paid workers. Of course that's good for sport. But it would be wrong to believe, as I think may sometimes be the case, that the extra paid workers are a replacement for volunteers. What does happen though is the development of some antipathy from the volunteers - the "why should I do it for nothing when others are being paid to do it" mentality - it's only human nature of course - not easy to overcome but it is necessary that it be overcome. As I said in my opening comments, SOCOG recognises the importance of its role in the longerterm health of volunteerism and in sport. That is precisely the reason for us developing strong connections with the respective sports federations, with professional associations, with corporations and with the volunteering bodies. It is also the reason why we have developed what we call "The Volunteer Experience" - this document represents "A day in the life of a volunteer at the Games" - including their needs and expectations. The longer-term legacy for volunteerism in Australia will be strongly influenced by how well we now implement our plans. Effective management of our volunteers is the key to creating positive experiences for them, keeping the attrition rate at a low level, and generating the legacy for volunteering and of course for sport. We are pleased with the current status of our Volunteer Program and are confident of delivering an effective Program at the Games. We have made mistakes and are sure to make more - but as long as they are minimal. Thank you for your interest in our Volunteer Program and more importantly for your support.

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Sydney'2000: Volunteers and the Organisation of the Olympic Games: Economic and Formative Aspects Laurence Chalip Director of Sport Management Studies, Griffith University, Australia

1. Introduction Throughout his life, Coubertin held steadfastly to the idea that the Olympic Movement should foster the provision of sport for all. In a letter written shortly after "World War I1, Coubertin wrote: "All forms of sport for everyone; that is no doubt a formula which is going to be criticised as madly Utopian. I do not care. I have weighed and examined it for a long time. I know it is accurate and possible. The years and the strength which remain to me will be employed to ensure its triumph...". Coubertin envisioned two complementary means. First, sport should be provided at little or no charge to all who want to participate. In his address to the eighteenth plenary session of the IOC : , Coubertin said: "What is needed in order that we may take advantage of specialfeatures so favourable for the education of democracy, and moreover so well-suited to act as shock-absorbers for too-violent social pressures? Simply this - that sporting apprenticeship and upkeep should be made available without charge or almost without charge..'.'. In issuing this call, Coubertin presaged the significant role that volunteers have come to play in the delivery of modern sport services. In Australia, for example, studies of the roles played by volunteers in sport governance and sport delivery have demonstrated that the vast majority of the country's sport simply could not exist without the contribution made by volunteers3. An economic impact study released in Australia last year reinforced this point 4 . It found that the sport sector's output in Australia is worth AUD 7.9 billion annually - roughly AUD 430 per capita annually \ These figures indicate that sport contributes roughly 1% of the value of Australia's GDP, ranking sport among the 25 most significant industries (in economic terms) in the country. What is significant about these figures is that the same study "conservatively" valued the volunteer contribution to sport in Australia at AUD 1.6 billion. In other words, volunteer labour accounts for more than 20% of sport's economic worth to the country. 1

Gazette de Lausanne, 13 January 1919.

:

Address delivered at the Opening Meeting of the XVIII Plenary Session of the International Olympic Committee; Town Hall of Antwerp; 17 August 1920. 'Daly, J.A. (1991). Volunteers in South Australian Sport: A Case Study. Canberra: Australian Sports Commission. ''Ernst & Young, and Tasman Asia Pacific (1998). The Economic Impact Study of Sport. Canberra: Australian Confederation of Sport. â&#x20AC;˘Australian dollars are used throughout this paper. At the time of this writing, the Australian dollar was trading around US$ 65.

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Coubertin also recognised from the outset that public involvement to this level requires a catalyst. He argued that the spectacle of the Olympic Games and the associated infrastructure are the necessary catalysts. In one letter6, he put it this way: "Let us look around us and see what are the general needs of the age. It seems that the primary effort is towards a more just distribution and remuneration of labour, then towards a better delimitation between the area of public services and that of private initiative... and lastly towards an education with the range of all and no longer a monopoly of a small number. But all these reforms risk remaining sterile unless we succeed in creating a centre for popular spectacles and enjoyments in which a simple, clear and tangible idea can draw together not only people of all ages and all professions, but of all opi-nions and all situations... [That] will develop around youthful exercise, symbol of the endurance... and the hopes of the nation". Here Coubertin was proclaiming the necessity of an Olympic Movement and an Olympic Games to foster and nurture the development of sport more generally. This element of Coubertin's thinking has been well documented elsewhere7, so it does not need to be rehearsed here. Nevertheless, it is of some interest to examine the contemporary convergence of that idea with the significant role that volunteers have come to play - not just in sport generally, but in the Olympic Games themselves. Although the vital role of volunteers in sport service delivery is increasingly well documented, the economic and social significance of volunteers in the production of an Olympic Games has been less thoroughly considered. This paper examines the economic and social significance of the volunteer program for the 2000 Olympic Games in Sydney. The paper begins by estimating the economic value of Olympic volunteers. It then considers economic ripple effects from the volunteers' labour, and the economic relevance of volunteers for the torch relay and for pre-Olympic training camps. The paper next considers core social benefits of the Olympic volunteer program, as well as strains in the labour and accommodation systems that may be exacerbated by the volunteer program. The paper concludes by considering implications of the analysis for hosting an Olympic Games.

2. Economic value of Olympic volunteers One of the complicating features of any analysis of the Olympic Games in Sydney is the fact that the Paralympics will begin 17 days after the Closing Ceremony of the Olympic Games. A great deal of the planning and organising for these two events has been coordinated in order to obtain some return to scale. This has been particularly true in the volunteer program, where the Sydney Organising Committee for the Olympic Games (SOCOG) has undertaken to recruit 50,000 volunteers - 40,000 for the Olympic Games themselves and another 10,000 for the Paralympics. The analysis is further complicated by the fact that there will be some flow-on of volunteers from the Olympic Games into the Paralympics. The analysis here is focused on the Olympic Games themselves. Since the analysis does not capture the returns to scale that are engendered by the coordinated volunteer recruitment effort and by the flow-on of volunteers, the various indicators calculated are conservative. In other words, the values estimated in this paper are lower-bound estimates of the value of the Olympic volunteer effort. The full value will be above the estimates given to the degree that there are flow-on economic impacts from the Olympic volunteer effort into the Paralympic volunteer program. 6

Gazette de Lausanne, 4 December 1918.

7

MacAloon, J.J. (1981). This Great Symbol: Pierre de Coubertin and the Origins of the Modern Olympic Games. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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The estimates provided here are conservative in another respect. The economic value of the volunteer labour is calculated on the basis of estimated comparable worth. In other words, the value of the volunteer labour is estimated in terms of the approximate costs of replacing the volunteer labour with paid labour. This estimates the economic value of the volunteers' labour, but it does not incorporate any multiplier that would be generated as a consequence of economic activity from the Games themselves. Volunteer labour makes it feasible to host the Games. The Games are expected to engender a substantial economic impact. Thus, the volunteers' efforts will have a ripple effect into the economy more generally. This aspect is considered separately. The method chosen here has been to estimate the number of hours worked by the Olympic volunteers, and then to multiply that by the average wage rate. The Australian centralised system of industrial relations has developed a complex matrix of legally binding awards that prescribe wages and hours of work. There are federal and state based awards, each the responsibility of either a state based industrial tribunal or the Australian Industrial Relations Commission. This system of awards is overlain by a second tier of enterprise agreements underpinned by awards as safety nets. Furthermore, these awards and agreements set out wages according to vocation and classification. The economic impact of wages can be further broken down according to regional location and gender. In general, wage rates in New South Wales are higher than elsewhere in the country because living costs are higher - particularly in Sydney. Although federal legislation forbids discrimination in rates of pay on the basis of gender, men earn (on average) slightly more than women because they are more represented in the higher-paid professions and because they are more represented at senior levels in their professions. Thus, for purposes of this analysis, the average hourly wage in New South Wales for males and for females was used to estimate the value of the volunteers' labour at the Games in Sydney. The average hourly federal wage rate for men and for women was used to estimate the value of volunteers' labour for the soccer preliminary matches held in Adelaide, Brisbane, Canberra, and Melbourne. The average hourly wage was calculated from data sets provided by the Australian Bureau of Statistics8. The wage rates (in current Australian dollars) are displayed in Table 1.

Table 1 Australian average hourly adult earnings

New South Wales

Federal

males

AUD 22.18

AUD 21.04

females

AUD 18.61

AUD 17.62

The figures in Table 1 are averages. They combine skilled and unskilled workers. The Olympic volunteer program does the same. Approximately half the volunteers will be specialists of various kinds (e.g., computer operators, equipment specialists, sport specialists), while half will provide general labour (e.g., ushers, venue operations). Thus, average wage rates provide a reasonable estimate of the aggregate value of the labour. Volunteer applications from women outnumber those from men. Projecting the application figures onto the eventual gender profile of the Olympic volunteers, it is expected that 55% of the volunteer labour force will be female, and 45% will be male. "Australian Bureau of Statistics. Average Weekly Earnings, Australia, catalogue number 6302.0.

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All volunteers are being asked to commit to a minimum of ten working days at eight hours per day (i.e., 80 hours). Some general volunteers and most specialist volunteers will work longer. This is necessary to permit the installation, testing, and take-down of the necessary infrastructure for the Games, as well as to provide the necessary meet-and-greet services for arriving teams, officials and dignitaries. Although a precise estimate of the number of added hours that will be worked on average is not yet available, preliminary figures suggest that 100 hours of work by Games volunteers is a conservative estimate of the average number of hours that each will work. Although the majority will work 80 hours, some will work considerably more. In addition there has been a core of 500 "Pioneer Volunteers" who have been working on the Games since the earliest days of SOCOG. Some of these are already reaching 3,000 hours of service. For purposes of calculation, it is estimated that 3,000 hours will be the average service provided by each Pioneer Volunteer. Of the remaining 39,500 volunteers who will help to run the 2000 Olympic Games, approximately 4,000 will be assigned to the four regional sites for the soccer preliminary matches (ranging from 650 in Adelaide to 1200 in Melbourne). A summary breakdown of the projected volunteer assignments for the Olympic Games is given in Table 2.

Table 2 Projected volunteer numbers and hours of work Site Sydney Regional soccer Pioneer Volunteers

Volunteers

Hours/Volunteer

Hours of work

35,500

100

3,550,000

4,000

100

400,000

500

3,000

1,500,000

Total volunteer hours (est.) 5,450,000 The comparable worth of these hours can be calculated by multiplying the hours worked by the average wage rates (weighted for gender and location). The result is given by: (5,050,000 x .55 x 18.61) + (5,050,000 x .45 x 22.18) + (400,000 x .55 0 17.62) +(400,000 x .45 x 21.04) = AUD 109,756,925 This figure needs to be considered in the context of the overall Games budget. Were SOCOG required to hire staff or contractors to provide the services that will be provided by the volunteers, the budget would rise by 4.5%. A more direct indication of the relative value of the volunteer program is to consider the value of the volunteers' labour against the cost of volunteer services (AUD 5,100,000 in the current SOCOG budget). The ratio of volunteer service costs to the value of volunteer labour is 21.52:1. In other words for every dollar invested in volunteer services, approximately AUD 21.52 in value is generated. This figure overestimates the contribution of labour relative to expenditure insomuch as it does not include the cost of uniforms (which are estimated to cost another AUD 6,000,000). The uniform is being used as a fundamental incentive for volunteers. (Volunteers are being told that polo shirts from Atlanta volunteer uniforms are being sold for as much as AUD 750 each.) If the value of the uniforms is included in the calculation, the resulting ratio becomes 9.88:1 - which indicates that for every dollar invested by SOCOG in the volunteer program, almost AUD 10 of labour is generated. 208


3. Ripple effects from the volunteer effort The economic value of the Sydney volunteer program needs to be considered in relation to the total economic impact of the Games themselves. Since the Games are made feasible in large measure because of the extensive volunteer contribution, the economic benefits accrued as a result of the Games are also made possible, in part, by the volunteer effort. There have been a series of studies projecting the total economic gains to Australia from hosting the 2000 Olympic Games. The most recent report5 concludes that from 1994/95 to 2004/2005, the Games will generate a total of AUD 6.5 billion in extra economic activity in Australia, with AUD 5.1 billion of that amount occurring in New South Wales (the state of which Sydney is the capital). (These figures are gross, not net.) It is not reasonable to claim that any particular amount of this economic activity is a direct consequence of the volunteer program. Since hosting the Games would not be feasible without the volunteer labour, the economic activity generated would not be possible without the volunteers. On the other hand, the volunteers represent only a portion of the Olympic effort (accounting, for example, for almost 41% of the total labour pool assigned to the Games, but a mere 0.44% of the Games budget).

4. Additional volunteer activity There is substantial Olympic volunteer activity that is not included in the foregoing analysis because it falls outside the purview of the Olympic volunteer program. This includes volunteer activity in support of the torch relay and volunteers helping to host pre-Olympic training. The volunteer program for the torch relay is organised in each of the cities and towns through which the torch will pass. Similarly, volunteer support of the pre-Olympic training by visiting Olympic teams is organised within the communities in which the teams are training. In many instances the volunteer organisation is still being developed. There are no aggregate figures yet available from which to calculate comparable worth estimates. Nevertheless, it can be noted that both the torch relay and pre-Olympic training play vital roles in national, state, and local strategies to generate international tourist interest in Australian destinations. There has been detailed planning to provide telegenic events and newsworthy stories throughout the torch relay and during pre-Olympic training in order to showcase Australian destinations to international audiences. Thus, the volunteer efforts for the torch relay and at training camps have substantial economic relevance. Indeed, every economic impact forecast for the 2000 Olympic Games has concluded that Olympics-induced tourism will be responsible for the largest single proportion of impact - variously estimated at between 40% and 50% of total induced spending10. An added volunteer aspect with economic implications is the use of university students to help recruit and select volunteers. At the time that this paper was written (November 1999), 14,500 applicants for Olympic volunteer positions had already been interviewed by university students. Interviews are taking place at universities in Adelaide, Brisbane, Canberra, and Melbourne, as well as in Sydney. Students who serve as interviewers provide additional free labour to the Games. This also represents one of the many ways that the Games are providing a benefit to the community

'Arthur Andersen Consulting, and University of Tasmania Centre for Regional Economic Analysis (1999). Economic Impact Study of the Sydney 2000 Olympic Games. Sydney and Launceston: Authors. l0

Spurr, R. (1999). Tourism. In R. Cashman & A. Hughes (Eds.), Staging the Olympics: The Event and Its Impact (pp. 148-156). Sydney: University of New South Wales Press.

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- in this instance by providing a meaningful avenue for the training of students in fundamental human resource management techniques. 5. Social considerations The educational benefit from participation in recruitment and selection represents only one of several social benefits that the volunteer program is expected to engender. Two other benefits stand out in particular: ( 1 ) the legacy of the Olympic volunteer program for future Australian events, and (2) the role played by the volunteer program in making the Olympic Games in Sydney into an event for which all Australians feel a sense of ownership. These are worth highlighting here because they represent important flow-on benefits that have not been built into reports estimating economic benefits from the Games, and they are not represented in the calculations above regarding volunteers' impacts. 6. Legacy Australia relies on the volunteer contribution to sport for delivery of its sport services. Government statistics show that in a non-Olympic year, approximately 4.5% of Australians perform volunteer work for sport and recreation, giving a total of 104,600,000 hours of service. There has been some discussion at meetings and conferences in recent years about finding ways to use volunteering at hallmark sport events â&#x20AC;&#x201D; like the Olympic Games - as a means to reward, train, and provide added experience for sport volunteers. This is important not merely for the enhancement of the country's pool of volunteers in sport; it is becoming increasingly central to the development of Australia as a site for hallmark sport events. Australia has become the home of a wide array of international sporting events - including various masters games, auto races, and championship events. In addition, several high-profile events that are designed on the Olympic model will be coming to Australia after the Olympic Games. In 2001, Brisbane will host the Goodwill Games; in 2002 Sydney will host the Gay Games; in 2006, Melbourne will host the Commonwealth Games. The singular magnitude of the Olympic Games makes them a particularly fruitful event from which to learn lessons about the successful and effective organising of hallmark sport events. Since each event that is hosted in Australia will rely on volunteer labour in much the same way as the 2000 Olympic Games, there are a number of programs in place to bring lessons from the Games back into Australian sport. For the volunteer program, this includes a sizeable action research project jointly funded by SOCOG and the Australian Research Council, and led by a research team from Griffith University. The project will survey the motives and expectations of volunteers prior to the Games; it will monitor volunteers' expectations, motives, and attitudes during the Games; and it will examine volunteers' evaluations of the volunteer experience after the Games are over. Findings will be used to enhance the quality of future volunteer programs.

7. The Sydney Olympics as an Australian Olympics Opinion polls consistently demonstrate high levels of public support for Sydney's hosting of the Olympic Games. Olympic officials and press releases typically put the figure in excess of 90%. Even a casual observer of the national media and popular discourse would have to conclude that, for Australians, the Olympic Games have come to symbolise Australia's elevated role on an 210


international stage. From the time of the bid through to planning Games operations, the volunteer program has been projected as one of the key means to represent the Games as a national (rather than merely a Sydney) event. Australia is the only country in the world that occupies an entire continent. Regional differences have not figured as prominently in national politics as in some other host nations, such as the United States and Canada. Nevertheless, Sydney and Melbourne alone account for more than a third of the country's population. This has long rendered a sense that the two largest cities dominate national affairs - a feature of national politics often noted by commentators and bemoaned by Australians who live in other regions of the country. Australia is also a multi-ethnic country, having an indigenous population of Aboriginal people and Torres Straight Islanders. In addition, it has attracted immigrants from throughout the world. The demographics of the host city, Sydney, provide an illustration of the multi-ethnic character of the country. Seventy percent of Sydney's residents report a combination of two or more ethnic backgrounds, and over a third (34.5 %) were born outside Australia. There are over 200 nationalities represented in Sydney's population, and more than 20 languages are in widespread daily use. Nationally, more than 70 languages (not including indigenous Australian languages) are spoken, and over 40% of the population are immigrants or the children of immigrants. Consequently, SOCOG seeks to recruit volunteers from throughout the country, and it is endeavouring to obtain an ethnic mix that represents the diversity of Australia's population. The intention is to symbolise a common Australian identity through the Olympic Games - particularly through the volunteer program. The Lord Mayor of Sydney, Frank Sartor, put it this way: "A Sydney Games in 2000 could provide the platform for a millennium of multi-racial and multicultural harmony. " Pursuant to that end, SOCOG has established a Multicultural Advisory Committee and a National Indigenous Advisory Committee to provide advice and to monitor policies. Among the consequent actions has been an instruction that the ethnic composition of the volunteer program should mirror as closely as possible the multi-ethnic composition of the country. Recruitment of volunteers has so far rendered the desired multi-ethnicity of applications. Only among Indigenous Australians has the application rate been lower than required. This has been attributed to systems of volunteer recruitment and interviewing that are culturally inappropriate for some Indigenous people. The volunteer program is consulting with the National Indigenous Advisory Committee to formulate means to redress the imbalance. Meanwhile, there have been active recruitment campaigns throughout the country. Applications for volunteer positions have been obtained from every state and territory. Table 3 provides a breakdown of the applications by state and territory. Table 3 Regional distribution of volunteer applications

New South Wales

72%

Western Australia

2%

Victoria

11 %

Tasmania

1%

Queensland

6%

Northern Territory

1%

Australian Capital Territory

3%

Overseas

1%

South Australia

3%

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Examination of Table 3 shows that although applications have been obtained from throughout the country, the preponderance of applications is in New South Wales, the state in which Sydney is located. In part, the pattern of applications represents the effect of propinquity - those who live in or near the host city are most likely to volunteer. These results implicate two potential effects of the volunteer program that are of some concern : effects during the Games on housing availability and effects during the Games on the local pool of labour.

8. Stresses on the system One of the constraints placed on volunteers who work on the Games in Sydney is that they must find their own accommodation while in Sydney. This is not a challenge for residents, but it can pose a significant hurdle for those who do not have friends or relatives in Sydney with whom they can stay. Consequently, it is easiest for Sydney residents to volunteer. However, the fact that the majority of volunteers will be from Sydney puts pressure on labour markets that are expected to be tight during the Games. Accommodation and labour market strains are reviewed below, and the volunteer program's relevance to those strains is described.

9. Accommodation In order to accommodate persons involved in staging the Games (e.g., sponsors, officials, media), SOCOG is expected to contract for nearly 50% of the total supply of traditional commercial accommodation. This takes up a substantial number of the bed spaces for Olympic spectators. Nevertheless, official estimates are that there will be more than sufficient accommodation available during the Games. However, those estimates assume that the effect of the volunteer program will be negligible. SOCOG projects that 106,000 commercial bed spaces (beyond those contracted by SOCOG) will be needed during the Games. This figure is based on the projected number of tourist and business visitors to Sydney during the Games; it does not include demand generated by the volunteer program. SOCOG projects that a total of 135,574 bed spaces will be available during the Games. Thus, if the demand for bed spaces from volunteers is negligible, there is a projected surplus of 29,574 bed spaces. This figure does not include bed spaces that are yet to be made available through the Ray White Residential Accommodation Program, through which Olympic visitors will be able to rent houses and condominiums that have been made available by local residents. Nevertheless, the projected surplus of bed spaces depends on the utilisation of 41,970 bed spaces in regional areas outside Sydney, but within the free designated Olympic transport system. In other words, it will be necessary for some Olympic visitors to stay outside Sydney during the Games something that is unlikely to be feasible for volunteers, whose work schedules simply will not permit it. Consequently, any significant demand for bed spaces by volunteers will put added pressure onto a Sydney-based system that is already expected to be strained.

10. The labour pool The period during and around the Olympic Games will be a busy one in Sydney, especially for the hospitality industry. A substantial added demand is projected for hotel and restaurant workers. In all categories, the projected demand exceeds the projected supply. The situation is most acute in the restaurant industry, where the projected shortfall is substantial". Figure 1 compares the "Ashton, T. (1999). Staffing Issues - An Industry Study - Hospitality. Sydney: Employee Relations Strategies.

212


number of food and beverage service staff currently in training with the projected need for new staff in Sydney. As inspection of Figure 1 shows, there is a significant shortfall - roughly 70%. This shortfall will have to be made up by doing more to retain existing staff, and by labour pooling, including the employment of temporary staff and casual labour. In an environment where SOCOG is seeking 40,000 volunteers, there will be significant strains on the available pool of labour. SOCOG's need for volunteers competes with the hospitality industry's needs for staff.

Figure 1 - Food and beverage 4,000 -

Olympics 0,000 8,000 Attrition 6,000 4,000

__^m ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ H

2,000 0

Growth

New Service Staff Needec

Npw Fntrv

Service Staff In Training

Where skilled labour is required, the situation is somewhat more complicated.12 Figure 2 compares the number of chefs currently serving their apprenticeship with the projected need for new chefs in Sydney during the Olympic Games. Although the shortfall is visually less striking in this instance than in the case of food and beverage service staff, the problem is actually more acute. It takes four years to train a journeyman chef in Australia. Given the training requirement, this is a shortfall that cannot be redressed through clever uses of retraining and labour pooling. Consequently, the projected shortfall is 50%. Chefs will need to be brought to Sydney.

Figure 2 - Chefs 5,000 Olympics 4,000

3,000

Attrition

New

2,000 Upskilling

1,000 vjTowin

New Entry

Chefs Needed

Apprentices

-ibid.

213


Labour shortfalls in the hospitality industry will require that workers - skilled and unskilled - be brought to Sydney for the period of the Olympic Games. Doing so will reduce some of the stresses on the labour market, but will generate new stresses on accommodation. Current projections for bed spaces do not include the bed spaces that will be required by workers brought into Sydney for the period of the Olympic Games. Thus, there will be added stresses on the accommodation system unless short-term strategies are put into place. Again, volunteers and paid workers may be competing for space. 11. Concluding observations Despite the strains on the system, Sydneysiders are proud that their city is hosting the 2000 Olympic Games, and Australians are clearly pleased that the Games will take place in Australia. The volunteer program does more than make the Games feasible; it provides a tangible basis for claiming the Games as a national (and not merely a Sydney) asset. In addition, the volunteer program will leave a valuable legacy for future sport events. Australians want to participate as volunteers. Volunteering is already a vital feature of Australian sport, and Australians from throughout the country are seeking to work at the Games as volunteers. The only limitations on volunteer recruitment are imposed by the fact that the Games will take place almost entirely in Sydney. The limitations are partly geographic, but they also derive from the sheer size of the Olympic Games, which puts pressure on accommodation and labour markets. The size of the Olympic program has been a matter of debate within the Olympic Movement for some time.13 Gigantism, as it is sometimes called, has clearly become a hurdle that any organising committee must overcome if it is to host the Games successfully. Nevertheless, as I have pointed out elsewhere, the sheer size of the Olympic program is a fundamental source of the Games' appeal.14 The simultaneous competitions and the range of sports enables a diverse array of narratives to be generated. The diverse array of narratives provides the variety of stories necessary to appeal to the widest possible range of Olympic viewers. This study suggests another advantage of the Olympic program: the size of the Games provides a broad array of opportunities for people to participate as volunteers - at the Games themselves, and also during associated activities, such as the torch relay and pre-Olympic training camps. Perhaps there is a lesson in this. It has long been considered a valuable feature when the Games can be hosted within a single city - preferably within a single precinct. This certainly has merit for those who attend multiple Olympic events as spectators. However, from the standpoint of opportunities the Games provide for the host country's residents to take part as volunteers, there is something to be said for the geographic dispersion of events. Events that take place outside the host city broaden the base of people who can participate in the Games as volunteers. That, in turn, may amplify the beneficial impact that the Games have for the host. This is not to suggest that the Games should be broadly dispersed. It does suggest, however, that the geographic dispersion of some events can have social and economic benefits that have not previously been fully appreciated. The Olympic experience is shared by more than athlete, official, and spectator. It is an experience that is nurtured and shared by the volunteers who make it possible. "Lekarska, N. (1987). Problems of the Olympic program. In Report of the Twenty-seventh Session of the Olympic Academy (pp. 93-99). Lausanne: IOC. l4

Chalip, L. (1987). Multiple narratives, multiple hierarchies: Selective attention, varied interpretations, and the structure of the Olympic program. In S-P. Kang, J. MacAloon, & R. Da Matta (Eds.), The Olympics and Cultural Exchange (pp. 539-576). Seoul: Hanyang University Institute for Ethnological Studies.

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Salt Lake City '2002: Volunteer Program Ed Eynon Senior Vice President of Human Resources and International Relations, SLOC, USA

1. Introduction The Salt Lake Organizing Committee (SLOC) has long understood that volunteers are essential to the success of the Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games of 2002. Peter Uberroth, CEO of the Los Angeles Olympic Organizing Committee, once said that the success of the Games rested upon the shoulders of the volunteers and that the Games could not go on without them. Gerhard Heiberg, President and Chairman of the Lillehammer Organizing Committee, also stated that, "no other function was as critical". The rewards for volunteering are many, but several to note are: — — — — — —

it is a "once in several lifetimes" opportunity; the volunteers will have a significant place in history; friendships will be cultivated and cultural interactions exchanged; it will be an opportunity for the volunteers to be the face of the Games; volunteers will have the opportunity to host the world; volunteers will receive mementos from the Games.

2. SLOC's organization The Salt Lake Organizing Committee is led by a President and Chief Executive Officer who reports to an executive board and board of trustees. Additional senior officers include a Chief Operating Officer and four Senior Vice Presidents representing communications and public affairs, human resources and international relations, marketing and government affairs and venues. All vice presidents, managing directors and function directors report to one of the six senior officers mentioned. The volunteer function reports to the Senior Vice President of Human Resources and International Relations. Volunteers are one of the critical staffing types within the SLOC organization. At Games-time, volunteers will make up approximately 85-90% of the workforce. Other staffing types include SLOC employees, consultants, temporary employees, temporary agency employees, interns, loaned employees and loaned contracted employees.

3. SLOC's new approach to human resources In past Olympic Games the two areas of volunteers and human resources were looked at as two completely separate functions, many times reporting to different senior managers with the organizing committee. This resulted in confusion and duplication of many activities, e.g., staffing and recruiting, relations and communication, retention and recognition and training development. 215


SLOC decided to align the two functions of volunteers and human resources to ensure efficiency and integration in the planning stage, as well as in the implementation and operations stages. The same Staffing and Recruiting function and Training and Development function support SLOC's Volunteer Operations and Human Resources functions. The pre-Games strategy is for one Senior Vice President to manage the functions of Staffing, Training, Human Resources and Volunteer Operations. At Games-time the functions will merge and become a single Human Resources function working closely with the venue managers. The responsibilities of the single Human Resources function will include scheduling; staffing; staff relations; retention, recognition and celebration; communication; training support; staff administration (meals, uniforms, check-in); and compensation and benefits.

4. Volunteer program overview Major objectives of the volunteer program include: to engage Utah citizens in "hosting the world", recruit volunteers into key venue positions and strengthen Utah's volunteer base as a lasting legacy for future projects. The estimated volunteer requirements were established by analyzing past Games requirements and through input from function managers. The pre-Olympic requirements are estimated at 8,000 volunteers, Olympic Winter Games at 20,000 volunteers and Paralympic Games at 6,000 volunteers. The following guidelines have been established for volunteers: — — — — — — — —

must be at least 18 years old; available to work any day of the week including Saturdays and Sundays; available to work a minimum of 8 hours per shift; available throughout the Games period (17 day Olympic period and 10 day Paralympic period); attend training sessions prior to the Games period; willing to work under possibly inclement weather or extreme weather conditions; US citizenship or work permit; preference will be given to volunteers who are willing to work in any functional area.

SLOC conducted several focus groups comprised of SLOC employees to determine the desired volunteer behaviors. These are the same behaviors desirable in SLOC paid employees as well. These preferred behaviors include: — hard worker/stamina; — positive attitude/enthusiasm/warmth; — reliable/punctual/team player; — poised under pressure; — solves problems/makes decisions; — honesty/integrity. Key dates in the volunteer program include: November 1998 - SLOC launched the pre-Games volunteer program utilizing the media as the advertising medium. Persons interested in working on pre-Games activities were encouraged to sign up on the SLOC web site. SLOC is involved in hosting a number of test events each season and draws upon the database of applicants as a source of volunteers. Currently 10,000 applicants are in the SLOC database from the pre-Games effort. 216


November 1999 - SLOC launched a campaign to attract support from large organizations by asking employers to give employees extended time off (either paid or non-paid leave) and to commit 20% of their employee base to the volunteer effort. Also, it was announced that SLOC was accepting applications for volunteer chairperson positions at competition and some noncompetition venues. March 2000 - SLOC plans to attract potential Games-time volunteers through a well-executed media campaign, which will involve newspaper, radio, television and direct mail. Due to the overwhelming success in the pre-Games launch of using the Internet as the preferred way to submit a volunteer application, SLOC plans to use this approach for Games volunteers as well. If potential volunteers do not have access to the Internet, they can contact SLOC to request a hard copy application. June 2000 - The selection process will begin in June of 2000. The selection process will be a joint effort by SLOC's staffing department and the function areas requiring volunteers. The function will submit requirements to the staffing department, the staffing department will assist in screening and selecting a number of candidates from the SLOC database for the function or project manager to review. The function or project manager requesting the volunteers will be the final decision-maker in the selection process. January 2001 - SLOC plans to assign the volunteer venue general managers, described in the "Our Town, Your Town" program below. The chairpersons will be assigned a year earlier. February 2001 - SLOC plans to begin the general training for volunteers. All volunteers must complete general training, which is to include sessions on cultural sensitivity, conflict resolution and customer service. February 2002 - The Opening Ceremony of the XIX Olympic Winter Games is scheduled for February 8, 2002, and the Closing Ceremony for February 24, 2002. Some volunteers will be working several weeks in advance to the opening of the Games to support some of the operational areas, e.g., Olympic Village, accreditation centers, Uniform Distribution and Accreditation Center, Olympic Family Hotel, Main Media Center and airport. March 2002 - The Opening Ceremony of the VIII Paralympic Winter Games is scheduled for March 7, 2002, and the Closing Ceremony for March 16, 2002. SLOC does not expect to have a large number of crossover volunteers from the Olympic Winter Games of the previous month.

5. Threats and solutions to SLOC's Volunteer Program SLOC has identified several threats to the volunteer program, and is currently working on possible solutions to minimize the threats. Some of the threats and solutions to the program include: Threat - Asking a volunteer to commit to 17 days. Solutions - SLOC is looking to minimize this threat by utilizing pre-Games opportunities as a chance to see potential volunteers in action. Volunteers in the pre-Games period who can commit consecutive days are likely to do the same during Games-time. Also, SLOC is targeting businesses and organizations, asking for the employer to give employees extended days off with paid leave from the company the most desirable. The retention program will also be developed to minimize 217


this threat. Many of the mementos will be given to the volunteers at the conclusion of their 17-day commitment, thereby encouraging the volunteer to stay the entire 17-day period. The communitybased program "Our Town, Your Town" is geared to assist with this commitment as well, the thought being that a volunteer is more likely to stick with the commitment if volunteering in the same venue with friends and family. The "Our Town, Your Town" program will be discussed in more depth later in this paper. Threat - Saturday and Sunday work. Solutions - While dominant religions are not voicing opinions on this subject, SLOC does have their support for the overall volunteer program. The volunteer experience will be positioned as an opportunity to host visitors for all religions. Threat - Competing organizations that pay temporary wages, e.g., networks, Olympic Broadcast Organization and service contractors. Solutions - SLOC hopes to attract more candidates than required, helping with possible attrition due to this threat. SLOC also hopes to partner with competing organizations to minimize this threat and to keep SLOC in the loop of their recruiting efforts. Threat - Primary schools closed leaving potential volunteers with family responsibilities. Solutions - Again, SLOC hopes to attract more candidates than required, helping with possible attrition due to this threat. SLOC may discourage closing primary schools, but encourage community and religious groups to provide support. Threat - Visiting relatives and friends burdening potential volunteers with the obligation of hosting guests. Solutions - As above, SLOC hopes to attract more candidates than required, helping with possible attrition due to this threat and will encourage volunteers to solidify visitor plans early in the process. Threat - Work conditions, e.g. job content, treatment by supervisors, uniforms, meals, training, transportation, weather, hours, etc. Solutions - SLOC hopes to attract more candidates than required, provide a meaningful retention and celebration program, select and train supervisors, provide job rotation and variation (parking one day - usher the next day - ticket-taker another day) and to communicate expectations clearly.

6. Unique programs of the Salt Lake 2002 volunteer effort There are several programs unique to the Games in Salt Lake City. The ones that will be discussed are the Pre-Games Volunteers, "Our Town, Your Town", Recruitment Techniques and Volunteer Training. Pre-Games Volunteers - SLOC's pre-Games launch has resulted in 10,000 applicants in the database. This has proved a valuable tool in sourcing for important pre-test events. Approximately 80% of the applicants in the database came by way of the SLOC's web site. Applicants were encouraged 218


to visit the web site and fill-out the on-line application form. A brief profile of the pre-Games applicants indicates that 52% of the applicants are female; 67% report previous volunteer experience; 4 1 % report foreign language skills; 97% have a high school diploma or higher; and the average age is 37.5 years. "Our Town, Your Town" - The "Our Town, Your Town" program was accepted by the SLOC Executive Board and Board of Trustees. In concept, the program outlines that each venue is staffed mainly by volunteers from the surrounding community(ies). This includes both the volunteer management team and the general corps of volunteers. The volunteer venue management team will be comprised of a volunteer chairperson (contemplated at 13 venues), a volunteer general manager (contemplated at 9 venues) and other key volunteer managers. The volunteer chairperson will be externally focused and will help with pre-Games recruiting and training, protocol issues, community relations, communication, and olunteer retention and motivation. The volunteer general manager will be internally focused and will help with the calibration of operations plans at the venues, partnering with human resources in building the venue team, venue training, venue team management and venue owner liaison. The "Our Town, Your Town" program plans to engage the community(ies) surrounding the venues, and will help Utahns feel "ownership" of the Olympic Games. Recruitment Techniques - The overall goal of the Salt Lake Organizing Committee is to support the Olympic and Paralympic Games with approximately 26,000 volunteers: 20,000 for the Olympic Games and 6,000 for the Paralympic Games. SLOC is hoping to attract 60,000 candidates initially who will go through the selection process and plans to enter the training process with approximately 35,000 volunteers. In the training phase SLOC anticipates attrition of approximately 25% which will reduce the 35,000 volunteers to the 26,000 volunteers desired for Games-time. As part of the recruitment techniques, SLOC will launch three different campaigns, (1) organizational campaign, (2) media campaign and (3) specialists' campaign. In the organizational campaign SLOC will target 700 organizations which represent 306,000 employees/members. The approach to organizations will be threefold. SLOC plans to meet and present the plan to the executives of large organizations, representing over 1,000 employees/ members, to gain support at the upper levels of management; medium size groups, representing 500-1,000 employees/members, will receive a group presentation; and small groups of less than 500 will be targeted through a direct mail campaign. The second campaign mentioned above is the media campaign. In March 2000 there will be a SLOC media call for volunteers. This campaign will target the general population through the marketing mediums of radio, television, newspaper and direct mail. SLOC will encourage this group to apply on-line at the SLOC web site. SLOC anticipates 80% will apply using the Internet. The third campaign will target specialists. SLOC managers will identify volunteers, requiring special skills, e.g. language, sports, technology, security, medical, etc., and possible source organizations. Some of the specialists will come from outside of Utah and the United States. However, all volunteers, even specialists, will flow through the SLOC volunteer database. 219


7. Volunteer training The overall goal of SLOC's training program will be to present training as an "Olympic/ Paralympic Experience". SLOC understands that many of the volunteers will never see a competition during the Games. Therefore, it is important to SLOC to provide an "Olympic/Paralympic Experience" to the thousands of dedicated volunteers who will give much of their time during the Games. SLOC plans to prepare great volunteers for Games-time and hopes to leave a legacy of great volunteers for the future. Training will be divided into four categories, (1) (2) (3) (4)

general Olympic and Paralympic orientation and training, venue specific training, job specific training and team leader training.

First, all volunteers will complete general training, which will involve three two-hour sessions over a nine-month period. The training will instill knowledge that will help volunteers during the Olympics and Paralympics, as well as in future volunteer opportunities - in essence it will be legacy training that will include cultural sensitivity, conflict resolution and customer service. Additional objectives for general training will be to fine tune uniform sizing, build relationships at local levels, assess volunteer commitment and reliability and to give volunteers the "Olympic/Paralympic" experience mentioned above. The second level of training is venue specific training, which will include one to two sessions of classroom review of the assigned venue and a walk through the venue. Both the classroom sessions and the venue walk through will be conducted jointly by the venue teams and Human Resources. Volunteers will be briefed on the venue layout and services. While the volunteers will learn their assigned venues in detail, additional information on the other competition and non-competition venues will be given to increase the volunteer's knowledge base. Job specific training will be on average two-three hours per session and will be generally conducted in three sessions. It should be noted that some volunteer positions will require much more extensive training. SLOC is anticipating more than 300 different position types. The job specific training will be conducted by the responsible function, with the support of Human Resources. Team leader training will be on average two-three hours per session and will be conducted in two sessions. It is currently anticipated that 2-3,000 volunteers will be assigned from the volunteer ranks as team leaders. Team leader training will be conducted by Human Resources.

8. Conclusion The importance of the volunteer program cannot be underestimated. The volunteers will either add to the success or downfall of an event. It is important that volunteers feel needed, valued and a part of the overall program. It is a team effort and the challenge is to replace the "us" and "them" when discussing any type of staff with "we". SLOC hopes to pass along valuable lessons learned in this program to future organizing committees, both now and as the volunteer program for 2002 unfolds.

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Sport and Olympic Volunteers: Prospects


222


Volunteers and the Olympic Movement: Past, Present and Future Richard W. Pound, Q.C. IOC First Vice President, Canada

1. Introduction The Olympic Movement is a social phenomenon based, fundamentally, on the activities of volunteers. Without them, the Olympic Movement and, indeed, organized sport as we know it today, would not exist. When sport developed, there were no professionals involved, either on the field of play, or, more importantly as we examine sport in the modern context, in the organization of sport. It is only with the development of sport in the latter part of the 20th Century that the need to examine and reflect upon the role of the volunteer has arisen. That need arises because of the growing presence of a class of professional sport organizers, whose careers are focused upon, and depend upon, a sport system that, itself, has a volunteer base. The resulting relationships are often complex and occasionally conflicting. The organizations that have managed these relationships the best are generally the most successful.

2. The Olympic Movement Examining the role of the volunteer within the Olympic Movement requires at least a cursory review ofthat Movement and its own history. In the latter part of the 19th Century, it was clear that massive social change was on the horizon. Two other factors were also evident at that time: the change had yet to occur and the change would not be accomplished without enormous social upheaval. Against this background, an ambitious young French educator, Pierre de Coubertin, conceived the idea that sport could become a contributing factor in social development, especially when combined with education and, to some degree, national culture. He devoted his efforts to developing the concept and, in the process, his thinking evolved into the possibility of making this an international undertaking. His visits to educational institutions in Europe and America as part of his research into the place of sport in the educational systems of each are well recorded. They led de Coubertin to the idea, "inter alia", of an international event to focus world attention on sport, culture and education, namely the renovation of the Olympic Games that had been such a singular feature of ancient Greece. Achieving that objective was far from easy. Sport, to the extent that it was organized at all, was a local undertaking. There were no international sport federations as we know them today and no fabric of international competition. Rules of sport were, at best, "ad hoc" and there was no consistency even within the same "genus" of sport of the rules or field of play. To establish all this on an international plane was a new concept, even within Europe, where the distances of travel were far less challenging than for the other continents. Unfazed, however, de Coubertin convoked the International Congress in Paris in 1894 that led to the creation of the International Olympic Committee and the ambitious plan to hold the first Olympic Games of the modern era in Greece two years later. It was the international aspect that was new and that, after some early tentative years, would transform sport into the pervasive activity it has now become. The structure developed for the IOC proved to have been inspired and it was the structure of the IOC and the related international sport federations that enabled the Olympic Movement not only to survive the social transformations that were imminent, 223


but also to grow to include the entire world. It was, no doubt, also a matter of "faute de mieux", since the activities of governments of the day were far less pervasive than they are at present. The original conception of sport was, admittedly, 19th Century and western European. It was not an inclusive philosophy, but one restricted to the gentleman amateur and was not extended to women or the working classes. Professionals, whose livelihood might depend upon the outcome of an event or match, and who might, therefore, be tempted to cheat, were not welcome. Grudging acceptance of women was achieved fairly early, but the events and sports in which they could compete seem to have been held to the bare minimum that appeared acceptable on each occasion. It has only been in the last two decades that a determined effort to achieve at least a rough parity for women has been mounted. The matter of professional athletes within the Olympic Movement went unresolved for almost a century. The members of the IOC have always been, in that capacity, volunteers. In the early years, it would have been unthinkable for a member of the IOC to have been anything other than a distinguished leader in his country. To have been a sport professional, even had this class existed, would effectively have automatically and forever disqualified a person from consideration as a possible member of the IOC. In recent years, this position has softened, due to the pervasive social changes that marked the 20th Century, to the point that certain members of the IOC are, in their daily lives, sport professionals, but within the IOC they still serve in a purely voluntary capacity. As sport has become more complex, it is an acknowledged fact that the perspective that such members bring to any discussion can be particularly valuable. The Olympic Movement has adapted with remarkably little difficulty to the popularization of sport and to the extension of such popularity to the point that it is now regarded as virtually a social right to have access to sport. It has abandoned the restrictive and virtually self-destructive adherence to the concept of amateurism, but without surrendering the moral and ethical principles that are essential to sport. It has learned to deal with the professional organizers of sport, whether at the national or international level. But it has never lost sight of the fact that at the base of the Olympic Movement - where the hundreds of millions of young people begin their connection with sport that may, one day, lead them to the Olympic Games - it is volunteers who begin that process, who shape it, who instill the love of sport, who teach young people respect for rules and opponents, who teach the skills and who inspire the hopes of those youngsters.

3. The volunteer A volunteer is one who freely offers his or her services, under no compulsion, legal or otherwise, to do so. Determining the role of the volunteer, within the Olympic Movement or elsewhere, requires an understanding not only of what the volunteer contributes but also why the volunteer emerges. One thing is certain â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the concept is universal. It occurs across every society on the planet, regardless of the particular social system that may apply. It appears to be more than a mere social duty. Hence the "voluntas" the willing giving of one's time and effort. There is no compulsion exerted with a volunteer; that which is freely given may also be freely withdrawn. This freedom of the volunteer to act, or not to act, is one of the factors that may lead to friction between the professional and the volunteer. The other demands on the time and energy of a volunteer from time to time (work, family, emergencies, etc.) may affect his or her availability for the voluntary activity. The range of activity for which he or she has volunteered may increase to the point that the volunteer simply has no ability to satisfy the needs of a particular occasion. Some may be willing to act on certain occasions, but not on others. Some may have five hours per week to donate, 224


while others may have thirty. Some may be ready to help with events, but not ongoing programmes. The motivation of a volunteer to act in any such capacity may change. A child may cease to be involved in the sport for which a parent has volunteered or may change to another sport or activity. It may also be the case that the talents of a volunteer are not equal to what may be required in the particular circumstances. The perspectives may be different; some may focus on the local, while others tend to the national or international.

4. The role of volunteers Mobilizing volunteers and maximizing their contribution requires a particular skill. This objective may be accomplished by other volunteers or by professionals. In either event, it requires a special blend of interpersonal skills if it is to be a successful exercise. There are actually two distinct groups in sport today, broadly, albeit inaccurately, divided into so-called volunteers and professionals. Each group should ask itself what it can do to become indispensable. And even, perhaps, indispensable to whom? Professionals and volunteers, as classes, are indispensable to each other. That is at least one part of the answer to the question. The bigger and better the institution, the more this is true. Perhaps the best approach to the matter of indispensability is to define an optimum relationship between professional and volunteer and, from that base, to identify the factors which go into maximizing the effectiveness of each. First and foremost, this is not a problem unique to sport. The same dilemma exists in many fields, such as within community and educational organizations. The debate on the issue often has a tendency to produce more heat than light and more often than not, risks degeneration to an emotional protection of perceived "turfs" and prerogatives. This is both unfortunate and unnecessary. The dichotomy between volunteer and professional is somewhat more blurred within sport circles than in many other situations. At one end of the scale there are organizations in which the leadership is completely volunteer and the execution of policy is delegated to a professional staff. This is often the case in major sports organizations. At the other end of the scale, there can be organizations in which both policy and execution are in the hands of professional staffs. Most circumstances, however, involve conduct that falls between the extremes. In these cases, the ultimate leadership is mixed, with the senior professional officers of the institution participating in policy development and direction on the same level as the "community" - however broadly that may be defined. In these scenarios, the volunteer also provides part of the "delivery" mechanism, as well as a component of the basic policy direction. Another aspect of the issue is to whom each group is indispensable. It is all very well for professionals and volunteers to be indispensable to each other, but is that enough? Clearly not. There must be an overriding purpose to the roles of each. In the context of sport, it is the organizations that each serves. In broader terms even than this, within the Olympic Movement, the purpose extends to the communities, the current and future generations in society as a whole and the systematic pursuit of a balanced and harmonious life, combining education with the joy of effort. So, although the inter-relationships between professional and volunteer are important, they must be viewed against the perspective of an overall Vision. It is this Vision which leads to the Mission which the Olympic Movement has undertaken. In a sense, therefore, the first step is the most important: (ignoring for the moment the role of each in the eventual Mission) what is it that, together, the professional and volunteer want to accomplish? 225


There must be a shared vision of the role of each, what is to be accomplished and why it is desirable to do so. If this spirit can be captured, the "how" becomes a mere project. One which requires skill and dedication to implement, to be sure, but, in relative terms, a manageable undertaking. This is not the occasion to define the goals that each organization within the Olympic Movement may have. Each organization has its own role, its strengths, weaknesses, resources and horizons. Assume, however, that the Vision is known and that it has been concretized into a Mission Statement. The issue now becomes, how do we get from here to there? First, there needs to be the closest possible relationship between professionals and volunteers: (1) The world is in the process of ongoing fundamental readjustments, economic, political and social. Many of the underlying values that have previously been taken for granted are now being challenged and many, never previously articulated, are now being vigorously advanced. Responding to these changes will require everyone's best efforts; absolutely no one is exempt from the application of these forces. (2) The levels of public sector financial support for sport are not likely to increase in the foreseeable future, so the onus on the private sector will inevitably increase. Indeed, there is every expectation that even maintenance of current levels of public sector support will be under considerable pressure. (3) There is a growing number of worthy causes clamouring for private sector support. There are not enough loaves and fishes to feed this particular Multitude. Our cultural environment is becoming subject to a form of Darwinism, in which the fittest will survive and develop, while the others will founder or atrophy. (4) The better the organization and the more ambitious its plans, the more it needs both professionals and volunteers. Neither can do the job alone. (5) If, within any organization, there is any sense of resistance to this fundamental principle, the organization is already in trouble. It must find the root of such trouble and solve it through genuine resolution or, if necessary, excision. (6) If there is such a problem, the professional side of the equation should assume the initiative of finding the solution. It may well be that the wrong volunteers have been selected or have emerged. If the right volunteers are in place and are properly encouraged, the problem should not develop, since good volunteers will know both the value of professional staff and their own limitations. If a problem has already developed, then the volunteers cannot avoid responsibility for having allowed it to happen, but, at the same time, they may not be able to diagnose the problem as quickly as professional staff. Some of the elements that make a good volunteer include the following: (1) The volunteer must have a genuine and active interest in the organization. There is little point in attracting someone who is neutral, or worse. (2) Although an understanding of the traditions of the organization is important, the best volunteers are those who think in terms of the future, not just a maintenance of past glories. (3) While the majority of the volunteers working for a sport organization will likely be persons who have some background in the particular sport. On the other hand, those who may not have such a background should not be excluded, since they may bring other skills and experiences that can 226


be of inestimable value to the organization. Some of the finest contributions to sport organizations often come from people with no athletic background whatsoever. (4) There are volunteers and there are volunteers. Their strengths and weaknesses should be evaluated by professional staff, and other volunteers, and must be evaluated without illusions. Volunteers can accept the resulting differentiation and, quite frankly, will be happier and more effective when they are being used in areas where they can make a contribution. (5) Good volunteers attract good volunteers. There is no doubt that a well conceived and well executed program of action brings with it a sense of pride and generates a competitive desire to be identified with success. The converse is also true. (6) The chairing of effective meetings is one of the most valuable attributes of a good volunteer. Since much of the work and interface within organizations, including sports organizations, is done at meetings, the chairperson of such meetings must be able to keep them moving, keep them interesting, make sure that everyone contributes within their abilities, prevent hijacking of the agendas, develop the necessary consensus, express the sense of the meeting and finish within a reasonable time. It is probably unnecessary to comment upon the difference between a well-run meeting and one that meanders, however pleasantly, to no conclusion. Nothing will turn off the flow of first class volunteers faster than meetings that are too long, too frequent and too unfocused. (7) Volunteers must be available when they are needed. The important word is "needed". One must not forget that the organization is competing against other priorities for their time, which, the better the volunteer, the less likely it will be that there will be much available. Access to this time should not be wasted with pointless matters. One should not forget, as well, that the fundamental changes we mentioned earlier will also be at work in their own environments - the volunteers will be trying to make themselves indispensable in their own workplaces ! On the other hand, the volunteer must appreciate that when he or she is called upon, it will be for a matter that is important and that they must respond to the call. If this is not part of the understanding, then the programme will almost certainly have problems. (8) Volunteers as a class have a particular advantage. They represent and reflect different perspectives within society, whether of age, gender, economic strength, politics, geography and a whole range of others. Proper tapping of such a rich resource can enhance the ability of organizations to serve all their constituencies. The other side of the coin is the professionals. From the perspective of a volunteer, they are applicable across a broad range of organizations. (1) As much as the volunteer, and perhaps even more, the professionals must believe in the values of the organization for which they work. If the job is nothing more than a job that puts bread on the table, the organization has the wrong professionals. If this is the diagnosis, change the professionals. (2) Professionals should be masters of the facts. Without reliable data, decisions are less likely to be well founded. Anecdotal evidence may be interesting, but it is not reliable. Volunteers may be helpful in evaluating data, but they are generally unlikely to be of great help in collecting them. (3) Use the volunteers of the organization wisely. They have experience and access that may not be available to professionals, but which may be vital to a successful programme. 227


(4) Volunteers will be wedded more firmly to decisions in which they have participated. The job of the professional is to help them to reach decisions, some of which the professional will have already decided they should reach. On the other hand, the professionals should bear in mind that they may not be as smart as they think they are, and should never overlook the possibility that they may be wrong. There is nothing as destructive for an organization as a professional labouring on with a preconceived notion long after all vital signs have disappeared from it. (5) Recognize that the organization simply cannot afford to pay even a minimum wage for all the effort that its volunteers contribute. If the professionals think of themselves as the permanent forces of the organization, they should plan to use the volunteer resources wisely and effectively. They should not use elephant guns to kill mice, nor pop-guns to storm a castle. They must keep the troops fed and watered. And never, ever, forget the importance of their morale. In this regard, to revert to a collegiate metaphor, the professionals must, amongst their many other qualities, be great cheerleaders. Volunteers will walk, willingly, well more than the proverbial extra mile in return for a little recognition. Recognition is all that can be given in any event, so why not be generous with it? (6) Professionals must be confident enough in their own roles and abilities to know that the volunteers do not want to take away their jobs. The focus and the abilities of volunteers are generally unsuited to what the professionals do. They depend on the professionals for guidance and support. As much as professionals cannot be effective without volunteer support, the volunteers, even more, cannot operate without the resources that the professionals represent. (7) Professionals should remember that the volunteer is not simply a part time worker. The volunteer is also, in many respects, the "client". The volunteer is, in that respect, part of the public the organn ization is trying to reach. The volunteer is a window on that public. The professional may not hear what he or she wants or hopes to hear, but the job is to listen, to absorb, to understand and to make any necessary adjustments. Otherwise the professionals may be making great buggy whips for a market which only exists in their own minds. (8) The best professionals understand that they are most effective when they become true "eminences grises". They accept that their role is one of counsel and of making others, often less intimately involved in the particular matter, look good. A former eastern European sports Minister, who always stayed in the background of his country's success, when asked why he never insisted on getting his share of the credit for the successes, which, as Minister, he could certainly have claimed, noted that there were two aspects involved in the success â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the Power and the Glory. He did not care, he said, who got the Glory, so long as he had the Power. (9) Finally, a good professional should understand that an important part of the job is to continually seek to do the job better. There is a built-in opportunity, because of the wide range of available contacts, to be running a perpetual sounding board. Not all ideas will be good, indeed, one is lucky if five or ten per cent are good, but if it is always one's mouth which is open, instead of one's ears, an essential part of the job will be left undone. And the professional's own potential will be severely limited. While the parallel may not be exact, a personal experience may be illustrative. Many years ago, I was on the Executive Committee of the Pan American Sports Organization (PASO). One of PASO's 228


responsibilities is to select the host cities for the Pan American Games and to supervise the organization of those Games. PASO had selected Caracas, Venezuela as the host of the 1983 Games. In the early and middle stages of the preparations, things were not going at all well. In fact, there were very serious flaws and omissions in the preparations, which I thought put the Games at serious risk. I was one of the few non Latin Americans on the Committee and was part of a meeting at which the Caracas Organizing Committee reported on its progress. My Latin American colleagues astounded me by their continual complimentary remarks to their Venezuelan colleagues. Not a single critical remark was uttered; not a hint of the slightest unease regarding the forthcoming disaster was dropped. There was, in short, nothing but effusive praise for a committee whose Titanic was sinking beneath their feet. As far as I could tell, the whole room, with the exception of me, seemed to be completely unaware that anything was other than perfect. I turned to one of the U.S. representatives, a wonderful man who had been born in Mexico of Latin American parents and who went on to become the Dean of Law at NYSU, and asked him what, in God's name, was wrong with our friends? Surely, with their previous experience in the organization of sports events, they could tell that this was a mess. I mean, it did not take a rocket scientist, to realize that these Games were about to go down the tube. Why were they not trying to help their Venezuelan friends by pointing out the areas that desperately needed improvement? "Oh, but they did", he said. "Impossible", I said, "I have been here every minute and have heard every word. Nobody mentioned how far behind schedule they are on construction of the sports facilities and the nightmare transportation system that some lunatic must have designed." We agreed this was the case. "On the other hand, did the delegates not compliment all the other things they were doing well?" "Oh, yes," I said, "they certainly did that. In fact, I have never heard such unadulterated praise. If I hear another flowery compliment, I think I'll scream. But what about the real problems?" "Exactly," he smiled, and gave me a lesson that I have never forgotten. "The organizers of the Games listened very carefully to all the praise they received, item by item, and were very pleased to know that everyone thought they were doing such a marvellous job. But they heard nothing about the facilities and the transportation; not a word. To them, that was a shout as bud as, perhaps louder than, any complaint that might have been made. They now know that their friends are very concerned about those issues and that they are perceived to have very serious problems. They appreciate that concern. And what is more, no one has been forced to criticise them and to cause them any embarrassment." "I assure you," he said, "that when they get home, they will work desperately to solve both of the problems. And at the next meeting, when they report on their progress, there will be the appropriate praise for their progress on both fronts." In an Anglo-Saxon context, it was not unlike the mystery solved by the famous Sherlock Holmes, who listened for the sound of the dog that did not bark. Never forget the dog that does not bark. It takes a special skill to "hear" such barks. But, what a skill. There is probably nothing in this paper that has not been heard, in one form or another, on other occasions. Perhaps the most important message, therefore, is one that volunteer and professional alike, must constantly bear in mind. The situations for both are dynamic, constantly changing, and need constant fine tuning if the challenges of this generation are to continue to be met.

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Volunteers and the National Olympic Committees Dick Palmer Adviser to IOC-NOC Relations Department, Great Britain

It is a great privilege to be amongst you and to hear some outstanding papers on the subject of volunteers. I have been asked to address the subject of volunteers and the NOCs. May I, at the outset, say that I approach this topic, not as an academic, but as one who has been involved in sport nearly all my life and therefore, by definition, with volunteers in sport. During my early playing days I had a father who was fanatical about sport, who watched all the games my brother and I played, was Chairman of the club and who involved my mother in organising the post match meals for the players. The club was run by volunteers who marked the pitches, had the playing gear washed, took the money on the gate, raised the money to keep the club going; in short did all that was necessary to ensure the success of the sport in that community. As a teacher I not only taught sport as part of the curriculum but also was involved in the post school volunteer sporting programme in which teachers gave freely of their time. When I left teaching I stepped over the line and became a full time sports administrator and latterly spent 20 years as Secretary General of an N O C with a staff of some 42 full-time paid administrators. Yet despite this professional set-up we were surrounded by volunteers. Volunteers made up the Committees and Commissions; the Officers of the N O C were volunteers; indeed the N O C survived because of the efforts of the volunteers. Perhaps one of the attributes of a successful professional administrator is that he/she understands the role played by volunteers in sport and the dynamics of the contribution that volunteers make to sport. "Volunteers are the glue that holds communities together" British Politician 1997 The sporting community embodies volunteerism; indeed sport has its very roots in the voluntary movement - players and administrators alike. "In order to promote the Olympic Movement throughout the world, the IOC may recognise as NOCs organisations, the activity of which is linked to its (the IOC's) role" The National Olympic Committees are the agents of the IOC in 200 countries world-wide. It is a truly global network. So that you are able to appreciate the nature of the 200 NOCs may I present you with some relevant statistics from the 1996 Olympic Games in Atlanta. No. of NOCs with: 6 athletes or less between 7 & 15 athletes between 16 & 30 athletes between 31 & 100 athletes more than 100 athletes

Running Total = 62 = 45 = 23 = 37 = 30

107 130 167 197 231


In this global network there is a great diversity between the NOCs. Variants include: — language — size of N O C — political system

— culture — geographic location

— economic circumstances — traditions in sport

The Olympic Movement binds these NOCs together and the IOC plays an essential role at the centre of one of the most integrated movements in the field of international co-operation. Volunteers play a vital role in NOCs. Indeed they are the dominant force in NOCs. The Olympic Charter is also instructive in this matter: "The members of the NOCs, with the exception of those who devote themselves to the administration of sport, shall accept no salary or bonus of any kind in consideration for the performance of their functions. They may, however, be reimbursedfor their travelling and accommodation costs and otherjustified expenses incurred in the carrying out of these functions" This is perhaps a good definition of a volunteer. However, this wide diverse group of National Olympic Committees now has to face change that is taking place in geometric progressions both in sport and in society. The great challenge for the NOCs (and indeed for sport as a whole) is how best to meet this challenge. Charter prescribes, or by implication requires NOCs to have Statutes which envisage: — a President — a Secretary General — an Executive Board — a National Olympic Committee The NOCs have elected members and are self governing within the legal system in the country and within the role prescribed by the Olympic Charter. However, like other sporting organisations which receive public money (invariably directly or indirectly from governments) or private money (as sponsorship or donations from commercial com-panies), NOCs have a clear responsibility to conduct their affairs in a responsible and transparent manner. Nowadays they must ensure that the business of the NOC is conducted: — with probity and prudence; — without any conflicts of interest on the part of the members (who are mostly volunteers) ; — according to a commonly agreed set of values and that, based on these values, they develop appropriate strategies and plans of action. In order to achieve the above the NOCs have to understand the role in the governance and management of their organisations. "Governance" defined as "the act, manner, fact or function of governing" "Management" defined as "having executive control of the administration of the organisation." As one would expect, there are wide variations on the organisational models. The three models shown below illustrate this: 232


- Model 1 Governance President (& other Officers) Honorary Secretary Generals Executive Board NOC

Management Salaried Secretary General (or CEO) Salaried Staff representative reporting to the Secretary General (or CEO) Work contracted out, paid consultant, etc.

— Model 2 Governance Management Elected/Volunteer Contracts of employment President (Honorary) Honorary General Secretary Executive Board Paid Staff NOC — Model 3 Governance Management Elected/Volunteer Volunteers President General Secretary (Honorary) Executive Board Volunteers NOC Volunteers Over 50% of the NOCs world-wide follow model 3, where the members that govern the organisation and those that carry out the management roles are all volunteers. The roles of governance and management can be set out as below: Roles of Governance: — election of Officers; Committees & Commissions, — approval of accounts, budgets, — ensuring the organisation acts with prudence and probity, — taking professional advice where appropriate, — ensuring that the organisation is run in the interest of the current, potential and future stakeholders, — being responsible for the behaviour and performance of staff, — developing, with management, a strategy for the organisation, — monitoring the progress of plans, — ensuring the NOC is a caring employer and — ensuring the NOC acts legally. Roles of Management: — ensuring the efficient management and administration of the NOC, — ensuring a well led management team, — ensuring that, in accordance with the strategic direction set by the Executive Board, a work programme is instigated and implemented in conjunction with governance reviewing and monitoring strategies. 233


There is an essential integration between governance and management which, if it works effectively, does much to develop an efficient organisation. Where there is a professional management one looks to a "Partnership Model". Even in this situation, ultimate authority in these matters rests with the volunteer and elected committees and leadership.

Partnerships model where the governance (the Officers and Committees) and the management (the C E O and staff) operate in a flexible interactive way. Together they: — review (on a continuous basis) roles and direction within organisation, — contribute jointly to the efficient running of the organisation ( N O C ) , — take on the intellectual process of contributing to the future strategy of the N O C . In conclusion, may I say that the very foundations of the Olympic Movement depend on volunteers. However, these volunteers have to face up to challenges as we move into the new Millennium. T h e challenges include: — change

— political climate

— economic climate

— technology

— time

I am suggesting that, as we look to the future, volunteers will need to discharge their duties in a much more informed and structured way and they will need to understand how they relate to professionals in sport - be they administrators, coaches, marketing experts, media experts and most important of all, athletes. Volunteers have two essential tasks: — to safeguard the values and integrity of sport and — to ensure that sport meets the challenge of change and of excellence. If they (the volunteers) do not meet these challenges then sport will be hostage to those who see it as a milk cow for personal (or corporate) gain and aggrandisement. Where volunteers take on managerial tasks, they must ensure that they are expert in whatever they do and perform to the highest standards. We must remember that all of us; volunteers and professionals alike, are here, ultimately, to serve the sporting youth in our communities, be it local, regional, national or international, and to enable them to play their sport. In Olympic terms, sporting excellence demands excellence in the support we give our sports people — and this includes the commitment we give to the values of the Olympic Movement and to sport itself. Volunteers and professionals together have to meet these demands.

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The Swiss Olympic Association Werner Ausgburger Technical Director of the Swiss Olympic Association (SOA), Switzerland Imagine that a woman has been coaching gymnastics at a club, in return for a small fee, for 25 years. One day the club committee suddenly decides to give one of the three hours she teaches each week to another instructor, even though the first woman, whom we shall call Medea, is a very successful coach. This change of personnel is introduced without Medea's agreement and the decision announced in the official federation newsletter. Medea, who has invested a great deal of enthusiasm and free time in organizing the training sessions, is not at all happy! Her pupils tell the committee that they are also not best pleased. How does the committee respond? I will tell you in a minute. A journalist turns up at a sports centre for a National League A volleyball match. At the door, he is given the club newsletter, containing information on the home and away teams. The newsletter is funded by a few local advertisements collected together by committee members. It also features an editorial, some photos and an interview with the coach. The journalist in question has come straight from another sporting event and is famished. Thank goodness! The club has arranged a small buffet, complete with drinks. Who made all the wonderful cakes that our journalist feasts on? Who is going to serve them to him? I hardly need tell you ! Ladies and gentlemen, Speeches often begin with a series of polite phrases, but you know them all, so I won't bother with them. I am Technical Director of the SOA and I have chosen two practical examples in order to set the scene straight away for the subject I will be speaking about today â&#x20AC;&#x201D; voluntary work in Switzerland. I am aware that, in a political sense, Switzerland can be considered an island in the middle of Europe, but I firmly believe that voluntary work, or rather the problems of voluntary work, are very similar to those in other countries. Have you guessed the answer to my first example? The committee made numerous phone calls and wrote a long letter to Medea, full of apologies. Since the club gymnasts themselves had exerted pressure, the committee wanted to correct its mistake. What was Medea's reaction? Let's have a quick vote! Who thinks that Medea should accept the committee's apologies and carry on as if nothing had happened? 235


Who thinks Medea should write to the committee immediately, saying that it has shown scant regard for the 25 years she has spent working for the club and that she therefore intends to stop coaching at the end of the month? The moral of this story is that Medea sent her letter of resignation and is now looking for a new club in which to coach. She is 71 years old. Having taken the risk of boring you with my two examples, I would now like to describe the main conclusions of a study which the SOA began in 1997 and published in 1998. This study shows the real situation of voluntary work in relation to sports clubs in Switzerland. At the end of this 20-minute slot, we shall look at what the SOA1 has been doing: What measures have been taken in terms of training sports officials in Switzerland? How was it decided which areas should be covered by the study? Of 3,000 clubs, 1,481 returned the questionnaire (49.4%). The information therefore provides a reliable picture of the situation in our country. Do clubs mainly depend on volunteers? 94% of clubs rely on voluntary work to keep them running and performing well. If we carry out a theoretical, but very realistic calculation, we obtain the following figures: 50 million hours of work = SFr 1.5 billion = between 23,000 and 24,000 full time posts. The diagram shows very clearly which jobs take up most time. Are there any differences between the roles of men and women? It seems that most club presidents are male while most secretaries are female. The typical president is 40 years old, married with 2 or 3 children, and stays in the post for around 6 years. He devotes 3-4 hours per week to the club. Only 7% of presidents would not take the job again. Does it surprise you that only one out of every 33 volunteers is paid? Quickly returning to the example of the journalist in the sports centre: the man on the door, the scorekeepers, the people running the buffet, those responsible for putting the net up, the publicity, the seating, etc., are all volunteers. The only person who receives significant payment is usually, but not always, the coach. Around 15% of clubs said they had officials who received more than SFr 2,000 per year!

'The SOA has 3.2 million individual members, spread across 81 federations and 27,000 sports clubs.

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Let's turn to the finances: You will see that membership fees are what keep our clubs alive. Income from sponsorship and refreshments also plays an important role. Swiss clubs have an average annual income/expenditure of SFr 34,000. As far as expenditure is concerned, payments to coaches and players seem to be a major factor. However, these payments are not considered to be salaries, but expenses. I would like briefly to come back to the example of Medea. She has made her decision, which means that the club now has to find someone to replace her. They must place advertisements, make phone calls, etc. We need a volunteer just to find a volunteer! Since very few Swiss sports clubs are run professionally, almost all of them have difficulty in finding enough volunteers. Three-quarters said this was a problem and one-third complained that their members were becoming increasingly reluctant to help out. It is interesting to note that small clubs (with less than 100 members) need more volunteers than larger clubs. However, smaller clubs tend to find voluntary help more easily. Does all this explain the attitude I have just described? Before concluding, I would like to point out that we are often unaware of the fact that clubs offer a wide range of sports and sporting disciplines. 87 different disciplines! The most common are gymnastics, athletics, volleyball, football, weight training, aerobics, handball, shooting and unihockey. Competition, social aspects and sport for all are equally valued. Three out of four clubs said that promoting health through sport was one of their objectives This study also prompted the SOA to hold a number of seminars. The aim of this training tool is to give readers the chance to analyse their own individual work, to collate their ideas and to offer them the impetus and basic elements they need to hold discussions with other volunteers. We have defined the five main pillars of voluntary work: (1) Structures and infrastructures Aim: in this chapter, we will describe your club's structural strengths and weaknesses and suggest possible improvements.

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(2) Training and proficiency Aim: in this chapter, using a list of requirements and taking into account professional, social and personal abilities, we will define what kind of further training is needed by club members who are involved on a voluntary basis, as well as proposing possible solutions. (3) Planning and staff management Aim: to draw up measures and proposals to improve planning and staff management, in order to promote voluntary work. (4) Climate within the federation or association Aim: to describe the atmosphere within your club or team and to suggest ways in which it could be improved. (5) Recognition Aim: to describe ways and means of showing appreciation for the work of volunteers and providing them with feedback. Your most valuable resource is what you have already. Many organizations spend time and energy recruiting new volunteers and forget to thank those already working for them.

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A Framework for the Training of Volunteers in Olympism Kostas Georgiadis Dean of the International Olympic Academy, Greece

1. Introduction First of all, I would like to point out that this presentation constitutes a theoretical approach to the subject of the training of volunteers in Olympism. The International Olympic Academy (IOA) for the past 40 years has been training young men and women from all over the world, University professors, students, members and officials of National Olympic Committees and National Olympic Academies, journalists, trainers, pupils, etc. This training aims to make those directly involved in sports and as many people as possible understand the goals of the Olympic Movement and make the concepts of Olympism, Olympic Education, the Olympic Movement, Olympic values and principles, etc., clear in the minds of those related to the world of sports. For the IOA, volunteers constitute an important "target group", to be trained in Olympic issues. Given that the 2004 Olympic Games will be held in Athens, I believe that the IOA has a unique opportunity to present the work and the goals of the Olympic Movement to the Greek people, the Greeks of the Diaspora and to every foreigner willing to offer his/her services. The "Athens 2004" Organising Committee, after the IOAs President Mr Nikos FILARETOS's proposal, has already decided to collaborate with the IOA in the training of Educators of volunteers. This training has to coincide with the philosophy and the principles of Olympism. Olympism, as we already know, is a way of living. It is the theory (the group of principles) concerning the harmonious cultivation of the spiritual and psychosomatic virtues of the individual, the harmonious development, formation and stability of its character as well as its will and moral standards, combining, during the learning process, the universal parameters of athleticism, art and cultural activities. The principles that should govern sport activities as well as all domains of human expression are the following: Personal principles

Social principles

Cultural principles

Universal principles

- Harmonious development of body and soul - Respect for oneself - Participation - Voluntary effort - Self-discipline - Self-esteem - Persistence - Effort to do one's best - Pursuit of excellency - Well-being - Health - Self-realization

-

- Respect of cultural values - Cross-cultural relations and exchanges between individuals, countries, continents - Equal participation, regardless of race, religion, sex, culture or socio-economic status

- Co-existence of different peoples - Respect for the environment - Patriotism - Internationalism - Altruism - Peace - Democracy in sport

Friendship Equality Respect for the other Understanding Solidarity Brotherhood Fair-play Equal opportunities Comradeship Ethics Mutual respect

239


These Olympic principles should be understood and adopted by the volunteers through a programme of Olympic Education. Volunteers must be encouraged to comprehend, experience and impart the Olympic principles by means of a specific learning procedure. It's fairly obvious that a programme which concerns 30,000 to 40,000 volunteers is not easy to implement. All the more so since all those volunteers should, as I mention below, experience Olympism in the first place, so that they can be in a position to impart it afterwards. If this is not possible with all volunteers, it is absolutely necessary to be done at least with all those who will be selected for the training of the volunteers to be in direct contact with athletes, journalists, agents and members of the Olympic Family. Volunteers are usually active people, characterised by enthusiasm and willingness, features that facilitate the IOA's training goal. The IOA, having a forty-year experience in training in Olympic issues, knows well how to create and keep enthusiasm alive. Enthusiasm is an essential factor for the successful outcome of training and the offer of volunteer work. Volunteers have to realise that this is about a multi-dimensional, multi-cultural event, a unique worldwide celebration. Within the context of this event, they should tune their everyday relations and activities to the principles of Olympism. A considerable part of the training in question will necessarily have to do with issues of a specialised technical nature. Teams of specialised trainers from every sector will be engaged in it, a matter which, I am sure, the Athens 2004 Organising Committee will deal with in the most serious and successful way. Greece is the heir of, and the one to keep up, the ancient Greek tradition. In 2004, 2800 years from the birth of the Olympic Games in Ancient Olympia in 776 BC will have elapsed. This will contribute to the increase in the number of tourists visiting Greece and especially Ancient Olympia, as well as the other panhellenic centres where games used to be held in antiquity. I feel that we would have a considerable contribution to the modern Olympic Movement if we could train tourist guides in modern Olympic issues. I consider the training of journalists equally indispensable. The volunteers training programme must provide clear guidelines as to the philosophy, goals, implementation and evaluation of the various groups of volunteers. Such a programme could have the following general structure: 2. Philosophy of the programme — Full understanding of the work to be done by each volunteer. — Encouragement of a global comprehension of Olympism. — Improvement of the ideals, values and accomplishments of Olympism, as these were inspired by Pierre de Coubertin for the harmonious development of body, mind and will. — Imparting the international, educational and moral goals of the Olympic Movement.

3. Goals of the programme — Dissemination of knowledge on Olympism with more accuracy, and in depth examination of different aspects: medicine, history, economy, psychology, technology, administration, civilization. — Contribution to the overall development of youth. — Promotion of the new programmes of Olympic Education through the combination of a country's traditions and culture, in accordance with the principles of Olympism. — Imparting the necessary knowledge, so that volunteers feel confident of their tasks. 240


4. Contents of the programme A brief thematic list should include the following thematic fields: — Pierre de Coubertin. — Olympism - Olympic Philosophy. — The History of the Ancient and Modern Olympic Games. — The structure of the Olympic Movement. — Organisation of the Olympic Games. — Principles of the Olympic Charter. — Special Olympics and Paralympic Games. — Information about the Games and Sport Discipline. — Violence and the Use of Anabolics - Medicine, Technology and Science. — Olympism and Politics. — Olympic Sports and Arts. — The Role of Women in the Olympic Movement. — The Role of the Mass Media, etc.

5. Methods Procedures of the programme — Lectures, discussions, workshops, research, sports competitions and active participation of the volunteers in Olympic Festivals. — Seminars, Congresses and Competitions. — Web-site on the Internet concerning volunteers. — Establishment of scholarships for volunteers. — Incorporation of lectures on the Olympic Games in the curricula of Higher Institutes of Physical Education and Departments of Social Sciences. — Attendance of official matches, other sports events and conferences. — Running small volunteer groups by young people themselves. — Assignment of roles to volunteers with relation to a specific subject. — Provision of printed matter, as a means of motivation in various fields (books, brochures, posters, newspapers, etc). — Use of audiovisual means (videotapes, films, Internet, CD-ROM). — Organisation of special events in different regions. — Broadening the range of volunteers, so that parents and teachers are also included. — Theoretical and practical learning of the rules and principles of the games. — Analysis and discussion of the volunteers' behaviour in the sport fields and in other areas related to the Games, and drawing conclusions. All the above-mentioned methods - procedures depend on: — — — — — —

human resources, volunteers, financial resources (e.g. sponsorship), co-operation with other authorities, tradition, technology, and development of strategies.

241


6. Evaluation of volunteers Through: — — — — — —

subjects discussed in groups, various assignments, written examinations and questionnaires, research conducted by volunteer Educators, evaluation of social conduct, evaluation of professional experience and academic and sports achievements, evaluation of overall attitude.

The organisation of the 2004 Olympic Games is a big challenge both for Greece and the Greek people. The Greek cultural tradition will function as a source of inspiration for the creation of new cultural and pedagogical dimensions for the Olympic Games. Greek people's sensitivity and enthusiasm constitute the appropriate base the "Athens 2004" Organising Committee can work on, so that the Athens Games can take again a special place within the Olympic Movement.

Bibliography Szymiczek O. (Ed.): IOA Report of the Twenty-fifth Session. Lausanne 1986. IOC in collaboration with H O C and O. Szymiczek (Ed.): IOA Report of the Twenty-sixth Session. Lausanne 1987. I O C / H O C (Eds.): Report of the Twenty-seventh Session. Lausanne (1988). I O C / H O C (Eds.): Report of the Twenty-eighth Session. Lausanne (1989). IOC in collaboration with the H O C and O.Szymiczek (Ed.): IOA. Report of the Twenty-ninth Session. Lausanne 199C. IOC in collaboration with the H O C (Ed.): IOA. Report of the thirtieth Session. Lausanne (1991). IOC/IOA (Eds.): Report of the Thirty-first Session. Lausanne (1992). IOC/IOA (Eds.): Report of the Thirty-second Session. Lausanne (1993). IOC/IOA (Eds.): Report of the Thirty-third Session. Lausanne (1994). IOC/IOA (Eds.): Report of the Thirty-fourth Session. Lausanne (1995). IOC/IOA (Eds.): Report of the Thirty-fifth Session. Lausanne (1996). IOC/IOA (Eds.): Report of the Thirty-sixth Session. Lausanne (1997). IOC/IOA (Eds.): Report of the Thirty-seventh Session. Lausanne (1998). IOC/IOA (Eds.): Report of the Thirty-eighth Session. Lausanne (1999). H O C and O. Szymitctek (Eds.): IOA. Report of the International Session for Educationists 1973-1977-1979. Athens (1980). IOA (Ed.): IOA. I" Joint International Session of National Olympic Academies, Members and Staff of National Olympic Committees and International Sports Federations. Athens (1992). IOA (Ed.): IOA. 2"d Joint International Session of National Olympic Academies, Members and Staff of National Olympic Committees and International Sports Federations. Athens (1995). IOA (Ed.): IOA. Report on the lOA's Special Sessions and Seminars 1997. 5th PostGraduate Seminar. 9,h Internatior al Seminar for Sport Journalists. 3rd Joint International Session for Educationists and Staff of Higher Institutes of Physical Education. Athens (1998).

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Communications

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244


Volunteer Management at a Major Sports Event such as the Winter Games

Jean-Loup Chappelet Professor, IDHEAP (Institut de hautes ĂŠtudes en administration publique Swiss Graduate School of Public Administration), Switzerland

Abstract The first volunteer programme implemented by an Olympic Games organizing committee was for the Lake Placid Games in 1980. Since then, these programmes have become considerably more sophisticated, both at the Winter Games and the Summer Games. They are now one of the elements of the success of the Games, as they are of all large sports events. In this respect, they pose managerial problems that it is essential to be aware of and to understand, in order better to deal with them. The aim of the present article is to present these problems (planning, organization, recruitment, selection, training, motivation, evaluation, putting expertise to best use) in the light of experiences at the Winter Games in Calgary 1988, Albertville 1992, Lillehammer 1994 and Nagano 1998, which the author observed in various capacities, and through which the development of volunteer programmes can be followed. Lessons are identified for similar large sports events.

Introduction From the outset, the Winter Games, like the Summer Games, have always needed a large contingent of volunteer personnel to ensure the smooth running of the sports competitions. In that they reflect the long tradition of volunteering in sport in general: the amateur status of the competitions was matched by the volunteer status of the officials. Moreover, up to the middle of the eighties, the Olympic Charter included the following declaration: "If it were not for the voluntary service given by thousands of men and women who are members of the IOC, the IFs, the NOCs and the national federations, there would be no Olympic Games. It would be impossible to pay for these services, which are so gladly contributed by those who believe in sport" (IOC 1982:70). From the 1970s, the Olympic Games began to attract increasing numbers of spectators and journalists from countries other than the host country. The number of NOCs sending teams and important visitors (VIPs) also increased. Language skills became essential in order to welcome these new participants. The OCOGs (Organizing Committees of the Olympic Games) responded by recruiting and paying legions of hostesses (and hosts) who were easily recognizable by their uniforms in the bright colours of the Games. No one yet mentioned volunteers. The first specific programme of any size intended to openly recruit volunteers (over 33,000 of them!) to fill the thousands of temporary posts required for the smooth running of the Games dates from the Los Angeles Games in 1984 (Perelman 1985:187). This is paradoxical in that it was in that decade that the Games began to generate considerable revenues, even profits, which might have been used to pay temporary staff. But the implementation of such a programme was in keeping with the American tradition of volunteering in the non-profit sector in general, and was helped by the exceptional image of the Games in the United States in particular. 245


It was for the Olympic Winter Games in Lake Place (New York state) in 1980 that the idea of creating such a programme was realized for the first time, under the direction of Ursula Trudeau A group of 6,703 volunteers (249 of whom spoke at least one language in addition to English) was thus recruited beginning in the summer of 1978, mainly for the organization of the sports competitions (including the pre-Olympic events) and reception of the delegations (OCOG 1980:165). The author was among this group. But it was not until 1988 that the volunteer programme became a constant in the organization of rhe Winter Games, under the successive names of Team '88 (Calgary), Equipe 92 (Albertville), '94-laget (Lillehammer) and Team '98 (Nagano). This article proposes to give a summary description of th;se programmes, and to draw from them the main managerial lessons that can be applied to the implementation of similar projects in large sports events. Consequently, the paper will be in two parts. The first is devoted to a presentation and comparison of the volunteer programmes at the Winter Games from 1988 to 1998, which the author observed informally in various capacities, and for which there exist more or less detailed reports, which are mentioned in the bibliography. On this empirical and documentary basis, the second part of the article identifies and comments upon the manageiial themes for the success of such programmes according to the four classic functions of management

1. Volunteer programmes at the Winter Games since 1938 Table 1 evaluates the size of the volunteer programme in comparison with some indicators of the scope of the Winter Games which, as from 1988, took place over 16 days.

Table 1 - Some indicators of the Winter Games 1988-1998 (Chappelet 1998:93)

Calgary 88

Albertville 92

Lillehammer 94

Nagano 98

Participating NOCs

57

64

67

72

Sports events

46

57

61

68

1,423

1,801

1,738

2,177

1,338,000

913,000

1,212,000

1,275,000

Total accredited persons

39,121

39,046

42,163

84,367

Total volunteers (during the Games)

9,498

8,647

9,054

32,579

Ratio of volunteers/ accredited persons

24.3%

22.1%

21.4%

38.6%

Participating athletes Tickets sold

One can see that, while the various indicators of the Winter Games rise progressively, the volunteer programme remains stable from 1988 to 1994, with around 9,000 participants (21 to 24% of accredited persons). The quantitative leap we see in Nagano was due to the acceptance of volunteers for just a few days, while the others required a minimum presence throughout the duration of the Games. A more meaningful comparison would need statistics for man-hours, which are unfortunately not available. The characteristics of each programme are summed up in the following paragraphs. 246


1.1. Calgary 1988 (OCOG 1988:440-443; OCOG 1988b) The volunteer programme was directly inspired by that of the Stampede, the big rodeo organized in Calgary each year. Applications were received from twice as many candidates (24,117) as there were positions to be filled. Each volunteer had to commit to doing at least 120 hours' work (over approximately three weeks), which drew protests from those people who could only provide sporadic help during the Games. Over two thousand people offered their services outside the Olympic period. Many Alberta companies granted ten days' paid leave to those employees willing to take ten days' holiday to act as volunteers. The OCOG tried to have volunteers participate in all stages and at all levels of the organization, while keeping coordination and budget control in the hands of paid staff. One hundred and thirty-three orientation sessions were organized beginning in 1985, to introduce the 16,000 candidate volunteers to the jobs to be fdled and to allocate them. Ten thousand volunteers were given general and specific training by means of a manual and videos. More advanced courses were laid on for those people who would be playing a key role. In addition, a recognition system was set up. It included the award of a gold pin, the organization of dinner dances every year from 1985 to 1988, and the opening almost three years before the Games of a volunteers' centre in the ceremony stadium (Club '88). Volunteers and OCOG employees received identical uniforms according to their functions, but the high number of different styles made distribution complicated, and meant that some people were unable to find the right size. This problem was resolved at future Games by the adoption of a unisex style from the top to the bottom of the hierarchy, which simplified logistics and was a strong element of identification and cohesion among the organizing personnel whether paid or not. The list of volunteers for Calgary is printed at the end of the official report of the Games (OCOG 1988:674-706), a tradition that was carried over to Lillehammer and Nagano (OCOG 1995: vol. IV, 20-65; OCOG 1999: vol. Ill, 258-347).

1.2. Albertville 1992 (OCOG 1992:34-42) Unlike Calgary, which was able to draw upon a lively tradition of volunteering, the Albertville volunteer programme was the first and largest of its kind in France. It would not be overtaken until the football World Cup in 1998 (Villemus 1998:192). From the time the programme was launched, four objectives were set: to reinforce an Olympic tradition; to share the achievements of the athletes; to make the Games a good-natured celebration; and to meet the challenge of excellence and professionalism. The OCOG clearly wanted to emphasize the quality of volunteers rather than their number. The programme developed in four stages: evaluation of requirements, recruitment and allocation, training, operational management. The evaluation of requirements was done at the end of 1989 on the basis of a global analysis by OCOG chiefs of the tasks that were essential to the organization of the Games. Those that could be assigned to volunteers were then transformed into work positions and "equivalent persons" (some 7,350). This analysis concluded with organization charts for each Olympic venue and potential job descriptions. On this basis, a targeted recruitment drive was launched with certain university and club communities, if possible within the Savoie region, in order to reduce accommodation requirements. There was no general call for volunteers, such as through advertisements, as it was feared that too many candidates would respond. Around 2,500 volunteers came from companies that were members of the "Club Coubertin" (national sponsors), including the company Bis in the "temporary employment" category, which had previously been involved in the 1968 Games in Grenoble. Twenty per cent of applications were spontaneous. A wide variety of reasons for wanting to volunteer can be found in their statements: meeting foreign people, enjoyment of driving, being able to speak their mother tongue once again, acquiring professional experience, feeling more closely integrated in the region, experiencing the Games from the inside, not wanting to miss out on an important event, etc. 247


(OCOG 1990:5). The allocation of volunteers was done taking into account their skills and the three geographical and functional preferences they were asked to provide in their application. At the end of 1990 some 7,000 out of a total of 8,647 volunteers already knew precisely what their job would he. An original training programme then began, with a general section in five modules, assisted by 250 computers (multimedia programme produced by IBM, a sponsor of the Games) and a spec fie section in the form of a ring binder and on-site training. This training, which was empowering in itself, was supplemented by various motivating activities before the Games: regular correspondence, identity card, "Journal des Equipiers" (three issues), free promotional items, invitation to test everts, introductory day and party in Lyon in November 1991 (where a vow was taken to "keep smiling"). In addition, a special logo was created to identify "Equipe 92", representing people forming the letter "V" with their arms. Centralized operational management by a 15-member team gave way, four months before the Gamss, to decentralized volunteer management on-site under the responsibility of a human resources person from the central programme team. During the event there were only thirty resignations and tsn dismissals. The average age of volunteers was 34 for the women and 40 for the men. Everyone hid an invitation to the closing ceremony (followed by a party) and the dress rehearsal of the openi ig ceremony. They also had the opportunity to attend events outside their working hours. After the Games, associations of former volunteers were set up in the Savoie region, and they are active in tourist hospitality.

1.3. Lillehammer 1994 (OCOG 1995: vol. I, 126-13 S) The 9,054 volunteers aged between 8 and 83 at the Lillehammer Games were all members of Team 94 ("94-laget" in Norwegian), along with the OCOG employees (880 people) and the Norwegian armed forces personnel (2,100 people). They all wore the same grey and magenta uniform bearing a logo showing two figures pushing a circle. The average age was 31 for women and 37 for men. Most of the volunteers (nearly 60%) came from the Olympic region, because of the scarcity of available accommodation and the desire to keep qualified local personnel for post-Olympic use of the facilities. The rest were found lodgings n schools or with families. They all had to work a minimum of the sixteen days of the Games, with two days off. On the strength of Scandinavia's long tradition of volunteering (Halba 1997:128), the OCOG's recruitment strategy was based on partnerships with Norwegian athletics clubs and some forty local sports clubs. Local schools and the Norwegian University of Sport and Physical Education were asked to fill posts requiring certain specific areas of expertise. On the basis of a preliminary analysis of needs, volunteers were categorized in three levels according to their level of responsibility. Recruitment began in the spring of 1991, starting from the top level of responsibility, which meant that successful candidates were able to then be involved in the selection of their future subordinates. By November 1992 almost all the posts had been filled. This pyramidal recruitment by means of partnerships avoided the creation of a specialized bureaucracy and wholesale rejection of too many people who had applied in good faith. All of the candidates (13,729) were entered into a database inherited from Albertville, and their criminal records were checked by the police. Motivational measures to pre-empt resignations were undertaken, and flu vaccines were administered. A reconfirmation of each entry was officially requested. Care was taken to ensure that sponsors did not entice volunteers away for their own Olympic promotional activities. Two OCOG employees were responsible for regular communication with the 248


volunteers, by means of targeted mailings and a monthly newsletter that ran from March 1993 to January 1994. This newsletter, called "Olympic Post" (Olympiaposten) was more frequent but less attractive than the Albertville newsletter. Decentralized volunteers' offices were opened in each district that had an Olympic venue. Two general meetings were organized in Lillehammers main ice rink: one exactly one year before the Games and the other over a weekend in November 1993. Only 385 resignations were received before the Games, and one per cent of volunteers dropped out during the Games. Training courses comprising three four-hour sessions were given in small interactive groups led by some fifty instructors, with the aid of written and audiovisual material. Unlike Albertville, computers were not used. This training, which emphasized the global nature of the event, was obligatory for volunteers and OCOG staff. The courses took place in the evenings or at weekends in local schools. They were amalgamated into an adult education programme that was run for over 10,000 employees of Norwegian companies sponsoring the Games. Technical training was the responsibility of each department, coordinated by a forum of representatives of various sections of the organizing committee. It was supplemented by an induction and training programme for volunteers at the venues. In addition, despite Norwegians' good language skills, around a thousand volunteers followed language courses given by high school teachers in the Lillehammer region and in Oslo.

1.4. Nagano 1998 (OCOG 1999: vol II, 160-171) The number of volunteers involved (over 32,000), to which must be added the 15,000 or so volunteers dedicated to the cultural programme, makes Nagano the largest winter volunteer group, not far below the heights achieved for the Summer Games in Atlanta in 1996 (47,466). This impressive total can be explained by the fact that most of the volunteers worked for only part of the Games (sometimes only a few days). Contrary to preceding OCOGs, and because of Japan's lack of experience in volunteering, NAOC (the Nagano Organizing Committee) launched a public recruitment campaign from May to September 1994, which attracted 32,261 candidates in 18 areas. The successful applications (around two thirds) showed that there was a lack of drivers familiar with the region and computer operators. This deficit was filled by calling upon local economic organizations and subsequently Nagano's universities. The need for interpreters was covered by a campaign targeted at professionals working with foreign clients. In addition, local companies detached nearly 11,000 staff. The cultural volunteers were recruited through 188 theatre, culture and folk art groups (sado, kimono, ikebana, etc.) and provided activities at the Olympic sites. Further to this call for applications, four hundred team leaders were chosen after interview and followed by a special one-month training course in the autumn of 1995. Final positions were assigned in November 1996, one year and three months before the Games, with the possibility of modifications at the request of the persons concerned. Over half of the volunteers were allocated to the transport system: 31% as drivers, 16% to the car parks and shuttle buses and 8.9% to directing traffic. 17% were interpreters (mainly in English). 9.8% were assigned to security and 4.9% to ticket control. Over a hundred general training courses were organized beginning in January 1995, supplemented by training at pre-Olympic competitions and language courses. Some volunteers living in Tokyo organized their own group to help them to prepare for the Games, and published a manual of useful advice and a regular newsletter (Nakajima, 1999). An official newsletter for volunteers was published quarterly from 1995. It was supplemented by a private page and a forum on the Nagano '98 internet site, the first for a Winter Games. A rest and leisure area for volunteers was set up during the Games near to Nagano station, with the help of a 249


Japanese sponsor. A ticket to attend the rehearsal for the closing ceremony or an outside event was given to the volunteers, along with a pin presented symbolically by the IOC President towards the end of the Games. The IOC President was also careful to underline their contribution in his speeches for the opening and closing ceremonies. A minimum of eight days' volunteer service was needed in order to be able to keep the silver-coloured uniform.

Table 2 - Demographic characteristics Calgary 88

Albertville 92

Lillehammer 94

Nagano 98

Total volunteers

9,498

8,647

9,054

32,579

Men

52%

66.6%

60%

64.8%

Women

48%

33.4%

40%

35.2%

From the region

95.1% (Alberta)

50.7% (Rh么ne-Alpes)

59.6% (Hedmark &Oppland)

75% (Nagano Prefecture)

From elsewhere in the country

3.7%

46.2%

40.1%

25%

From abroad

1.2%

3.1%

0.3%

0.2%

Under 30

-

27.4%

-

30.2%

31 to 60

-

71.9%

-

61%

Over 60

-

0.7%

-

8.8%

Table 2 provides a summary of the demographic characteristics of the volunteer population. From the point of view of sex, there is some similarity between Lillehammer and Calgary (where there is almost parity), and between Albertville and Nagano (where men represented over two thirds of volunteers). The number of foreign volunteers is low in all cases, except in Albertville where it was over 3%.

Table 3 - Occupations of volunteers* Calgary 88

Albertville 92

Lillehammer 94

Nagano 98

Students

-

18.5%

35.8%

21.5%

Employed

-

69%

69%

55.7%

Retired

-

8.77%

2.1%

11.7%

Unemployed

-

3.69%

2.5%

11.1%

* including housewives

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Table 3 gives the usual occupation of volunteers, showing major variations between Games in the number of students (100% variation) and the number of retired people (500% variation). The data is not available to make a socio-professional study of volunteers (white collar, manual workers, agricultural workers, blue collar, etc.), which would be interesting.

2. Management issues raised by volunteer programmes Going beyond the details that are specific to each edition of the Winter Games, and the cultural particularities of the countries (on three continents) in which they took place, what lessons can be learned from this Olympic experience? What are the managerial characteristics of a successful volunteer programme for a large sports event? In order to address this question, we propose organizing the discussion around the four classical functions of management (ThiĂŠtart 1993:22): planning, organizing, motivating and evaluating, with particular emphasis on the function of motivating, which concerns the implementation of human resources.

2.1. Planning Planning involves setting objectives and authorizing their realization on time and on budget. It must be based on a study of previous similar events, so as to benefit from the experiences of the past. The main objective of a volunteer programme is obviously to have the right people at the right time and in the right place, and at a cost that is significantly lower than that involved in paying the requisite number of people. Such a wage bill could be estimated for the Winter Games as a minimum of US$ 40 million (10,000 volunteers x 20 days x US$ 200/day with social contributions). But the saving made should not be the only managerial objective, as the volunteers will for many participants personify the event. They will be an essential communication element during the event and during the preparations. A qualitative objective therefore needs to be set for the volunteer programme, as the volunteers will be the true ambassadors of the organization. In addition, dynamic interaction between volunteers and organizers also addresses the objective of direct communication about the event to the sports circles concerned, and indirect communication through the exchanges of opinion they provide with the general public. Time planning is directly dependent on the planning of the sports event. At the Winter Games it begins at the end of the previous Games. Generally speaking, the first two years are devoted to recruitment and selection of candidates, the third to training and the final year to assignment and use of volunteers in pre-Olympic and then Olympic events. Like the Games themselves, volunteer planning for a large event needs to begin as early as possible, and an adequate budget has to be set aside to organize and manage this area. Indeed, although volunteers are not salaried, they do engender significant expenditure on communication, equipment, transport, catering and accommodation. This budget can be partly sponsored, in particular by companies specializing in temporary employment.

2.2. Organization Organization means putting in place the structures and procedures that will provide a framework for the running of the event for its duration at each of the sports or logistical venues (including media centre, hotels, etc.). This is a delicate function to the extent that those responsible for a volunteer programme must think ahead to a (divisional) organization by site, when up to a few months before the event they are working in a (functional) organization by general areas of responsibility (sport, marketing, communication, technology, security, etc.). They have to plan for this organization if possible with the future managers of the sites, who have to build a cohesive team with the volunteers they are 251


assigned. The Albertville OCOG referred to its volunteers as "team members" to better under ine their membership of the global organization, and the need to work together as a team. With the aim of providing more detail on this organization in the field, a detailed analysis should be made of personnel requirements, site by site, and standard organization charts should be m ide for each, with job descriptions giving an indication of the necessary skills (technical, language, interpersonal, etc.). This work will facilitate the allocation of volunteers to many of these positions. The others will have to be filled by paid staff or agents. This should be repeated several times in order to check how these provisions fit with any new requirements, and to limit associated expenditure. On the other hand, a definition of the various procedures necessary to the running of a site can probably be no more than sketched out in advance, on the basis of a manual or general procedures drawn up by the organizer (e.g. opening/closing of the site, incident management, awarding medals, press conference procedure, dealing with important visitors, etc.). These procedures should then be adjus:ed as the event approaches according to the available volunteers. Such an adjustment is part of on-:;ite training, for example during test events or in the setting-up of a venue. It is strongly dependent up on the infrastructure and resources available. Clearly, a purely hierarchical organization cannot function in the context of a large event where each venue is more of an "adhocracy" (Mintzberg 1990:285).

2.3. Motivation Motivation means recruiting the right people for each job defined in the organization stage, and motivating them so that their behaviour towards their future "clients" (athletes, spectators, officials, med ia, etc.) is appropriate. For a sports event, volunteer recruitment can be done through an advert-isement to the public or by approaching specific target groups through representative intermediaries (clu 3S, unions, schools, etc.). The second method has often been preferred at the Winter Games because there is a degree of specialization in the tasks, and in the Olympic atmosphere. It can potentially attract a large number of candidates who would have to be turned away, which is not good from a communication point of view. In the case of smaller events, the recruitment campaign is part of the communication needed for the event. Volunteer candidates need to fill in form, which it is desirable to be able to manage by means of computers, with the usual precautions in terms of processing sensitive personal data. A rigorous selection should be made on the basis of skills, candidates' preferences, and any accommodation and transport constraints. Volunteers must not be assigned only to subordinate posts. They must receive the same consideration as paid staff, no more and no less. Interviews are recommended for many positions, although they are time-consuming. They should be done in a friendly manner. Allocation should if possible be negotiated geographically and functionally, in order to ensure strong commitment by tie volunteer and availability on the day. In international events, language skills should be available at dl levels. The gap between the candidate's profile and the position to be filled can be partially closed through training. This facet of motivation is particularly important, as most of the volunteers will not be familiar with the sports event context. They must have training that is specific to their tasks, bat also giving an overview of the event in order better to communicate it to participants. Training al >o requires good information before and during the event. At the Olympic Games in Atlanta, a flagrait lack of training and information often rendered volunteers useless and ineffective. No such error has been made at recent Winter Games. New information technology, particularly the internet, should increasingly be used to facilitate recruitment and training of volunteers, and communication with the OCOG. In this respect, the site designed by the "human resources" sponsor of the 2000 European Championships in football in Belgium and the Netherlands is a good example (http://euro2000.adecco.be). 252


Training is also an essential dement in motivating volunteers. By definition, volunteers are strongly motivated when they sign up. Nevertheless, this motivation should be maintained and built upon as soon as they are recruited (on the basis of an approved job description) and until the last day of the event. Before the event, contact should be made and perpetuated through correspondence, symbolic gifts and meetings. During the event, if it lasts several days, fatigue and burn-out should be avoided by planning rest days and providing pleasant rest areas. Care must be taken with the working atmosphere. Uniforms should be studied particularly carefully in order to give those wearing them a sense of self-worth. All these forms of non-financial remuneration have been given at both the Winter and Summer Games, along with the rewards and thanks that have become customary (diplomas, pins, mention in official speeches, etc.). The Albertville Games were probably the most generous. Attention should nevertheless be paid to ensuring that these symbolic rewards are not the main reason for people to volunteer. This can be done by announcing them gradually. Beyond these collective measures, each manager should try to understand the personal motivation of the volunteers working with them. This managerial task is particularly difficult as the time for conversation during the event is limited. The dialogue must therefore begin before the event, if possible during test events or previous discussions organized with this in mind. Volunteers should be encouraged to organize their own activities in their regions of origin. The manager of volunteers must also, like any good manager, organize optimal working conditions in his sector and, at the right moment and in an egalitarian fashion, acknowledge the efforts made and the success achieved by volunteers and paid staff alike. Here also, the ephemeral and often stressful nature of a large event makes it difficult to fully achieve these difficult tasks. In addition to their technical abilities, the managers, who might be volunteers themselves, must also therefore be chosen for their human qualities.

2.4. Evaluation Evaluation means analysing the performance of an organization and the individuals working for it in order to make the necessary corrections to make it work better. The gratuitous nature of the work provided by the volunteers at a sports event in no way obviates the need for such control. It is in fact essential to the success of a major event, in which some teething problems can be forgiven at the beginning, but increasingly less so as the end approaches. Dismissal of volunteers should be used in serious cases. Unplanned resignations can also happen, and provision should be made for reserves. In terms of the organization as a whole, evaluation is also an opportunity to put the knowledge acquired to good use. The best volunteers can be identified with a view to hiring them for other sports events or other hosting activities. Olympic cities such as Albertville and Nagano, which did not have a solid volunteering tradition, have been able to capitalize on their volunteer programmes to develop tourist activities.

3. Conclusion Volunteering in large events bears little relation to traditional sports volunteering as it can be found in clubs and federations. It is indeed intense, but usually sporadic (a matter of a few days), contrary to volunteer involvement with a sports club, which can stretch over several years. It is generally very enriching, both for the volunteer and for the people around them. They receive important symbolic rewards. It is a unique personal experience. In other words, this kind of volunteerism is not in crisis, unlike club volunteerism. Although it is not too difficult to recruit volunteers for a prestigious event, even in countries such as France or Japan where the cultural precedent is lacking, unlike in Canada or Norway, nevertheless they have to be well managed if their intrinsic motivation is to be main253


tained. A sports event is in effect an organization without a past or a future. Its image and there! ore its success are thus largely in the hands of its volunteers, who will create the image as the event progresses. This deserves to be considered beforehand, carefully prepared for, and managed with t ict.

Bibliography Chappelet, Jean-Loup (1998), "L'évolution des Jeux d'hiver depuis 1980", Revue Juridique et économique du sport, Piris, Lamy, n° 47, June, pp. 93-112. IOC (1982), Olympic Charter, chapter on "Instructions", Lausanne. O C O G (1980), Final Report, XIII Olympic Winter Games, Lake Placid, New York, LPOOC. O C O G (1988), Rapport officiel des XV" Jeux Olympiques d'hiver, Calgary, OCO'88. O C O G (1988b), Team'88 Final Report, Calgary, OCO'88. O C O G (1990), A 500 jours des Jeux, Magazine of the Organizing Committee of the XVI Olympic Winter Garies, Albertville, September. O C O G (1992), Rapport officiel des XVI" Jeux Olympiques d'hiver d'Albertville et de la Savoie, Albertville, November. O C O G (1995), Officiai Report of the XVII Olympic Winter Games Lillehammer 1994, LOOC AS. O C O G (1999), Rapport officiel des XVIII" Jeux Olympiques d'hiver, Volume II: Seize jours de passion, Nagano, NAOC. Halba, Bénédicte & Le Net, Michel (1997), Bénévolat et volontariat dans la vie économique, sociale et politique, Paris, La documentation française, 204 p. Mintzberg, Henry (1990), Le management, voyage au centre des organisations, Paris, Editions d'organisation, 570 p. Nakajima, Shigeyuki (1999), "Past experiences: Nagano '98", Proceedings of the Symposium on Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement, Lausanne, 24-26 November 1999. Perelman, Richard B. (eds.) (1985), Olympic Retrospective, the Games of Los Angeles, LAOOC. Thiétart, Raymond-Alain (1993), Le management, Paris, PUF-Que-sais-je, 128 p. Vilemus, Philippe (1998), L'organisation delà Coupe du monde de football, quelle aventure /Paris, Cherche midi, 236 p.

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Albertville'92: Volunteers or the Ideal Community

Françoise Papa UniversitÊ Stendhal, France

1. Introduction The ideology of selflessness, amateurism and volunteer service has an important place in sport. The amateur/professional contradiction has been a feature of the Olympic Movement for many years. The argument was finally settled in favour of professionalism the practice of high-level sports, and the introduction of market rules in the organization of international sports events. But the Games provide an illustration of the strength of the ideals of amateurism and selflessness. The use of volunteer labour remains a reality in practice, although an increasingly limited reality, in terms of the running of both small sports clubs and the Games. This duality, which helps to render the sports world financially opaque, begs the question: how is it possible to explain the strength of values that appear to be disconnected from reality and from the dominant practices in sport? How can the value of gratuitousness coexist at the Games with market values? What meaning can be given to the "gratuitous" mobilization of individuals and groups who come forward spontaneously, providing their time and skills for the success of the Games, which are now increasingly frequently perceived as a huge commercial event? We propose to analyse the volunteer experience at the 1992 Olympic Winter Games in the light of the phenomenon of volunteering in contemporary societies, and the means by which it was implemented in French society in the last decade.

2. Volunteering: an archaic phenomenon? While modern society sometimes denies the value of volunteering, whether one takes a religious view of it or a utilitarian view, one cannot help but recognize the continuing existence of a culture of giving, as evidenced by the existence of networks in parallel with the strongly rationalized area of commercial and state systems. The beginnings of an explanation to the importance of the phenomenon of volunteering during the Games can be found in the place of gift-giving in modern societies. A gift, defined as a means of circulating goods for the benefit of a social bond, remains an essential element in modern societies as it alone is capable of overcoming in a practical way the opposition between individual and group, by positioning people as members of a concrete and larger group1. The intrusion of the market into social relationships, and the intervention of the State, which takes over from the market in the service sector, have had the consequence of freeing us from social bonds, which are now seen as constraints, and dissociating the utilitarian - which belongs in the realm of the market or of state regulation - from the "gratuitous". When everything becomes an object, social bonds are more than ever perceived as having to be the exact opposite of that on which mercantile 'Godbout J. T., L'esprit du don, Paris, La DĂŠcouverte, 1992.

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exchange is based: they have to be pure and gratuitous, devoid of any materialistic or utilitarian aspect. But here lies a paradox. A gift describes any provision of goods or services effected without a guarantee of receiving something in return, and with a view to creating or nurturing the social bond between the persons concerned. In the marketplace, however, gifts are generally used to enhance the circulation of goods, sales and product turnover. This instrumental use of gifts by tradesmen is in daily evidence, while the spirit of gift-giving is in contradiction with market logic. When in the service of a social bond, even if it does not comprise the social bond in itself, gift-giving appears to be part of a system of exchange that is different from the market: first, because it claims to be gratuitous and spontaneous; second, because it can be unilateral; and third, because the gesture is returned not according to a logic of equilibrium, but a logic of inequality, of market non-equivalence. Thus, in the market sphere, the instrumental use of social bonds is not as simple as it appears in utilitarian thinking: the hidden nature of the rules governing gift-giving, particularly those of the obligation to reciprocate, corresponds to the need to introduce freedom into the relationship fuelled by the gift2. In attempting to define the general principles of what he calls the economy of symbolic goods, P. Bourdieu examines the function of the interval between the giving of a gift and the reciprocal gesture, and concludes that this interval forms a screen between the two acts, enabling each act to appear as unique and unrelated. This interval exists to: "enable the person giving the gift to experience his gesture as a gift with nothing in return, and the person reciprocating to experience his counter-gift as gratuitous and not determined by the initial gift."3 The dissimulation that is intended to deny the reality of the exchange appears to be an essential pro-perty of the economy of symbolic exchanges, and P. Bourdieu notes that it involves practices that always have a dual reality, two aspects that coexist with difficulty4. This contradiction between subjective truth and objective reality, this duality that must be acknowledged, is essential to the workings of institutions and companies founded on the culture ofvolunteerism: it allows the purely economic dimensions of their practices to be dissociated from the symbolic dimensions that make the economic functions possible. But, as P. Bourdieu insists, this duality of mutually exclusive truths "should not be thought of as hypocritical duplicity, but as a denial that enables opposites to coexist "5. The Olympic Games provide an illustration of the collective nature of this denial and symbolism. A further element in the explanation of the importance of the phenomenon of volunteering resides in the convergence of the Olympic ideals and the nature of volunteer service at the Olympic Games. The Games develop both an educational philosophy and an ethic: sport remains a game, and the principles of fairness, friendship and selflessness are highly regarded. In this respect, they stand in opposition to materialism and the dominant values of the market. 2

The more explicit things are, the nearer one is to a contract, and the less free the act of reciprocating is. The less value there is within the relationship. This explains why reciprocity must be ÂŤof just not made explicit, but why it is necessary to deny its existence in every way possible. Thus freedom is introduced into the very heart of the gift relationship. We posit that constant reaffirmation of the vagueness of social bonds is a necessary condition of the existence of any society. And we also confirm that social bonds are always, in every society, risky. (...) Gift-giving is at the heart of the uncertainty that characterizes the social bond. (...) The code is necessary in order to for the circulating goods to mean the bond." Godbout J. T., op. cit. p. 264. 'Bourdieu P., Raisons pratiques. Sur la thĂŠorie de I action, Paris, Seuil, 1994, p. 179. 4

Bourdieu P., op. cit. p. 180.

'Bourdieu P., op. cit. p. 211.

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The human exchange symbolized by the Games is therefore extrapolated in the human and social melting pot created by the volunteer programme. The solidarity, sharing, being together and giving of oneself for the success of the collective project are features of a way of life within an ideal society, and the volunteers gain concrete experience of this during the Games. But as well as offering the opportunity to bring an ideal of life closer to reality, the Olympic Games make it possible for the volunteers to embody ideals, and to belong. They belong to a movement and a community which, ephemeral though it may be, has a recognized and measurable effect on reality. The Games give individuals free of any obligation a concrete opportunity to weave a social bond, to freely form a community. The Games, which create a social mixture that is rarely possible elsewhere, give a sense to the actions of individuals, who agree freely to cooperate, and thus provide the outline of an answer to a major question, that of the social utility of action. This latter is posed a. priori thanks to the affirmation of the ideals of the Games, and is immediately verifiable from the simple fact that the Games do take place, as anyone can confirm. However, unlike the traditional cycle of exchange in which the interval between gift and return gift is large, the Olympic Games offer a rapid return for the individual act of giving that volunteer service represents. This return has the additional feature of not being addressed to an individual but to a group, and by the whole of society: contrary to the "anonymous" or interpersonal gift, the counterpart is given by the whole of society. The social recognition that surrounds the volunteers' activities is all the more marked when these values are shared by the society, of which the volunteer group appears to be an ideal reduction. The reward for voluntary participation in the Games should be understood here as a symbolic and not a material profit. The selfless and gratuitous act, claimed as such by the volunteers, is answered by massive social recognition. This symbolic profit is linked to the success of the event and the extent of media coverage, which is also coverage of the volunteers' actions. The creation of a social link thus happens at the level of the entire society: what each individual gives to society is returned by what the media report about it, i.e. the recognition of the social utility of his or her commitment, and the acknowledgement of its gratuitous nature. The values of Olympism, in the name of which the volunteers come forward, are precisely those they are defending concretely in the act of volunteering, which is in a way a gift of oneself. The phenomenon of volunteering confirms the denial of the mercantile nature of the Games: the professionals who are called upon to organize them, or to help in their operation, are not "paid" to do so6, even though the profits that companies earn from their participation have a price on the market - a competitive advantage - and a symbolic value: the Olympic label. The monetary relationship is removed from the exchange, which becomes an exchange of skills, services etc., in the name of a shared ideal. Here we find again the duality which places the pure and the commercial, the gratuitous and the commercial, in opposition. The Olympic Games thus succeed in the tour de force of reactivating in a concrete manner their own values, and associating a practice whose economic dimensions are unquestioned with a symbolism that makes this practice possible. The phenomenon of volunteering at the Games therefore appears to be a means of legitimizing the event and the Olympic Movement, a proof of the enduring relevance of its ideals, and almost a manifestation of a widely held need to set up and maintain a "free" social bond. ' O n the contrary, they pay: the relationship is effectively reversed. This denial of the mercantile relationship probably explains why it was impossible during the Albertville Games for a group such as BIS, a temporary employment agency, to implement an appropriate communications strategy for the Games. Their purpose is in effect to turn work into a commodity, to sell skills. As the commoditization of the workforce finds its ultimate expression in temporary work, it became impossible to communicate about selfless service. During the Games, no one heard a word about the people from BIS: the volunteers eclipsed them.

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Moving beyond this general economy of volunteering during the Olympic Games, we will now identify the characteristics of the volunteer phenomenon at the Olympic Winter Games in Albertville.

3. The men of the Games The organizational needs of the Olympic Games place in opposition various human groups or individuals whose status and roles are at variance. In this respect, the Games can also be understood as a process that creates different categories of agents which, outside the Games, would not achieve existence as specific groups. Each edition of the Olympic Games thus provides an opportunity for this process of creating groups whose characteristics vary from one national area to another. For television viewers around the world, the volunteers of the country hosting the Games are the ambassadors of that country. They symbolize the identity of the host country, whose qualities, and sometimes faults, they embody. Thus the perception of the volunteer phenomenon is partly determined by how we think of the identifying traits of the host country and its culture. The French volunteers of the 1992 Winter Games therefore cannot be compared with the Norwegian or Japanese volunteers, even if their missions appear to be identical. We distinguish them by the way they behave and the way they do things, with the media providing a strong contribution through their descriptions and by reactivating national stereotypes. Here we will look back at how the "Equipe 92" volunteer movement was created at the Albertville Games. The characteristics of these volunteers cannot be understood in isolation from the characteristics of two reference groups: the organizers, and the inhabitants of the region hosting the Games: Savoie. The Games thus bring together individuals from different backgrounds who, by virtue of the mission they are assigned - making the Games a success - form a group. We propose to define this group as the Professionals, because it incorporates itself around the idea of shared skills. The concrete organization of the Games lies with this group, which constitutes the nucleus. Outside this nucleus, and this is specific to the Olympic Games, many volunteers come forward to help with the organization of the Games: the Olympic Games could not happen without these Emotionals, whose contribution is valued highly by the organizers. Finally, there is a third group of people, who cannot be thought of as a group of agents with specific functions linked with the Games. These are the Locals: they are cha-racterized by the fact that they pre-exist the Olympic event as vehicles of a local identity, but they do not exist as a group during the Games organization process except as an ideal, as a reservoir for the first two groups, a sounding-board for local identity and culture, and a privileged beneficiary of the major improvements brought by the Games. As the preparations for the Games advance, and during the Games themselves, these three groups become increasingly visible: they are emblematic of the quality of the organization, the values of Olympism and, in the case of the Albertville Games, the authenticity of the Savoyard Games.

3.1. The professionals Our analysis will look first at the Professionals. Efficiency is a distinctive trait of the people organizing and helping to organize the Games. They are not defined by their links with a region, Savoie, but by the fact that, wherever they come from, they have specific expertise that they have agreed to use in securing the success of the Olympic event. They also share a common vision, not necessarily 258


of Olympism and its values, but of their ability to carry through a unique and complex undertaking. The operating principles of the Organizing Committee of the Albertville Olympic Games (COJO) were broadly influenced by, on the one hand, business values, and on the other, the values of sport: the point at which these values converge is what A. Ehrenberg7 has called the cult of performance. The organizing committee as an institution is imbued with this cult of performance through its objective, to organize the Games, and also by the way it is organized and the common culture of ts members. The cult of performance should be understood here as a concern present at all stages of preparation for the Games: it translates into a desire to find the best possible staff for each kind of task, and therefore the most competent, to make them work as efficiently as possible within a flexible and responsive structure designed to take full advantage of their abilities within a very short time span, and, finally, to design the association-company in such a way that the work never becomes routine, and the rate of activity never slows down. This organizational structure had the effect of galvanizing the COJO members, and it proved able to transcend specific professional cultures: it produced a strong dynamic of identification, focused on belonging to an original structure, based on total involvement of its members and the affirmation of skills being used for a common objective: the success of the Games. Reciprocal recognition of the varied professional skills of the members of the group, which was relatively homogeneous from a sociological point ofview, thus acted as a cement. In addition, these experts were presented as accomplished athletes. Even though some of them practised a variety of sports only at an amateur level, it was this experience that provided them with the qualities needed for the organization of the Games. We must therefore look elsewhere than in academic transmission of knowledge for the source of the exceptional skills of these Professionals: we must look towards practical experience and the teachings of sport. Sport, because it is presented as a common reference for all the COJO members, becomes a powerful unifier of individuals who are not going to be in a professional relationship with each other for very long. It fulfils a unifying function to the extent that it provides a motivating representation of the group, which cannot be compared with any other professional group, and gives it a specific image. The creation of these group representations focused on performance - both sporting and professional - is necessary to turn a practical group into an "instituted group", in the words of P. Bourdieu8. The recruitment of the best specialists in each area of the organization nevertheless has the consequence of placing a rigid limit on the possibility of using the local workforce, which in 1989 represented only 38% of COJO staff9. Around the nucleus of COJO personnel gravitated other professionals who supported them either under their direct supervision, or through the intermediary of Games sponsors. The preparations for the Games therefore brought together people from a variety of professions and professional cultures. These Professionals nevertheless represented only a fraction of the people involved in organizing the

7

Ehrenberg A., Le culte de la performance, Paris, Calmann-L茅vy, 1991.

8

"It is in the constitution of groups that the efficiency of the representations are best seen (...).The political process of representation (...) thus enables agents to discover in themselves common features that go beyond the diversity of their particular situations that isolate, divide and demotivate, and to build their social identity on traits or experiences that seemed to lack context in the absence of the principle of pertinence that could turn them into indices for membership of a single class". Bourdieu P., Ce que Parler veut dire, part two, chapter 4 "D茅crire et prescrire", Paris, Fayard, 1982. 'This figure is the result of a recruitment policy that, where skills were comparable, gave priority to Savoyards, and then to inhabitants of the Rh么ne-Alpes region, who at that time represented 74% of COJO employees. This percentage increased steadily as the structure grew. Recruitment was expanded as the positions further up in the hierarchy and/or requiring the most specialized qualifications were filled first. Savoyards grew to 50% of the workforce by the end of 1990. The percentage from the Rh么ne-Alpes region oscillated around 70%. Source: General Council of Savoie.

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Games: the hard core of organizers is numerically the smallest; thus, 7,924 volunteers freely joined the staff of "Equipe 92" for the Albertville Games10. 3.2 The emotionals The use of volunteers is a common feature of the modern Olympic Games and other major sports events. Volunteers owe their existence as a group to the requirements of organizing the Games, and naturally find their justification in the philosophy of the modern Games as set out by Pierre de Coubertin. This philosophy of selflessness, echoed in the legal structure of the IOC, a non-profit association under international law, was long ago translated into a principle. This principle is extended by the volunteer concept. The needs of organizing the modern Games lead their organizers to seek the assistance of volunteers. Their concern is financial, practical, and also political: the volunteer programme as presented in Albertville had the aim of "involving the whole of France" m the Olympic experience. The call for volunteers, as well as being an opportunity to flesh out the Olympic spirit, was above all a means of expanding locally the circle of participants in the Games. Finally, volunteers, through the way they participate in the event, represent the ultimate in selflessness and magnanimity, which is no longer the case for athletes at this level of competition. Their presence is particularly necessary on a symbolic level as the need to finance the modern Games makes the involvement of private companies and the implementation of sponsorship programmes, which demonstrate the mercantile nature of the Games, unavoidable. Beginning in the winter of 1989-1990 the COJO chiefs increased the number of public meetings held at Olympic venues and in Savoie, in order to launch the "Equipe 92" programme. The composition of the team shows clearly that volunteers came from every region of France, and also that the Rh么ne-Alpes region was predominant in the recruitment (53% of volunteers). More specifically, Savoyards represented 33% of volunteers: the fact that 50% came from Olympic sites and neighbouring districts, or were candidates with local accommodation, is a clear illustration of the participation of Locals in the Games, whether or not they were permanent residents of Savoie. The remaining 50% came from various networks, often involved with Games preparation. Finally, the whole of the professional world is represented, even though there is a predominance of students among the volunteers (nearly 25%) and, in general, people in active employment (57%) rather than the unemployed and housewives. Two out of three volunteers were men. The average age of women was 34, of men, 40. What are the characteristics of Games volunteers, when neither their geographical origin, their professional activity nor their social position would normally lend themselves to the formation of a homogeneous group? In the first place, they are defined by their role in the organization of the Games: under the responsibility of permanent COJO employees, they are the life force of the organization11. In the second place, they can be characterized by what is expected of them, not in terms of the many tasks to which they are assigned, but in terms of the way they carry them out. The COJO thought of them and trained them as professionals and as partners12.

"There were 25,000 volunteers in Los Angeles in 1984, 12,000 in Calgary in 1988, 30,000 in Seoul in 1988 and 30,000 in Barcelona in 1992. "As an example, the Albertville site had 1114 team members under the responsibility of around twenty permanent employees of COJO. The team members were distributed as follows: accreditation, 53; reception, 37; administration, 14; ticketing, 11; ceremonies, 2; access control, 144; equipment, 13; clothing, 8; accommodation, 6; information technology, 71; weather, 1; medical, 69; marketing, 1; press, 21; catering, 24; human resources, 1; broadcasting, 11; radio telecommunications, 37; security, 24; spectators, 108; sports, 202; transport, 256. 12

This is summed up, in the leaflet distributed to volunteers, by the statement "The Equipe 92 Volunteers constitute the human dimension of the Games and must contribute to Excellence in their organization".

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The transformation from amateur status in the organization of the Games to professional is symptomatic of the COJO s approach. It describes an approach that is a perfect mirror image of that of the COJO professionals. These latter, whose primary characteristic is to be skilled - and not to have to acquire skills - remained amateurs, as witness their unfailing commitment to the Olympic project and their "selfless" sporting involvement. The professional organizers are paralleled by the amateur organizers: the skills of the former are placed in the service of the latter, while the commitment of the latter finds a powerful echo in the former. This exchange of the qualities that intrinsically define each group is the source of their cohesion: it is an integrating factor of the organizational plan. It overcomes the traditional opposition between, on the one hand, the sphere of productivist economic rationality, marked by money and efficient by necessity, and on the other hand, the sphere of private activities, supposedly gratuitous and non-productive, and in any case, outside any system of market values. The value of the volunteers' commitment lies in the selfless nature of their gesture: there are only symbolic rewards for their contribution to the organization of the Games. The three good reasons for being a volunteer, as put forward by the COJO, are: "a commitment to serve the Olympic ideal, a commitment to serve the success of the Olympic event, a personally and mutually enriching experience".^ The integration of volunteers in the organization of the Games translated symbolically into their being given a uniform that was identical to that worn by permanent COJO staff, and by the athletes. This common uniform had the advantage of enabling rapid identification of members of the organizing committee: but it also illustrated the concern to give all participants the same recognition, regardless of their status. In addition, the fact that during the Games the permanent COJO staff were no longer paid, and provided their services free of charge to the Olympic organization, very directly brings to the fore the values embodied by the volunteers. This helps to unify the wider group of organizers, whose importance is underlined whatever tasks they perform. For, and this is not the least of the reasons for the success of the "Equipe 92" operation, the Games help every individual to find their place in the micro-society of the Games, and ensure that their work is recognized and valued. At the Games, all tasks are noble: because they are necessary to the success of the Games and because they are carried out in the service of a noble and generous project, whose qualities are reflected back. The Games reconcile the utility of tasks, including the least skilled, and the value/recognition of the individuals who perform them, something that a market-driven society does not permit. In this respect, the fit between dream and reality offered by the Games is exceptional: it works towards both personal fulfilment and collective success. The profile of a volunteer is not built exclusively of a group of features rooted in selflessness and altruism. Volunteers are like France itself, but they are also vehicles of a local identity, the identity of a territory: Savoie, whose qualities they embody, regardless of their origins.

3.3. The locals As privileged recipients of information regarding the Games, the Savoyards were the most closely affected by the outcome of the Games, and the first to work towards their success. Contrary to the two previous categories, they are defined by their membership of a territory: in this respect, the Savoyards existed prior to the event. The Olympic Games would nevertheless enable them to exist as a group partially blessed with new qualities: this group is therefore both objective - it is that of the

Le Partage de l'exploit, brochure published by COJO.

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inhabitants of Savoie - and subjective - urged into action for the Games, it embodies the values of the Games. The organization of the Games thus becomes a moment of definition for a community. We should like to construct an ideal image of the Savoyard relative to the Games, without wishing to imply that the community was an instrument, the "invention" of the group of Savoyards was the result of a joint theoretical and practical exercise linked directly with the Olympic Games. How could the Games be a success if the inhabitants of the region excluded themselves or were excluded? Avoiding a situation where Savoyards felt excluded was consequently a major concern of the organizers. The challenge in the years preceding the Games was therefore to involve the Savoyards in the Olympic project. The representations of the community and its territory were therefore polarized by the Olympic event. The COJO and the General Council of Savoie used for this their own publications and the support of the local media. There appeared numerous portraits of the men and women who had chosen to participate in the organization of the Games. These portraits aimed to reflect the wealth and variety of local society. The spectrum of social activities and of opinions covered in these articles was wide: the common feature of these individuals was no longer what defined them sociologically or biologically but what brought them together: the Olympic Games. What these portraits showed, through the stories about their experience, was the route taken by these men and women who had chosen to become volunteers. The challenge for the population of Savoie was to move from a situation of passive onlooker to that of participant: by following the same path, their social bonds were strengthened, and gradually they developed the feeling of belonging to a community. The figure of a volunteer thus because a central figure in this process of mobilizing a community. It became the essence of the ideal qualities of the Savoyard who had chosen to walk with others, thus creating an unbreakable bond with them.14 Participation in the Games is therefore not a civic duty but a way of existing in the world. It fulfils a creative function for a community whose qualities are brought to the fore. The organizers and the media thus assign a specific place to the Savoyard: when he chooses to be a team member, he is not entirely a volunteer like the others because he represents Savoie; neither is he merely a spectator of the Games, because during the Games he will become an agent of their success, even if he is not directly involved in their organization.15 Both a central element of the Games plan and of its immediate surroundings, enjoined to take his future in his own hands through the success of the Games, the Savoyard is an essential figure of the Albertville Games. The Savoyard identity, the feeling of belonging to a mountainous landscape and a mountain community, were central elements of the Albertville 92 volunteer movement. This Savoyard identity would afterwards be taken up by all the volunteers of the Albertville Games, who during the Games became as much Savoyard as they were French.16 I4

"ln this respect, we cannot avoid mentioning the relationship of interference between "producing or taking a path" and "linking or tying" as described by Détienne and Vernant: "For us, (...) the problem (...) is in understanding what type of relationship the Greeks could establish between a pathway and a tie, how the meaning of "to tie" in the word peirar, a meaning that is apparently different from that imposed by other contexts, can be a variant of the former. It is in the semantic field of/>«>ar that the answer to these questions can be found: a certain type of pathway can take the form of a tie that binds and, conversely, the act of binding sometimes takes on the appearance of a traversing, a passage, producing a path". Détienne M. & Vernant J-P., Les ruses de l'intelligence. La métis des grecs, Paris, Flammarion, Champs collection, 1992. l5

E.g. through participation in hospitality, entertainment or exchange programmes, simply through his welcoming presence.

"'"The Games will be Savoyard or they will not be at all. Even though Savoyards represented no more than a third of the team, everyone gathered together under their colours". Extract from issue 3 of "Equipe 92", the volunteers' newsletter.

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4. Volunteers, or the ideal community The Olympic Games is thus one of those projects that enables mutual recognition between agents whose social positions are not always marked by proximity. The concrete and symbolic work of creating a community, and the particular relationships that are built between these agents (particularly professionals and volunteers), is a characteristic of the Games. It is precisely because of the ephemeral and finite nature of the event that these groups, whose demise is in some way planned, can be created. The obligatory group vision, a largely substantialist one, is organized around features connected with the intrinsic properties of its component parts, but also, by association, with the values traditionally associated with the Olympic Games. These qualities become, at least symbolically, those of the participants in the project and, in the case of the Albertville Games, those of Savoie as a whole. Imagine an axis with, on one end, the values of competence and performance linked with the organization and the sports events, and on the other, the moral and ethical values conveyed not just by the Games but by the conduct of public affairs. In this type of relationship, individuals are joined in the symbolic mode of unity but in the reality of differentiation. The Games indubitably reduce the gap between these groups from the point of view of the values they share or exchange, but they do not change their positions of relative power. The temporary balance that is created is not therefore the result of the existence of contrary powers or opposing authority, but of a necessary exchange of values from the point of view of the success of the event and the political objectives that attach to it locally. In other words, the volunteers or Savoyards as groups certainly do not carry as much weight as the organizers, the local organizations or national institutions, in the organization of the Games. The former are useful to the Games for practical reasons, but they are essential to the Games because they embody some of the trenchant values of society and of the Games. The latter groups hold, globally, the decision-making authority over both fields, but this alone does not give them sufficient legitimacy to be the exclusive bearers of all the values of the Games. The former become partially necessary in order to legitimize their actions and secure their dominant position. The phenomenon of volunteering is therefore at the intersection of several complex cultures: - the culture of gift-giving, which becomes all the stronger as modern societies, in the thrall of the market, no longer provide the individual with the free space he needs in his social relation-ships; - the culture of the institution, which is a dual culture, creating temporary complementarity between groups of agents from antithetical categories; - the identity and constitution of the group, which makes the Games community an ephemeral one at the same time as taking support from and redefining the characteristics of the original community; - and finally, the culture of politics, which takes the opportunity to build unity in the social fabric using the model of republican fraternity. The "Equipe 92" operation should not be analysed solely from the point of view of the organization of the Games. It belongs with the flame relay, another mass event of the Games, and the key to their popular success. 263


"These volunteers provide a living link between the Games and the territory that hosts them, making the Games something other than a caravan that arrives, passes and disappears. It is they who best embody the faithfulness to the spirit of the Olympic Games, by "participating", as Baron Pierre de Coubertin wished, without any hope of podiums or fame".17 Those responsible for making this link a reality are both the representatives of an ideal and the ambassadors of a country. The geographical, social and cultural mix of "Equipe 92" fleshed out the representation of the people of France, a sort of collective personage, and also represented the nation: "From diversity is born unity. It will become communion. This is what the event is for (...) The tension mounts. On a wall stretched white, some try to write down their emotions. A dazibao for some, an invitation for others, they shout their joy: the "I am the Games" becomes more than a mere badge, a mark of quality, a seal that does honour to a long-desired need to belong (...) communion can now become rejoicing".1* This article has more than one feature in common with the ideas about fraternity expressed by the revolutionaries in 1789, as analysed by Michel Vovelle. These ideas: "propose initially, or almost, the image of the communion of citizens through fraternization: the memory of the federation festivals in the summer of 1790 remained in many peoples collective memory the prototype of the festival, unanimous in its intentions (...). The myth of unanimity or fraternity is, in the repertoire of revolutionary values, one of the most persistently reaffirmed, even throughout the denials inflicted by events (...). The symbolism of the revolutionary festival (...) translates metaphorically into gestures this new code ofdreamed-of values: it is the ritual of exchange, the giving of gifts, that holds such an important place'?9 Michel Vovelle, highlighting the fact that the revolutionary festival is both a demonstration and an experiment through which the new system of dreamed-of values is expressed, offers a pertinent framework for analysis. "Equipe 92" provided an opportunity to realize what Vovelle calls "lived equality", and what one could describe as fraternity among peers. It is easier thus to understand the symbolic and concrete strength of the volunteer movement: it grants a feeling of belonging to those who are part of it, develops a common vision of the world, reaffirms values and at the same time demonstrates a national ability to overcome division and inertia. The volunteer phenomenon provides in this respect an illustration of what the President of the French Republic expected of the Albertville Games: an opportunity for everyone to coalesce around a great project that transcends local and social differences and political divergence, which, in short, embodies the consensus so devoutly wished for in the eighties. The myth of consensus has played a leading role in French political culture since 1789: it translates a demand for civil peace but also a vision of the nation perceived as one and unanimous, as an indissoluble whole. The myth of consensus during the French revolution harks back to a mystical vision of the nation and at the same time, as P. Rosanvallon said, helped to simplify politics: "Between consensus and civil war, revolutionary political culture leaves no room for any positive vision of conflict. Thus hypostatized, the nation ends up taking a rather abstract view, so strong is the thought of its

'Speech by the President of the French Republic to the volunteers, in the final issue of "Equipe 92", the volunteers' newsletter. '"Extract from issue 3 of "Equipe 92", the volunteers' newsletter. "Vovelle M., "IdĂŠologies et mentalitĂŠs", C. IV Ya-t-il des rĂŠvolutions culturelles?, Paris, Gallimard Folio, 1992.

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unity, demanding a refusal to perceive it as a mere accretion of particularities. Conceived in this abstract manner, the nation becomes unrepresentable". There is no way not to mention, like R. Girardet20, this opposition between the will to gather together and to found (vision of a homogeneous society) and the concern to respect individual autonomy in its singularity (acceptance of a conflictual society, of its divisions and differences). These two visions of a common destiny, these two systems of social values, are reconciled with the Olympic Games. The Albertville 92 team members were the concrete representation of this ideal community, a community which was all the more strongly felt since it echoed the original community, that which founded the nation during the French revolution: they embodied the "one" nation, which had finally found a representation. The volunteer phenomenon, through the essential importance it places on giving and on exchange, thus reactivates strongly rooted collective representations and at the same time provides a space for fraternization that the institutionalized commemorative rituals no longer provide. There are certainly moments of social exchange initiated by events such as the French music festival, events that strike a popular chord: nevertheless, they do not provide areas of fraternization, or help to "refound" the community.21 But in the case of the Olympic Games, and also the Football World Cup, the myth of unanimity rests on a recognition and a will to rise above social, ethnic, political and cultural diversity. Individuals, singular and free, choose to join a movement that achieves their social integration by organizing their interdependence. The specific ways in which volunteers are brought together from one Olympic event to the next therefore deserves to be highlighted. The popularity of the volunteer phenomenon is built on the image that a community, a nation, has of itself: this social imagination is brought strongly into play at the Games, and although a single rationality operates in terms of organizing the event, the values of the Games can only embed themselves in a differentiated way in each society that hosts them. Just as the ancient Games helped to build the symbolic unity of the social corpus, the Albertville Games were a moment of concrete and symbolic construction, if only for a short time, of an area and of a community. Volunteers were at the centre of this process.

20

Girardet R., Mythes et mythologies politiques, Paris, Seuil, 1990.

21

It is easier thus to understand the scope of the popular events to which the last football World Cup in France gave rise.

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Olympic Volunteering: Post-Olympic Prospects German Caipe Volunteers Association of Valencia, Spain

1. Introduction The Olympic volunteer movement has special characteristics that affect its continuity in time and space. But what need is there to give it continuity? What drives these volunteers without the goal of another Olympiad? Any preparations for the Olympic Games involve the blending of disparate interests and individual wills into a joint and unique project of gigantic proportions. Society cannot remain on the sidelines of it, as if it were to turn its back the project would succeed only with the greatest difficulty. Society has to be deeply involved in the project, down to its most insignificant aspects, in order to support it, drive it and infuse it with its enthusiasm. Only in this way can the organization of an event of the level of an Olympic Games have the desirable social success. One way of involving society is to ensure that they are an integral part of the project, fulfilling all kinds of tasks and being present actively at all levels of the functional organizational structure.

2. The Barcelona '92 Olympic Games At the Barcelona '92 Olympic Games the involvement of society was basically secured through the Olympic volunteer programme, with a volunteer recruitment campaign that brought together over 100,000 people. Once Barcelona had been elected to host the Games the programme trained over 70,000 young people in the various tasks that would have to be performed during the Games. Valencia and the Valencian Community were not sidelined: throughout the Community over 1,000 volunteers were recruited from all geographical areas. In June 1989 the first training stage began (Basic Training), with 790 volunteers taking part. The second training stage began in October 1991 (Specific Training), resulting in 550 volunteers perfectly prepared to take on all the tasks they would be called upon to perform. From this group of 550, and by a process of natural selection (mostly time commitments), emerged the 335 volunteers who helped to ensure that the Valencia sub-site functioned perfectly, and was considered an example of quality by the volunteers, an assessment widely reflected in the local press and radio and in COOB'92 internal memos. These 335 volunteers were distributed according to the tasks to be performed as follows: 267


Table 1

Task

Number

Percent

Access control and security

160

47.7%

Course control and stewarding

53

15.8%

Press

26

7.7%

Results management

19

5.7%

Competition control

16

4.8%

Transport

16

4.8%

Medical staff

13

3.9%

Information assistance

12

3.6%

Hotels and accommodation

9

2.6%

Management support staff

6

1.8%

Telecommunications

5

1.5%

3. Post-Olympic volunteering: expansion phase After the gratifying experience of all the volunteers who participated at the Valencia sub-site in the Barcelona '92 Olympic Games (18-hour days, sleepless nights, travel to Barcelona, etc.), no one could shake off the enormous personal satisfaction they had taken in the experience. Therefore, even before the end of the Games, people were beginning to talk about how the experience could be continued, even without a definite objective such as involvement in an event such as the Olympic Games. A group of volunteers who were sensitive to this concern, noting the intention of the council of Valencia to offer activities that would extend the climate of cooperation to other sports bodies, decided to create a non-profit association to provide support to sports volunteer activities. This association is called "Volunteers of Valencia", and its articles of association were registered in 1992. By August 1992, after the end of the Olympic Games, the volunteers had taken part in the cycling world road and track championships and the biennial for Young Creators of Mediterranean Europe, with more than 200 volunteers from Valencia, Paterna and Benidorm signing up. As a major step towards full recognition of the role played by the association, at the end of November 1992 contact was made with Valencia CF, a football club in the Spanish first division, and from that time forward the association was involved in all of the club's home matches. Valencia CF thus became the first club in Spain to apply the Sports Law 10/90 and the Law on the Prevention of Violence in Sports Events, in terms of its provisions regarding promotion, publicity and the functions to be carried out by volunteers. With the support of the Spanish Football Federation and the National Commission Against Violence at Sports Events a new era began in volunteering, setting an example for groups that emerged in other sports clubs: Celta de Vigo, etc. The pilot scheme completed by our association finished its first season with the organization of the first Sports Volunteer Technical Days, which took place in March 1993 in the setting of Valencia's Luis Casanova stadium. The course was attended by senior officials from Spain's most important 268


sports-related bodies, including the director general of sports, the director general of internal policy, the president of the National Commission Against Violence, the president of Valencia CF, and the former deputy director general of management and volunteers for COOB'92. By the end of the 1992/1993 season the association was collaborating regularly with three clubs: Levante UD (national 2nd division football team) and Pamesa Valencia (basketball, premier division) in addition to Valencia CF. The association, which until that time had remained under the auspices of the Valencia council, dissociated itself and, while maintaining cordial relations with the council and being present at many events organized by the council, went on to directly managing its own relationships with public and private bodies, forging an identity of its own without being pressured by a public body. Our association's activities with Valencia CF involved access control, such that none of the objects prohibited under the Sports Law could enter the stadium, and stewarding on the terraces. In order to carry out this work 120 volunteers were needed for each match, which in the 93/94 season numbered 150. This figure represents between one third and half of the number of volunteers available to the association at the beginning. In 1993, once the public had become familiar with the work we were doing with Valencia CF, requests to join the association began to flood in, making it necessary at the end of 1994 to establish a waiting list, as we were completely overwhelmed in our efforts to manage the 800+ volunteers who were members of the association. This waiting list increased the number of volunteers to well over a thousand. At the end of the 1993/94 season Valencia CF expressed a need to have a specific volunteer corps to carry out tasks that had formerly been done by other groups, along with better control of the reports we prepared for each match with the incidents we observed, and which we gave to both the club and the police Security Chief. This is why, as from the 1994/95 season, Valencia CF had its own group of volunteers (including some from our association), and our association ceased to collaborate with Valencia CF and Mestalla CF, its affiliated team. Similarly, the remodelling of the Fuente de San Luis pavilion and the hiring of professional security personnel were the reasons for the end of our collaboration with Pamesa Valencia, although we subsequently worked with them on various one-off activities.

4. Post-Olympic volunteering: control phase Beginning in the 1994/95 season it became necessary to adjust the size of our association to the scope of our activities, which included collaboration with the Levante UD, Costa Naranja (women's basketball, premier division), Mar Valencia (women's handball, premier division) and L'Horta Sonita (basketball, 1st division) clubs. This became necessary because of a lack of resources. Apart from the grant we had received in 1993 from the National Youth Institute we had had no other income. This is why, as from that season, all of the expenses generated by volunteer activity (mainly bus and car journeys) were reclaimed. Similarly, in order to cover the small expenses involved in running the office provided by the Valencian Youth Institute, we decided to take the step of charging an annual subscription fee to all volunteers, with the additional intention that, as it represented an out-ofpocket expense for everyone, they would wish to be more closely involved in the day-to-day running of the association. 269


After this step was taken, not without some extremely heated discussions within the association, the number of volunteers shrank in scarcely six months to a little over one hundred, a level that has remained constant ever since. With this number of volunteers we were able to cover the needs generated by the five clubs with which we worked regularly: Levante UD, Basquet Godella (women's basketball, premier division), Airtel Valencia (handball, premier division), Vijusa Valencia (indoor football, second division) and CV Silla (volleyball, 2nd division), although the ideal number would be a little over 150 volunteers, to account for a natural and desirable periodic rotation.

5. Management of the association The association is governed by a management board composed of at least nine volunteers, freely elected from among all the members. The supreme governing body is the General Assembly of all the members, which has the power to make any changes or modifications to the statutes and/or its activities. The management board is made up of a chair, a deputy chair, a secretary, a treasurer and five members. The number may be increased by the General Assembly if they consider it appropriate. The annual subscription fee for each member represents a minimum of 1,500 pesetas (approx. SFr. 14.-), which enables the association to cover the cost of correspondence with its members throughout the year. In return for the fee, members have access to the services provided by the association: photocopier, Internet access, careers advice, etc. The association's headquarters are in an office provided by the Valencian Youth Institute in December 1993, with access to meeting rooms, a function hall and the possibility of borrowing equipment. All of the volunteers are accredited as members of the association by means of a personal membership card, which is valid for one year. The expenses generated by travel to the activities (by car mileage â&#x20AC;&#x201D; or bus - ticket or season ticket) are reimbursed by the sports organizations themselves. Any organization that wishes to use the services of the volunteers must pay the relevant amount for travel (according to the number of volunteers at each activity) and a fixed fee to cover administrative expenses (telephone calls and stationery) of 1,500 pesetas per activity. In addition, the volunteers are entitled to a uniform consisting of shorts, long trousers, polo shirt, cap and jacket. This uniform becomes the property of each volunteer upon payment of between 10,000 and 3,250 pesetas (SFr. 95 and 310) depending on the number of activities they have been involved in throughout the season. The sources of financing for the association, in addition to the two mentioned above, include payments from the organizations with which we work, in the form of small sums for various activities such as the sale of lottery tickets with a surcharge and merchandise. From public institutions and other bodies we receive some income in the form of subsidies for ongoing programmes, such as the publication of a quarterly newsletter and the organization of a multiracial indoor football tournament, aimed at other organizations in the city of Valencia working with immigrants and refugees. This revenue comes from the Valencia regional government and the Valencian Youth Institute. For the 1998/99 season the budget approved by the General Assembly recorded expenditure of 982,000 pesetas (SFr. 9,352) and income of 931,000 pesetas (SFr. 8,867), resulting in a deficit of 51,000 pesetas (SFr. 488). This meant a little over 80% of expenditures had been covered. 270


6. Activities and participation The activities we perform at each of the events on which we work vary according to the type of collaboration we have. We can categorize them into four groups: (1) Sports competitions - Our usual tasks include accreditation, protocol, interpreting and translation, accommodation, assistance to officials, placing of measuring equipment and signage, scoreboard management, competition control, access control to the sports stadium, crowd control, stewarding, call room, IT support, telecommunications, press, runners, copy service, public address system, medical services, transport, doping control, prize-giving. (2) Football, basketball, handball and volleyball matches - Our usual tasks include access control, prevention of violence, sanitation, doping control, custody of prohibited objects, technical audiovisual services, reception and accommodation of visiting teams and officials. (3) Fun runs - Our usual tasks include pre-run advice and consulting, reception and assistance to athletes, entry control, distribution of bibs, assistance to officials, cloakroom, start area preparation, crowd management, start tape, traffic control, refreshments, finish line preparation, arrival control, records, prize-giving and presentations. (4) Cultural and other activities - Our usual tasks include information, accreditation, accommodation, language assistance, various administrative tasks, stewarding, protocol, guest reception and equipment provision. Without wishing to provide an exhaustive summary, there follows a list of the major activities in which we have taken part. 1992 Spanish amateur track cycling championships (August), cycling world championships September), biennial of creative Mediterranean youth, anti-drug race (November), Valencia CF match, Valencia BC matches, Expo-Jove, San Silvestre Valenciana (December). 1993 Valencia CF matches, Levante UD matches, Valencia BC matches, Valencia marathon (February), Final Four women's basketball European cup (March), indoor football youth championships, 6th Spanish athletics championships for the blind (May), Spanish track cycling championships (July), European weightlifting championships (September), CB Godella matches, 2nd anti-drug race (November), Nou Basquet Sonita matches, Expo-Jove '98, 10[h San Silvestre Valenciana (December). 1994 Matches of Valencia CF, Pamesa Valencia, CB Godella, Sonita Godella, Valencia "B" CF, 14th Valencia marathon, 52nd cycle tour of the Valencian Community, CB Mar Valencia, national basketball championship finals (April), national handball championships (May), youth camp for hereditary ataxia sufferers (August), Acrismatic match, accident prevention campaign (October), ACB All Stars match (November), 3rd anti-drug race, Expo-Jove '94, San Silvestre Valenciana (December). 1995 Matches of Acrismatic, Levante UD, CB Godella, Mar Valencia, CB L'Horta Sonita, 15th Valencia marathon, Spanish indoor athletics championships (February), 3rd international athletics meet, Valencia, national assembly of hereditary ataxia associations (March), inauguration of the Godella Municipal Pavilion (April), 10th European corporate games, Spanish track cycling championships (May), 8th European championships for the blind and visually impaired, 32nd Europeads (Jury), hereditary ataxia association camp (August), ANDE national volunteers' match (September), Expo-Jove '95, national basketball finals (December). 271


1996 Matches of CB Godella, CB Mar Valencia, Acrismatic, Levante UD, I6'h Valencia marathon (February), national handball finals, All Stars match (May), 5th sports day for the disabled (July), 51SI cycle tour of Spain (September), CBM Valencia matches, 4th Volta a Peu de la Creu Coberta (October), 5th anti-drug race (November), Expo-Jove '96 (December). 1997 Matches of CBM Valencia, CB Mar Valencia, Levante UD, CB Godella, Spanish badminton championships (March), 15th Alc채cer half marathon, national handball championships, 13th national women's basketball championships (May), 6th ONCE theatre event (June), 6th sports day for the disabled (July), 5th Volta a Peu de la Creu Coberta (October), 6ch anti-drug race (November), Expo-Jove '97 (December). 1998 Matches of Valencia FS, CBM Valencia, CB Godella, Levante UD, 18th Valencia marathon (February), 14th Spanish swimming championships, HEFAME Congress, final of the women's European handball championships, 16th Valencia Volta a Peu (May), 19th national handball championships, 4th All Stars match (May), 7th sports day for the disabled (June), 8th Spanish beach volleyball championships (July), CV Silla matches, 6th Volta Peu Creu Coberta (October). 1999 Matches of CB Godella, CBM Valencia, Levante UD, Valencia FS, CV Silla, finals of the men's national basketball championships (January), 19th Valencia marathon (February), Spanish under-21s (March), Saporta Cup final (April), 20th women's national basketball championships (May), Spanish beach volleyball championships, women's European volleyball league, 8th sports day for the disabled (June). 7. Conclusion Our association has in its favour a large number of activities with which to satisfy the active minds of our volunteers, unlike other volunteer groups and associations, which have no activities on which to work. It is, however, a two-edged sword, as the large number of activities means that volunteers sometimes avoid participating in the proposed activities, in some cases giving up their volunteer activity altogether. Our experience indicates that in order to maintain volunteers' interest in the work they do a series of elements needs to be present, and these are not always taken into account: - Friendly and considerate treatment, not paternalistic and overbearing, by the members of the organization or body with whom they are collaborating, makes volunteers to enjoy their job, and gives them the feeling that they are supported in the decisions they have to take on their own. - Gratitude from the members of the organization for the work done individually and collectively drives volunteers to greater achievements and, very importantly, to repeat the experience. - Freedom of individual action within limits encourages personal and group involvement in the organization of events and encourages the application of novel solutions to the many problems that can arise during the activity. These factors have an influence on the personal experience of each volunteer, encouraging or discouraging our work as catalysts of a restless spirit that places individuals at the service of groups, and at the same time enables organizations to cover the functions necessary to group activities. Finally, I wish to make just one observation: how many times have we heard the phrase "people don't realize how much work is involved", referring to the organization of an event of any magnitude. Well, we do know. 272


A Model for Pre-Olympic Volunteer Involvement: a Case Study of Queensland Chris Auld Griffith University, Australia

1. Introduction A critical component of a successful Olympic Games is the availability in the host nation, of high quality pre-Olympic training and competition opportunities for athletes. In most cases, the value of these experiences for the athletes is dependent on the involvement of volunteers. Queensland has been extremely successful in attracting a large number of national teams travelling to Australia for the pre-Olympic phase of their preparation. Consequently, the involvement of the large volunteer workforce required for events of this magnitude has to be carefully managed to ensure quality outcomes for athletes. To achieve this goal, a number of different organisations in Queensland have cooperated to provide volunteers, manage their activities and evaluate the outcomes. Because of the innovative approach adopted, it could serve as a model for future host nations. The model adopted in Queensland involves the cooperation of the lead agency for sport and recreation (the State Government Department of Sport, Tourism and Racing - Sport and Recreation Division) and three major universities in the South-East region of Queensland. The basis of the approach is to use students from the Universities as volunteers for the pre-Olympic training and competition schedule and to administer this process through the respective University practicum and industry training programs. As little is known about the volunteer behaviour of this age cohort, a survey of potential student volunteers was conducted. The survey focussed on reasons for and factors influencing volunteering for community based sport and recreation organisations. The results of the survey will then be used to develop the strategies to approach and encourage students to be involved in the pre-Olympic programme. Importantly, the process will be evaluated subsequent to its implementation and the results made available to future host nations. This paper outlines the overall process, reports the outcomes of the initial survey and details the steps required to implement the volunteer programme in 2000. 2. The Queensland approach At the time of writing, there are 124 teams committed to pre-Games training and competition in Queensland including more than 100 teams based in South-East Queensland. The primary aim of the training camps is to provide acclimatisation and final preparation for Olympic athletes. Competition opportunities will also be provided where requested. Because of the large number of teams and the necessarily labour- intensive nature of the logistics involved, the International Sport Unit of the Queensland Department of Sport, Tourism and Racing has embarked on an innovative approach to facilitating the pre-Olympic experience for athletes. The approach adopted in Queensland involves the cooperation of the three main Universities in the South-East region of the State (Griffith University, The University of Queensland and The Queensland University of Technology) and the development of a university course for training students to assist as volunteers in the camps and competition programme. The process will allow students to be closely involved with Olympic team preparations. 273


The proposed course will require commitment to Olympic training camps during the pre-Games period. It was decided that an efficient means of providing this opportunity for student involvement would be to provide the training and practical knowledge as an academic credit-based subject during the second semester 2000. The purpose of the subject is to provide information and administrative techniques applicable to the planning, implementation and evaluation of elite sport training camps and events. Although students receive academic credit for their involvement, participation is voluntary and the usual practicum and other elective subjects opportunities will still be available. Each team will have one student to help facilitate the camp and/or competition and it is proposed that students will liaise with each team's Queensland Coordinator. The Coordinator will be supported by Regional 2000 Olympic Task forces, regional sport and recreation Offices (of the State Department of Sport, Tourism and Racing) and local government and community groups. The student will have the opportunity to assist the coordinator by acting as their personal assistant. After a preliminary series of theoretical lectures and practical experiences (topics may include: Olympic history; orientation and training sessions; knowledge of cultural differences; client centred service; communication; and, risk management) to prepare the students, they will then work with each team for at least a two week full-time period. Students will be expected to : - conduct a self-evaluation, - provide a daily report on team status, needs, problems etc. and, - write an evaluation report (these will be used to compile a consolidated report on the impact of the training camps and competitions and recommendations for future activity in this area). Although it is envisaged that the subject will be popular, it is important that the students who volunteer are not taken for granted and that the experience is one that is rewarding and meets their expectations. To assist in this goal, a survey of the students who will form the volunteer cohort was conducted. The purpose of the survey was to gather information about student volunteer behaviour, attitudes toward volunteering and the factors that influence their choices about volunteering.

3. Volunteer literature review The overall leisure sector relies heavily on volunteers and this is particularly the case for sport and recreation service delivery. According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS, 1995), in Australia in 1989, approximately 1.5 million volunteers provided 165.5 million hours of voluntary work in the delivery of sport and recreation services. In monetary terms this equated to an estimated $2 billion annually and a saving of $330 per Australian household per year in additional taxes (Davies, 1998). Similar figures have been reported for the US, (Gerson, 1997), and the UK (Taylor, Shibli, Gratton & Nichols, 1996). Furthermore, the ABS (1995) has indicated that of the 2.6 million people who volunteer annually in Australia, approximately 30% (828,000 persons) volunteer in the sport and recreation area. Despite this high level of dependency, recent data (Davies, 1998; Fost, 1996; Taylor et al., 1996; Putnam, 1995; Daly, 1991) suggest that volunteer numbers have declined in recent years. There is a great deal of concern within the sport and recreation sector about how to arrest this decline but initiatives have been somewhat hampered by a limited amount of knowledge of volunteers and volunteer behaviour. Noonan (1998) suggested that "other than a unified spirit of caring, there is little that is typical about these people who give so freely of their time". There is some debate about the reasons for the drop in volunteer numbers. Dutton & Mears (1991) have argued that there has been a declining real level of financial resources made available to the third sector resulting in greater pressures being put on volunteers. Others have suggested that fewer younger people are volunteering as voluntary organisations have an "image" problem and need to reposition

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themselves in order to appeal to post war generations (Gaskin, 1998; Stengel,1996; Joseph, 1995). If this is the case then it has major implications for the Olympic Movement. It is critical to understand the factors that affect volunteer behaviour and the ways and means these can be influenced by organisations that increasingly require volunteers in order to survive.

4. The concept of voluntarism There has been a great deal of debate about the meaning for the term "volunteer" (e.g., Arai, 1997; Cnaan, Handy & Wadsworth, 1996). Cnaan et al., (1996, p. 380) argued that it was critical to "delineate the boundaries of the term volunteer" and thus focus its meaning rather than allow the term to remain "a catch-all for a wide range of non salaried activities" (p. 365). These authors identified four key dimensions usually found in most existing definitions of the term volunteer and proposed a continuum for each dimension in order to distinguish between what they termed "pure" and more broadly defined volunteers. These dimensions were: -

free choice, remuneration, structure (the context within which the volunteer activity is performed) and, the beneficiaries.

Cnaan et al; argued that "pure" volunteers tend to be narrowly defined by these dimensions (e.g., free choice to engage in the activity; no remuneration; conducted within a formal organisation; no connection to those benefiting from the voluntary activity). However, the continuum approach does recognise that "volunteer" behaviour may take many forms outside of the "pure" category and this may include students volunteering for involvement in some activity that may result in academic credit.

5. Motives for volunteering As suggested by Cuskelly and Harrington (1997, p. 11) a "substantial volume of literature has accumulated on the motivation of volunteers". Motives commonly researched have included: social contact, to help others, fill time, gain recognition, meet the expectations of others, help achieve goals of organisations, personal enrichment, develop skills, fun and enjoyment, having a sense of accomplishment, self-expression and improving self-image. Parker (1997) adopted a narrower perspective and argued that there were four reasons for volunteering; -

altruistic (to help others), market (expecting something in return), cause-serving (promoting a cause in which one believes) and, leisure (seeking a leisure experience).

Reinforcing the complexity of this area, Clary, Snyder & Stukas (1996) suggested that people become involved in volunteer work to satisfy socio-psychological goals and although individuals may be involved in similar voluntary activities, their goals will vary widely. Their research provided support for six broad motivational functions: social, value, career, understanding, enhancement and protective. Bales (1996) argued that it might be possible to isolate certain traits that would predispose individuals to participate in voluntary service. He called this the "voluntarism-activism attitude". The practical application of this approach may enable third sector organisations to identify certain stages of a "desire to be involved" in potential supporters and move them along until they are more recept275


ive and willing to actually contribute. Once engaged in voluntary work, Bales (p. 218) maintained that it is essential to "keep them by making them feel special and by monitoring communication with the so that it tends to maintain or increase their propensity to act". Clary et al. (1996, p. 502) summed up this area quite well when they suggested that "people engage in volunteering to satisfy important personal and social needs and goals, and apparently many individuals are pursuing more than one set of goals through their volunteer activity".

6. Current trends in volunteering Nichols et al. (1998) identified factors that may have helped to contribute to the apparent decline of volunteering. These included: changed attitudes to volunteering manifested by people being less willing to devote as much time or commit themselves to a long term of office; an increase in family commitments; a perceived decrease in time left over after paid work; government policy, which gives consumer rights precedence over the rights and responsibilities of citizens (creating a perceived need to work longer hours in order to claim those consumer rights) ; and, an increasing demand for "professionalism" (accountability, computing skills, the ability to submit appropriate applications for government grants and an increased need to be aware of legislative requirements). Nichols et al. concluded that all of these pressures have induced changes in the nature of leisure delivery services in the UK transforming them from informal friendly organisations to highly structured and professional service delivery organisations. They suggest that without adequate training and skill development, volunteer personnel will become overworked, stressed and eventually resign. While similar results have been reported in the USA, time diary data reported by Robinson and Godbey (1997) also indicated that free time had actually expanded by about one hour per week in the USA between 1965 and 1985. The authors argued that people tend to overestimate the time spent at work and underestimate how much free time is available. Furthermore, Robinson and Godbey reported that in the USA, time spent on participation in voluntary organisations had been fairly steady between 1965 and 1985 but still remained at only about one hour per week on average. The rapid increase in the size and significance of the sport and recreation sector with accompanying professionalisation, bureaucratisation and commercialisation of organisations within the industry has also placed additional pressures on volunteers. As the professionals take over, many volunteers may feel that they are no longer required. Furthermore, they may perceive that because someone is now being paid to do the job, why should they continue to volunteer and do it for nothing (Auld & Godbey, 1998; Auld, 1997; Abrams, Long, Talbot & Welch, 1996). It has been suggested that young people in particular were becoming disinterested in volunteering (Gaskin, 1998) and this is of considerable interest in the current project. Figures drawn from the 1997 National Survey of Volunteering (Davies, 1998) in the UK revealed that volunteering by those between the ages 16-24 fell from 55% to 4 3 % between 1991 and 1997. Robinson and Godbey (1997) also argued that in the USA there had been decreased participation in a wide range of activities by "Generation Xers" (18-24 years age group). A study of volunteers at the 1999 Surf Life Saving Queensland State Championships by Cuskelly, Auld & Harrington (1999) tended to reinforce this finding in an Australian context. The study revealed that fewer than 24% of volunteers at the event were under the age of 40 years. Although volunteers' ages ranged from 14-75 years, the average age was 48.7 years and 35% were aged over 55. The reasons for the decline in younger volunteers may include: young people are under increasing pressure to study and find paid employment (Davies, 1998); the demands for a professional approach in sport and recreation organisations deters would-be volunteers from becoming involved in work for 276


which they are not trained, especially for those in younger age groups (Davies, 1998); and, contemporary potential volunteers do not seem prepared for the long-term and additional commitments associated with membership of traditional voluntary organisations (Fost, 1996; Cameron, 1994). A short one-off involvement, possibly on a regular basis is likely to be more acceptable. For such occasional volunteers, a feeling of personal control is a prime motive for action. Perceived ineffectiveness can be a strong disincentive to re-engage and therefore, it is important to make each volunteer feel an internal locus of control (Gerson, 1997). While Fost (1996) argued that many service organisations may not be in tune with the requirements of present day volunteers, there is however, some evidence to suggest a rebirth of interest in community service in the USA, particularly among younger volunteers in certain types of organisations such as "Public Allies", "Do Something" and "City Cares America". These organisations are not restricted by tradition and can offer a more flexible membership based on short-term commitments or even a one-time basis. The immediate rewards and self-limiting time demands make these service organisations a more attractive proposition to modern society (Coolsen & Wintz, 1998; Fost, 1996; Stengel, 1996; Joseph 1995). The implication is that instead "of attempting to make young people fit into existing volunteering, we should reshape volunteering to accommodate them" (Gas\Ă n, 1998, p. 33). The trends related to younger volunteers are especially relevant to the current pre-Olympic training and competition project being run in Queensland. The project will rely heavily on younger (university age) volunteers and because of the dearth of information about this cohort, data on potential volunteers were collected to assist with planning and marketing the volunteer programme. The main goals of the research project were to: - establish a demographic profile of potential student volunteers, - analyse the nature of current and previous volunteer involvement, and - determine the major factors influencing volunteer behaviour.

7. Methodology Data were collected by means of a nine-page self-administered questionnaire, which was based on an instrument developed by Auld & Cuskelly (1999). An in-class convenience sample was utilised. The sample comprised 1", 2nd and 3rd year students involved in degree programmes in Leisure Studies, Human Movement Studies and Movement Science at the Brisbane-based campuses of Griffith University, University of Queensland and the Queensland University of Technology. These students will form the cohort from which the volunteers will be derived in 2000. The survey instrument included items on a range of volunteer behaviour variables as well as eliciting information on the socio-demographic characteristics of the sample. 8. Results A total of 208 surveys were completed. These comprised 106 (51%) from Griffith University, 52 (25%) from the University of Queensland and 50 (24%) from Queensland University of Technology.

8.1. Volunteer status of survey respondents The survey respondents were asked to indicate their current status as a volunteer or non-volunteer in relation to sport and recreation organisations by categorising themselves as either: 277


- having never volunteered for a community-based organisation (never volunteered) or - used to volunteer for a community-based organisation but quit (stopped or quit volunteering) or - currently volunteering for a community-based organisation (currently volunteering or continuing volunteers). Of the 208 valid cases, 24% had never volunteered, 39.9% had stopped volunteering (a total of 63.9% non-volunteers), and 36.1% were currently volunteering. This is a high level of volunteer involvement.

8.2. Demographic characteristics The average age of respondents was 21.9 years although more than half (51.9%) of the sample was 20 years or younger. Well over half of the sample was female (54.3%) and 45.7% were male (see Table 1).

Table 1 - Demographic summary of respondents Item

Survey respondents*

Gender

Male Female

45.7 54.3

Birthplace

Australian born Born overseas (English speaking) Born overseas (Non-English speaking)

89.4 6.8 3.9

Highest Education Level

High School TAFE/Assoc Dip Degree

74.5 10.3 12.7

Age group (years)

18-20 21-23 23+

51.9 34.1 14.0

Labour force

Employed full-time Employed part-time Not in labour force

2.9 77.4 18.7

Occupational group

Manager/administrator Professional/para-professional Trade/related worker Clerical/sales/service worker Production/transport/labourer

3.7 15.9 5.5 62.2 12.8

*Some totals may not equal 100% as some categories have been omitted to facilitate comparison.

Almost 90% were born in Australia and only 1.5% indicated that they had a chronic or permanent disability. As expected in a sample of this nature, about three-quarters (74.5%) indicated high school as their highest level of education completed although 12.7% had already completed a degree and a further 10.3% had a diploma or TAPE qualification. More than three-quarters (77.4%) were employed on a part-time basis and 18.3% indicated that they were unemployed. Most students who were employed (62.2%) worked in the clerical/sales/service category, followed by professional/paraprofessional (15.9%) and then labouring with 11.6% (see Table 1). 278


8.3. Behavioural characteristics of continuing and ceasing volunteers Respondents, who had stopped volunteering, reported that they had put an average (median) of 4.0 hours per week into the organisation(s) for which they volunteered. This was the same as the hours contributed per week for current volunteers. Volunteer hours per week ranged from zero to 50 hours. Medians have been used in place of mean scores because of the "skewed" distribution of hours volunteered. That is, most volunteers (past or current) put in very few hours per week. In the current sample, almost 60% of ceasing volunteers contributed 4 hours or less per week. For continuing volunteers this figure was 67%. The ABS (1995) study of volunteer work in Australia reported a median of 75 hours per year (about 1.5 hour per week). Almost three-quarters (74.7%) of those who had stopped volunteering had put 2 years or less into the organisation for which they were once a volunteer. There was a tendency for continuing volunteers to persist with their volunteer work over a longer period of time as 29.3% of the continuing volunteers had put three to five years of service into their work as a volunteer and 12.0% had contributed more than 6 years (see Table 2). Table 2 Years active as a volunteer Frequency (%) Years volunteering

Quitters (n=83)

Continuing (n=75)

Less than 1 year

37.3

25.3

1 -2 years

37.3

29.3

3-5 years

18.1

29.3

6-10 years

3.6

12.0

More than 10 years

3.6

4.0

Sport and recreation organisations accounted for most of the volunteer work. Cultural and Community Development organisations seem to hold less appeal, or may have provided less volunteer opportunities than sport and recreation organisations for a cohort such as this (see Table 3).

Table 3 Main community organisation in which volunteering took place Frequency (%) Main organization

Quitters (n=83)

Continuing (n=75)

Sport and recreation

78.3

74.3

2.4

4.1

10.8

10.8

8.4

10.8

Cultural (e.g., festivals, local theatre groups) Community development (eg. Lions, Neighbourhood watch Kindergartens, P&C associations) Other

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8.4. Reasons for volunteering or not volunteering The respondents were asked to respond to a number of statements (reasons) about why they had either never volunteered, or stopped volunteering, or continue to volunteer. The relative importance of the reasons was measured using a 5 point Likert-type scale. The tables below provide a summary of the findings by reporting mean scores for each of the statements in the questionnaire. The number of cases (n) at the bottom of each table, indicates the number of individuals who provided a response to all of the statements within each of the tables.

8.5. Deciding to never volunteer The five most important reasons the "never volunteered" group gave for their lack of voluntary participation were mostly personal constraints (see Table 4). Reasons such as other commitments, work, lack of time and not being organised prevented this group from volunteering. For the most part, these constraints are difficult for voluntary organisations to counteract. However, amongst the most influential reasons for not volunteering were also issues related to the expectation of having to do boring and mundane tasks and feeling obligated to put in an unreasonable number of hours. Also rating highly was that people did not know-how to get involved and the perception that volunteers had poorer working conditions than paid staff. These are areas that can be addressed through improved marketing and changes in organisational practice. Individuals who had never volunteered did not seem to have any strong negative attitudes about volunteering. They did not see volunteer work as unimportant. Furthermore, lack of enjoyment, confidence, skills, rewards or recognition for volunteers seemed to be of little influence in their decision not to volunteer.

8.6. Deciding to stop volunteering Similar to the reasons for never volunteering, people stopped volunteering primarily due to personal factors. Having too many other commitments and no longer having enough time were the most important reasons for discontinuing volunteering. Other commitments such as work and family responsibilities were also ranked amongst the top five reasons for deciding to stop volunteering. Importantly for this cohort, poor training support was also a relatively important consideration (see

Table 5). Although the most influential reasons for leaving a voluntary position tend to be beyond the direct control of organisations, a number of reasonably important factors can be managed. A number of the top 12 reasons for deciding to stop volunteering were related to the nature of the organisation and the volunteer work itself. These included having to do boring and mundane tasks, a sense of being overcommitted and heavy workloads, lack of organisational direction and poor management. Importantly, not having fun was also listed in the upper half.

8.7. Deciding to continue volunteering Volunteers who are currently volunteering also tended to attribute their decision to volunteer to personal factors. All of the most influential reasons for continuing to volunteer are related to personal attitudes and dispositions (see Table 6). These included: wanting to gain experience that might help with future paid employment; wanting to learn new skills; wanting to help others; thinking that 280


Table 4 Reasons for never volunteering for community based organisations (ranked from most to least influential)

I have never volunteered because...

Mean*

I have too many other commitments I don't have enough time I have too many work responsibilities I'm not organised enough I would have to do boring and mundane tasks I might feel obligated to put in an unreasonable number of hours I don't know how to get involved Volunteers have poorer working conditions than paid staff I have too many family responsibilities . I might be taken advantage of by the organisation I don't want to be bossed about Family members were not involved with the organisation My friends don't want to volunteer I can't afford it Volunteers get too stressed I don't like the ways most voluntary community organisations are run I have difficulties with transportation I would be seen by others as not being competent at my tasks Volunteers work too hard I wouldn't have fun I would not enjoy working with paid staff I don't have the skills required I would get in the way of efficient management I don't have enough confidence I don't think my work would be recognised or rewarded I don't think volunteering is very important There is a lack of childcare I would not enjoy working with other volunteers I have an illness or disability that prevents me

4.1 3.8 3.4 2.9 2.8 2.8 2.7 2.6 2.6 2.4 2.4 2.4 2.3 2.3 2.3 2.3 2.3 2.3 2.2 2.2 2.2 2.1 2.1 2.0 1.9 1.9 1.8 1.7 1.5

*Scored on a five point scale (1= strongly disagree to 5= strongly agree) (n=50)

volunteer work may be enjoyable; feelings of competence; a desire to have fun; and, wanting to be involved in and put something back into the community. External "pressures" such as the encouragement of friends and family members, gaining experience for future employment, feeling obligated to help were the least influential reasons for continuing to volunteer. In the ABS (1995) study of voluntary work, as few as 4% of volunteers were influenced by advertisements in the media to volunteer. Interestingly, time (or lack of it) which was cited as the most influential reason for not volunteering or quitting volunteering, was rated with moderate importance as a reason for continuing to volunteer. 281


Table 5 Reasons for stopping volunteer work for community based organisations (ranked from most to least influential)

I stopped volunteering because...

Mean*

I have too many other commitments I no longer had enough time I have too many work responsibilities I have too many family responsibilities O f poor training support offered by the organisation I had to do boring and mundane tasks The time commitment was not clearly defined My friends were no longer volunteers All the work was left to just a few people The commitment was greater than I originally thought My responsibilities were not clearly defined I wasn't organised enough I didn't have fun Family members were no longer involved with the organisation I felt obligated to put in an unreasonable number of hours I have difficulties with transportation T h e organisation lacked direction O f the poor attitude of other volunteers I didn't like being bossed about Volunteers had poorer working conditions than paid staff I felt the organisation had taken advantage of me My work was not recognised or rewarded O f the bureaucratic rules and regulations of the organisation O f the heavy volunteer workloads I didn't like the way the organisation was run I couldn't afford it I was seen by others as not being competent at my tasks I became too stressed about my volunteer work I felt I got in the way of efficient management I didn't have the skills required I did not enjoy working with other volunteers I did not enjoy working with paid staff I developed an illness or disability that prevented me O f a lack of childcare

4.0 3.9 3.6 2.7 2.5 2.4 2.3 2.3 2.3 2.2 2.2 2.2 2.2 2.2 2.2 2.2 2.1 2.1 2.1 2.1 2.1 2.1 2.0 2.0 2.0 2.0 1.9 1.9 1.8 1.8 1.7 1.7 1.6 1.5

*Scored on a five point scale (1= strongly disagree to 5= strongly agree) (n=83)

9. Discussion and conclusion The relatively high rate of voluntary work amongst the survey respondents indicates a propensity for this student cohort to volunteer (particularly for sport and recreation organisations). A 1995 ABS study of voluntary work in Australia (ABS Cat. No. 4441.0) indicated a 21% volunteer rate for the Brisbane population aged over 15 years and a national rate of 19%. The current result is also surprising given that according to the ABS study of voluntary work in Australia (1995), the rate of 282


Table 6 Reasons that influenced the decision of individuals to continue volunteering for community based organisations (ranked from most to least important)

I decided to volunteer because. I wanted to gain experience that might help with future paid employment I wanted to learn and develop new skills I wanted to help others I thought that volunteer work would be enjoyable I felt I had the competence to help solve problems I wanted to have fun I wanted to be active and involved in the community I wanted to put something back into the community I wanted to interact and work with people who were like me I wanted to feel good about using my free time in a constructive way I wanted to feel valued, needed and respected I wanted to meet new people and make new friends I had time available I felt obligated to help Friends encouraged me to get involved Family members encouraged me to get involved I had family members involved in the organisation

Mean* 4.0 4.3 3.9 3.8 3.6 3.6 3.5 3.4 3.4 3.3 3.3 3.2 3.1 2.3 2.2 2.0 1.8

* Scored on a five point scale (1= not at all important to 5= extremely important) (n=75)

interests and activities of this sample (i.e., leisure and sport) may provide them with a wide range of opportunities to volunteer and that they also see such involvement as valuable for future career opportunities. While the rate of volunteer involvement augurs well for the pre-Olympic programme, there are a number of factors that must be taken into consideration by organisers. Specifically this is in relation to the way the programme is structured and presented to the students. Organisers should incorporate these findings if they are to ensure that students have a rewarding experience and appropriate outcomes are realised - for the students, the teams and the organisations involved. For example, in addirion to high volunteer rates, respondents also reported a high level of part-time employment. While this is common in Australian students, it is a complicating factor in facilitating student involvement in extended practicum-learning experiences and is something that will need to be considered in planning for the pre-Olympic training and competition programme. Students must be given sufficient time to incorporate the camps into their busy schedules. The survey respondents who were currently volunteering indicated that gaining work-related experiences and learning new skills were important factors in deciding to volunteer. Organisers must ensure that these outcomes are realised and there is a means by which the specific skills gained by the volunteers can be communicated to prospective employers. Importantly, the students who were currently volunteering felt that they had the competence to solve problems. It is critical that their experience facilitates the opportunity for them to demonstrate their competence and feel a sense of control and responsibility. Such goals should also therefore form part of the "marketing" of the programme to prospective volunteers. Furthermore, the experience should be enjoyable and fun. 283


Those studnts who had never volunteered tended to indicate the main reasons as ones that cannot be controlled by voluntary organisations. However, there were other factors that should be considered for the pre-Olympic programme. Some respondents felt that they would have to do boring and mundane tasks and they may have to put in an unreasonable number of hours. These issues must be addressed by organisers and the real nature of the work and the expectations of the hours required, communicated clearly and realistically to the students. They should not be recruited without an accurate understanding of the experience in which they are about to engage. If poor recruitment practices do occur then there may be issues of low commitment and dependability and high turnover which may have been prevented (or at least reduced) through realistic recruitment. Students also expressed the view that volunteers had poorer working conditions than did paid staff. If their contribution is essential to the success of the project, then they must be treated as such and not made to feel like second class workers. The way the volunteers are actually managed on-site will also be a critical factor in the success of the programme. The nature and quality of supervision is important to volunteer satisfaction. They want to be managed by people who have a clear understanding of the goals of the organisation, who can clearly communicate their expectations of the volunteer's responsibilities and who manage people in a democratic fashion. This suggests therefore that not only is volunteer training essential, but training for the people who will manage the volunteers is also important. Preferably this should occur with both groups together. In summary, despite a high likelihood of volunteering, the survey of this student cohort revealed a number of factors that should be considered in the planning and administration of the pre-Olympic camps and competition programme. The results have indicated that although many factors which influence the decision to volunteer are personal in nature and not directly controlled by organisations, there are a number of factors that are relevant to management decision making. These factors should influence the way the programme is planned, presented to students and administered.

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Bibliography Abrams, J., Long, J., Talbot M. & Welch, M. (1996). Organisational change in national governing bodies of sport. Working Papers from the School of Leisure and Sport Studies, Leeds Metropolitan University. Australian Bureau of Statistics (1995). Voluntary work in Australia (ABS Cat. No. 4441.0). Arai, S. M. (1997). Volunteers within a changing society: the use of empowerment theory in understanding serious leisure. World Leisure and Recreation, 39(3) : 19-22. Auld, C. J. & Godbey, G. (1998). Influence in Canadian national sport organisations: perceptions of professionals and volunteers. The Journal ofSport Management, 12 (l):20-38. Auld, C. J. (1997). Professionalisation of Australian sport administration: the effects on organisational decision making. The European Journalfor Sport Management, 4 (2):17-39. Bales, K., (1996); Measuring the propensity to volunteer. Social Policy &Administration. 30(3): 206-226. Clary. E., Snyder, M., & Stukas, A.. (1996). Volunteers' motivations: findings from a national survey. Nonprofit & Voluntary Sector Quarterly. 25(4): 485-505. Cnaan, R., Handy, A. Wadsworth, M. (1996). Defining who is a volunteer: conceptual and empirical considerations. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly. 25 (3): 364-383. Coolsen, P., & Wintz, L. (1998). Learn, grow & change: adapting service organisations to a changing world. Nonprofit World, 16 (1): 44-48. Cuskelly, G., Auld, C , Harrington, M. (1999). A report on volunteers at the 1999 Queensland State championships. Unpublished Report, Centre for Leisure Research: Griffith University. Cuskelly, G. & Harrington, M. (1997). Volunteers and leisure: evidence of marginal and career voluntarism in sport. World Leisure and Recreation, 39(3) : 11-18 Daly, J. (1991). Volunteers in South Australian sport: a study (Commissioned by the South Australian Department of Recreation and Sport and the Australian Sports Commission). Adelaide: South Australian Department of Recreation and Sport. Department of the Arts, Sport, the Environment, Tourism and Territories, (1989). The Economic Impact of Sport and Recreation: The Voluntary Sector. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service. Davies, J. (1998). The value of volunteers. Australian Parks & Recreation, 34(1): 33-35. Dutton, I. & Meakins, M. (1991). Volunteers are worthwhile - but you have to work at it: Australian Parks & Recreation, 27(4): 41-43. Fost, D. (1996). Farewell to the lodge. American Demographics, 18(1) 40. Gaskin, K. (1998). Vanishing volunteers: are young people losing interest in volunteering? Voluntary Action, 1(1): 33-43. Gerson, M. J. (1997). Do do-gooders do much good; most volunteers don't solve core problems. U.S. News & World Report, 122 (16): 26. Joseph, J. A. (1995). Philanthropy and citizenship vow of service. Foundation News and Commentary, 36(4): 33. Nichols, G., Gratton, C , Shibli, S. & Taylor, P. (1998). Local authority support to volunteers in sports clubs. Managing Leisure, (3): 119-127. Noonan, D. (1998). The health care volunteer. Hospitals & Health Networks, 72(13): 124. Parker, S. (1997). Volunteering - altruism, markets, causes and leisure. World Leisure and Recreation, 39(3): 4-5. Putnam, R.D. (1995). Bowling alone: Americas declining social capital. Journal of Democracy, 6 (1): 65-78

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Robinson, J. & Godbey, G. (1997). Time for life: the surprising ways Americans use their time. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. Scott, J.T. (1996). Volunteers - how to get them. Parks dr Recreation, November: 51-55. Stengel, R. (1996). Bowling together. Time, Chicago. Taylor, P., Shibli, S., Gratton, C. & Nichols, G. (1996). Valuing volunteers in UK sport: A. Sports Council Survey into the Voluntary Sector in UK Sport. Sports Council.

Acknowledgments The authors wish to acknowledge that the survey instrument used in this study was based on one developed by Christopher Auld PhD and Graham Cuskelly PhD as part of a project undertaken on behalf of the Brisbane City Council.

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The "Professional Practice" Subject in a Post Graduate Sports Management Degree. An Innovative Approach to the Concept of Volunteer Work in an Organising Committee for the Olympic Games Dimitris Gargalianos SOCOG, Democritos University of Thrace, Greece 1. Introduction The sport industry is currently growing at a rapid rate worldwide. This has resulted in an increased demand for professionally trained sport managers who would be able to effectively conduct the business of sport in the current dynamic, volatile environment and provide clearly articulated visions and pathways for the industry's future development. On the other hand, volunteerism is also a worldwide phenomenon. In Australia one fifth of the population is actively engaged in a volunteer capacity in sport and recreation services. In order to be organised effectively, large scale sporting events like the Olympic Games combine the need for professionally trained sport managers with the need for the working hours offered by volunteers which make considerable savings in budget. It has been estimated that SOCOG will need 50,000 volunteers to efficiently run the Games, half of whom will have some kind of special knowledge (i.e. doctors, language specialists, etc.). In the instance of the Olympic Games there is a third element which must be taken into account: the host city of the next Games and its need for educated sport managers with on hands experience in the organisation of the most complex event in the world. Of great importance on this subject is the IOC's point of view. The Olympic Charter (1997) clearly states that one of the objectives of Olympic Solidarity programs is to train sport administrators (Rule 8, Bye-Law 4). It also states that the IOC "supports other institutions which devote themselves to Olympic education" (Article 2, par. 15).

2. Special Master's Program in Sport Management offered by UTS In accordance with all mentioned above, in 1999, the IOC put under its auspices a Master's Program in Sport Management designed and implemented by the School of Leisure & Tourism Management, the University of Technology, Sydney (UTS), for Greek sport administrators. The idea of the program was originated in the Physical Education Department of the Democritos University of Thrace, Greece and was proposed to the IOC, the UTS and the Sydney Organising Committee of the Olympic Games (SOCOG) by Dr. Dimitris Gargalianos, assistant professor of sport management at the Democritos University of Thrace, Greece. The three organisations realised the proposition's potential and adopted it. The plan was then formally submitted to the Hellenic Ministry of Sport, which funded a number of scholarships for students who: (1) could speak fluent English, (2) had a recognised Bachelors degree in an appropriate field, 287


(3) had at least two years' relevant work experience; and (4) were interested in attending the program. In 20 days over 300 people submitted expressions of interest. Of these, 140 were selected to sit an English language exam. 120 passed this exam (IELTS score of 6.5> overall and 6.0>written) and were then interviewed by a SOCOG representative who was also authorised by the UTS. As a result of these interviews, 68 candidates were selected to participate in the program, which is an adaptation of the current Master of Management in Sport Management degree conducted at the UTS, and is specifically designed to provide a sound education in sport management. It is unique in the world because the Professional Practice's subject is being offered by SOCOG, where students have been placed in line positions and will be actively involved both in the 2000 Olympic and Paralympic Games. The course began in June 1999 and will run until October 2000. It covers essential business management skills and knowledge, as well as the application of these skills to the sport industry. The program focuses on the challenges the Olympic Games represent as a sporting event and their economic, social and cultural impacts. It is composed of the following 12 modules, which are taught either in normal semesters or in intensive mode. Modules 6 & 7 will be offered in association with the Democritos University of Thrace, Greece: (1) Sport Management (2) Accounting (3) Sport Marketing (4) Event & Facility Management (5) Managing People (6) Structure/Function of Sport in Greece (7) International Relations & Sport (8) Analysis of the Olympic Games (9) Sport Management Seminar (10) Research Methods (11) Professional Practice (12) Master's Project

3. Benefits deriving from the program The implementation of this program provides participants with many immediate and long term benefits: 3.1. The scholarship recipients are the first to profit from the effort they are putting into this project. Without paying any money themselves they will get: (1) an internationally recognised degree in sport management, which will profoundly help them to pursue a promising professional career, (2) hands-on experience in the organisation of the Sydney 2000 Olympic and Paralympic Games, (3) in-depth understanding of the worldwide sport structure and function and (4) lifelong memories and friendships. 3.2. The IOC: (1) advances the Olympic education and training agenda in an innovative way and (2) ensures that a great deal of the know-how from the Sydney Games will be transferred to Athens in addition to SOCOG's written Transfer of Olympic Knowledge program. 288


3.3. SOCOG: (1) makes considerable savings in budget, (2) gains access to a large number of people with skills and multiple languages, (3) obtains the services of unpaid staff with appropriate skills, (4) advances the level of Olympic training and (5) assists the next Organising Committee in organising its Games. 3.4. The UTS: (1) advances the level of Olympic education, (2) is the first University to provide similar education to future Organising Committees of OG, (3) will perhaps be the first in a chain of Universities which will provide similar education to future Organising Committees of Olympic Games, (4) assists the 2000 and 2004 Organising Committees in organising their Games, (5) gains experience on the development of Olympic education and (6) has a considerable income from tuition. 3.5. The 2004 Organising Committee of the Olympic Games will: (1) have a number of well educated and experienced people to assist in the organization of the Games, (2) make considerable savings in budget from wages that will not be paid to the administrators who will probably be sent from the city awarded the honor of hosting the 2008 Olympic Games. 3.6. The Greek Universities will be encouraged to enrich their programs in order to be able to accommodate the educational needs of people who will work for the 2004 and 2008 Organising Committees of the Olympic Games. 3.7. The Hellenic Ministry of Sport: (1) offers to a number of qualified Greek citizens sound education and in depth training in the organization of the Olympic Games, (2) provides the administrative structure of sport in Greece with a number of excellent administrators who will be offering their services long after 2004 and (3) makes people in Greece feel that something of great value to the Games, to the organization of sport in the country and to the Hellenic society in general is happening.

4. Problems encountered Like all initiatives there have been some teething problems, however overall the program is progressing well. Issues which have been identified thus far are: (1) More details about what to expect on arrival could have been provided to students before they left Greece, e.g. about the temporary accommodation, monetary amount of sponsorship, monthly allowance, exchange rates, costs of living in Sydney, smoking laws, study and work expectations. (2) Some administrative arrangements were difficult to organise in advance at the UTS, as the exact date of arrival of students was uncertain. (3) Students had to enroll outside the regular schedule. This meant that there were less support services available than usual. (4) This was not the usual time for the UTS to be seeking housing, therefore less accommodation was available on the books. The UTS does not have student colleges, so outside accommodation had to be sourced quickly. 289


(5) Trying to manage work and undertake post graduate study in a foreign language, in a new country with a different cultural environment is demanding. Working for SOCOG comes with the stresses of working in an event management field. Students are learning to manage the requirements of both SOCOG and the UTS in this environment.

5. Evaluation of the program The management and delivery of this initiative will provide a blueprint for sport management education which focuses on Olympic issues. The success of this program has the potential to provide future Olympic Organising Committees with an effective mechanism for knowledge management. The initiative is a departure from the IOC's traditional educational strategy. In the past, funds for education programs, which have come from Olympic Solidarity, have been funneled into Olympic Academies and programs for sports administrators through the Itinerant Administration School. To date, more than 17,000 sports leaders have participated in the latter. This tripartite venture advances the Olympic Movement's agenda. It has the potential to provide a continuous and official link between the tertiary sector and the Olympic Movement. While academics have formed the backbone of lecturers at the Olympic Academies, this has primarily been a voluntary contribution on their part. Links between the International Olympic Academy and Loughborough University in England are being formalised; at this stage this enterprise is only for credit for a number of subjects, not the full degree. Universities such as the University of New South Wales, the University of South Australia, the Autonomous University of Barcelona and the University of Western Ontario have established Centres for Olympic Studies, which have been promoting the IOC's education agenda in positive and powerful ways over time through a variety of initiatives. The UTS is the first university to offer this type of Olympic linkage, and SOCOG is the first OCOG to forge links with an academic program to this degree. The project has the potential to be carried forward from Games to Games, both Summer and Winter, provided there are universities and organising committees willing to maintain involvement. There will be logistical obstacles to be overcome in the permanent establishment of such a program. The most obvious is the language barrier. While finding English speaking Greek students has presented no difficulties, the situation could be different if, say, the Games were staged consecutively in countries where the national languages were not as wide-spread throughout the world as English. However, no problems are insurmountable, and if this addition to the educational pillar of the Olympic Games is to continue, then the Sydney model, to date, has proven to be a sound starting point.

Bibliography Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1999. Hurst, B. 1999, "Sports Administrators' Programme" Olympic Review, XXVI, January, p. 51. International Olympic Committee, 1997, Olympic Charter, Lausanne: International Olympic Committee. Smith, A, & Stewart, B. 1999, Sports Management: A Guide to Professional Management, Sydney: Allen & Unwin.

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The University as Recruiting Agency: the Second Level of Volunteers (Opportunities and Issues) Richard Cashman Centre for Olympic Studies, University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia

1. Introduction When most people talk of Olympic volunteers they refer to what I would call the first level of volunteers, those recruited by the Organising Committees for the Olympic Games and the Paralympics. The targets for Sydney - 40,000 volunteers for the Olympics and 10,000 for the Paralympics - are well on the way to being met (see below). This level is well organised with recruitment and training procedures clearly articulated and well organised. David Brettell presented a paper on this first level of volunteers. However, there is another level of "volunteers" - which includes non-paid recruits along with interns, who may be paid a nominal wage, and others who obtain paid work for a limited period - because a variety of sponsors, rights-holders and providers are looking for additional "workers". This level is far less organised and even chaotic in that there are a variety of approaches to recruitment, training and payment of "volunteers". There is also some competition in recruitment, and overlapping markets, for highly-trained students in areas such as media and communications. There are a range of opportunities for students, for those involved in student recruitment and even for those who wish to promote Olympic education. There are also a few problematic areas which might diminish the positive achievements: lack of organisation, unseemly competition and a lack of transparency about the recruitment operations and opportunities. Some have perceived the operation of the second level of volunteers to be detrimental to recruitment for the first level of volunteers. Officers from the Organising Committees have expressed various concerns about a wide variety of recruiters and recruitment programs - and perhaps even some unethical practices - on the various Sydney campuses. They are wary about any last-minute recruitment for cash in 2000 which may cause some of the selected volunteers to "jump ship" at the last moment.1 This paper reflects on the recruitment of "volunteers" at the University of New South Wales and the involvement of the Centre for Olympic Studies. The Centre has been both a cog in the chain of recruitment and an active recruiting agency. This short report conveys what officers of the Centre have learnt from the experience. The paper concludes with some recommendations about how this process can be improved and enhanced. 2. University volunteers for the Sydney Gaines There are six major universities in Sydney (many with multi-campuses) and another two universities within 100 miles of Sydney.2 Altogether there are approximately 156,186 tertiary students in these 'Interview Brendon Lynch, SOCOG, 18th November 1999. Brendon Lynch hoped to avoid any last minute defection of recruits by linking volunteering with course credit. If volunteers opted out at the last minute they would lose course credit. :

The six Sydney universities are Australian Catholic University (1,500-1,600 students), Macquarie University (20,000), University of New South Wales (30,000), University of Sydney (36,976), University of Technology Sydney (22,000), University of Western Sydney (14,000). The regional universities are the University of Newcastle (18,500) and the University of Wollongong (13,160).

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eight universities. So the experience described on one campus is undoubtedly duplicated, to a greater or lesser extent, on another seven campuses. The Olympic organisers and providers have targeted universities as a rich source of recruitment for a number of obvious reasons: there is a ready pool of labour; students can provide specialist recruits (in media, communications, IT, languages, hospitality and a host of other areas); student recruitment can be linked to their particular research interests, be part of an internship or work experience; and finally student training for specialist positions can be integrated into teaching programs. That is, universities can participate in the training of recruits.

3. Recruiters at the University of New South Wales (UNSW) (1) Sydney Organising Committee for the Olympic Games (SOCOG) SOCOG has looked to universities both for general volunteers and for volunteers in specialist areas, including particular disciplines, and volunteers to assist National Olympic Committees. In some instances they have approached particular programs and schools within the University for specialist recruits. SOCOG media, for instance, set out to recruit 1,500 students with a media background to work in the Main Press Centre and the various other press centres at event sites. In 1997 Reg Gratton of SOCOG reported that he was concerned that SOCOG was in competition with SOBO (see below) for media students and that while SOBO offered financial incentives for recruits, SOCOG did not. The problem was partly solved by SOCOG moving to different campuses and targeting universities outside New South Wales: approximately 200 students will be recruited from three Queensland universities and one Victorian university (Bond University, Queensland University of Technology, University of Technology Queensland and Victoria University). It was reported in November 1999 that 1,000 students had been recruited for press operations, and officials from SOCOG were confident that another 500 students would be recruited before the Games. While there will be no payment for students who work for SOCOG in one or another press centre, each will be provided with an individual reference, written by a manager or supervisor, after the event.3 Brendon Lynch reported in November 1999 that SOCOG had a sufficient number of specialist volunteers, a group which mainly came from the university sector. (2) Sydney Paralympics Organising Committee (SPOC) SPOC recruitment has been similar to SOCOG though the resources (and recruit needs) of SPOC are much less than SOCOG's. In the case of UNSW, SPOC was keen to recruit students with expertise in particular languages. (3) Sydney Olympics Broadcasting Organisation (SOBO) Because SOBO has more particular needs, it approached the School of Media and Communications at UNSW and some other Sydney universities, and developed a formal agreement with the School to train students for particular media tasks. Professor Phillip Bell, Head of the School of Media and Communications at UNSW, believes that the SOBO program has been well constructed and designed to benefit both students, the uni3

Interviews with Reg Gratton 1997 and I6'h November 1999 and Danielle Tebbenhoff.

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versity and SOBO. Media training by the recruiter takes place at the University. Out of some 200 student applicants, 50 were selected (with 50 reserves) for a form of internship, providing them with course credit and paid employment during the Games. SOBO has paid the School a fee for this service. The students who are part of this program will thus achieve valuable practical experience, advance their university coursework and also receive some remuneration.4 (4) Advantage International (IBM Surf Shack) This purpose of this group is to recruit some 60 students who will operate the "Surf Shack" at the Olympic Village and several other locations. The recruits will assist with the process of dealing with messages of good will and congratulations to athletes. Athletes who visit the Village "Surf Shack" will be able to view their FanMail, create Home Pages and surf the internet. Visitors to the public "Surf Shack" will be able to send FanMail to athletes, visit Olympic sites and experience other interactive technology applications. Although the position is an unpaid one, it will provide students with valuable "work experience" with IBM. Advantage International will probably interview up to 300 students to obtain the appropriate personnel. The Centre for Olympic Studies is playing a role in this initiative. (5) National Broadcasting Corporation (NBC) NBC have set a target of 400 students from universities in the Sydney region and are offering those chosen paid employment for up to six weeks, and in some instances for longer periods. They have an agent who is active in recruiting and interviewing students on all the Sydney campuses. In addition to organising public forums about this work, NBC have offered to teach a course on Media, Technology and the Olympics at UNSW, thereby extending the educational background of potential recruits. Taking the course is just one avenue of NBC recruitment however. The type of employment offered by NBC varies from the glamorous, being part of a production team, to the more prosaic tasks of being a "runner", sitting behind a desk at the airport or a hotel, assist ing NBC personnel and equipment delivery. Unlike other recruiters NBC are recruiting both Australian and visiting American (exchange) students. NBC believe that with the latter there is a possibility of a longer-term relationship both in terms of involvement in the Salt Lake City Games and in NBC itself. (6) Lang & Associates Lang is, like Advantage International, an independent company that deals with the Olympic sponsors and marketers. Because it prefers students with an Olympic background, Lang has approached the Centre for Olympic Studies to recruit interns, and UNSW has provided two of the three interns employed by Lang. An advantage of this recruitment is that an internship can lead to a full-time position. One of the interns is now a permanent employee at Lang. (7) UNSW Centre for Olympic Studies recruitment The Centre is also involved in its own recruitment. Before and during the Olympics and Paralympics it will have a position in SOCOG's Research and Information office at the Main Press Centre. It will provide a member of staff for 33 days of the Olympics and 12 for the Para4

Interview Phillip Bell, 15 November 1999.

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lympics, 24 hours-a-day. This will amount to the provision of 135 eight-hour shirts. The Centre will need about 20 specialist volunteers, who will be drawn from its own staff and associates, postgraduate students and other appropriate personnel. This will be the first time that there will be a "scholar" in residence at the Main Press Centre. The number and nature of the services will be monitored so that after the Games we can assess the value of this initiative. The Centre will also report on the operations in the hope of encouraging this initiative at future Games. (8) Other informal initiatives Many other university units, such as the Hospitality and Marketing Unit at the UNSW, receive requests for recruitment. Over the past twelve months this Unit received requests from companies involved in Olympic work, an inbound tour and a sports marketing company, for recruits. The Unit merely advertised positions available and left it to the students to engage with the potential employer. In both instances a few students were recruited by these companies.

4. Recruiters on Campus The recruiting process on campus varies greatly: in terms of the approach, the programs and work offered and the stated and assumed benefits. Some of the approaches include: the display of posters and the distribution of pamphlets; appeals to students in lectures (five to fifteen minutes); public forums to explain recruiting programs; the placing of notices in student newspapers and participation in the lecture program, including providing lecture(s). The Centre has assisted a variety of recruiters in meeting with students, in that selection will be beneficial to students at various levels: participating in the Olympic and volunteer experience; obtaining work experience and in some cases an internship; work experience with an Olympic provider. The Centre has adopted a policy of non-exclusivity, of assisting all-comers. However, the Centre recognises that such a policy may undercut the operations of some of the primary recruiters. The markets of the recruiters do overlap and there have been some complaints and minor problems with competition. Those who offer paid work are undercutting those who are looking for the true volunteer particularly when the experience is similar. By offering to pay media students and the participating institution, SOBO was undoubtedly able to attract more elite students than SOCOG Media, which merely offered work experience as a volunteer. Another possible problem is that the Centre has no way of knowing (really until after the event) whether the promised experience of recruitment matches the actual experience. Will the experience of working for NBC be quite as glamorous in practice? Are the recruiters honestly informing the students of what is involved and the potential benefits? How transparent is the recruiting process? Does it reflect well on the university? Should a recruiter teach a course? Are students, who are enthusiastic about being part of the Olympic experience in any danger of being exploited?

5. Student response The public response to the volunteer program for the Sydney Games has been a success. Brendon Lynch reported that SOCOG had received some 49,800 applications by November 1999, with 294


another 500 applications arriving each week. Some 32,000 persons had been interviewed by this date.^ So it appeared that the target figure of 50,000 for both Games was well on the way to being met. By any stretch the student response to recruitment at UNSW has been impressive. The aim of Advantage International was to recruit its first 15 students between July-December 1999 (after they had submitted an application and brief CV). By November the company had interviewed 67 students and was confident that its target would be met. This recruiter was impressed by the quality and enthusiasm of the recruits. The initial response to NBC overtures was good. An interesting feature of their recruitment was that a substantial number of American exchange students submitted an application to be part of the program. 6. Summary of issues The variety of recruitment is an issue which needs further study. Are there dangers of paid recruits working alongside volunteers? Is it desirable that some recruiters should offer cash or support in kind in return for recruitment services, given that some recruiters cannot provide this support? Should a Centre accept money as a facilitator of recruitment? Does it matter that some recruitment offers minimal training and educational benefit provided solely by the recruiter whereas other training involves a positive partnership between the facilitator and the recruiter? Is it better that recruiters contribute to the broader objectives of an Olympic centre? Should recruiters offer something in return for services rendered by the centre? Co-ordination within and between universities is a key issue for further consideration. It seems undesirable that one unit may make an agreement with one recruiter, another unit with another, and the Centre may be involved with yet other recruiters. And the same process presumably is repeated from one university to another. At the worst this might lead to cut-throat competition and even an unseemly scramble for recruits or, more benignly, a lack of understanding of the arrangements undertaken by others and perhaps an unconscious "stepping on toes" or undercutting someone else's market. Brendon Lynch of SOCOG recognised the advantage of greater university co-ordination - intra-university and inter-university - and organised some interesting and valuable meetings where representatives of various universities "compared notes". One result of this initiative is that each university has a designated Olympic co-ordination officer, a point of entry for Olympic enquiries from outside and hopefully a person who will be aware of all the Olympic initiatives on a particular campus. Just how effective this system is remains unclear because many of the nominated officers are senior administrators (in the office of the Vice-Chancellor or Pro-Vice-Chancellor) whereas most of the Olympic researchers are at levels below the Chancellery. However, any attempt to provide greater co-ordination is welcome.

7. Summary of opportunities There are a host of "volunteers" and, below the top level, of official volunteers. The second level of Olympic "volunteers" can be used to enhance vocational training and provide practical experience for students in a particular speciality.

5

Interview Brendon Lynch.

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It is also possible that the training of a volunteer, an intern and a paid short-term worker can be linked to the program of a centre or a media unit and can be used to advance educational goals and even Olympic education. Olympic recruitment provides a unique opportunity for community outreach. It can provide longerterm benefits for some students and can stimulate and expand the program of the Centre for Olympic Studies.

8. Recommendations (1) It would be valuable to have some form of review during and after the Games of the experience of university recruits. What was the recruit experience? Did the reality conform to the recruitment promise? What did students learn and gain from the experience? The Centre for Olympic Studies will certainly monitor its operations in the Main Press Centre. (2) There is clearly a need for greater intra- and inter-university co-ordination. The SOCOG model of university co-ordination is well worth exploring and enhancing in other host cities. (3) Given that the second level of recruitment is largely an unstructured one, with largely free and unfettered competition being the norm - each department and unit is out to get the best "deal" it can - there is a case for more regulation and control of the operations of this sector. Perhaps there could be a code of ethics developed to define the limits of acceptable recruitment, ensuring that recruiters think beyond the "numbers game", attaining so many student bodies to undertake a particular task at Games time. (4) Students who are recruited as volunteers, interns or paid workers should receive some tangible benefits in addition to the experience of being part of the event. This can vary from references to course credit to payment. (5) Finally, there should be some reporting after the Games of the effectiveness - along with opportunities and problems â&#x20AC;&#x201D; associated with the second as well as the first level of Olympic recruitment. It would be interesting to work out a global figure for the number of tertiary students involved in the Games as volunteers, interns and short-term paid workers, but it could be as high as 10,000 (certainly some figure over 5,000). If this was the case it could involve as much as 7.5% of the tertiary student population of the Sydney region. It is therefore a great challenge and opportunity for the tertiary sector and the Olympic Movement.

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Colloquium A DELEGATE wanted to comment on the distinction between professionals and volunteers. He wondered if anyone had given thought whether it would be practical or feasible, seeing that any city staging the Games had about seven years, to take a core group of high school students and mentor them through the seven year process with the organizing committee with a desire at the end of it to really produce rounded individuals who would be more educated in the spirit of hitherto undefined Olympism and become better leaders in the community. MR BRETTELL thought that this was a brilliant idea. His main concern would be burnout. Realistically, it would not be seven years because the organizing committee did not seriously get up and running until perhaps four years out. Whatever the time period was, the legitimacy of the point certainly existed. MR CASHMAN thought it interesting that patterns between work/leisure, part time/full time were changing very rapidly in their society. Therefore, whatever the volunteers would be in the future they would have to adapt to this to some extent. MR CHALIP mentioned that it had been pointed out the previous day that one of the issues with students volunteering for course credit had had negative flow-on effects, particularly in the United States where students serving for free for internship purposes had in fact destroyed in many cases the entry-level positions that they were being trained to undertake. In Australia they had made some effort to structure their internship systems if they had them so they did not follow the North American pattern. Nevertheless, one of the advantages of events like the Olympic Games for students was that as one-time events there was less danger of an experience where they would end up cannibalising their entry level positions. One of the problems, particularly with the Olympic Games had been that these teams were not attuned to creating experiences that had any pedagogical value whatsoever. The emergent question would be, what was their experience in terms of trying to establish a pedagogically useful experience within the context of a one time event like the Games. MR BRETTELL said that the planning of this subject had been done somewhat in isolation from the teams themselves. There had really been no team input at this stage. They had been anticipating their needs and devising the programme around that. They were putting the students first in this process in terms of getting experience and recognizing that those teams would have needs as well. MR AULD thought that there were some programmes which were good and integrated into the curriculum. Others were a little more problematic but things happened so fast. In some ways their policy had been to accept all recruiters to some extent and give the students the chance to evaluate whether they felt that the signing up for this group or that was something that they wanted to pursue. MR BRETTELL said that what happened in the classroom and devising a programme for the students could be quite invisible to the teams in terms of what they got out of the experience as well.

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Atlanta '96 Olympic Games Virginia Lane Volunteer for the Atlanta '96 Olympic Games, USA

I must apologize to the illustrious academics on the previous panels, as I am here not to present a research paper, but rather give testimony of my experiences as a volunteer. As a matter of fact, I feel like a "fish out of the water" or even "out of my league". It seems to me that some of the discussions of the last two days have focused on the subject of recognition of volunteers. Let me assure you that a true volunteer is not a glory seeker, but does it for the pure joy of participating in the causes he/she is involved in. My testimony is about the work done by "internal volunteers" prior to and leading to the Games. I am very honored and privileged to have been invited to participate in the Symposium on Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement. I was a 1996 Olympic Games volunteer and I would like to share with you some of my experiences along with those of other volunteers. Volunteerism has been a part of my life since I was a child growing up in Portugal. My grandmother would take me to visit less fortunate people when she delivered meals and clothing to them. My mother was known as "Florence Nightingale" in our hometown, so it became natural to me to volunteer in all kinds of organizations, as I was growing up. After I was married and as we moved from country to country and city to city I continued to get involved in volunteer projects. When our family moved to Atlanta in 1973 I immediately became involved in church, school, swimming and scouts, all of which were activities in which our children participated. When Atlanta started the bid process for the 1996 Olympic Games many people were intrigued by the vision and dream of a man with a tremendous love of sports and the ideals of competition and fair play. Billy Payne was a volunteer himself. At the time he was a practicing lawyer with a family to raise. He realized that a group of volunteers that worked together could achieve a goal. He knew that Atlanta was capable of staging the world's most prestigious event and tackled the task by asking eight other volunteers to help visit the IOC members. They, in turn encouraged hundreds of other volunteers to help with presentations and mailings. The volunteers worked in the office on the day-to-day effort to win the right and privilege to host the 1996 Games. Volunteers also worked at the airport greeting IOC members. Many served as hosts and hostesses or as guides for the IOC members and their families and accompanied them on venue and sightseeing tours. Volunteers hosted dinner parties at their homes; assembled picture albums which were presented to IOC members as mementos of their visit, and otherwise attended to every detail to ensure their visits were successful. A lot of hard work went into winning the right to host the 1996 Centennial Olympic Games. The volunteer's spirit, dedication and hard work were a deciding factor in Atlanta being selected as host city. After the selection, the committee began the five-year volunteer program, which included volunteers working in every department on a daily basis, as an integral part of the preparation for the Games. I was called several times by friends who thought that my language skills were needed, and so I became involved. I went for an interview and was called soon thereafter to work on a project. I was 303


really excited thinking that I could put my Portuguese to a good use. I was surprised to find out that I was assigned to work on the volunteer database. Although this certainly was not the most chalenging thing I had ever done, it turned out to be a rewarding experience as it taught me computer skills. As a willing volunteer I went day after day until the project was completed. Meanwhile I was asked to translate some documents from Catalan into English. Never having studied or spoken Catalan this was a little difficult, but again I took the task to heart and through my limited knowledge of French and Spanish I was able to do it. Next I started working in the Volunteer Services Department and I became a full time volunteer in early 1992. What an experience that was! One of my jobs with ACOG was Coordinator of Internal Projects, which involved: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)

The processing of all volunteers: necessary paperwork and background checks. Working with Security on background checks and issuing badges. Inputting all volunteers into a, by now, much expanded database. Keeping track of volunteer hours, monthly, from all the areas in which volunteers worked. Issuing and keep track of parking passes and transportation tokens. Coordinating internal projects in all areas of operation, based on the needs of the functional areas. I assigned volunteers to these projects keeping in mind different skills, personalities, availability and flexibility.

My other job was Airport Supervisor for meeting and greeting our International visitors. In this position I was responsible for: (1) Training the volunteers who worked at the airport. (2) Conducting tours at the airport, staffing all the events and assigning meet and greet volunteers to the different flights. We escorted guests from gate to ground transportation upon arrival and back again when they departed. This included expediting their passage through Immigration and Customs. Most of all we tried to meet our distinguished guests with a smile and make them feel at home in our city. I would like to share a story with you that exemplifies how well trained we were to make everybody feel special and welcome. In 1993 ACOG hosted the ASOIF meeting during a freak snowstorm, which was subsequently dubbed Atlanta's "storm of the century". After a long day at work, we were relaxing for a brief minute when a gentleman wandered in our office and inquired about transportation to the hotel in which the meeting was to take place. Unfazed by the gentleman's request, I saw to it that he got transportation to the hotel and personally escorted him to a chauffeured car. After wishing him a good trip and good stay in Atlanta and as he was settling into the car I casually asked him what delegation he was with. He looked puzzled and said. "Oh! I am not with a delegation. I am here to apply for a janitorial job at the hotel". I felt good that for one day the janitor was indeed treated like a VIP. These jobs brought me into contact with a large number of people. In 1992 we had 300 internal volunteers that we could draw from to work on projects. By 1995 we had 800 and soon thereafter the number grew to 1,200. I listened to their life stories, their family problems, how children were doing in school and their first love stories. I got to know their strengths and weaknesses and their reasons for volunteering. The vast majority of our volunteers were the altruistic type who did it for the sheer joy and just to be an integral part of the Olympic Movement. Our people missed children's events, business appointments, family birthdays and anniversaries, holidays but always got the job done with a smile. We laughed and cried together, smiled, hugged each other and shared our daily experiences. I became in the words of Billy Payne "Mother ACOG". 304


Following are some of the areas in which we worked: (1) Olympic Day in Schools - A program that started in 1990 to provide curriculum guides to schools throughout the state, to help teachers incorporate Olympic values into all subjects. During the seven years the program was in operaton more than one million young people participated in this worthwhile effort. Many volunteers went to school to talk about the 1996 Games. To so many children in less affluent areas these visits brought home the Olympic spirit. To them, these visits were their true Opening Ceremonies. I believe that these youngsters will keep these untainted memories for many years to come and maybe one day aspire to be Olympic Athletes. (2) Speakers Bureau - A program started in 1991 to accommodate hundreds of requests from organizations to hear presentations about the 1996 Centennial Games. Volunteers spoke to more than 1,500 community, civic and convention groups giving presentations and showing videos. (3) Olympic Experience - A high tech public information program featuring maps and models of venues where they gave out information and explained displays to thousands of visitors from around the world. (4) Olympic Force programs - This program started in 1992 to promote volunteerism before the Games. Billy Payne wanted to channel all the energy and enthusiasm from people around Atlanta and Georgia into motivating them to perform community service or volunteer work in the years prior to the Games. 1,700 groups participated with 500,000 people across the state. Our internal volunteers participated in Signature events: -

Basic Needs: Food and Toy drive - We collected 148,000 lbs (67,000 kg of food) and truckloads of toys for underprivileged children.

-

Literacy: ITZAREADER (collected 250,000 of children books for public libraries and other youth organizations).

- Community Service: Volunteers cleaned state parks and streets, painted and planted trees. -

Cultural Olympiad events. Escorted Izzy (the 1996 Olympic Mascot) to appearances. Worked on the apparel carts at shopping malls. Worked on the License plates program, and the brick program. Hosted and transported many visitors. Worked IOC sponsored meetings. Braved the 1993 storm of the century to welcome ASOIF participants. Welcomed our visitors at the airport. Worked in security, transportation, language services. Stuffed hundreds of thousand of envelopes, and other times they unstuffy and started all over Copied, mailed and compiled materials. Answered hundreds of calls on a daily base in the call center and directed guests to appointments and meetings. - Worked in the 1995 Sports Festival. Over the five-year period before the Games, this dedicated and hardworking group of people devoted more than 542,000 hours to volunteer work. Six volunteers contributed more than 6,000 hours each, and yours truly 9,636. They were capable, responsible and tireless. They measured up to every 305


expectation and were in fact the heart of ACOG. ACOG recognized volunteers on a regular base, hosting programs and commemorating their dedication with special pins, representing various levels of service. My experience during the actual Games was extraordinary. No one can prepare you for it ! I worked in the Aquatic Center, during the swimming events, at the Modern Pentathlon, the Olympic Family Hotel and Airport. Atlanta came alive for those two weeks. With 53,000 plus volunteers working together, full of enthusiasm, dedication and loyalty the dreams of 10,700 athletes were realized. By common acclamation the 5 million spectators, who crowded our streets, singing and hugging in an euphoric state that only a peacefull gathering of so many nations could bring together, all had a grand time and a memorable experience. You become a volunteer not for what you get out it - but for what you become by doing it. Volunteerism is a wonderful thing. It brings us together in ways that are beneficial on so many levels and always has potential for experiences that are life changing. It has the effect of a pebble being thrown in the water that creates ripples â&#x20AC;&#x201D; everything one does, affects every other person who is involved with you. In the end what mattered most to the Olympic volunteers was the sheer joy and gratification of taking part in the event. Our lives were enriched in so many ways by: -

the people we met, their cultures and traditions, the relationships we enjoyed on a daily basis, the friends we made for life, the memories and the knowledge that in a small way we helped athletes live their dreams of participating in the Games.

As the Games came to a close I realized how much my life had been changed by the experience and was apprehensive that I would miss the day-to-day camaraderie and interaction with the other volunteers, ACOG staff and visitors. However the lasting friendships and memories have been ample compensation. Given the opportunity I would do it all over again. The memories will live forever.

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Athens' 2004 Olympic Games Anna Andreadis Volunteer for the Athens' 2004 Olympic Games, Greece Allow me to begin with a confession. When I was first asked to address this meeting, and to talk about my two-decade experience as a volunteer, I thought that this point would be easy. But when the time came to organize my thoughts, I realized that it was neither easy to speak about volunteerism nor selfevident because it is an experience - a way of life. It is my way of life, my daily routine. For me, being a volunteer is a multitude of experiences and beautiful things I have seen together with the feeling of pride that I want to share with my children. Let me start at the beginning. In the house where I grew up, I was always hearing about my uncle who was a gold medallist in the standing high jump and the standing long jump at the Olympic Games in Stockholm in 1912. We talked about athletics and competition, and about the tireless endeavour needed to achieve everything worthwhile, apart from winning at an international athletics event like the Olympic Games. I was always aware of the connection between athletics and a humanitarian philosophy, with mankind's need to achieve something great - something beyond its abilities, something that will fill us with joy and pride. While at school I heard the same thing and more, all about the ancient Greek civilization and the ideal of the ancient Olympic spirit. For me, and surely for all Greek people, the Olympic Games are something familiar, something that we learnt about from our first years in school. For us Greeks, and especially for the Athenians, everyday life is full of reminders of this ancient civilization. Do not forget that we are always reminded by all the monuments and stadiums we pass by every day on the street. Monuments that depict the Games on them. Education and civilization are closely interwoven with antiquity, which for us is not only the link which connects ancient and contemporary Greece, but also an element that ensures our historical continuity. I believe that the Olympic Games are deeply rooted in the Greek conscience and constitute one of its strongest points of identification as well as being a motivational force which unites everybody. Having this in mind, it wasn't long before that defining point in my life was going to appear - the defining point for every volunteer. The point from where an observer becomes a supporter, from just being interested you become a professional and from being a spectator you become a participant. This moment, this magic, is what being a volunteer is all about. I have always liked to give without getting anything in return, and the great fascination of being a volunteer is the feeling of independence and freedom. Being a volunteer is not something that can be done with logic, but rather something that is driven by compassion. For this reason volunteering is non-negotiable. This is very true, and is something that must be in our minds when organizing teams of volunteers. If the volunteers lose the motivation that gives them their strength because their actions are hindered by obligations and restrictions; or if the "magic" is lost because of a lack of focus, then, failure is almost certain. There is therefore a delicate balance between whatever goals have been set and the expectations of the volunteers themselves - something that demands daily assessment and assurance; because without doubt, this balance is the key to success for any volunteer program. Personally, I have been enthralled by sailing: man's relationship with the elements, and the battle to achieve his goal using only the forces of nature. Since I first became involved with sailing I have taken part in the organization of many local events as well as international meetings and have also organized friendly excursions so as to introduce the 307


fun of sailing to other people. I have tried - and I hope I have succeeded â&#x20AC;&#x201D; in encouraging many people to take part in Greek sailing teams; in particular it has been important to me to support and strengthen the role of women in the sport. I have participated in national and European Championships as well as in one World Championship. Watching 5 Olympic Games has also enriched my knowledge of the Games. In Seoul I was a volunteer for sailing. I was also a member of the public relations team of the bid committees for both the Athens 1996 and 2004 Olympic Games. As I am sure you will have understood by now, the most important thing for a volunteer is your motivation and experiences you go through. Unfortunately, because volunteers aren't paid, some people have the impression that they are "Jacks of all trades" and not colleagues who can carry out and accomplish the tasks given to them. Frequently I have seen situations where professionals have brushed aside or tried to downgrade the volunteers, with the excuse that you cannot rely on someone whose period of involvement isn't fixed. This just goes to prove that the only recognition volunteers get is personal and comes through the work they do. Over the years that I have worked as volunteer, I have undertaken every job which I felt I could complete successfully. A volunteer must be able to handle many things - for this reason, training a volunteer is extremely important and complex. Apart from knowledge and ability, enjoying life is what counts, and inevitably accompanies whatever a volunteer does. In my country at least we have learnt how to recognize what is fun and how to enjoy it ! Beyond this, the Greeks have one other characteristic - they have "filotimo". An almost untranslatable word which means "to give honour or dignity to that which is deserving of it": in this way we think about our homeland and our culture. The successful organization of the Olympic Games is the word of honour being given by Greece to the world. I believe that this moral obligation will prove to be one of the most valuable weapons for the mobilization of volunteers as well as the guarantee of their success. The value system of a volunteer is simple. Volunteerism demands friendliness, tolerance, understanding, willingness to participate, tenacity and persistence in achieving goals, together with honesty and tolerance of diversity. My experience has taught me that diversity can prove to be a never-ending source of creativity, fantasy and inspiration. Moreover, the Olympic Games bring together for a few weeks, all the different people of the world in a worldwide ceremony of friendship, so that once again they can surpass themselves and feel united through their diversity. The volunteer's experience does not end when the Olympic Flame is extinguished. The flame in the heart of man is not easily lit, nor is it easily put out. It denotes the collective effort to achieve goals, and create relationships, experiences and memories that are never forgotten. Even if contact is lost after many years, as soon as a new opportunity presents itself, the flame of cooperation is rekindled. For me the Athens 2004 Olympic Games are a unique opportunity for my country to present the Olympic Ideal as a way of linking the past both to the present and to the future. Greece is a small country on the edge of Europe, at the crossroads of many civilizations. It is a country with great reserves of generosity, willpower and dynamism. The quality of life is improving daily, and Greek society is now ready to link the Olympic Ideal creatively with modern lifestyles. The Athens 2004 Olympic Games makes us all proud and provides us with a unique opportunity to leave a legacy, embracing our culture and national identity to our children for generations to come. All these reasons lead me to believe that the volunteers - with this background, and these principles - will be able to express with their actions a better quality of life that symbolizes a more human, familiar and personal world. A world which can combine the old with the new, the foreign with the familiar, and the spirit with the body; the very values that can be found at the heart of what we call the Olympic Ideal. 308


Olympic Museum Volunteers

Silvia Mosca Olympic Museum, Switzerland

The work of volunteers constitutes an important part of daily life at the Olympic Museum. Volunteers are used frequently by the Museum whenever new exhibitions and big events are being launched or another tasks as archiving and mailing are necessary. The volunteers are mostly local retired people in Lausanne, who are interested in sport and Olympism. They are ready to help when the Museum stages, for example, Olympic Week for school children during the autumn break, the annual Sessions of the IOC or large congresses. The Museum has compiled a list of about 80 volunteers, and for almost every event 20-30 volunteers are called upon to perform many kinds of functions.

A social ai in The volunteer concept has a clearly social objective. The staff at the Museum respect the volunteers' motives for helping the Museum, namely to be and feel useful. Retired people enjoy getting out of their usual routines, making new friends and have interesting experiences. Moreover, these people demonstrate exactly the spirit and enthusiasm which prevail every four years in the organisation of the Olympic Games of a host city. A film was shown on Olympic Museum volunteers. MS MOSCA thought that the film was quite self-explanatory. They had seen people with whom she had worked for the last six years. It had been difficult to interview them because they were people who were not used to interviewing but they had done this with a lot of emotion. This was the spirit of volunteering: a state of mind, a lot of heart, giving of ones self.

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Volunteers are the Sources of the Sports Culture

Timothy Fok President of the Sports Federation and Olympic Committee of Hong Kong, China

Ladies, Gentlemen, brothers and sisters of the Olympic Family, I am expected to comment on the past woes of Hong Kong, even though by nature I tend to look to the future and not be obsessed with history. But I shall talk a bit about what went before just to lay the starting blocks for what I am about to say in tribute to our volunteers, who are heroes to me. Of woes, there have been several in recent years. Back in 1997, before Hong Kong was reunited with China, the world media zoomed in on my city. Many journalists predicted the death of Hong Kong if not right away, then drawn out, in bits and pieces, fits and gasps. They figured the freedoms would go out the window, rule of law out the door, and investors out the back and emigrants through the front. I am now happy to report that none of the doomsday scenarios has come to pass. Hong Kong has suffered the worst recession in memory, true, but the plight is shared by all of Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. Hong Kong is now on the rebound and prospects are looking brighter than for a very long time. I am sanguine that my city will emerge stronger, wiser, and better from the trials and tribulations. This resiliency is intrinsic to the character of my people, in whom my faith has never ever wavered. In July 1997 Hong Kong got assurance from the visiting International Olympic Committee President Juan Antonio Samaranch that its separate sports status was secure. His vote of confidence in a critical hour, when skepticism abounded, did much then to bolster Hong Kong's claim of being a highly autonomous region whose institutions, sports included, would never be endangered. Hong Kong has lived up to His Excellency's expectations and will honor his trust. Our Olympic Committee is now bidding for the 15th Asian Games in 2006, the largest sports carnival after the Olympics. This is not possible without the recognition that the IOC has confered to us. The American Disney Corporation has also reached agreement with my government to build a world class theme park. This is a sign of resurgent confidence. The United States and China have initialed a trade pact to knock down barriers to commerce. This should prompt other countries, the European Union especially, to facilitate China's accession to the World Trade Organization. Hong Kong shall benefit from the boon of a momentous development that was 13 years in the making. My city is determined to break into high technology with a Cyber Port. Everywhere hope springs in the midst of autumn in my city. Hong Kong now realizes it can no longer be an exclusively, obsessively commercial city that sacrifices the people's right to a quality of life. My society is tackling pollution, nurturing its culture, completing the most advanced infrastructure, reforming health care and updating education. My people assert that they must rear the next generation to be not only obedient and diligent but also creative - as leaders and not just as the led. Sport is a part of that equation and this is why Hong Kong is today striving to foster an athletic creed to complement its financial acumen. 311


Over the past six months I have been as much a preacher as a sports manager. At every occasion, on and on, ad nauseam, the Hong Kong Olympic Committee has been urging the public on to seize the hour and bid for the Asian Games 2006. The people and the media have responded rapturously because they share the vision, knowing that when they put their minds and muscle to the test, they never fail. This is the stuff of a proud community aware of its special place in the world without frontiers. There is no doubt about it. Hong Kong is on the mend, opening up, reaffirming its cosmopolitan credo. The sports fraternity is at the forefront of this constant striving to become even more international. Even before the Asian Games 2006 quest was on anyone's lips, the city was hosting regional and world championship tournaments with not only success but also considerable panache. My government has also veered away from its inheritance of indifference to sports as it commits more and more to sports subsidy. Our philososphy is not to build sports monuments or trophies but to built for the sports needs of the community. The private corporations are taking a keener interest in sports, appreciating that in the West sports spark the excitement ideal for marketing, produce the folk heroes and generate revenue. The biggest industry in the United States is the sports-culture-entertainment-media enterprise that sustains hundreds of thousands of jobs and spurs on the revolution in telecommunications. I am ever so lucky to be President of my Olympic Committee as an era yields to another, as the ideals of the Olympic Movement are stoked by the possibilities and the promises of the 21st Century. But none of that is conceivable for sports in Hong Kong without the tireless contributions of the volunteers who for years braved public apathy towards their calling. They gave time, effort and money to their sports out of altruistic love. They demonstrated that Hong Kong could become more caring about sports. But still today we face what many parts of the world also face, which is the clash of cultures, the sports culture versus the administrative culture. My government has pumped more resources into sports but not enough of these are going to the end users, the athletes, and far too much for administration. They resent their being branded as "amateurs" and in March this year succeeded in dropping that adjective from the rubric of the Sports Federation and Olympic Committee which I have been elected to represent, not only here among the National Olympic Committees but also in the Legislative Council. By the way, within this law assembly, my constituency for the arts, sports and culture is new and yet it touches the life of every citizen. The volunteers I stand for are not "amateurs" if the word "amateur" denotes inefficiency and a lack of knowledge or savvy. All of them are respected professionals and businessmen in their own fields and in their own right. They are ardent about sports and professional enough in their undertakings to be able to stage repeated regional and world championships. These volunteers now see hope as Hong Kong pursues the hosting of the Asian Games in 2006. They notice that Hong Kong does not yet have a proper sports curriculum at any level but that is changing. The public is now convinced that sports are more than about athletes competing for laurels but are about molding character and forging leadership. My job is to ensure that the morale of the athletes and their organizations is not sapped. My job is also to influence government sports policy at every level from the primary to the secondary and to the varsity and beyond. My job is to educate the public about sports and encourage participation. My job, in addition, is to convince the volunteers that tomorrow is a brighter day and they should not be daunted or discouraged. Sportsmen do not mope. They rise to the challenge and thrive on adversity. I am sure they are up to the task because they have gone far and there are farther distances to go before the race is done. 312


Communications

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Social Structure, Inducements and Opinions of Volunteers from Nagano 1998 Holger Preuss and Bodo Kebernik University of Mainz, Germany

1. Introduction Without volunteers, the Olympic Games would be much more expensive to stage and most probably less enthusiastic. But who are the volunteers? What inducements are given to them to get them involved in the Games? And what do they actually think about the Olympic Games? These questions were investigated by carrying out a survey among volunteers who, as part of the Organising Committee, had a decisive role in giving the XVII Olympic Winter Games their specific image. Volunteers often provide the main contact between the local population and athletes and tourists. Considering that volunteer work was, on the one hand, an important financing source for the Organising Committee (NAOC) and, on the other, a relatively new concept in Japan, research about the incentives for volunteers is very important. 2. Methodology The data are based on a survey carried out among 202 volunteers at the Olympic Games in Nagano 1998 '. During the Olympics, 32,579 volunteers were accredited. The volunteers were selected at the venues by B. Kebernik and M. Desch, members of the Olympic Games Research Team, Mainz. Although it was not a random selection the results are probably valid for the group of volunteers working outside the sport venues. The distribution of our sample regarding sex is representative compared to all Nagano volunteers ("Goodness of fit", Chi2= 0.125, df= 1, p<0.5). Regarding age, the form of distribution is similar with the parent population, however, our survey has a shift to younger volunteers. Due to this fact this variable is not representative, along with the variable of occupation, which has a shift to students and pupils. However, the parent population most probably also has a huge percentage of students (see Shinde (1999, 4), survey n= 1180). The sample mainly contains volunteers working in the venues. This enables us to draw a profile of the volunteers who are in direct contact with the athletes and tourists. They produce a part of the image of the Games. The questionnaire contains 12 questions about the individual, 12 questions about involvement as a volunteer, 6 about the Games of Nagano and finally 3 about the Olympic Movement and the Olympic Games in general. This article has three parts. Only a few questions that have been asked can be analysed here2. First, the social profile of the volunteers from 1998 is described. Second, the reasons as to why people 'The German questionnaire was translated into Japanese by Sayuri Kihara. :

A11 questions will be analysed in the master thesis of B. Kebernik in spring 2000. Johannes Gutenberg-University Mainz, Germany.

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choose to volunteer are investigated. The main part is built by the inducement-contribution theory, which reflects the cost-benefit considerations of Olympic volunteers. Finally, opinions of the volunteers about the Olympic Games will be examined. 3. Discussion of individual results It is not easy to define the term "volunteer". The meaning of the term "volunteer" varies from author to author (Arai 1997, Heinemann/Schubert 1992). However, Winkler (1988, 46) gave a good definition of the German word "Ehrenamt", which means "honorary office". According to his definition, "volunteers" are persons: (1) with a functional position within an organisation, (2) who do their task for free besides or after their work (except for the coverage of the costs), (3) who get elected by the group they are supposed to work for or get nominated by an institution that represents the group, (4) with a job that is public or at least meets a public function. These characteristics can be seen in the volunteers of Nagano 1998. The investigated group is appointed to functional positions which were not usually high in the organisational hierarchy. They did not get money to cover their cost of living, but were offered other incentives that will be analysed later. The volunteers were nominated by the NAOC, an organisation they were working for. Finally, their job has a public function. They serve to support the production of the Olympic Games, an event that is seen by billions of people.

3.1 Social structure of the volunteers from Nagano The social structure of the sample shows that a majority of 71.1% were female and 76.2% younger than 26 years (Fig. 1 and 2). Thus, it is not surprising that 77.4% are not married. At the Olympic Games in Seoul 1988 female volunteers also played an important role (Kang 1999). In non Asian countries it can also be seen, that women made up the majority of volunteers in past Games (Chappelet 1999).

Fig. 1 - Sex (n=21)

Since only volunteers working in contact with the public have been asked, it is not surprising, that many (81.3%) of them are without authorisation to issue directives. Among them female volunteers had less authorisation to issue directives than their male counterparts (Chi2= 23.12, df=l, p<0.001). This difference is highly significant, although the distribution of professional income was equal. It is remarkable that 43.3% were also volunteers in other institutions/organisations. This indicates that people with another honorary office are especially motivated to become an Olympic volunteer. 316


Fig. 2 - A g e (n= 198)

Concerning the first contacts of the volunteers with the Olympic Games, 94.4% got their general image of the Games from television. Only 4.2% had visited Olympic Games before due to the fact that most volunteers in the sample were young - only 23.5% had seen or visited the Olympics in Tokyo 1964 and 30.2% Sapporo 1972. Therefore, motivation for the majority of the volunteers derives from watching non-Japanese Olympic Games in television.

Fig. 3 - Occupation (n=185) Employee 22.2%

Student 48.1%

Civil Servant 6.5% Others 15.1% Pupil 8.1%

Regarding occupation, 56.2% were students or pupils during the Games period (Fig. 3). Besides the students and pupils, who have a low income, the average income of the volunteers was between 1,583 and 2,373 US$/month (1 US$ = 125.82 Yen, 15 February 1998). Among this group, 52.5% have been authorised to issue directives in their job. This figure correlates (r= 0,57) with the authorisation to issue directives as volunteer. Despite the unequal sex-distribution, the average salary of the volunteers, except students and pupils, is below that of the average Japanese worker in 1993 (3,120 US$/month) (Federal Statistical Office 1994, 123). This indicates that the sample, except for the students and pupils, was probably from lower social stratification. 317


3.2 Inducement-contribution theory of volunteers The engagement of volunteers is based on exchange and is often described by the inducementcontribution utility balance (March/Simon 1967, 84-112), which is similar to cost-benefit considerations. Carron (1980, 159) refers to this economic translation of the exchange theory. "As a result, one activity, behaviour or situation may be chosen at the expense of another if it is potentially more rewarding (i.e. profitable) or less costly (i.e. expensive)". On the one hand, a volunteer gets inducements from an Organising Committee and on the other, the volunteer has to provide a contribution. "Each participant will continue his participation in an organization only so long as the inducements offered him are as great or greater... than the contributions he is asked to make" (March/Simon 1967, 84). For the NAOC it was good that the volunteers from Nagano judged their inducement-contribution utility balance primarily as positive (65.8%) or at least equal (26.7). In particular only very few of the satisfied volunteers leave their job. 7.5% of the volunteers from Nagano felt primarily negative effects by doing their job. According to the survey from Shinde (1999) 91.1% found the task they performed satisfying, 4% felt neutral and only 3.9% felt dissatisfied. However, March/Simon (1967, 86) assume, that the change in aspiration level occurs slowly, so that dissatisfaction in the short run is quite possible. A volunteer will not leave the job immediately when the dissatisfaction occurs. The group, that felt negative significantly (p<0.001) show that they had to work longer (9.4h/day) than the average volunteer (8.6h/day). In addition, they did not find their job as thrilling as the average. A further reason for dissatisfaction is mentioned by Shinde (1999). He says that volunteers who experienced stress were likely to feel less satisfied than the volunteers who had means to cope with situations. However, that shows that dissatisfaction derives from too high as well as too low tasks. Actually, the contribution of the volunteers is at the same time the source of an inducement. In other words, volunteers give the Olympic Games a certain image and help to stage them while they get a "once in a lifetime experience" being involved in the staging of the Olympic Games. This exchange orientation of volunteers can be categorised. Many reasons for volunteer work have been found. Parker (1997) formulated four reasons which are; altruistic, market, cause and leisure. Heinemann/Schubert (1992) categorised three groups which are; altruistic, self-esteem and exchange. However, here the market or exchange reason is put forward and will be emphazised as the only reason. There are three levels if inducements and contributions are considered. The altruistic level which is theoretical because the volunteer gets nothing at all but provides service. The most realistic case, the exchange level of benefits and costs. The egoistic level, which rarely occurs. The volunteer receives benefits, for example, accreditation, honour and clothing, but does not contribute to anything, for example, does not show up. In the following section, the exchange level will be examined. The exchange orientation becomes obvious in the answer of the volunteers (58.9%), whose reason to apply for a job was "to take part in a top world event". In addition, the answer "to meet nice people" (39.1%) emphasises this point. Another benefit for the volunteers is to receive recognition and gratefulness from the NAOC or using the prestige of the Olympic Games to increase self-esteem. Shinde (1999) found similar results. The volunteers ranked the items "memorable", "participate in the Olympics", "being there was a deeply moving", "broaden my horizons" and "make new friends" very high. All that is psychic income3. Kang (1999) mentioned an additional psychic income that was not included in the questionnaire. 'German Olympic tourists from Atlanta 1996 (n=212) also mentioned as a reason to visit the Games "to experience a top world event" (77.4%) (cf. Messing/M端ller 1996). However, for the tourists the feeling of the atmosphere in Atlanta was the most important reason (95.5%) to attend the Games.

318


Fig. 4 - Reasons given by volunteers for applying for a job in percentage terms (n=202)

Experience something thrilling

12.9%

See high performance sports

19.8%

Make international contacts

Meet nice people

Take part in top world event

"The phrase "for the brilliant tomorrow of the fatherland" asks that the people come together for the good of their country". Especially for Asian cultures a psychic income is the avoidance of a bad feeling driven from not acting in a way that is expected. The hosting of the Olympic Games in Nagano was a national event, and the people thought they had a responsibility to take part. According to Kang (1999), for many Asians the country is an extension of the family. Besides internal income the volunteers also got external income. Even when external income is no salary, many volunteers expect a reward from a third party for doing their job (Table 1). On the one hand, this can be seen in the reason "to get international contacts"

Table 1 - Inducements for volunteers from Nagano 1998 Category

Inducement

Internal

Percentage

n

the work as volunteer is thrilling

81.5%

189

income

to take part in a top world event

58.9%

202

(psychic)

to meet nice people

39.1%

202

to see high performance sports

19.8%

202

to experience something thrilling

12.9%

202

External

to get clothing

100.0%

202

income

to get food

53.0%

202

(from third)

to make international contacts

35.1%

202

to get tickets / free admission

34.7%

202

to get accommodation

31.7%

202

to get time off from work

28.6%

119

319


Fig. 5 â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Cost-benefit consideration of volunteers

Appreciate to be volunteer

COST

BENEFIT

Reject to be volunteer

COST

BENEFIT

(35.1%). This answer shows the meaning of exchange in a non-material sense. On the other hand volunteers get material incentives. Besides clothing, which had a value of approximately US$ 750, they received other rewards. The table shows the percentage of volunteers that got or felt an inducement. The internal (psychic) income are incentives that create a feeling, the external incentives are performances given to the volunteer by others. Internal and external income as well as costs and contributions are very variable. If the internal income decreases, the external income has to rise in order to keep the balance with the costs. The internal income will be lower, for example, if the Olympic Games lose prestige (doping, IOC crises, etc.) or if the work for the volunteers is not thrilling enough. Organising Committees such as Barcelona create special programmes for volunteers to keep their income high (cf. ClapĂŠs 1995, 172-173). Looking at the costs and contributions a volunteer has, there are both non-material and material costs. The non-material cost factor is time. Time in terms of working time and taking vacation. The average working time for a volunteer of this survey was 8.7 h/day. In 1993 the average working time of Japanese was 7.6 h/day (Federal Statistical Office 1994,125).

Table 2 -Working time of volunteers in Nagano 1998 (n=169)

Working time per day

Percentage

< 7 h/day

8.3%

7 h/day 8 h/day 9 h/day 10 h/day

7.7% 34.3% 18.9%

> 10 h/day 320

22.5% 8.3%


Taking vacation to be a volunteer are also non-material costs. 50.4% of the volunteers had to take vacation in order to work for the Games. The mode was 10 days' vacation.

Table 3 - Nagano volunteers' work days (n=153) Days to work < Less than one week 7-13 days More than two weeks

Percentage 13.7% 54.2% 32.1%

An honorary office must suit the personality of a volunteer (Kr端ger 1998, p. 108). Concerning the work during the Olympics, 81.5% felt their job was thrilling. However, the tasks given to them often were too much for the volunteers. 41.8% said, too much had been expected from them and an additional 47.5% mentioned that it was, at least partly, too much. In order to decrease the level of excessively high expectation, the training of the volunteers should be improved. It is striking that 28.2% did not get any training from the NAOC (Fig. 6).

Fig. 6 - Volunteers' participation on training courses (n= 188) No time organisational reason 19.1% No interest 1%

Yes 79.1%

No information 8.5%

Fig. 7 - Distance from Nagano to the home town of volunteers (n=194)

9% > 500 Km

15% <10Km

25%

20% 11-50 Km

201-500 Km

13% 101-200 Km

18% 51-100 Km 321


Concerning material costs,firstthe travel expenses of the volunteer have to be mentioned. Fig. 7 shows that 47.9% lived more than 100 km away from Nagano. Second, excluding those volunteers that get free accommodation, there are still 23% that have to cover either high travel expenses or costs for accommodation, due to the fact that they live further than 200 km away. Third, there is the coverage of the daily expenses, that was on average US$ 207/volunteer. Table 4 - Inducement-contribution matrix of Olympic volunteers

Non-material

Material

Inducement/benefit

Contribution/cost

â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Honour, gratefulness, recognition of the NAOC â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Olympic prestige - Take part in a world top event â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Getting time off from work - Make contacts, friends - Memorable, deeply moving

- Vacation

-

-

Clothing Food Accommodation Tickets/access to venues

-Work

Travel Food Accommodation Daily expenses

In conclusion Table 4 shows the main inducements and contributions the volunteers of Nagano could gain, when they applied for a job. An OCOG also has to consider several conditions in order to find the necessary amount of qualified volunteers to help stage the Olympic Games successfully.

3.3 Opinions of volunteers The opinions of the volunteers about the Olympic Games should be noted very briefly here. The three most often mentioned opinions were: (1) The Olympic Games of Nagano have been a great chance for international exchange and understanding (95.8%, n=192). (2) The Olympic Games are primarily for entertainment (93.8%, n=192). (3) The achievement of Olympic athletes motivates people to be active in sports themselves (93.7%, n=191). The positive homogeneous answers reflect on the one hand the prerequisites and on the other hand explain the readiness of young people to become a volunteer: Peace - Entertainment - Sports. The volunteers of Nagano see certain advantages and disadvantages for the city of Nagano through the Games. It is striking that 3 of the 4 most mentioned advantages for Nagano are also related to the international image as well as to prestige. Most of the volunteers (90.6%, n=191) think: "The image of Nagano is improving". The third most common was "new private connections with foreign countries can be established" (73%, n=189). This is followed by "The world-wide awareness level of Nagano will increase" (71.7%, n=187). The disadvantages are related to traffic problems through the 322


Games (81.3%, n=189). The second most common answer was the increasing of the rent prices (54.5%, n=189). Concerning the change of the price level, Preuss (1998, 209-210) investigated that there are usually no long-lasting changes others than to the inflation rate. Finally the volunteers of Nagano will be split into two groups. The "optimistic" group (72.5%) of volunteers that foresee a secure future for the Olympic Games. The second group is the "sceptic" (27.5%) one. They foresee an unsure or no future for the Olympic Games. It can significantly be shown that the male volunteers are more sceptical than their female counterparts (Chi2= 4.66, df=l, p<0.05). A larger number of the sceptical group seemed not to be satisfied with their work as volunteers, even if this is not significant (Chi2= 5.38, df=l, p<0.1). It can be stated that, in comparison to other groups (German Tourists in Atlanta (59%) or German-speaking sports students (69%)) the volunteers from Nagano (73%) were more optimistic. Concerning the dangers that can be foreseen for the Olympics both groups gave the same number of answers (average 1.9). Significant differences can be seen. The sceptics see a major problem in overloading the Games with too many sports (Chi2= 4.87, df=l, p<0.05), the optimistic more often fear genetic manipulation of the athletes (Chi2= 3.96, df=l, p<0.05). It also has to be mentioned, that there are no significant differences between the two groups concerning the level of education (Chi2= 6.27, df=5, p<0.75), age (Chi2= 5.51, df=6, p<0.75) or employment by a sponsor of the Games (Chi2= 5.57, df=7, p<0.5).

4. Conclusion In general, it can be stated, that the volunteers of Nagano 1998 were satisfied with the Olympic Games and their job. On the one hand, a high percentage (92.5%) of the volunteers had positive or at least neutral feelings about their job. On the other hand, the expectations such as taking part in a top world event or getting international contacts (93.1%) were met. Furthermore, most of the volunteers felt their job was thrilling, even if sometimes too much was expected from them. It is striking, that many volunteers were female, and that the majority of them were optimistic about the future of the Games. Due to the fact that nearly half of the volunteers had held honorary office somewhere else, the group of volunteers investigated here can be described as socially active. Concerning the future of the Olympic Games both the optimistic and the sceptical volunteers see the biggest danger in commercialisation (48%), doping (40.6%) and terrorism (33.2%). These fears are very similar to those of various groups investigated by the Olympic Games Research Team, Mainz4. Inducements and contributions have at least got to be balanced. This puts pressure on future Organising Committees. When the budget is tight, the internal income has to be increased. The problem increases when the internal income loses its value â&#x20AC;&#x201D; for example, due to crises of the Olympic Movement, doping scandals or mismanagement of public money. This means that it might become more difficult to find enough qualified volunteers in the future. Volunteers serving mainly without material compensation are highly compensated by the reputation of the Games. If internal income diminishes, the only alternative is to increase the material incentives to a level that the contributions of the volunteers are covered. But that is like having paid staff- who due external incentives are less enthusiastic. The appearance of the respective Olympic Games would suffer from such a change. 4

For example the German-speaking sports students (Austria, Germany), n=628, doping (73%), commercialisation (72%) and terrorism (57%) (Preuss 1997, 286). See also the German tourists in Atlanta 1996, n=212, commercialisation (66.3%), doping (53.3%), overload through too many sports (57.5%) and terrorism (47.2%) (MĂźller/Messing 1996).

323


Bibliography Aria, S.M. (1997), "Volunteers within a Changing Society: The Use of Empowerment Theory in Understanding Serious Leisure", World Leisure and Recreation, Vol. 39 (3), 19-22. Chapél, A. (1995), "The Volunteers of Barcelona '92: The Great Festival of Participation", in Moragas, M./Botella, M. (ed.), The Key to Success. The Social, Sporting, Econoomic and Communication Impact of Barcelona, Barcelona: Universität Autônoma de Barcelona. Chappelet, J.-L. (1999), "Managing Volunteers at Large Scale Events: The Case of the Olympic Winter Games", Symposium on Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement, Nov 24-26'h, Lausanne, chapter in this book. Federal Statistical Office (1994), Länderbericht Japan 1994, Wiesbaden: Metzler-Poeschel. Heinemann, K./Schubert, M. (1992), Ehrenamtlichkeit und Hauptamtlichkeit in Sportvereinen, Schorndorf: Karl Hofmann Verlag. Kang S.-P. (1999) "Volunteers in East Asia Religions and Cultures", Symposium on Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement, Nov 24-26*, Lausanne, chapter in this book. Krüger, M. (1998), "Ehrenamt/Ehrenamtlichkeit", in Lexikon der Ethik im Sport, Grupe, O. and D. Mieth, eds., Schorndorf: Hofmann, 105-108. March/Simon (1967), Organization, New York, London, Sydney: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Moragas, M./Moreno, A./Paniagua R. (1999), "The Evolution of Volunteers at the Olympic Games", Symposium on Volunteers, Global Society and the Olympic Movement, Nov 24-26'\ Lausanne, chapter in this book. Müller, N./Messing, M. (1997), Unpublished tables to report on the survey among German Olympic tourists in Atlanta'96. Sports Faculty of the Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz. Parker, S. (1997), "Volunteering — Altruism, Markets, Causes and Leisure", World Leisure and Recreation, Vol. 39 (3), 4-5. Preuss, H. (1998), "Olympic Ideal from the viewpoint of German und Austrian Physical Education Students", in International Pierre de Coubertin Committee (ed.), Müller, N. (publ.) Coubertin and Olympism, Questions for the Future. Le Havre 1897-1997, Niedernhausen, Strasbourg, Sydney: Schors, C.R.E.E.C., Walla Walla, 281-286. Preuss, H. (1998), "Problemizing Arguments of the Opponents of Olympic Games", in Barney, R.K./ Wamsley, K.G./Martyn, S.G./MacDonald, G.H. (ed.) Global and Cultural Critique: Problematizing the Olympic Games. Fourth International Symposium for Olympic Research, London ON, pp. 197-218. Shinde, M. (1999), Job Satisfaction of Volunteer Activity in Nagano Olympic Games. Tokai University, unpublished paper. Winkler, J. (1988), Das Ehrenamt, Schorndorf: Hofmann.

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The Volunteers During and After the Games Igor Lanzoni Italian Committee Pierre de Coubertin, Italy

1. Introduction As we approach the new millennium and move into the second centenary since the romantic revival of the ancient institution of the Olympic Games, we could without any hesitation say that the Olympic Ideal, athletics and generally all sports, have developed a tremendous amount. Even the early pioneers of sport would never have imagined such impressive growth. When we talk of a period of a hundred years and try to describe the progress and development of Olympism, we do not refer merely to the tremendous progress made in sports techniques and the impressive optimization of performances. The great progress which brought about this rapid growth of Olympism can be seen all over the world. The correct application of Olympic principles and the faith which the moral principles of the Olympic Idea have inspired, have brought many people of all races around the world closer together with the creation of the great institution of the Olympic Games. The involvement of the whole of society in sport has also made great progress over the last few decades. This can be seen in the enthusiasm of the spectators at sports events, as well as the enthusiasm and freedom with which young people practise sports. Those responsible for the revival of the institution of the Olympic Games did not expect the Olympic ideals to achieve so much. It has been said that individual sports organisations, local associations, regional and national sports bodies and the international sports federations contributed significantly to the growth of the quadrennial Olympic Games after their revival. They chose the correct direction for the development of sport, always in accordance with the ideals and principles of Olympism. The revival of the ancient institution of the Olympic Games was possible largely because of the rise of humanistic thought after the Renaissance, and in particular the efforts to enrich the culture of youth by developing their physical abilities alongside their mental faculties. This was in accordance with the ideas offered to the world by the study of ancient writings and the opinions of the ancient philosophers, who maintained that proper spiritual cultivation was achieved through the cultivation of the body. The philosophy of Olympism, as expressed by the established Olympic principles, is basically a philosophy of culture and education. Its objectives are to develop in individuals a strong will, a lofty spirit, and a desire, when facing others and one's own self, to excel and remain ahead. This Olympic philosophy is common and accessible to all individuals, from any nation or race and under any system of government. With this philosophy and the implementation of Olympic principles in education, modern states can prepare their young people to become worthy citizens who will seek perfection. An example of the perfection to which young people can aspire can be found in the motto "a healthy mind in a healthy body". We could argue that it is not enough merely to prepare youth to participate in sport events or to be trained in those sports events: it is necessary to make young people understand how essential it is to act as a volunteer as well. 325


The desire to volunteer has always existed, especially in the Olympic Games, both ancient and modern. In the more recent Olympic Games the phenomenon has grown considerably as the Olympic Games Organising Committees try to manage this sector better and more effectively. Volunteers have been involved in a great number of operational areas at every Olympic Games, and their help has been invaluable. The areas in which volunteers have participated are management, medical science, technical areas, languages, the media, presentations, opening and closing ceremonies, etc. The number of volunteers involved in the Olympic Games is very large, as they are brought together from all over the world. 50,000 volunteers, specialising in different operational areas, will participate in the Games in Sydney, Australia. Many volunteers also participate in the Youth Camps. In these Camps, many recreational programmes are organised in order to give young people a chance to put their creative skills and interests to use. While staying at the Youth Camp, athletes and students are given the opportunity to exchange their cultural and sport experiences, and to learn about the traditions and characteristics of the host country. In general, the idea is to improve international relations during the Olympic celebration. The Olympic Charter calls for setting the "educational value of good example and respect for universal fundamental ethical principles". The Olympic Movement, and the Olympic Games in particular, are the crown jewel of sport. The Olympic Movement encompasses various sports federations, national governing bodies, organising committees, associations, clubs, coaches and athletes who voluntarily come together for the joy of taking part in athletic competition. It is very important for everyone in