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lympic Games media and cultural exchanges The experience of the last four Summer Olympic Games

Centre d'Estudis OlĂ­mpics i de l'Esport


SUBJECT INDEX SUGGESTED BY THE LIBRARY SERVICE OF THE UNIVERSITAT AUTÓNOMA DE BARCELONA Olympic Games, media and cultural exchanges : the experience of the last four summer Olympic Games: international symposium, Palau de Pedralbes, Barcelona, April 3-5 1991 ; [sponsors: Comisión Interministerial de Ciencia y Tecnología (CICYT)... et al.]; editor: Muriel Ladrón de Guevara i Bardají. - Bellaterra [Barcelona]: Centre d'Estudis Olímpics idel'Esport, 1992. I. Ladrón de Guevara i Bardají, Muriel II. Centre d'Estudis Olímpics i de l'Esport 1. Olympic Games : 1992 : Barcelona (Catalunya) 2. Olympic Games -Meetings 796.032.2 (467.11) «1992»

Centre d'Estudis Olímpics i de l'Esport Director: Míquel de Moragas i Spá International Symposium Olympic Games, media and Cultural Exchanges (The experience of the last four summer Olympia Games) Palau de Pedralbes, Barcelona. April 3-5 1991 Editor: Muriel Ladrón de Guevara i Bardají Design: Heusch & Lannes English versión: Berlitz de España, S.A. Edition published w i t h the support and the technology of Rank Xerox D.L.: B-44874-91 Centre d'Estudis Olímpics i de l'Esport Edifici B Campus Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona 08193 Bellaterra (Barcelona) Tel. (3) 581 19 92 Fax. (3)581 2139


Olympic Games media and cultural exchanges The experience of the last four Summer Olympic Games

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1.OPENING 9

11

Miquel de Moragas Spá,

Pasqual Maragall,

Director of the Centre d'Estudis Olímpics and Professor of Mass Communication studies a t t h e Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona FOREWORD Lord Mayor of Barcelona and President of COOB'92 OPENING LECTURE

2. THE EXPERIENCE OF THE LAST 20 YEARS 19

Bruce Kidd,

27

Oleg Milshtein,

35

John MacAloon,

55

Kang Shin-Pyo.

Professor of Physical and Health Education, University of Toronto, Canadá THE CULTURE WARS OF THE MONTREAL OLYMPICS Professor of History and Sociology of Sport, State Central Institute of Physical Education, Moscow TELEVISIÓN: SPORTS AND CULTURE AT THE GAMES OF THEXXII OLYMPIAD IN MOSCOW Professor of Anthropology, University of Chicago COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE OLYMPIC CEREMONIES, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO LOS ANGELES, 1984 Professor of Anthropology, Hanyang University, Korea of South THE SEOUL OLYMPICS AND DAE-DAE CULTURAL GRAMMAR

3. BARCELONA'92 69

Miquel de Moragas Spá,

84

Josep Subiros,

87

Eduard Delgado,

Director of the Centre d'Estudis Olímpics and Professor of Mass Communication studies a t t h e Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona COMMUNICATION AND CULTURE, A SINGLE PROJECT: BARCELONA'92 Chief executive officer of Olimpíada Cultural, S.A. THE CULTURAL OLYMPIAD: OBJECTIVES, PROGRAMME AND DEVELOPMENT Director of the Centre d'Estudis i Recursos Culturáis de la Diputació de Barcelona CULTURAL POLICY FACING THE OLYMPIC GAMES EXCEPCIONALITY

4. THE INFLUENCE OF THE OLYMPIC GAMES ON SPORT 95

Nuria Puig,

101

Manuel García Ferrando,

106

Ángel Zaragoza,

Professor of Sports Sociology at the Institut Nacional d'Educació Física de Catalunya THE INFLUENCE OF THE OLYMPIC GAMES ON SPORT

Professor of Sociology at Valencia University THE EVOLUTION OF HIGH PERFORMANCE SPORT, OLYMPISM AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THE POPULATION'S PRACTICE OF SPORT Professor of Sociology at Barcelona University INFLUENCE OF THE OLYMPIC GAMES ON SPORT. SPORT IN THE METROPOLITAN ÁREA

5. OLYMPIC GAMES, POLITICAL AND SPORTING PLANNING 111

Josep L. Vilaseca,

Sports General Secretary, Generalitat de Catalunya CATALÁN SPORT AND OLYMPISM


119

Rafael Cortés Elvira,

General Director of Sports of Consejo Superior de Deportes OLYMPIC CAMES, POLITICAL AND SPORTING PLANNING

124

Enric Truñó,

Town Councillor, Ajuntament de Barcelona OLYMPIC GAMES, POLITICAL AND SPORTING PLANNING

128

Frederic Prieto,

Deputy of Sports Área, Diputació de Barcelona OLYMPIC GAMES, POLITICAL AND SPORTING PLANNING

6. THE POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT OF THE OLYMPIC GAMES OF BARCELONA 135

Isidre Molas,

Professor of Constitutional Law at the Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona and Director of the Institut de Ciéncies Polítiques i Socials de Barcelona BARCELONA'92 POLITICAL FRAMEWORK

139

Gabriel Colomé,

Professor of Political Science at the Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona and Secretary of the Centre d'Estudis Olímpics POLITICS AND THE OLYMPIC GAMES

143

John Hargreaves,

Professor of Sociology, University of London, Goldsmiths" College OLYMPISM AND NATIONALISM, SOME PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS

153

Jim Riordan,

Professor of Linguistic, International Studies and Russian Studies, University of Surrey, England SPORT AND THE OLYMPICS IN THE LIGHT OF REVOLUTIONARY CHANGE IN EASTERN EUROPA

7. THE TELEVISIÓN COVERAGE OF THE OLYMPIC GAMES OF BARCELONA'92 171

176

James Larson,

Manuel Romero,

Professor of Communication, University of Washington-Seattle THE «FIRST SPECTATOR»: TELEVISIÓN AND THE BARCELONA SUMMER OLYMPIC GAMES

General Director of Radio Televisió Olímpica'92 (RTO'92). BROADCASTING OF BARCELONA'92 OLYMPIC GAMES

183

Josep Maria Benet,

Sports Director of TV3, Televisió de Catalunya TELEVISIÓN BROADCASTING OF BARCELONA'92

8. SYMBOLS AND CULTURAL PROPOSALS: THE DESIGN OF BARCELONA'92 187

Josep M. Trias,

Designer of the logo and the Olympic pictogrammes SYMBOL AND LOGO OF BARCELONA'92 OLYMPIC GAMES

192

Javier Mariscal, Designer of the mascot «Cobi» DESIGN OF THE «COBh

196

Enric Satué, Designer of one of the off icial posters DESIGN OF THE OLYMPIC POSTERS

198

Esteve Agulló, Designer of the environment of the Olympic Games ENVIRONMENTAL PROJECT FOR THE OLYMPIC GAMES

200

Ramón Bigas, Designer of the censer DESIGN OF THE CENSER

202

Manuel Huerga & Josep Sol,

203

Antoni Rossich,

Ovideo Bassat Sports THE OLYMPIC CEREMONIES

Director Comercial COOB'92 SPONSORING OF THE OLYMPIC GAMES

CLOSING LECTURE 209

Joan Guitart, Conseller de Cultura, Generalitat de Catalunya CLOSING LECTURE


1 OPENING •


Foreword: The Olympic Games, a cultural phenomenon

Miguel de Moragas Spá Director of the «Centre d'Estudis Olímpics» (Centre of Olympic Studies)

The organization of the symposium on «Jocs Olímpics. comunicació i intercanvis culturáis» (Olympic Games, communication and cultural exchanges), the records of which are published in this volume, was one of the basic projects of the «Centre d'Estudis Olímpics» (Centre of Olympic Studies), founded by the «Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona» in 1988 with the aim of promoting academic activities related to the Games of Barcelona'92.

Academic Conference held in the same year as the Olympic Games and the conference commemorating the Games' first year anniversary Toward One World, Beyond All Barriers.

At the time we believed, and the idea has become more and more evident, thatthe Olympic Games are of utmost interest for the social sciences. We also felt, however, that the future of the olympic movement and of the organization of the Games itself depends on the ability of its complex dimensions, especially those which can be discovered, analysed and valued by the social sciences. Without the contribution of these sciences, of their academic activity which means research, divulgence and a revisión of its aims, the olympic movement could find itself devoid of the knowledge which could help it adapt to the quick social changes which affect politics, culture, technology and the commercialization of the cultural and symbolic processes of the contemporary world. Without the cultural, educational, social and political dimensions which the social sciences can discover, the organizers of the Olympic Games could end up merely running a sports event without any positive effect in the área of education and international cooperation. For this reason it was important to also bring to Barcelona, before the Games in '92, the proposal of a reflection and cultural analysis which the organizing committees of other Olympic Games had inspired, especially the organizers of the Olympic Games in Seoul in 1988. Our symposium, albeit the modesty of its organization, gathered together the experience of the great academic events of Seoul, especially the symposium Olympics and East/West and South/North Cultural Exchange in the World System held in 1987 underthe scientific direction of John Macaloon and Kang Shin-Pyo, the World

Our symposium, «Jocs Olímpics. Comunicació i Intercanvis Culturáis», and the documents compiled in this volume also reflect this, proposed an analysis of the experience of the Olympic Summer Games of the last 25 years: Montreal'76 (Bruce Kidd), Moscow'80 (Oleg Milstein), Los Angeles'84 (John Macaloon), Seoul'88 (Kang Shin-Pyo) and Barcelona'92. The aim of the symposium was to bring the experts who write and will write about the Olympic Games as a social phenomenon, as well as from the viewpoint of cultural anthropology, sociology, politics or history, into contact with the immediate protagonists who politically manage or are preparing the Games of Barcelona, especially as regards the cultural and communication aspects. First of all, those in charge of the cultural policy, or the «tout court» policy, of the Games of Barcelona, were invited to particípate in the symposium. Thus, the inaugural conference was presented by Pasqual Maragall, mayor of Barcelona and president of the COOB'92, and the closing conference was headed by Joan Guitart, «conseller de Cultura de la Generalitat de Catalunya» (Head of Cultural Affairs of the Catalán Government). The subjects of analysis were the media and televisión plans for the Games in Barcelona (Manuel Romero of RTC'92 (Catalán Radio and Televisión), Miquel de Moragas, James Larson), the proposals of the «Olimpiada Cultural» (Josep Subiros, Eduard Delgado) and also a highiy important issue as isthe content and cultural proposals of the inauguration and closing ceremonies (Manuel Huerga, Josep Sol). Also analysed was the impact of the Games on sports and its social practice (García Ferrando, Nuria Puig, Ángel Zaragoza) and the sports administration policies (Josep Lluís Vilaseca of the «Generalitat de Catalunya» (Catalán Government), Rafael Cortés Elvira of the «Consejo Superior de Deportes» (Spanish Government Department of Sports); Enric Truñó of the «Ajuntament of Barcelona» (Barcelona Town Council), Frederic


Prieto of the «Diputació de Barcelona» (Barcelona Province Government). The symposium also took into consideration the political consequences of the Games on the hosting city both from the viewpoint of the organization policy (Gabriel Colomé) and the general policy (Isidre Molas), as well as international policy (John Hargreaves, James Riordan). Our symposium, following what is a tradition in Barcelona, also gave great importance to the production of the symbols, both from the point of view of their graphic design as well as product design (Bigas). While recognizing the ¡mportant precedent which the image design of the Games of Munich, 1972 represented, we believed that the case of the Games of Barcelona will merit a special consideration in the cultural history of olympic games and design itself. The creative process and the ¡mportant cultural impact of the mascot and logo were discussed by the designers themselves (Xavier Mariscal and Josep Ma Trias). Their strategic and commercial importance were also analysed by those in the organizing committee in charge of communication and marketing (Jaume Masferrer and Antoni Rossich).

All of these studies and reports, elaborated before the Games of 1992, will need to be followed up, again following in the footsteps of Seoul'88, in an academic conference which will be held on the first anniversary of the Games in July 1993. This new symposium will be the time to evalúate the outcome and provide new insights for future Olympic Games. Our symposium on «Jocs Olímpics. comunicació i intercanvis culturáis. 1991». had a very clear objective which was to promote the interest in the cultural aspects -often implicit- in the celebration of the Games, and in this way, from the standpoint of academic activity, contribute to a better organization of theGames of Barcelona. We would like to thank all the participants in the symposium making a special mention of Muriel Ladrón de Guevara and Susanna Ribes who gave all their enthusiasm to the organization. At the more institutional level, we would like to express our gratitude to the «Comisión Interministerial de Ciencia y Tecnología» (CICYT) (Interministerial Commission of Science and Technology) which was the first institution to support our academic initiative.


Opening Lecture

It is a great satisfaction for the city of Barcelona to have with us today this group of prestigious academicians who a year ago started a joint reflection on the communicational and cultural content of the Olympic Games.

Pasaual Maraqall Lord Mayor of Barcelona and President of COOB'92

own language, which has a series of features which define it in relation with its position in the conjunction of Hispanic cultures, as a door into Europe on the Mediterranean coast. The city of Barcelona is the largest one on the Mediterranean Sea, not only regarding population (this point I should like to say that regards such a special might be argued due to the great growth some movement, so singular, as the Olympic movement, Mediterranean cities are undergoing, especially because it really is singular, is that it does not on the south coast) but also for its cultural signihave a political juridical support structure of the ficance, its economic significance and for its hisnature of the international institutions we are tory. The most relevant valúes of Catalán and used to studying. It is enormously more singular in Barcelonese culture, which we can rapidly list, like its characteristics, from the positive legal viewpothose connected, especially in recent decades, int a phenomenon difficult to classify; it is not an with modernism, avant-gardism in the arts, and organism, it is not an intergovernmental instituwith a powerful literature, and also a significant tion, ñor is it a typical ONG, it is juridically an theatre -of elassie nature and very often linked to entity of prívate Swiss law, which has a very imthe movement more than the language itself, a portant moral presence in the international subject which surely is connected with the pluriworld, but moral. This makes it enormously vulne- cultural character of the city-, well, this Catalán rable but enormously attractive for large masses culture is a very ancient one, whose roots go back of world population. We here in Barcelona, which further than what is considered to be the birth of has had the good fortune to be nominated by this Catalonia, 1000 years ago, to introduce itself into Olympic family, as host for the Summer Games'92, a history like Barcelona's of practically 2000 years. view this opportunity as the continuation of a It is a culture of passage. This is very significant: series of moments of our history as a city, which I this is a country of passage objectively open to all should like to speak to you about briefly, as I influences, all invasions and with easy Communicathink this will help to form a clear idea of what tions northwards, despite the barrier of the the Barcelona Games mean -I underline the word Pyrenees which today is becoming a crossroads Barcelona- what peculiarity these Games will have, ratherthan a barrier, thanks to Communications something about the city where the Olympic and telecommunications. It is a culture that has family will be, what references, its background, always felt the need to make itself understood in and the historical and cultural framework within languages other than its own. There are other which these Games will be held. cultures in Europe similar to this, but ¡t is difficult to classify the culture of Barcelona, the Catalán culture, precisely for the fact that there are open Barcelona is a city formed mostly in specific cultures in Europe, but which very often tend to historie moments. At the end of the XIX century, disappear, to be dissolved in a world ever more in 1888, there was a great universal exhibition interactive. There are also Atlantic cultures of which implied a very significant urbanistic transEuropean nature, which have their language and formation. In the year 29 of this century there was their particularity, but which are subjected to the another international exhibition, which shaped enormous influence of the winds and current that which next year will be the heart of the coming precisely from the ocean. And there are Games, Montjuíc Park -which we then called closed cultures, insular cultures, which very often Montjui'c Mountain, and today, more and more, unfortunately -and through no fault of theirs but thanks to its easy access and urbanity, Montjuíc because of the contexthave a tendeney towards Park. This city has taken the encounter of '92 as a certain degree of involution. another milestone in a chain of moments of its history in which it has been possible to shape its definitive structure. I think that ¡f we have to define here in Barcelona, the cultural world in which the Summer Barcelona is, besides, the framework of Catalán Games'92 are to be developed, we should say that it is a culture which maintains a balance between culture. Catalán culture is a local culture, with its


these two components, open, place of passage, place of communication, and likewise identity, of solidity ¡n ¡ts cultural identity. It is a culture which has had an urban, bourgeoise and popular component of great strength since the Middle Ages, and it is obvious that has made it stronger than others, more capable of resistance than others, although it must be said -as historians have contributed to accrediting- that the team did not win -to say it in sports terms- at key moments of its history, for instance the most ¡mportant moment of our modern history, which is most surely the XVIII century, when all we can cali modernity originated. This country then opted for a political possibility, for one of the political families of Europe. I would say that it definitely was not the best moment. It was when the Habsburgs carne back into fashion. If you are readers of contemporary literature referring to middle Europe and the rivers crossing it, you will surely agree with me that this tradition that did not triumph -and particularly in the península- is now being rediscovered having virtues not recognised at the time. However, the team we opted for as a country was certainly not the one with the easiest League. This is our culture, which resisted victoriously and efficiently the tendency to disappear and also the tendency to turn in on itself. Catalonia keeps the balance between openness and identity. In this sense it is a nation. It has the two elements that make a nation. It is not merely a closed cultural curiosity that can be studied, like an anthologic object, a jewel, a precious stone; it is more than that, and besides it is capable of maintaining characteristic features in international dialogue. Therefore, it is a nation. Now, it is a nation in a multinational state. A nation playing a part -by a will written in the Constitution and the Statute of Catalonia- in the construction of a pluricultural and multinational state which is the Spanish state and Spanish constitution. And this will be reflected atthe Games and in the image the Games will give through the media and also the 400.000 people who will come here. At times this duality, these tensions of our culture, give rise to conflicts, however they are conflicts that form part of its vitality. Of course

there are people who tend to point out the agglomerating and positive effect of Barcelona as a large city. Many have said: «Catalonia would be a cultural curiosity, like many in Europe if it were not for the existence of the city. Of course, this is evident and true, and statistically proven. There are other cultures in Europe having many similar characteristics and which cannot be said to be nations or nationalities in the strict sense of the word. And many do not have a large city vertebrating them. It is also true that Barcelona is as it is and has the forcé it has because it is the daughter of the existence of a regional power, a country and farming power, an original and historie power, bestowed precisely by its hinterland and its Catalán framework. This isthe reality, intriguing, interesting, dialectic, positive and enriching which you must analyse as framework of this great cultural event which the '92 Games will be. As the mayor of the city of Barcelona, I must insist and underline, whenever I am asked of course, on some of the aspects of this balance and feeling; but evidently on an occasion like this I must be perfectly cold and describe what the reality is, what this duality is. If I have to defend Barcelona, I should say, of the city and its role, I should say that no culture is possible -in the strict sense of the word, without its language, which is very often wrongly identified with culture, of which it is evidently the fundamental nerve-, without the existence of a great urban concentration. And it is not by chance that the Olympic Games, at the end of the XIX century, thanks to Barón de Coubertin's great intuition, are attributed not to a state, not even to a nation or a región, but to a city. This is not by chance because I believe that with this intuition, the internationalistic aristocracy of the end of the XIX century-everyone was internationalistic atthe end of the XIX century, all social classes, because the great hope brought about by having a century practically without war, from the end of the Napoleonic war of 1815, in Europe, something unusual, there were no wars until the World War (there was a small one in 1870)- gave rise to the hope that we were really cióse to that which Humanity had always thought was cióse, but that this time it could be true, which ¡s international peace, brotherhood of man. That time saw the birth of the Olympic Movement and which was


also born with positive internationalism and sought ¡ts relationship in the territorial space with a seat that was not political in the state or even national sense, but which sought the city directly, in the Greek tradition. It seeks reference with a place that can have identity but does not have an army, no flags, no borders and which ¡s by definition the place of trade and contact as is the case of all large cities. Barcelona has been the armature, and I believe one of the conditions of existence of a peculiarity from the greatest point of view of national cultures. And this has been possible because without the city it is very difficult for the language itself to exist. I shall explain: language is nothing other than the product of the existence of people who innately know it and who constantly renew and enrich it and preserve its essences and ancient forms, which would be attacked by the existence of passing phenomena, of trade and of contact; that is, the language itself would not exist if there were no poets for a start. Poets are the product of the town, perhaps one of the most typical in the most traditional analysis of the town. They are the non-productive classes, as many others are, in the sense that they do not produce, that they live off a surplus produced by others and that society permits, like a kind of luxury. Now, urban societies can afford these luxuries, they are necessary luxuries, as Osear Wilde would certainly say, they are luxuries that allow culture to exist. Without poets, without writers there is no language, language live and rich and without this vitality the nerve itself of nationality and culture disappears. Therefore, you can see that life is complicated and that this is a city as much as or more complicated than any of the world's large cities. It is, therefore, a city where I believe that the valúes of brotherhood, universality, but also identity, which the Olympic idea refersto, shall have a great stage. Our city has prepared itself in depth over practically ten years for this event. Barcelona asked for the Games a long time ago. Barcelona had what in English is called «a love affair» with the Games as far back as 1920. When the first Spanish athletes carne back from the Games in Antwerp in

1920, Samitier, Zamora, the footballers etc., the first request to organise the Games '24 was already chalked up. This was not to be because in 1924 Barón de Coubertin, who was at the peak of his prolific eyele of head of the international movement, considered that it should be Paris, which had organised the second Games in 1900 without much success because at that time the Games were not very well known, therefore Paris would have a second chance and in fact in 1924 Paris organised a great Olympic Games. And here a kind of club or group of citizens was formed who perpetually or cyclically, time after time, competed to hold the Games, namely: Paris, Barcelona, Amsterdam, Los Angeles and some other cities, which at that time shared the possibility of holding the Games. And so, after Paris, carne Amsterdam and Los Angeles. Then in '36 it was the turn of the fourth of these cities, Barcelona. And the universal exhibition of '29 was only the aperitif, the preparation, the training of this city for a great international event of '36. World events, which so often dash this optimism of humanity who hopes universal brotherhood is at hand, did so once more on that occasion. In Spain there was great political turmoil, the king had fled, the Republic was established, the international Olympic family ¡tself meeting in Barcelona in 1931, settovote Barcelona as host city of the '36 Games, and this city was preelected, but it did not obtain quorum. And this election was not made in '31 and was made, for the first time in the history of the Games, by mail. And they were the Berlin Games. Just the same, Barcelona continued to be ¡n the files of Olympic history because it organised -tenacious and stubborn, it did not give up- the popular Games, The Popular Olympics of '36, with Lluís Companys presiding its organising committee. This popular Olympics appears in the annals of the Olympic files as a very special element in its history. They were not off icial games but the demonstration of a city with its heart set upon organising this international event. On each of these occasions -1920, 1924, 1936 and later 1972-, Barcelona built stadia. The scene where the games will take place next summer has been built over the period of 60 years by a great city which has waited for it for so long.


The Stadium is very clearly this case, it ¡s the symbol of that, but there are also new venues Mke theSant Jordi Palace, orthe remodelled swimming pools which had been built for the European Championships and also for the potential or possible Olympics of '72, like the Picornell pools. So, the city is urbanistically, physically ready for the Games. The best architects in the world who have come here to cooperate in this know that important international prizes have been given not to the Olympic Barcelona as such but to Barcelona, but it ¡s evident that the fact that international architecture and urbanism have done their utmost in this city -ñames like Arata Isozaki and Richard Meier, the Museum of contemporary Art, a museum which before it was born already had the prize for design of the American Association of Architects and Planners-, this fact, I was saying, I believe helps to make clear the reality of a city doing its utmost, in its physical form, to be the best background for the idea of '92. The city has recovered its seafront. Citizens are very proud of the fact that thanks to this historie turn -not thanks to the Games, but to the historie turn; sometimes I say that if Barcelona had not been nominated for the Olympic Games, it would have invented some other reason, because it felt the need, through its internal chemistry, to show itself to the world, and was waiting for this chance or another one; but it was to be the Games, which are the best opportunity for a pacific international city, open and creative, to declare itself. Thanks to this turn of events, as I was saying, Barcelona has reclaimed the sea. An industrial city made in the XIX century by an enormously clever and creative bourgeoisie, with a great potential but which turned its back to the sea, because it was necessary to use the seafront as an industrial front, both in the port as further away, and which at this time has the great chance of lifting this noose, removing the railway track separating the city from the sea, get rid of obsolete industries and big warehouses which separated that which is urban culture from Mediterranean culture, that is, be a proper city of the sea, and which now gains four and a half kilometres of sea and remodelling of its oíd port. Therefore, you will find a city reconciled with the Mediterranean with an oíd tradition to which, due to the industrial imprint of the XIX century, ¡t

had turned its back. If you read the Odes of the poets of this city of a hundred years ago, they all refer to this. All the Odes speak of a city with its back to the sea and which grows inland, because it was necessary for its industry, its homes, a city which colonised the mountains, the hills, the rivers and the plains around, and which seemed to forget about the sea, but never did. In the whole poetic spirit of Barcelona there is this image of a city moving away from the sea, but which carries ¡t deep in its heart and which after all had been the queen of the Mediterranean sea, and hasn't forgotten it. Now, this city which has never forgotten the sea, not only does not forget it but claims it back, freeing it of its fetters. The Games will take place at a very important moment of its history with regards to its rediscovery of the sea. I think from the artistic viewpoint it is important to say -and the fact that a Barcelonese is president of the International Olympic Committee I think underlines it-; (and taking advantage of his absence, I shall make a special mention) that there is a permanent relationship in the conception that Barcelona has of sport with art, a relationship that has Greek roots and in another way, maybe Román. There has been a constant kinship between sport and art in this city. Our artists, in the decade of the 20's to the 30's, contributed to the artistic decoration of what were sports scenes. There was not a total separation between one and the other. We must all regret that the '36 Games did not happen because then we would have had the great contribution of monsters of world painting, like Picasso and Miró. Of Picasso we have his expressions relating to bullfighting, with peace -the doves- and his passion for all the dramas of war, but we do not have a more direct Picassian expression which we would have had if the Olympic Games of Barcelona of '36 had taken place. But we have, and shall have in Barcelona, I am pleased to announce it here, the reconstruction -which ¡s not excessively complicated- of the pavilion which Spain had in '37 in Paris, which the Spanish republie built, according to plans by Josep Lluís Sert, the architect who for sixteen years was the deán of the School of Architecture of Harvard University. We shall have -I hope- the pieces which were made and painted for that pavilion, among which Picasso's Guernika. You will rememberthat Guernika was painted precisely to be


exhibited in that pavilion. So, we think that if we are able to remake that pavilion -and we are- in the Olympic área of Valí d'Hebron, Barcelona, we have the moral right to ask that Guernika, at least during the Games, be with us. We believe it is the historie occasion for this to be.

In Barcelona you will have a city reforming itself, also from the cultural point of view. All the cultural institutions, cultural facilities, do not often develop with the ease that other types of institutions do, and so we can say that the Olympic Games have been in this case the great mobilising agent for Barcelona to reform its ten, fifteen or This relationship between art and sport ¡s pretwenty great cultural institutions or even newly sent at the very headquarters of Olympism, créate them in some cases. This does not mean Lausanne. In front of the Beaulieu Palace, on the that the Games in '92 will mark the arrival point right hand side, you will see a magnificent nude of this process. We shall be at a determinating of an athlete by Clara, which is also reproduced in point of this enormously exciting process, which is the Garden of Sculptures of Seoul, as a gift made more complex than others from the constructive by Prince Felipe, testifying that the best tradition point of view and whose targets are placed furof seulpture, of painting, in short, of art, of Barther beyond. But the reformation of the Museum celona and of Catalonia, has understood that of Art of Catalonia, the building of the Auditosport had to be reproduced by art. rium, the National Theatre, the Museum of Contemporary Art, the remodelling of the Liceo I wish to say that I hope a lot from these sessions, Opera House, the remodelling of the Pedralbes I hope a lot from the interest of the academic world Monastery and place it within the reach of citifor the Games. As the deán has said it is very impor- zens -who do not know it-, a monument which is tant that each city be the product-markedly, with its the largest inhabited Gothic cloister ¡n Europe urbanism, its form -of what the international and one of the most impressive, and which neiOlympic movement contributes. But it is also impor- ther tourism ñor even the citizens of Barcelona tant that the international Olympic movement be know and which the great impulse of this city will capable of nurturing itself from the environment it allow to be known. All of these are important finds itself in. I have supported and will continué to milestones which Barcelona contributes to the support, and not only for reasons of self interest, as Olympic occasion, with a Cultural Olympics which a city, that the international Olympic movement be has implied for us the possibility of launching new nomadic, and not permanently resident in a single cultural markets. Barcelona is a city which, probacity. I consider that its internationality be seen not bly for reasons of language, which I spoke about only in its definition and its origin but from the fact before, has some difficulty in the theatrical marthat as a traveller it has acquired things where it has ket, in the creation of a theatre-loving publie in been, it has been able to assimilate and take on the Catalán, in Spanish and in any other language most positive characters, the most open, the most with a tradition of elassie theatre. And likewise, communicable, the most human -in the sense that the Cultural Olympics has served to créate a marhumanity has common characteristics-which ¡t has ket which hitherto had existed with some found in each of the cities it has been ¡n. In this difficulty. respect Barcelona totally opens itself up to contribute. It will have the best dressings, from the culThe Games have been and will be -and I think tural and artistic point of view, not only so that the this is a very special preoecupation of your coordiinternational Oiympic family not only enjoys itself nator, Mr. Moragas-the launch of new images, as I always say and perhaps repetitively -but also design, logos, mascots and also forms that will be to have the best Games in history, but to have a reflected ¡n the opening and closing ceremonies very special Games, enriching Games, from which and in all the formal aspeets of the Games, as in the Olympic movement can draw benefit. And for Los Angeles happened with Californian design. In this to be so, you shall have to do your task, you the same way -and this has happened at every shall have to be able to explain all this whole Games- what we want is that the Barcelona relationship, enormously complex and enormously Games, in a city that does not buy design but sells rich which very often escapes spectators and even it, as we say, be the occasion of Barcelona's conjournalists. tribution to the design world. You also see singu-


lar opening and closing ceremonies, which will try to be like them all but different from them all, and which want to underline the specific nature of our Catalán culture, but a Catalán culture that wants to represent all the Hispanic cultures, therefore you will see a very special emphasis on the fact that Catalonia, and Barcelona specifically, become representative of this pluricultural and plurinational state which is Spain. The torch has an idea of Mediterranean-ness which is at the very heart of that which is Barcelonese Olympic design. We hope that when the mayor of Barcelona goes to Olympia next year for the torch, on the 23rd of June, Midsummer Night, the eve of Saint John -which is a night of great festivity in the Mediterranean, the bonfire night as we cali it, we hope it will signal the start of very special Games.

We hope they are Games where reality and ñame go together: universal Games, with no exclusión (Cuba, South África, the two Germanies together, if possible all those countries in conflict during the Gulf War) all, with no exclusión or boycotting, meeting in Barcelona, underthe symbol of pacific competition, competition under a flag, but not a flag of war, but to fight with sportsmanship, to compete but pacifically -that is the idea of the Games-. That they be ideal Games in this sense, that everyone be there, and that mankind, who has always hoped to attain this brotherhood permanently and this peace that seems to escape from reach at every moment, might have a truce marking the start of a longlasting peace. Thank you very much and I have great confidence in your work.

.


THE EXPERIENCE OF THE LAST 20 YEARS


The culture wars of the Montreal Olympics

Bruce Kidd Professor of Physical and Health Education University of Toronto, Canadá

Canadians have shown a remarkable talent for staging international and domestic multi-sport games. The «Empire Olympiad» held in Hamilton in 1930 was so successful that participating sports leaders agreed there should be a similar festival every four years, creating the cycle we know now as the Commonwealth Games. The British Empire Games of Vancouver in 1954, the Pan American Games of Winnipeg in 1967, the Commonwealth Games of Edmonton in 1978 and most recently, the Calgary Winter Olympics were all organized with technological innovation, administrative effectiveness, enthusiastic local and national support and a strong emphasis upon intercultural exchange. They received widespread international acclaim as a result. Every province but Alberta has staged the popular Canadá Games, a bi-annual two-week multi-sport competition and arts gala, and most (including Alberta) have their own equivalents. It's almost as if there is a greater Canadian appetite-and genius-for staging multisport eventsthan competing in them o>. Nine cities vied for the right to bid for the 1994 Commonwealth Games.

to ponder our progress (?) towards the 1976 Olympic Games.

But there is one troubling exception to this emerging tradition -the 1976 Olympics. At the very best, the Montreal Games received a mixed review. Many Canadians remember them as an embarrassing failure. During the preparations, there were so many unsettling headlines about construction deaths, delays and scandals; secret, seemingly capricious decision-making; soaring déficits, draconian security measures and starving athletes that the very purpose of the Games was often lost from view (2). Just one year before the Opening Ceremonies, the late Doug Gilbert, arguably Canada's best English-language sportswriter, reflected the widespread malaise: Hundreds of journalists from all over the world have dropped in on Montreal within the last year

They puzzle over the negativity, the curious blend of federal, provincial, municipal and trade unión politics, the lack of interest in Olympism and our unique idea that an Olympiad which doesn't pay for itself is somehow a failure. They respond with polite disbelief over stadium construction schedules and promises and, with few exceptions, go home as confused as ever and still groping for an accurate overview. «Why did Canadá want the Games?» a puzzled East Germán editor asked two months back. «Why did your federal government agree to them if it didn't want to help pay?» You tell him about how Mayor Jean Drapeau occasionally does things all on his own and you can see he doesn't understand the system. And that is probably the answer to everything. The Olympics do not understand Canadá and Canadá does not understand the Olympics. As a result, all 22 million of us have been going around for five years with the vague feeling something is wrong with the 1976 Games (3). Despite a joyous spirit and marvellously successful events when the Games eventually took place, the doubts continued. «There's work to be done if this country is to receive any real valué returned for the $1 billion plus invested,» Gilbert told his readers four months after the Games (4). To this day, the Montreal Olympics remain a symbol of extravagant mismanagement and unfulfilled expectations. One of most vocal critics of Toronto's bid for the 1996 Games, Councillor (and now mayoral candidate) Jack Layton, told his audiences

(1) Canadá is the only host nation not to have won an Olympk gold ¡n the Games -Montreal and Calgary- which ¡t hosted. (2) Nicle auf der Maur, The Billion Dollar Carne (Toronto: Lorimer, 1975) and Brian McKenna and Susan Purcell, Drapeau (Toronto: Penguin, 1981), 261-353. (3) «The Games puzzle that won't fit», The (Montreal) Gazefte, June 21, 1975. In the absence of a careful history, Gilbert's almost daily reports and columm, which he began in 1970 and continued until the fall of 1976, constitute the most comprehensive source for the developments and controversies of the 1976 Olympics. A number of major documents from the City of Montreal and the Organizing Committee are located in the Canadian Olympic Association Archives in Montreal. The bulk of the records are accessible but uncatalogued in the Archives Nationales du Quebec in Montreal. (4 )«The Olympic legacy», The Gazette, November 21, 1976. My own immediate assessment was «Future Games», Weekend Magazine, August21, 1976.


that he was born and raised in Montreal (and unusual designs (and) abandoning the idea of swam in the wake of Olympic freestyler and now Games on a modest scale...Mr. Drapeau must IOC Vice President Dick Pound) and he didn't want assume the greater part of the blame (6). Montreal's Olympic experience visited upon his adopted city. The Toronto bid group made no That is certainly part of the answer. Plans were effortto contest this unfavourable impression, developed in a haphazard fashion and in secrecy, promising instead that they would avoid «another there was patronage and corruption, few cost Montreal». controls, and no responsible project management. There was no attempt to involve volunteers, let Why did the Montreal Games prove so difficult? alone encourage publie consultation and scrutiny. The riddle is even more puzzling when you conIn such a climate, rumours and ill will increased sider the city's rich history in the Olympic sports. the difficulties. I do not excuse irresponsible Montreal is rightly called «the eradle of Canadian conduct. But in this paper, I will argüe that the sports». The male, middle-class Anglo Montrealers impulse to stage grandiose Games and the failings who drafted the first rules and organized the first it led to were magnified by the clash of nationalgoverning bodies often appropriated the ñame isms which preoecupied and polarized Canadian «Olympic» for their activities, creating the society during the period. The analysis is ¡ntended Montreal Olympic Club in 1842, and organizing a to contribute to the explorations of this session into Montreal Olympics» in 1844. Pierre de Coubertin culture, the mass media, and the Olympic Games. visited their successors during his North American I write from the perspective of an historian and field trip in 1889-90 and not surprisingly, they took Olympic participant who took active part in the an early interest in his Games. A Montrealer, debates I am about to describe. Sports and the Etienne DesMarteau, won Canada's first off icial Olympic rituals are valued for their ability to Olympic gold medal in 1904 and Montrealers express the deepest meanings of our experience. helped to créate the Canadian Olympic Committee Through their power of symbolic representation, (now Association) two years later. They have they help to forge cultural identity and a sense of played a vital -some would say dominating- role in community. In the rapidly expanding, new urban the Association ever since. They first bid for the societies of North America, sports have brought 1932 Games, actively considered applying for 1940, peoples of different origins, circumstances, and tried for both the Olympic and Winter Games of beliefs together ¡n rare moments of Durkheim-like 1956 and the Olympics of 1972. During the highly communion, intensifying their feelings of unity by successful World's Fair of 1967, they collaborated differentiating them from those who do not share with Mayor Drapeau to créate ¡mpressive it. In Canadá, when the national hockey team plays permanent headquarters for the COA, and began the Soviets, the entire country seems to shut down to professionalize their operations (5). When they to watch. No other cultural activity unites so joined with the City to créate the Olympic Organmany-patrician and punker, scholar and schoolgirl, izing Committee (COJO) four years later, it looked tenth generation Quebecois and last year's Asian like a winning combination. What went wrong? immigrant-in common purpose and attention (7). The royal commissioner appointed to investígate concluded the principal causes of the considerable discrepaney between the original estimates and the cost of the Olympic Games stem from the administrative irresponsibility ofthe authorities ofthe City and of COJO in choosing unique or

But as John Hargreaves has shown, we must also understand sports as sites of cultural struggle, where different groups with widely varying abilities contend to impose the meanings they prefer (8). The Canadian unity celebrated by the triumph of Team Canadá in international ice hockey helps

(5) SF. Wise and Douglas Fisher, Canada's Sporting Héroes (Toronto: General, 1974); Frank Cosentino and Glynn Leyshon, Olympic Gold (Toronto: Holt Rinehart and Winston, 1975); and Alan Metcalfe, Canadá Learns to Play (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1987). (6) Quebec, Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Cost of the 21 st Olympiad (Albert H. Malouf, Commissioner), April 1980, Vol. 1, 31-31, and 38. (7) Bruce Kidd, «Canada's National Game», Concilium. 205 (5/1989), 69-75. This view of the assimilating/differentiating aspeets of culture has been informed by Karl Deutsch, Nationalism and Social Communication (Cambridge: MIT, 1962). (8) Sport Power and Culture (Cambridge: Polity, 1986).


to reinforce the hegemony of an English-speak¡ng, central Canadian patriarchy, and the legitimacy of high performance as the ultímate measure of cultural validity ¡n sports. At other moments, the ideology of these dominant meanings is contested as such. While cultural struggle has occurred at every Olympic Games, it was particularly acute at the time of the Montreal Games, when the very definition of the host nation and the purpose of sports-both of which frame the staging and interpretaron of an Olympics-were

openly and fiercely debated. In the political economist's vocabulary, the production and distribution of Olympic meanings in Montreal were profoundly shaped by these culture wars and the «failure» of these Games must be understood in that context. There was a beneficial legacy from the Montreal Olympics, but it continúes to be buffeted by similar contradictions today.

Contested beginnings Montreal's bid for the 1976 Olympics was hampered by doubt and opposition from the start. The federal government gave its required approval reluctantly and made a point of ruling out any direct financial support. Ottawa preferred Vancouver's simultaneous bid for the 1976 Winter Olympics and signaled as much to the International Olympic Committee (IOC) by promising to pay for a third of Vancouver's costs. This choice was a response to the growing national and regional tensions which confronted the federal Liberáis and their leader Pierre Trudeau, and an animated debate about the future of Canadian sports. The Govemment's immediate goal wasto give western Canadá an international plum comparable to Montreal's Expo'67, but there was more than regional balancing at stake. During the 1960s, Canadians became increasingly divided by competing def initions of the entire country. In Quebec, a deep sense of collective identity and a resurgence of independentist aspirations led nationalists to demand French unilingualism and ever greater powers for the provincial legislaturetheir «national government» as they called it-at the expense of the federal state. Some even sought outright independence. While a Quebecker himself, Trudeau scorned the idea of «collective rights» and the strategy of making the province the home and fortress of all French-speaking Canadians. Instead, he and his colleagues sought to créate a Canadá in which a strong federal government would guarantee individual rights and opportunities, regardless of birthplace, resi-

dence, or mothertongue. To reassure French speaking Canadians, he strengthened the French presence in the federal government, and set out to provide bilingual services in federal institutions across the country. But these policies were widely resented in western Canadá, where few spoke French and many spoke a first language other than English or French. Such hostility sharpened long-standing grievances over «national» economic policies which favoured the central provinces, and contributed to the articulation of still another concept of Canadá, a «community of communities» in which all provinces-not just Quebec-would enjoy a much greater measure of autonomy. These ideas were developed in concert with a growing concern and debate about American economic and cultural domination. The contending positions were passionately felt. They structured public policies and appointments, academic courses of study, artistic decisions, and the discourse and symbolism of national sport p>. The Vancouver Winter Olympics might have helped reduce western alienation and with the lOC's own official bilingualism in English and French, reinforced Trudeau's idea of Canadá and pan-Canadian unity throughout the región. But in Montreal, the clash of visions was exacerbated. Long dominated economically, politically and culturally by a small, Anglophone élite, it was the site of the fiercest debates about the national question, the largest and most volatile demonstrations for and against language laws, and a small, but growing number of bombing attacks by

(9) There is an ¡mmense literature on this subject. For an introduction, see Donald Smiley, Canadá in Question: Federalism in the I970S (Toronto: McGraw Hill Ryerson, 1976); and lan Lumsden (Ed.) Cióse the 49th Parallel. etc.: the America nization of Canadá (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1970)


Quebec revolutionaries against federal institutions. Nationalism also fuelled a growing militancy among the Quebec working class. While many English-speaking Canadians were sympathetic to some of Quebec's demands, the ¡ntensity of these developments prompted confusión, fear and even racist condemnation in other parts of Canadá. On this difficult terrain, the Trudeau Liberáis found Drapeau an uncertainty. The mayor had long been a central figure ¡n one of the most conservative currents of Quebec nationalism. An admirer of the French right-wing philosopher Charles Maurras with cióse ties to the hierarchy of the Catholic Church, as a young politician he was publicly hostile to the English presence in North America and «other foreigners». During World War Two, he vigorously campaigned against conscription. Whiie he carne to endorse federalism in the 1960s, Drapeau also supported a much stronger Quebec state. The prime minister had known the mayor since they were both students in Montreal and nevertrusted him (10). The debates also contributed to the climate of doubt surrounding the bid. They both drew upon and extended beyond the clash of nationalisms. During the 1968 election, Trudeau had promised a major inquiry into amateur sports, with a view to improving ¿anadian chances in international competition as a means of boosting confidence in the pan-Canadian nation. Most of those directly involved in the Olympic sports accepted these

goals and advocated measures to enhance them, but there was popular support for another less centralized approach, in which scarce resources would be directed towards mass participation and social equity. These views were rooted in the youth radicalization's critique of compulsory physical education and authoritarian sport, the women's movement's cali for less aggressive forms of competition; and government leaders' and the health professions' growing awareness of the costs of illness and inactivity (ii>. (Canada's vaunted public health insurance scheme had been implemented in 1968.) They resonated with the prime minister's own appeal for the creation of a «just society». During these debates, no one appealed to the Coubertin ideology of Olympism in the 1970 White Paper which the Government produced out of this consultation and debate, the goals of high performance sport in the interests of pan-Canadian unity were emphasized, but alongside a lyrical evocation of the social benefits of mass participation (12). This attempt to reconcile the aims of high performance and sport-for-all was reflected in the decisión to privilege the Vancouver bid. A Winter Olympics was felt to be far less expensive; the winter sports were already popular-there would be no need to créate programs for a large number of sports in which few Canadians took part; and there could be significant recreation and fitness benefits if participation could be increased in Nordic skiing and speedskating.

The costs of difference. These debates not only divided the various groups on which a successful Olympics had to draw, but they contributed to a costly delay in organization and construction. In his final presentation to the IOC in Amsterdam in May of 1970, Jean Drapeau turned his failure to obtain a federal financial commitment into a rhetorical

coup. Playing on the growing criticism of Olympic commercialism and extravagance, he promised to recapture the Coubertin spirit of humane idealism with «modest, self-financing Games». The speech won him the day. But his real ambition was Games which would dramatize la survivance, the will of French Canadá to survive in the face of

(10) McKenna and Purcell, Drapeau, 30-70; Stephen Clarkson and Christina McCall, Trudeau and His Times (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1990), 22-65. When Drapeau prorrmed that his Games would not cost the taxpayers, Trudeau replied that he «jmelled a rat». (11) E.g. P.S. Ross and Partners, A Report on Physical Recreation. Fitness and Amateur Sport in Canadá COttawa: Department of National Health and Welfare, 1969); Bruce Kidd et. al, «Physical Recreation ¡n Canadá, a report to the Committee on Youth, Jury 1970. The goals of high performance were most clearly stated in the Report of the Task Forcé on Sport for Canadians (Ottawa: Department of National Health and Welfare, 1969). (12) John Munro, The Proposed Sports Policy for Canadians (Ottawa: Department of National Health and Welfare, 1970). For a critique of its contradictions, see Rick Helms, «Ideology and Social Control in Canadian Sport, in M Hart and S. Birrell (Eclv). Sport in the Sociocultural Process (Dubuque, lowa: Wm. C. Brown, 1981), 207-32.


two centuries of English Canadian attempts at assimilation (13). He still needed federal funding for the necessary expenditures. For almost three years, while he stubbornly lobbied Ottawa for financial help, preparations stalled. A succession of explosive political crises contributed to the delay. In October of 1970, the revolutionary Front Liberation de Quebec (FLQ) kidnapped a British cónsul and a Quebec cabinet minister (in two uncoordinated actions) and Drapeau and the provincial Liberal government panicked. Declaring «a state of apprehended insurrection», they persuaded Trudeau to invoke the War Measures Act, arrest hundreds of activists, and send troops into Montreal. Though popular in English-speak¡ng Canadá, the federal «invasión» only intensified hostility to Trudeau's pan-Canadian nationalism among the Quebecois. In 1972, a general strike led by nationalisttrade unions rekindled the tensión. Support for the left-leaning and openly separatist Partí Quebecois grew apace. But the Trudeau Government's resulting preoccupation with Quebec angered many in other parts of the country. There is evidence that the cabinet intended to come to Montreal's aid if it was returned to office in the general election of 1972 (14), but it lost most of its seats in western Canadá and its overall majority. Trudeau was only able to cling to power with the support of the social democratic New Democratic Party, which opposed federal spending on the Games. Their opposition was fanned by popular sportswriters, who argued that the money could be better spent on athletic facilities spread across the country (is>. Early ¡n 1973, Ottawa finally agreed to give the Games the revenue from a special Olympic lottery and coin and stamp program (16) and the organizers could begin to budget with some assurance. But they had lost 34 months of precious lead time. The same crises which delayed the decisión on

finances put back the preparation of facilities. Plans for the Velodrome were not finalized until April 1973, just a year away from the world championships at which it was to be used for the first time. Plans for the stadium were not completed until September 1974. Construction wastremendously complicated by the ambitious design Drapeau had encouraged French architect Roger Taillibert to prepare for the main facilities in Olympic Park. The engineering for the Velodrome, a «great are of a roof sweeping over glass walls, rising higher and higher with no visible means of support, and then sloping back to earth», was among the most complex in the world. The stadium included a 50-story tower with a retractable roof. «As French Canadians,» the mayor told an interviewer the only way we're going to survive is to make our mark not only on this country, but on the entire continent. We must never be poor copies of others. We can only survive if we accept the challenge of quality. That's why I chose Roger Taillibert to build these Olympics. He is the kind of man who once built the pyramids, who constructed the great cathedrals of Europe. He did not give me a building. He gave me a creation which will last long after we are gone. It will last for centuries <i7). When construction actually began, ¡t was frequently disrupted by Taillibert's penchant for making last-minute design changes, the incompetence of contractors hired for political connections rather than ability, and strikes and stoppages by embittered workers, in the context of growing federalist-separatist and English-French tensions. Uncertainty about the completion kept the IOC and everyone else on tenterhooks until a few weeks before the Opening Ceremonies. Thus otherwise engaged, the mayor and the organizing committee had little time for other

(13) Brian McKenna, «No Ordinary Immortal», Weekend Magazine, July 10, 1976, 4-9. (14) George Bain, «Ottawa's dilemma over the Olympics: which loss to risk?», The Globe and Mail, October II, 1972. (15) E.g. Jim Coleman, «There's still time to stop Montreal ego orgy», Toronto Sun, Dec. 13, 1972. In response, a number of active athletes, led by former rowing gold medalist and future COA president Roger Jackson, tried to drum up publie support for the Games. See «Canada's Olympic Athletes Voice Support for the 1976 Olympic Games», press reléase. Jan. 31, 1973; and «Officials flayed for silence in defense of Games», 7he G/obe and Mail, Feb. 6, 1973. Other Olympians took a position of «critical support»; see Bruce Kidd, «Canadian athletes should support the Olympic Games and help defeat Jean Drapeau», Canadian Dimensión, March 1973. The Gallop Report of February 10, 1973 found that 35 percent of Canadians polled outside of Quebec were in favour of cancelling the Games. Only 53 percent approved of holding them. (16) lan Urquhart «The oíd Olympic coin trick pulís Drapeau out of trouble», Toronto Star, Mar. 26, 1973. Trudeau had received the assurance of Quebec premier Roben Bourassa that the province would pick up any déficit. (17) McKenna, «No Ordinary Immortal», 7.


public facets of the Games. The arts and culture program was a case in point. Quebecois music, theatre, dance and film blossomed during the «quiet revolution» of the 1960s, simultaneously energizing and drawing inspiration from the secularizaron, democratization and reconstruction of education and public life. Despite -or perhaps because of- this feasty vibrancy, COJO gave the lOC's requirement for a formal arts and culture program a very low priority. It was left to a small group of English-Canadian athletes and artiststo campaign for it, and it was the federal and other provincial governments which eventually created and funded it 08). By the time it was confirmed in the fall of 1975, there was little time to encourage new work, popular experimentation and the exploration of Olympic themes. With few exceptions, the program merely showcased wellestablished productions and groups 09). At the same time, it enabled the federalists to keep the themes pan-Canadian. For example, before it would fund a set of fine art Olympic posters, to be distributed to schools, sports clubs, and libraries across Canadá and around the world, the key funding agency insisted they bear the heading «Canada»-not «Montreal» (20). In this frenzy of national validation, the Olympic aspiration to intercultural understanding got short shrift. COJO undertook to host an international youth camp, but it was poorly publicized, so very few Cañad ians knew it took place. In the absence of a COJO program of Olympic education in the schools, Quebec and English Canadian physical educatorsindependently of each other-took up the challenge at the last-minute (21).

Not surprisingly, the preparations for the Canadian Team were also complicated by the divergent nationalisms. To overeóme years of French-Canadian underrepresentation, the Quebec government created a special program, Mission'76, to maximize the number of Quebecois places on the Team (22). In several sports, notably eyeling and handball, French Canadian Quebeckers carne to monopolize the first string, an improvement which encouraged independentiststo dream about Quebec's own national team marching into Olympic Stadium. By comparison, as the Games drew near, Ottawa, Ontario and the other provincial governments in English-Canada threw their resources into strengthening the pan Canadian team. During these years, the pillars of what has become the «Canadian high performance sports system» were erected. Although it seemed chaotic and unplanned to many at the time, the federal government gradually implemented the 1970 white paper, establishing a new ¡nfrastructure of federal supports and transforming the once voluntan/, amateur, autonomous and largely self-financed Olympic sports governing bodies into professional, f inancially dependent clients of the federal agency. Sport Canadá. In return, the sports associations were persuaded to dress their activities and their athletes in the redand-white flag. Many of the provinces followed suit. The social equity goals of the late 1960s were largely forgotten (23).

(18) Bruce Kidd, «1976 Cultural Olympics: left at the starting line?», Performing Arts, Winter 1973; and Dave Chenoweth, «COJO unveils Games' arts program», The Gazette, Oct. 22, 1975. (19) John Fraser, «Cultural Olympics falls fíat», The Clobe and Mail. July 24, 1976. (20) I was part of the group-the Artists Athletes Coalition-which proposed the posters. When he received our application, Canadá Council director Tim Porteous ¡mmediately flew from Ottawa to Toronto to meet with us. His first words were: «We love your proposal and we're prepared to give you twice as much money as you've asked for, as long as you agree to one condition—'Canadá' not 'Montreal' has got to go on the top!» (21) Canadian Association for Health, Physical Education and Recreation, Canadá: JOG (Ottawa, 197S); and F. Landry et C. Desjardins, «La promotion de l'olympisme en milieu scolaire quebecois». Conference prononcée dans de cadre la 2éme Session Internationale pour cadres enseignants, Olympie, aoüt 1977. (22) Roger Boileau, Fern Landry et Yves Trempe. «Les Canadiens francais et le Grands Jeux internationaux», in Richard Gruneau and John Albinson (Eds.), Canadian Sport Sociológica! Perspectives (Don Mills: Addison Wesley, 1976), 141-69; and Michel Jamet, ¿es sports et L'état au Québec (Montreal: Albert Saint-Martin, 1980). (23) Don Macintosh, Tom Bedecki and C.E.S Franks, Sport and Politics in Canada.(Kingston: McGill Queen's, 1987), and Bruce Kidd, «The Philosophy of Excellence: Olympic Performance, Class Power and the State», in Pasquale Galasso (Ed), Philosophy of Sport and Physical Activity (Toronto: Canadian Scholars'Press, 1988), 11-33.


Divergent outcomes For me, the Montreal Olympics was a joyous 15 days of breath-taking performances and moving personal encounters. Beneath the unfinished tower of Olympic Stadium and ¡n the other venues, the events went off with precisión and efficiency. Athletes soared to new heights of achievement, transporting all of us who watched them. In the stands, about the kiosks and open spaces of Olympic Park, on the Metro, and through the night in the oíd city, enthusiasts shared stories, tickets, and each other (24). For Canadians, it rekindled the spirit of a united country last felt with enthusiasm during the centennial of 1967. I wrote at the time: «In such moments you completely forgot that an entire continent felt it had to depart from these Games, that the island of Montreal was an armed camp, or that the whole celebration cost about 10 times what it should have. I know I did. For two weeks, all the contradictions seemed to stand still (25)». But the contradictions quickly carne back to life. Or rather, while new cross-national friendships were made and alliances strengthened, the Olympics spun out a multiplicity of narratives and enabled a divergence of outcomes. Despite the continuing criticism, the Games validated both Quebec and pan-Canadian nationalism and added significantly to the infrastructure for «national» sport. Whether cheered on as Quebecker or Canadian, representative athletes performed better than ever before, legitimizing not only the collectivities they embodied but the public investment in their development. In Montreal, although some of the new facilities proved too expensive to maintain for sports, the Games left behind an impressive array of training halls, administrative offices, and skilled and motivated francophone

leaders. It was the beginning of a confident new age for Quebecois sports. At the same time, the new federal programs driven by the adrenalin of the Games injected an athletic vibrancy into the pan-Canadian visión. While Sport Canadá spending never caught up with expectations, it increased five times between 1970 and 1976. The success of the Olympic lotteries opened up a whole new source of revenue for cash-starved governments. Throughout the country, in both official languages, these achievements were broadcast and celebrated on state televisión and radio. The CBC not only served as the host broadcaster, but it provided 175 hours of coverage-five times what it had provided from Munich-to its far-flung network of fully-owned and affiliate stations. A detailed content analysis of this saturation coverage has never been done (26). But the conventional wisdom among sports leaders is that it exposed Canadians to a much broader spectrum of sports than they had hitherto ever experienced. Because of the athletes' exuberance, it is believed to have kindled a new enthusiasm for physical activity and fitness (27). The new colour cameras, remote units and other equipment enabled the CBC to improve the technical quality of its sports coverage in all áreas, and the Montreal experience persuaded management and editorsto devote more of that coverage to the Olympic sports. It remains the only network to report in a consistent and significant way on the activities of Canadian athletes in the Olympic sports (28). But here too, if memory and recent Olympic coverage is any guide, the overriding framework was nationalism (and high performance) pan-Canadian on the English network and with some exceptions, Quebecois on the French (29).

(24) John MacAloon actually took field notes on these magk moments; see his «Festival, Ritual and Televisión», ¡n Roger Jackson and Tom McPhail (Eds.), The Olympic Movement and the Mass Media (Calgary: Hurford, 1989), 6-21-40. (25) «Future Games», 14. (26) To the best of my knowledge, the only media study of these Games is León Chorbajian and Vince Mosco, «1976 and 1980 Olympic boycott coverage», Arena Review, 5 (3), 1981, 3-28. The host broadcasters'report ¡s Olympic Radio Televisión Organization, Operations Report (Montreal, 1977). (27) During the five year period 1976-1981, Canadian fitness participation increased significantly. See Canadá, 1981 Canadá Fitness Survey (Ottawa, 1982). (28) Bob Beamish et. al, «In Defense of CBC Sports Broadcasting», a brief to the Task Forcé on Public Broadcasting, Toronto, September 16, 1985. (29) The official film, produced by the National Film Board, avoids the cultural question altogether. It is utterly bland as a result.


To what extent can the cultural intervention of the Olympic Games go «beyond all barriers», as the Seoul Games so resolutely sought, and contribute to the creation of new, more inclusive social narratives and living arrangements? To the extent that it is possible to know, it didn't happen in Montreal. While federalists took heart from the accomplishments and heady spirit of the Games -because in the end both French- and English -speakers contributed to the result- they may have turned Quebeckers in the opposite direction. On November 16, less than four months later, they elected the separatist Parti Quebecois. The Olympics were an issue, though not a major one, in the campaign. Did they inspire nationalists about their own capacities, or did they have the reverse effect, convincing those critical of the extravagance that only the social democratic PQ could be trusted not to initiate another mega project? Did they have any impact at all? Each of these views may have persuaded some voters. To what extent did the PQ's victory sour Olympic memories in English Canadá? I am convinced they did. Certainly, the deep cultural rifts which structured the Games persist today. Canadians are more divided about what constitutes our nation

and fearful about the future than ever before. In the current constitutional crisis, even federalist Quebeckers are demanding a degree of political autonomy that few in English Canadá will accept. The most recent proposal of the governing Quebec Liberal Party includes sport in the list of spheres which it wants the federal government to vacate. The Games made a decided impact, but they did not unblock the dominant cultural rigidities. This is a pessimistic conclusión to offer at the beginning of such a conference, in a community which is presently risking the tremendous social investment necessary to stage a Games. I do not generalize from it to all Olympic Games and all peoples. But it has greatly strengthened by my belief that the intercultural exchange and understanding so prized by the Olympic Movement cannot be left to chance. It must be carefully planned and systematically undertaken, informed by the best social science about the nature of culture and societies which we can produce. That is why I am so excited about this conference. I am confident that it will contribute in important ways to that task.

.


Televisión: sports and culture at the Games of the XXII Olympiad in Moscow

Oleg Milshtein Professor of History and Sociology of Sport, State Central Institute of Physical Education, Moscow

Speaking about the Games of the XXII (Olympiad held in 1980 in Moscow, one musttake into consideration the following things: - In the first time of the history of the Olympic Movement the Olympic Games have been held in a socialist state and in the capital of so the called Eastern block. -The Games started at the period of the final stage of the «cold war» which has been lasting more than three decades and negatively affected both the international sports movement in whole and the Olympic movement in part. -Because of puré political reasons the Games had been boycotted. Those same reasons afterwards reciprocated in response the boycott of Olympiad'84 (as in the principie «Eye for eye, tooth fortooth» boycotted, which resulted in a deep crisis in the Olympic movement). -The Olympic Principies and Ideáis, humanistic aims of the Olympic movement as eternal mankind universal valúes appeared to be superior than the narrow-minded political, ideological and, at times, egocentric goals of a small group of politicians of the two super powers.

All the provisions made for the broadcasting of the Games of the XXII Olympiad had one common goal -to give an opportunity to people of all the countries in five continents possessing radio and televisión networks to receive a máximum of high-quality pictures and sound from the Olympic venues.

Analyzing the above, we addressed to the official report of the Organizing Committee of the Games of the XXII Olympiad considering it the main source of the present report. The televisión was chosen as an object, and the intercorrelation between sports and culture during the Moscow Olympics -as a subject of our study. The aim of the present report is to show the cultural inclination for content of the telecasted relay of the Olympic fíame, Opening and Closing Ceremonies, and Cultural Programme itself. Naturally, that the present study cannot pretend to be entire and objective in analysis of the issue since that would require a content-analysis of all televisión transmissions concerned to the topic as well as sports programmesthemselves (spectators' sites, commentators' texts and reports and so forth). However, it is a theme of more expansive research. Thus, the first question concerns the concept of the televisión transmission during the Games of the XXII Olympiad and to what extent it was realized by its organizers.

This called for the enlargement of the Moscow televisión Technical Centre (TTC) in Ostankino, built as far back as 1967, then the biggest in Europe. Thus, the Olympic Televisión and Radio Complex (OTRC) was created. It transmitted simultaneously 21 televisión and 100 radio programmes from the Olympic venues in Moscow, Tallinn, Leningrad, Kiev and Minsk. The coverage of the Games could be seen by an audience of 1.5 billion of all five continents. Televisión coverage of the Games of the XXII Olympiad was organized and provided for by the USSR State Committee for Televisión and Radio Broadcasting and the USSR Ministry of Communications. An analysis of televisión and radio coverage of previous Olympic Games had shown that, along with a steady increase in the number of programmes, requirements fortheir structure were also changing. The Organizers of the Games in Moscow concluded that there was no point in packaging a general televisión programme for the whole world because viewers ¡n different countries are interested mostly in their own teams and in competitions in sports traditionally popular in those countries. It was decided, therefore, to provide facilities enabling foreign televisión companies to prepare their own programming, to edit and finish their unilateral programmes on the spot in Moscow and to telecast them, ready made, to their respective countries. The OTRC was designed proceeding from the necessity: -To organize high-quality telecasting of Olympic competitions from all the venues. -To ensure extensive coverage of the Olympic Torch Relay, of the Opening and Closing ceremonies, and events of the Cultural programme. -To provide the best possible facilities to com-


mentators for Mve coverage on venues. -To provide facilities for a sufficient number of unilaterals packaged in accordance with the popularity of certain sports and participaron of competitors from the country concerned. - To place sophisticated, high-quality equipment at the disposal of broadcasters and to créate conditions necessary for preparing, editing and transmitting their programmes.

Coverage from the venues was based on the following concept: creation of international picture and sound (one or several depending on the number of competitions staged simultaneously in each sport), packaging of unilaterals for major televisión networks (USSR, USA, GDR, Hungary, Japan, Great Britain, and some others), production of interview programmes, and national voice commentaries.

The following data give an idea about the OTRS in Moscow:

Typical competition site technical facilities for electronic coverage included TV mobile units, VTR mobile units, a slow motion replay área, portable TV cameras, telecine chains, a TV equipment área composing the main close-circuit televisión station, and an interview studio.

Venues covered Mobile TV units on venues Televisión cameras VTRs Slow motion VTRs Commentator position Televisión studios Radio studios Out-tube booths

30 83 283 233 30 1294 22 70 68

Thus, to expand the coverage of the Games and provide foreign TV corporations with an opportunity of selecting their programmes right on the spot in Moscow almost twice as much commentator positions, televisión cameras and VTRs and three times more mobile televisión units in the vicinity of competition sites and other televised venues, were required compared to the ORTO complex in Montreal. The OTVRC's televisión facilities provided the following services: live coverage of competitions to the user country; live coverage calling from several venues via a programming unit and using technical facilities of the unit such as slow motion replay; direct video and sound recording from the venues in the VTR unit; packaging of unilaterals in a programming unit and recording of the f inished programmes in the VTR unit using telecinema, tape pre-recordings, slow motion replay, and live coverage from arenas; composing of special televisión programmes by the OIRT, EBU and NBC; off-tube commentaries mixed with video recordings, films, live pictures from arenas, or a ready programme being produced in one of the programming units; switching of 100 direct and off-tube commentaries and 21 prepared televisión programmes mixed with international sound (ambient sound) by the OSC.

Auto-cameras were used to give live televisión coverage of walking, marathón, cycling, 100 km team trial, rowing and canoeing races and some other events in action. One portable camera was installed in a helicopter and transmitted signáis on a relay circuit to a TV mobile unit during cycling rowing race and the 100 km team trial. A similar camera was installed on a vessel running along the Moskva River to cover the 20 km and 50 km walking and marathón events whose routes were laid on the river embankments. Interview studios were arranged at the sites of the most popular sports that had attracted competitors from many countries. They included the Grand Arena and Palace of Sports of the Central Lenin Stadium, the Olympiiski Indoor Stadium and Swimming Pool, and the Velodrome. The televised Olympic venues had a total of 1,294 commentator positions, including 1,214 positions in Moscow and 80 positions in other cities. Thus 12 air channels carried the following transmissions during the Games: -3 programmes of the USSR Central Televisión Network including around 20 hours of the Games coverage in addition to regular telecasts; -2 information programmes covering highlights of each day which were scheduled by the Gosteleradio USSR, on the eve for all days of the Olympics. The programmes contained the inter-


national pictures and the international sound and were not accompanied by commentaries; -4 assigned and 4 booked prívate channels subscribed to by the OIRT, EBU, TV Asahi, and other broadcasters to be used for visión feedbacks to commentator positions on venues. A commentator at his desk could select, for example, the programme to report on and simultaneously watch other events ¡n the same or other sports at the same time or other sites. He also could watch the programmes of major broadcasters. Besides, special programmes from the ACS «Olympiad» data processing complex here transmitted to the televisión monitors at the athletics and yachting competition sites.

assignment list leaflets distributed to users amounted to 120,000 copies. Apart from the STPD, each venue was equipped with system for reception of regular network telecasts, including all the programmes by the Moscow Televisión Centre on the air. Table 1. Time table for On the Air Information Programmes of the STPD on July 24, 1980 Switch positlon

25 channels 20 channels 16 channels 21 channels 17 channels 13 channels

The System of Televisión Programmes Distribution embraced also all press subcentres, VIP lounges, technical officials' rooms, offices of IFs and the OCOG-80 at the venues. Apart from competition sites, the system had outlets ¡n the Main Press Centre, OTRC, TTC, and the ACS «Olympiad» building. About 5.000 televisión monitors, including more than 500 sets in the OTVRC, were connected tothe closed-circuit televisión network. Timetables of the two information programmes and lists of assigned channels in the closed-circuits system in Russian and in English were delivered daily to all the outlets of the STPD. The schedule of information programmes for July 21, 1980 (Table 1) and the assignment list for the STPD channels atthe sites of the Lenin Central Stadium (Table 2) are shown below as an example. One of the 25 channels at the stadium was assigned to the NBC. The total edition of the timetable and

Time

On-air programme R8

Information Programme I 1. Equestrian. Three-day- events 2. Water polo. Fináis 3. Rowing. Semi-finals 4. Basketball 5. Weightlifting 6. Modern jdern penthatlon. pentr Cross-country running. 7. Water polo. Fináis 8. Cycling. Semi-finals. Fináis. Sprint 9. Weightlifting. Group A 10. Swimming. Fináis

The following selection of pictures was provided for commentators and the written press at the venues:

The Lenin Central Stadium The Olympüski Sports Complex The sites ¡n Krylatskoe The CSCA Sports Complex The Dyamo Stadium Other venues

Programme (sport)

R7

9.00-12.00 12.00-13.40 13.40-14.30 14.30-15.00 15.00-17.00 17.00-17.30 17.30-19.00 19.00-20.00 21.00-21.30 20.00-21.00

Information Programme II 1. Rowing. Semi-finals. Women 2. Swimming 3. Rowing. Semi-finals 4. Target Shooting. Skeet. 5. Fencing 6. Weightlifting 7. Hockey 8. Boxing-preliminary bouts: 54, 63, 67, 81 kg. 9. Volleyball 10. Weightlifting 11. Handball USSR-Cuba, Pool A 12. Fencing. Foil. Fináis. Women

10.00-11.00 11.00-11.30 11.30-14.00 14.00-14.30 14.30-15.00 15.00-16.00 16.00-17.00 17.00-18.00 18.00-18.30 18.30-19.30 19.30-20.30 20.30-21.00 21.00-22.00


Table 2. Assigned Channels in the STPD System at the Sites of the Lenin Stadium Switch position

Programme (sport)

Time

On-air programmes R1 R2 R4 R5 R6 R7

TSU-1 (TV USSR) TSU-2 (TV USSR) Booked channel Intervision M Prívate channel, TV GDR Information Programme II

R8

Information Programme I

R9 RIO R11 R12 L1

Booked channel Eurovision IM TSU-4 O V USSR) Bookedchannel Prívate channel, TV Asahi

8.00-23.00 19.00-23.00 10.00-23.00 10.00-22.00 10.00-22.00 specially scheduled daily during the Olympics 10.00-22.00 10.00-23.00 10.00-22.00 10.00-22.00

Closed-circuit programmes

H10 M8 H11 M5 M6 M7 H13 M2

International water polo programme Swímmíng pool International volleyball programme Mi ñor Arena International volleyball programme Druzhba Arena 1 International programme for gymnastics for judo (fromJuly 27,1980) 2 International programme for gymnastics for judo (fromJuly 27,1980) 3 International programme for gymnastícs «Gymnast 2» ¡nformation channel 1 International programme for athletics, football, Equestrian sports (Aug. 3, 1980) 2 International athletics programme 3 International athletics programme ASC«Olympiad» ASC«Olympiad»

To broadcast the 1980 Olympics the following number of international channels was established: 21 televisión channels, 100 audio commentator, and 100 radio channels. The televisión channels included 8 channels in the Intersputnik satellite-communication system, channels in the Intelsat satellite-communication system, and 6 channels in the cable and relay lines. At 12.00 P.M. Moscowtime on the 19th of June the ceremonial lighting of the fíame of the Games of the XXII Olympiad took place in Olympia. The ritual was performed by the Greek actress María Mosxoliou. For the first two days (June 19-20) from Olympía to Athens, the relay travelled day and night, completing its journey through Greece in one week. In the Greek villages and towns which the fíame passed through the entire population carne out to greet the relay and greeted the fíame with laurel wreaths and palm fronds. Thousands of people filled the stands of the white-marble stadium in Athens long before the appearance of the torchbearer. The festive ceremony was concluded with a concert.

Before the official opening of the Games of the XXII Olympiad the USSR Central Televisión conducted work directed to sound the forthcoming Games in Moscow. There were various forms used in this work. One of the brightest televisión displays were reports devoted to the Olympic fíame relay-a foregoer of the Moscow Games. Sixty seven televisión organizations in 58 counMillions of Soviet and also Greek, Bulgarian and tries and 56 radio organizations ¡n 47, countries Romanian televiewers were witnesses of this received coverage of the Olympic Games. magnificent gala, whose route passed through Total coverage by foreign broadcasters included: these countries. - televisión, about 6,000 hours - radio, more than 8,000 hours The relay of the Olympic fíame across Bulgaria was tuned into a colourful festival of sport and In the Soviet Union, the Games were broadcast youth. All welcoming ceremonies were accompadaily j n surface and satellite links by the Central nied by programmes of art and sports. The Telev.sion Network in programmes.The total people from the local administrative councils televisión coverage was, 10 hours. showed a sense of fantasy and imagination. The sound of bells and singing welcomed the M3 M4 H12 H13


Olympic fíame ¡n the town of Veliko-Tyrnovo, the ancient capital of Bulgaria. In Romanía, the relay passed through 89 towns, villages and hamlets. Included in the escort column was a car from the Romanian Federation of Radio Enthusiasts which carried the cali sign «Olympic». In five days more than 2,000 radio link-ups with radio sportsmen of more than 40 countries were made, descriptions of the ceremonial meeting of the fíame were broadcast. The festival of meeting the Olympic fíame in Romanía was accompanied by exhibition displays of gymnastics and rhythmic gymnastics, mass athletic events, wrestling, football, volleyball and handball matches. More than 80 mass sports events took place during the passage of the relay through the country. The Passage of the relay through the USSR began on July 5. The relay was met by the inhab¡tants of many Moldavian towns and settlements. The ceremonial meetings became festivals of sports and art. The ceremony in the Moldavian capital Kishinev included exhibition displays by leading athletes.These displays ¡ncluded gymnastics and rhythmic gymnastics, acrobatics, wrestling, fencing, and were followed by folklore dancing. The Olympic relay in Ukraine produced some touching moments. The overflowing streets of Kiev gave a thunderous welcome to the torchbearers. The 100,000 inhabitants of the city who took part in the ceremony of welcoming the fíame in the central square appreciated at its true worth the presentation describing the history of the modern Olympícs which was put on for them. There has ecstatic applause when fellow Ukraínians who had been victorious at the Helsinki, Melbourne, Rome, Tokyo, Rome, México, Munich and Montreal Games stepped up to the bowl with the Olympic Game. The Olympic fíame was handed over to the sportsmen of the Russian Federation at a solemn ceremony which took place on July 14. The fíame was warmly welcomed by the inhabitants of the decorated for the occasion towns and settle-

ments along the route through the territory of the RSFSR. On the borders of Tula región on the route of the relay was a five metre high samoyar -the distinctíve emblem of the town. Traditional merrymaking with a marketplace and clowns, with a folk orchestra and peddlers preceded the arrival of the runner ¡n the town stadium. More than 7,000 athletes, artists and amateur performers took part in this happy festival which was dedicated to the arrival of the fíame in Tula. On July 18 the Olympíc fíame reached Moscow. Hundreds of thousands of Moskovites greeted the relay of peace and friendship in the streets and avenues which had been decorated for the occasion. The official welcoming ceremony was held at Soyetskava Square outside the building of the Moscow City Soviet of People's Deputies. Then the Chief of Protocol of the IOC Juan Antonio Samaranch (now the President of IOC) took part in the ceremonial meeting of the fíame, along with members of the IOC, presidents of the IFs, the NOCs, honoured guests of the Games, top athletes and public figures. On July 19 torchbearers placed the fíame in the Grand Arena of the Central Lenin Stadium-the main arena for the Games of the XXII Olympiad. On July 20 the relays brought the Olympic fíame to Tallinn, Leningrad, Kiev and Minsk and in the same way the relay ended with the lighting of the fíame in the competition sites. The two ceremonies have become an ¡mportant cultural and peacemaking contribution to the modern Olympic movement. The function of televisión in this matter is of great valué as TV broadcasting duríng the Games of the XXII Olympiad in Moscow have continued and strengthened traditions of the preceding Olympic Games in Munich (1972) and Montreal (1976) in particular. This tendency exhíbited essentially vivid in TV broadcastíng of the Cultural Programme of the Games in Moscow. It should be noted that in fact the Cultural Programme of Olympiad-80 started a year before the Games. It goes without sayíng that long before the Olympic Games the organiz-


ers focused a lot of attention to encourage foreign mass media and particularly televisión. With the assistance of the Organizing Committee Yuleisradio (Finland) made a three-part fulllength TV film about the cities that were to become venues of the Games of the XXII Olympiad, about the work of the divisions of the Organizing Committee, the construction of the Olympic arenas and about the Cultural Programme of the Olympiad-80. TV companies from the FRG, the USA, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, México, Spain, Canadá, Denmark, Japan, Hungary, the GDR, the Netherlands and other countries also made pre-Olympic TV films in Moscow. Many televisión companies were granted an opportunity to receive TV information about the preparations for the Games through the State Committee of the USSR Council of Ministers for Televisión and Radio Broadcasting. From the end of 1976 onwards, the State Committee for Televisión and Radio Broadcasting released a monthly Olympiad-80 colour TV programme, which was distributed to 100 countries of the world. Each issue included several items dealing, amongst other things, with the preparations for the Games, with the sports movement in the Soviet Union and leading Soviet athletes. Televiewers in the Soviet Union and in the Intervision and Eurovision countries were able to watch a regular 45-minute «Olympiad-80» TV broadcast, the main aim of which was to popularize the principies and ideáis of the Olympic movement, provide information about the preparations for the Games, about Olympic champions and so on. This brought the number of accredited journalists at 1990 Olympics to a total of 7,629. Displaying the national art of the peoples of the USSR occupied a major part of Cultural Programme of the Games. Taking part in it were such world famous groups as the State Ensemble of the Folk Dance of the USSR, the Northern Russian Folk Chorus, the Pyatnitsky Chorus, the Beriozka Choreographic Ensemble and others. Among other performers were ensembles and choreographic groups from all the Union republics.

More than 25,000 spectators, a considerable number of whom were guests from abroad, attended concerts of national groups who performed at the State Central Concert Hall in Moscow. In Moscow, 18 musical and drama theatres, 33 Choreographic groups, 45 orchestras, choruses, chamber ensembles, five chorus groups and a large number of variety groups took part in the Cultural Programme of the Games. The Bolshoi Theatre of the USSR, the Moscow Art Academic Theatre, the Maly Theatre, the Vakhtangov Theatre, the Mossovet Theatre and a number of others staged premieres whose cast included well known stage actors. All in all, beginning with June 28, 1980 and right up to the end of the Games, 144 opera and ballet performances were given from the repertoire of Russian and foreign classics, 455 plays from the repertoire of Russian and foreign classics as well as contemporary drama were staged at drama theatres, along with 1,500 symphonic, chamber and solo concerts and variety performances. The 350 performances given by Moscow circuses were also a success. Concerts given at places of cultural and architectural interest and in museums received very favourable comment. Concerts given at the Arkhangelskoye Palace-Museum, the Pushkin Fine Arts Museum, the Museum-Mansions Kuskovo and Ostankino, in the former Cathedral of The Sign, the Museum-Church of the Intercession of the Mother of God, and in the Rublyov Museum of ancient Russian art enjoyed great success. Well known Soviet composers, poets, people involved in the theatre and cinema and variety artists took part in the Day of Poetry, the Day of Cinema, the Day of the Variety Show, the Day of the Circus and the Day of Creative Youth held in Moscow during the Games. They were distinguished by the size of the audience. More than 200,000 spectators, including a great number of guests from abroad took part in these fétes held in Moscow theatres, concert halls, community centres, squares, public gardens and parks.


Fifty exhibitions and special displays were mounted during the preparation and holding of the Games. Guests of the capital visited the V.l. Lenin Museum, the Museum of Revolution of the USSR, the «Sport-Ambassador of Peace» exhibition ¡n the Central Exhibition Hall, «One Hundred Masterpieces from the Heritage Collection» mounted ¡n the Pushkin Fine Arts Museum and the «Moscow in Russian and Contemporary Painting» exhibition at the Tretyakov Gallery, as well as many others. Altogether, over 2,500,000 people visited exhibitions and museums, 300,000 tickets were purchased by guests from abroad. 103,400 foreign tourists visited during the Games the USSR Exhibition of Economic Achievements. Competitors, officials, guests of honour, journalist and tourists visited Moscow's historical sights, architectural monuments, the Kremlin, and the «USSR Diamond Fund» exhibition. A large number of general-interest tours around Moscow were organized. Of tremendous interest for guests from abroad were tours to Zagorsk, Suzdal, Rostov the Great and Vladimir, with their numerous architectural and historical treasures. During the excursions to Zagorsk, a meeting was organized with Archbishop Vladimir, Rector of the Theological Academy. The guests had a chance of acquainting themselves with the activity of the Orthodox Church and with its position in the Soviet Union. A special Cultural Programme was prepared for every category, with due regard to their Olympic functions, session meetings, and their wishes.

Attaching great importance to the events in the Cultural Programme, the Organizing Committee distributed among members of the Olympic family specially published folders which contained a detailed description of the forthcoming performances by art groups and soloists. It must be noted that the Cultural Programme worked out for members of the Olympic family was carried through at the expense of the Organizing Committee and was offered free of charge. Meetings of members of the Olympic family and journalists (nearly 880 people) with Soviet public figures and members of the artistic intelligentsia: composers, film producers and directors, artists, and members of the Union of Soviet Societiesfor Friendship and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries were held within the framework of the Cultural Programme of the Games. The cultural programmes in Leningrad, Tallinn, Kiev and Minsk were marked by their diversity and high professional level. They were staged with due account of the cultural traditions and artistic originality of these cities, which represent various Soviet republics. In Tallinn, guests of the Olympic Regatta were present at a mass festival of song, where they were introduced to Estonian folk art. Musical and drama theatres held their performances in their own theatres and at places of historical importance. Extensive use of the museums, historical monuments and architectural complexes of the city, palaces and parks of the towns of Petrodvorets, Pushkin and Pavlovsk was one of the distinguishing features of the Cultural Programme in Leningrad.

A special cultural programme was organized and held for athletes at the Cultural Centre ¡n the Olympic Village. This contributed considerably to creating an atmosphere of friendship, comradeship and mutual understanding among the competitors.

Colourful fétes by Ukrainian masters of art were staged in Kiev, in addition to theatrical performances ¡n the parks situated on the banks of the Dniéper River and in the city's central squares.

A sepárate cultural programme was prepared for guests staying at the International Youth Camp.

Performances by the folk amateur art groups of Belorussia were one of the focal events of the Cultural Programme in Minsk.


During the Cultural Programme, 5,500 various events, concerts and performances were held ¡n Moscow alone, with 42,000 art workers, the workers ¡n the theatre and entertainment and cultural-education establishmentstaking part ¡n them. They were attended by over 9,500,000 people. Some 2,400,000 people enjoyed the 1,200 concerts in Leningrad, Tallinn, Kiev and Minsk. Given thatthe Cultural Programme concerts and performances were broadcast daily over the televisión and radio in the Soviet Union and in many other countries, the audience of this Olympic arts festival totalled hundreds of millions of viewers and listeners.

history of the Olympic movement as an event of outstanding, cultural, and social significance. Thus, despite the boycott of the Games of the XXII Olympiad, despite propagandist and ideological leaning of this Games (in my opinión, the latter was, to certain extent, characteristic for both previous and following Olympic Games in different countries) the cultural tradition of the modern Olympic Games has been kept and continued. This tradition was characterized by sure internationalism and tightiy associated with sporting basis of the Games, and ¡t was in strict accordance with the Olympic Charter.

The results of holding the Cultural Programme of the Games of the XXII Olympiad, and the high evaluation of its content, including comments by the Soviet and foreign press, justify the conclusión that its organisers managed to créate a single complex of various events demonstrating the cultural heritage and the contemporary creativeness of the peoples of the USSR. The Cultural Programme turned out to be an importantcomponentof the 1980 Games and, according to unanimous opinión, will remain in the

Televisión has accomplished its social, informational and cultural function and managed to express in the strenuous conditions of the boycott an atmosphere of friendship and mutual understanding. Ultimately, in spite of contradictions and collisions during Olympiad-80, the Olympic Games in Moscow became a noticeable sporting and cultural phenomenon in the history of the Olympic movement. And televisión performed a significant contribution to the spread of this phenomenon.


Comparative analysis oí the olympic ceremonies, with special reference to Los Angeles (D Already in 1910, Pierre de Coubertin understood that «¡t is primarily through the ceremonies that the Olympiad must distinguish itself from a mere series of world championships» (2). The ceremonies bear the chief responsibility of encoding and performing what Coubertin described as «the essence of Olympism and the quality which distinguishes it from the mere athleticism which it contains but surpasses» p). Today, we can appreciate the practical truth of these remarks: negatively, in the fact that no other sports championships, even the great World Cup, have succeeded in developing an evocative ceremonial; and positively, in that at every recent Olympics, the largest global broadcast audience and the most expensive and sought-after tickets are not for any sports event, but for the opening and closing ceremonies. In Seoul, for example, even though over 300,000 Koreans ¡n person had seen complete «dress

John MacAloon Professor of Anthropology, University of Chicago

rehearsal» performances of the opening ceremonies and scores of thousands more had witnessed long segments on televisión, tickets for the actual opening day were sold privately for as much as US$8.000. The world-wide televisión audience for these ceremonies was probably the largest concentration of global attention in human history, and in most parts of the world it appearsthat these ceremonies are the single most remembered and discussed performance of the Seoul Games. We can be confident thatthis same pattern will hold for the 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games. World audiences, of course, are looking forward to the sports contests and other sorts of Olympic performances, but the opening and closing ceremonies will be the most anticipated, closely scrutinized, and extensively evaluated of all the scheduled performances of the Barcelona Games. The ceremonies therefore compose, from certain points of view, the most significant challenge facing COOB.

Why Are the Ceremonies So Important?_ Some of the reasons for this state of affairs should be fairly obvious. On the aesthetic planethe ritualization of space, time and attentionthese performances literally mark the opening and closing of Olympic time in a singularly focused manner. For the rest of the Olympic period, global and local attention isdiffused among many sports venues, contests, and victory ceremonies. Local citizens, Olympic visitors in Barcelona, and the various broadcast and print media have, moreover, a wide choice as to which ancillary events and scenes-city Mfe, the popular festival, the arts festival, etc.-to pay attention to. A particularly marked sports contest or political episode may give people in a few countries or regions the awareness of watching in common with all fellow citizens, but only the opening and closing ceremonies convey that powerful psychological recognition of attending to something in common with the world. This is perhaps the closest phenomenological apperception yet devised of what Marx called human «species-being».

A second main reason lies on the plañe of national representation. Citizens of rich and athletic Northern Hemisphere countries must forever remind themselves that only around 25% of the nations participating in an Olympics will have an athlete win a medal, that is, will see their flag raised or their anthem played during the course of the Games. Only a few more countries will have athletic competitors reach the final rounds of competition. For the majority of Olympic nations, their athletes will be eliminated ¡n the very first rounds of the contest. Of course, audiences in these nations can take an interest in sports dramas among representatives of other countries, but, in sport, they become quickly invisible themselves. In the opening ceremonies, by contrast, all nations are, from at least a formal point of view and with the obvious exception of the host country, presented as equals, equally visible, equally valuable, equally «Olympic». The fact is that marching in the parade of nations, as a nation among nations, is what is most impor-

(1) Prepared for the Symposium on Olympics, Culture, and the Arts, Institut d'Estudis Olimpics, Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona, April 2-8, 1991. (2) Pierre de Coubertin, «A Modern Olympia» (1910), In The Olympic idea, Carl-Diem-Institut, ed., Stuttgart: Hofmann, 1967, p. 34. (3) Coubertin, «XXVth Anniversary of the Olympic Games» (1919), The Olympic Idea, p. 73.


tant to many, perhaps the majority of countries in attendance. For some moments, however brief, nations which know themselves to be poor and peripheral from the perspective of world power stand at the center of world attention. The third main factor in the ceremonies' importance resides on the plañe of sociological and intercultural relations. The opening and closing ceremonies are the central moments in which Olympic representations of global «humankind» are brought into formal relations of integration and differentiation with representations of the host country and city themselves. 'The core of these ceremonies is mandated and fixed by the IOC. 'The Organizing Committee's (OCOG) options for «customizing» these core ritual gestures are restricted -e.g. choice of music for the procession of nations and the torch entry, identity of the final torchbearer, technical means of lighting the Olympic cauldron- but therefore also highly marked as visible symbols of local valúes, inten-

tions, and creativities. The rest of the opening and closing ceremonies -sometimes referred to as the «unofficial ceremonies» or the «cultural manifestations» or «pageant phases»- are almost completely open to OCOG discretion and innovation. Both present audiences and Olympic tradition have come to expect a dramatic and evocative display of the host nation's culture, constituted by scenarists and performed by local and national citizens. Billions of people read these performances as texts indicating: 1) what the host city and nation most want to communicate about themselves to the world; 2) how they conceive of the relation between their own culture and the universalizing logics and aspirations of the Olympic movement; 3) auguries of how much energy and imagination the host country has invested in the Olympics and, in the case of the opening ceremonies, of how successful the Games as a whole are, therefore, likely to be.

The Double Challenge to Olympic Ceremonies Designers. OCOG ceremonies designers, scenarists, choreographers, composers, musical directors, and costumers must therefore labor on a double front. On the one hand, they must conceptualize and produce the program according to local cultural intentions, traditions, and inventions. On the other hand, they must labor to insure that these intentions and meanings will be adequately communicated to mass audiences through the various world media. The f irst activity-the production of culture-involves the difficult project of constructing a theatrical visión and performance of local and national life which are true to these cultures, appropriate to the spirit of the Olympic occasion, and both simple and resonant enough to satisfy and engage host nation audiences. The second activity-the communication of culturerequires anticipation of a variety of foreign stereotypes and conceptionsthat might lead to miscommunication and even offense. The cultural intentions of the ceremonies must be translated into written scenarios, scripts, press releases and other exegetical materials in foreign languages

for foreign broadcasters. Further educational and lobbying activities are required to insure that foreign media, as much as possible, understand and commit themselves to reporting OCOG intentions as main features of their coverage. Comparative research on the international broadcasters' encodings of Olympic ceremonies has shown just what is at stake in this latter task, and how complicated and demanding it really is. In the case of Los Angeles in 1984, which I will be discussing in this paper, LAOOC officials paid insufficient advance attention to what international journalists and publics would think and say about these ceremonies. Foolishly believing that their intentions and symbolic productions would be transparently univocal and non-controversial to non-American audiences, LAOOC officials were unprepared for and antagonized by the many criticisms and intercultural misunderstandings that followed. Korea offers quite a contrasting case, in no small part because SLOOC ceremonies organizers worried intensively over possible foreign


understandings and misunderstandings (4). Despite the brilliant conception of the Seoul opening and closing ceremonies-rich in Korean and East Asian cultural meanings yet organized through a unified and readily comprehensible narrative intention, the product of six years of labor by over a hundred of Korea's most distin-

guished academics and artists, accompanied by a marvelous scenario text equally instructive to media parvenus and cross-cultural specialists (5) most Western broadcast agencies made only limited efforts to communicate the SLOOC designers' intentions. Some foreign media substituted their own recodings altogether (6).

The Comparative Study of Olympic Ceremonies. In my own work, I have been engaged for some fifteen years in developing analytical models and languages for systematically comparing Olympic cultural performances in different cultural contexts. The intention of this research is acquire a new and more compelling understanding of processes of intercultural exchange in the contemporary global system, for which the Olympic ceremonies offer a laboratory. This work has proved of interest to Olympic ceremonies producers because it endeavors to model the huge complexities both researchers and producers face, to reduce them to some manageable proportion and conception. Analyses of past ceremonies has revealed, in retrospect, a pattern of key considerations and decision-points that future ceremonies designers may now identify well in advance. The decisions they make, in turn, allow the insertion of the ceremonies they produce into the developing comparative framework and ¡nstruct anthropological researchers as to host cultural structures and priorities and the place of that local culture in a global repertoire of existing and emergent possibilities. In this paper, I will consider four such major questions: 1) What sort of cultural performance do the organizers consider themselves to be producing when they make Olympic opening and closing ceremonies? A televisión entertainment? A festive cultural or folklore show? A religious,

cosmological, or sociological ritual? A game or sports event preliminar/? 2) What is the socio-logic of the performances they produce? Olympic ideology and tradition provide them with an abstract calculus of three categories of identity: humankind, nation, and (gendered) individual person. How do organizers choose to fill in and flesh out these categories on the international plañe and with respect to their own society? What additional local and hostnation identities are determined to be of relevance and explicitly or implicitly marked in the performances? 3) What general attitude do ceremonies designers take toward the category of the «political»? Do they choose to seek «Olympic» harmony and mood by suppressing all representations of domestic, national, regional and ¡nternational tensión, dispute, and conflict? Or do they seek to incorpórate explicit, thoughtful, and realistic markers of such conflicts into the performances? 4) Do the ceremonies designers and producers conceive of themselves as producing a work of art of historical significance that will inspire continued contemplation, reflection, and commentary long after the Games are finished? Or do they see their task to be the production of a cultural transient, a one-time sight and experience whose evaluation depends solely on its effectiveness in the immediate situation of the particular Olympics?

(4) Margaret Dilling, «The Familiar and the Foreign: Music as a Médium of Exchange in the Seoul Opening Ceremonies». In Kon Byong-ik, Ed. Toward One World Beyond All Barriers: The Seoul Anniversary Conference (3 Vols). Seoul: Poon Nam Publishing, 1990, Vol. 1, pp. 357-377. (5) BeyondAII Barriers: Scenario for the Opening and Closing Ceremonies. Seoul: Seoul Olympic Organizing Committee, 1988. (6) See the papers by Miquel de Moragas Spa, John MacAloon and Kang Shin-pyo, Wojciech Liponski, and Kim Moon-hwan in Koh Byong-ik, Ed. Toward One World Beyond All Barriers; and by Kang, de Moragas Spa, James Larson, and Nancy Rivenburgh in Fernand Landry, Ed. Sport: The Third Millennium. Quebec City: Laval University Press, in press.


I will take up these questions by giving a concrete account of the answers given them by Los Angeles organizers. This will set up the possibility of clarifying comparison with the decisions made by organizers at other past Olympics, and with the approach now being taken by COOB, about which we are eagerto learn. But before elaborating some of the models which have generated these comparative possibilities and which sitúate their broader significance, a few additional remarks on the intellectual presuppositions of my approach are perhaps in order. The analysis I am giving is methodologically based on ethnographic practice, including the ethnography of speaking, and is theoretically constituted by an anthropological and semiological concept of culture, concerned with the metalinguistic and metcommunicative features of intercultural discourses and grounded in a view of cultural performances as constitutive and not merely reflective of (or resistant to) cultural structures and processes themselves (7). Like most American cultural anthropologists, to speak quite crudely, I begin from a standpoint of cultural relativism, understanding difference to be the ground of emergent intercultural commonality, not the reverse. Indeed, I have tried to instad, not only within my own anthropology of the Olympics but within the discourse of Olympic Movement itself, a conception of Olympism quite alternative to the perspectives of European universal humanism, liberal rationalism, and neoMarxism which have dominated its traditional

centers of production and critique. But, as a simple ethnologist, my approach has not been so much a matter of generating a «conception» of Olympism, as a practical attempt to understand the practical phenomenon itself. Just as in several parts of the world today, universal humanism, liberal political economy, and Marxism are viewed as mere facets of the seíf-same Western philosopher's stone (and Christian to boot, what else does liberation theology In África, Latin America, the Philippines, and Korea represent?), so also, many among those billions attending to the Olympic ceremonies are constituting and interpreting them in ways which f ind no representation whatsoever in the dominant Euro-American understandings of the Games. Generic «modernization», «Westernization», «industrialization», «civilization», «rationalization», «hegemonic domination» accounts of the Olympics certainly extend beyond Europe and into the «Third» or «Non-Western worlds», but they alone cannot come cióse to accounting for multiculturally constituted world-wide attention to the Games. In practice the Olympics are a global phenomenon; in popular theory (incidentally, an ancientGreek term connoting a spectator at an athletic contest), the Olympics are everywhere a parochial phenomenon. The task of Olympic anthropology is, therefore, not to substitute a professional social science theory for the popular ones, but to genérate models for comprehending the true plurality of popular anthropologies already present and indeed constituting the Games as a phenomenon of global interest and power.

The Olympic Games as a Nested and Ramified Performance System. Any truly useful comparative model musttake determined account of the fact that the Olympic Games are a complex system of performance genres nested within one another to compose the total phenomenon of an Olympics and branching out in different directions and to different de-

grees to encounter and interact with the diverse, culturally constituted contexts of performance forms among participating societies and social fractions. Stated quite simply, the Olympics incorpórate rituals, games, festivals, and spectacles, and depend for their semantic and evocative

(7) For a theoretical precis of this approach, see John MacAloon, «Introduction: Cultural Performance, Culture Theory» and «Olympk Games and the Theory of Spectacle ¡n Complex Society». In MacAloon, Ed. Rite. Drama. Festival. Spectacle: Rehearsals Toward a Theory of Cultural Performance. Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues Press, 1984, pp. 1-15, 241-80. Illustrative uses of this comparative model may be seen: for the opening ceremonies, in MacAloon, «Naked at the Feast: Play and the Performative Genres». In M. Yamaguchi, Ed. Anthropology of Spectacle and Entertainment. Tokyo: Sanseido, 1983 (in Japanese), and «La Pitada Olímpica: Puerto Rico, International Sport, and the Constituí ¡on of Politics In E. Bruner, ed., Text. Play and Story. New York: Waveland Press, 1988 (1984), pp. 315-355; for the popular festival, in MacAloon, «Festival, Ritual, and Televisión». In R. Jackson and T. McPhail, Eds. The Olympic Movement and Mass Media. Calgary, Alberta: Hurford Enterprises Press, 1989, pp. 6/ 21-6/41; and for the Olympic torch relay, in MacAloon and Kang, «Uri Nara: Korean Nationalism, the Seoul Olympics, and Contemporary Anthropology». In Toward One World Beyond All Barriers. Vol 1, pp. 117-159.


power on this multiplicity of genres. (As we noted at the outset, for example, if there were no opening and closing ceremonies, the Olympics would not be the Olympics, only a larger, multisport world championships). Therefore, any attempt to discuss and analyze the whole of the Olympics exclusively in terms of the categories, logics, and valúes of «sports» and «games» -as official «Olympism» as registered in The Olympic Charter largely does- is doomed to failure. So too, any attempt to understand the Olympic whole solely under the category of mass media or political «spectacle» -as isthe case with much popular, liberal, and neo-Marxist critique and academic Communications scholarship-guarantees failure. Attempts by anthropologists, sociologists, or religions scholars to understand the whole in terms of one generic «ritual process», or by cultural historians, folklorists, or aestheticians to reduce it to the domain of arts festivals or international exhibitions, likewise lead nowhere. A general model of the Olympic performance system musttake account of the different contributions of these discourses precisely by refusing the hegemony of each of them as being profoundly untrue to the object under scrutiny. To the extent that there ¡s a unitary phenomenon called «the Olympics», it can only be as a complex system of relationships among very different performative forms answering to the very different human capacities to play, to consécrate, to celébrate, and to wonder. Secondly, any such model that would be useful for the kind of serious cross-cultural comparisons demanded by an Olympic world of 167 national and uncountable subnational cultural formations, discursively formulated in perhaps the majority of the world's 3000-odd languages, must begin by understanding that categories like «game», «rite», «festival», and «spectacle» are universal neither in their denotations ñor their connotations. Indeed, they are not universally existent as categories at all. The model of their logical and semantic relations must be constructed in such a way as to encourage revelation of the inadequa-

cies as well as the adequacies of their f it within and between local cultural worlds. One must, of course, start somewhere, and there is no Archimedean point. A good model is one which will quickly highlight, and expects to highlight, both differences in and complete failures of cultural translation, beginning with the very genre categories themselves. Thirdly, from a semiotic point of view, one must construct a model which takes clear account, extending from the vocabulary of C.S. Peirce (8) of the difference between indexical, referential, and pragmatic meanings. Dominant Western ontologies, sciences, and cultural common sense encourage persistent mistakes in recognizing the true proportion in any complex semiotic event between referential signs referring to things in the world and indexical signs referring to aspects of the communicative situation itself. The latter are always more numerous and important than the former »). Extending from semiotics to communication, and in the vocabulary of Gregory Bateson upon whose insights I have especially built in modelling the Olympic system, human communication entails not only explicit messages but implicit meta-messages, that is, messages about how to take messages <io>. I argüe that genre categories and typifications, like «This is a Ritual» or «This is a Media Event», consist of such meta-messages. The Olympic performance system, therefore is a complex interaction of such indexical and meta-communicative frames which have differential relevance, hierarchical relations, and semantic power in the diverse cultures making sense of, in their different ways, the Olympic Games. Ignoring these metacommunicative frames, in their situational tensions, conflicts, and complementarities, again guarantees that the ground of what múltiple actors and audiences are communicating or miscommunicating to one another can never be adequately configured much less understood. Unfortunately, most Western commentaries on Olympic performances shrink from the real task in favour of one or another pragmatic reduction also licensed in

(8) C.S. Peirce, CollectedPapers. Cambridge: Harvard UniversityPress, 1931. (9) For an account of the mistaken apprehension of this proportion in the key social science and journalistic method of the interview, see Charies Briggs, Learning To Ask. (10) Gregory Bateson, «A Theory of Play and Fantasy», in his Steps Toward an Ecologyof Mind, New York: Ballantine, 1972.


dominant Western ontologies and common senses: both referential and indexical meanings of Olympic performances and symbolisms are ignored ¡n favour of what are taken to be their meanings in use. Functionalism becomesthe dominant analytical discourse in both popular and academic speech.

For a full exposition of these arguments, the reader will have to consult my previous work (11). Here, I am limited to reproducing and configuring them ¡n the form of a diagram of the model of the Olympic performance system I am outlining. Figure 1

THIS IS SPECTACLE All Statements within this frame are grandiloquent and alluring but merit suspicion THIS IS FESTIVAL All Statements within this frame are subjects of joy and happiness THIS IS RITUAL All Statements within this frame are true representatioons of the most serious things THIS IS GAME All Statements within the frame are untrue WE ARE THE SAME WE ARE DIFFERENT THIS IS TRUTH WE RESPECT EACH OTHER BECAUSE WE ARE THE SAME IN OURDIFFERENCES

Figure 1: The Olympic performance system, orthodox form, w i t h ¡deological message of Olympism. From MacAloon, Olympk Games and the Theory of Spectacle, 1984

. (11) See MacAloon, «Olympic Games and the Theory of Spectacle in Modern Societies».


Correspondences between the performative genre of «spectacle» and Olympic televisión broadcasts, between «festival» and the popular street scenes around the stadia and in the public entertainment quarters, between «rite» and the opening, victory, and closing ceremonies, and between «game» and the sports contests are frequently sufficientto permit interesting comparisons among Olympics. However, the model is capable of much finer discriminations and distributions of experience ¡n different Olympics. When, ¡nstead of assigning observable behaviors to such «etic» genre categones, attempts are made to substitute «emic» categories ¡n particular contextual cultures, interesting discrepancies emerge which can guide research. This occurs even in languages with a full range of cognates for the English terms. French uses the same term, le spectacle, both for small indoor theater and mass outdoor performances, discriminating solely through a modifier (les grands spectades). In English, by contrast, «spectacle» is never used for the theater. Henee, the semantic field is differently constituted, and American English speakers, at least, are much less likely to conceive of or analyze «spectades» like the Olympics ¡n terms of theater or literary drama. This helps us to explain why American Olympic televisión commentators consistently ignore the narrative features of Olympic opening ceremonies, even when they are crucial and marked for the ceremonies scenarists, as with the Seoul opening ceremonies.

Similar research heuristics will surely be generated by attempts to transíate the genre markers «spectacle», «ritual», «game», and «festival» into Spanish and Catalán, languages in which apparent cognates are readily found. The contrasts can be even more marked with non-Western languages, where such cognates are less available. For example, «game» has to be translated in the Altaic language of Korea as nori, but this same general category may be used for performances Westerners would classify as «festivals» or even «rituals». Indeed, according to some Korean scholars, the general category of non («plays») carne into Korean usage through academics attempting to gloss Western social scientific categories of analysis in disciplines like folklore, cultural history, and anthropology. Henee, for Koreans, the ko-nori, Olympic sport, and dance performances of the Seoul opening ceremonies were much more fluidly interrelated in Korean cultural and semantic space than they were for European and American commentators (12). The model also allows us to bring in to systematic relation various aspeets of the total Olympic festival usually considered as unrelated-e.g. the Olympic torch relay and the Olympic Village lifeand to recognized múltiple aspeets or framings of abstractly univocal performances like the opening ceremonies. We can highlightthisanalytical potential by using the «festival» genre as our example.

Comparative Festival Experiences The meta-message «This is Festival» instruets us in advance to take «All statements inside this frame as subjeets of joy and happiness». Festival specifies a certain mood and style of action more than specific forms of behaviors as such. Coubertin once wrote that «If one were to ask me the formula for «Olympizing» oneself, I would say that the first condition is to be joyous». Yet, while the search for festival experience is, in my ethnographic observation, very much on the minds of visitors to as many locáis living in Olympic cities,

the presence or absence of carnival and popular festival traditions in local culture, the layout of Olympic sites ¡n urban space, and the decisions of OCOGs and public officials all genérate a great variation in whether Olympic participants find festival experience at all. Moreover, in its core forms, the festival aspect of the Olympics is largely hidden from and not shared by broadeast audiences and others following the Olympics from a distance. Some national media pay much closer attention to this feature of the Games than

(12) For a Japanese translation of my Figure 1, pregnant again with comparative possibilities, see MacAloon, «Naked at the Feast: Play and the Performative Genres».


others. For example, my anthropological colleague in Los Angeles, Prof. Roberto DaMatta of Brazil, who is the leading authority on the carnaval tradition of that country, was recruited by the Brazilian network TV Mánchete to comment on some sports events, but mostly to produce feature pieces on forms of popular enjoyment ¡n LA. By contrast, the American network, ABC in the case of 1984, paid little or no attention to popular festival. In both cases, however, telespectators remain distant from festival experience itself. As I have elsewhere written, there may be media festivals, but festival by media is a contradiction ¡n terms. The festival, in its heart, cannot be televised (13). Insofar as broadcast valúes index the strength of the «spectacle» frame in any Olympics then spectacle and festival as Olympic performance genres are in fundamental antagonism with one another. These points can be further brought out by giving some additional behavioral and sociological characteristics of the core notion of «festival» I am operating with here, a notion which closely approximates Mikhail Bakhtin's notion of «carnivalization». -Festival refers paradigmatically to what transpires largely in plazas, parks, and streets, buses and trains, bars, restaurants, and hotel lobbies, in public spaces open to all, for which no special ticket of admission or social status ¡s required for entry. -Festival spaces are further «democratic» and «egalitarian» ¡n that physical presence, participation, and interaction are fully voluntary and largely spontaneous. -Distinctions between performers and audiences and the particular social roles under which persons appear are less marked in advance than in other behavioral arenas composing an Olympics. As a result, codes of conduct are more flexible, and open to innovation and play. -Festival is the realm, as the French say, of flaneurs, ambient actors coming and going as

they please. Ensemble they compose an «unfocused gathering», in Erving Goffman's term, or rather one in which múltiple foci transiently appear only to dissolve again back into a flowing crowd. -A festival is a bricolage of «scenes» not held together by any overarching script, central event, dominant authority, or dramatic plot with clear temporal beginning, middle, and end. Its unity resides, rather, in a certain mood, atmosphere or ethos of diffuse and unpredictable effervescence (Durkheim), conviviality, sociability (Simmel), and pleasure. -Therefore, the «Olympic festival» is -in contrast to the usual way we think about the Olympics or have them represented to us, that is, from the perspective of the central rituals and sports events- what happens on the «outside» rather than the «inside», in the margins, peripheries, and interstices of life in the Olympic city during «The Games». -However, the festival ethos and behavior may sometimes cross the boundaries flowing into stadiums, training rooms, Olympic Villages, official meetings, broadcast studios, concert halls, prívate parties, and even rituals líke the opening and closing ceremonies. When this happens, festival experience is particularly marked as «convivially» inversive, disruptive, and even threateníng to those attempting to maintain the very different frames of ritual, spectacle, or game. Of course, all recent OCOGs (with the obvious exception of Munich) insist in their official reports that their Games were held ¡n a highly festive atmosphere. But this is often public relations and deference to the desires of official Olympism. Our model, with Its core understanding of the festival framing, allows us to array ethnographic observations of particular Olympic Games into a much finer grid for comparison. In Figure 2, I have diagrammed such a comparison of three recent Olympics that I have studied ethnographically, in Los Angeles and Seoul in partnership with a team of international researchers.

(13) See MacAloon, «Festival, Ritual, and Televisión». In R. Jackson and T. McPhail, eds., The Olympic Movement and Man Media. Calgary, Alberta: Hurfofd Enterprises Press, 1989, pp. 6/21-6/41


Figure 2

Arts Festival

Torch Relay

Opening /Closing Ceromonies

Montreal

-

0

0/++

Los Angeles

0

+

-/+

Seoul

+

-

Street Festival

++

Olympic Villages

0

++

++/0

Barcelona

?

?

While it would take too long to justify and explain fully each of these comparative judgements-by no means purely subjective, rooted as they are in extended ethnography, but nonetheless generated by an analyst situated in social, cultural, and political space-a few exegetical remarks are necessary to ¡Ilústrate the potential of the model. The performances labeled the «Olympic Arts Festival» need not be festive, as we have defined that category of experience. The Montreal Arts Festival was small, local, and virtually invisible to Olympic visitors and local citizens alike. Indeed, its deemphasis by the Montreal OCOG was sufficient to spark a protest movement by Canadian Olympic activists (including our colleague Bruce Kidd). By contrast, the Los Angeles Olympic Arts Festival, was extensive, expensive, and wellpublicized. However, it was virtually over before the Olympics started, it stressed expensively ticketed performances by international «high culture» artists (aiming to put LA on the élite arts map, with Europe as the principal point of refer-

?

?

?

ence), and except for a tiny arts community and social élite, it generated nearly nothing in the way of popular festivity. Again, these facts led to protests which, in turn, have led to today's descendent «LA Festival» which, in its most recent versión in 1990, emphasized: the multicultural arts of many ethnic communities; public, unticketed or cheaply ticketed performances in outdoor spaces; and an ideology of openness, breaking down of social and class boundaries, and truly festive enjoyment. The formal Olympic Arts Festival in Seoul to a large degree followed the LA model of ticketed performances by world-famous artists. However, within these, because of the wider range of cultures invited, the national significance of, for example, the appearance of Soviet-Korean performers in the Bolshoi and Moscow symphony groups, extensive free televisión coverage, and the sending of the invited multicultural «folk» performance troupes into the public spaces of the provinces and neighborhoods, more of a festival spirit was generated through the arts. SLOOC billed the open Han River Festival and the Seoul International Folk Festival equally with the reía-


tively closed galas and «high arts» segments of the program. The main source of ranking Seoul above LA in this regard, however, was the Olympic Sculpture Park. This display of commissioned open-air sculpture by artists from over 80 Olympic countries generated a joint space for art and popular festivity, equally open and free of charge, ranging from simple picnics to rather wild pop dance parties late at night. When we compare the street festivals of these Games, we get a different picture, however. As a general rule, we may say that if the host culture carries a tradition of convivial street life and popular festivals, then this will tend to carry over into the Olympics. If it doesn't, then dedicated attention and resourceful planning on the part of authorities will be required to achieve rich festival experiences.

presence in one contiguous site of four major athletic venues, the Olympic Village, two practice fields open to public view, the park, and a sufficiency of eating and drinking establishments all clustered around a central plaza insured a continuous f low of crowds throughout the days and evenings of the entire Olympic period. The Montreal Games had a central place. Whether visitor or native, one always knew in Montreal where one could find «some action».

By contrast, Los Angeles has a continental, even international reputation as a city of pleasures, but they are not the pleasures of popular festival. The delights associated with the film and entertainment industries-of «Hollywood/Babylon»-are created behind closed doors and delivered in cavernous and semi-dark places organized to focus all attention on the stage or screen and to minimize interaction among mutually anonymous, admission-by-ticket-only strangers. Distant from The spontaneous, popular, nightly street festiany Olympic venue, the Hollywood/Sunset Boulvals in Montreal were the richest of recent Olympics. Like México City and Bavaria before it, French evard área remained throughout the Games little more than a tourist attraction. To be sure, there Canada-Catholic, attuned to seasonal and were many prívate parties thrown by well-to-do calendrical rhythms, in which rural and agrarian pattems have percolated into the metrópolis -was individuáis, corporations, orembassies, and an atmosphere of intensified conviviality sometimes a host culture with a rich carnival tradition. Monpermeated the district's expensive restaurants treal, often described as the most European of and cabarets. But restricted access, privacy, and large North American cities, the «Paris of the West», has a concentrated entertainment quarter. expense are opposed to the festival spirit, separatThe style of «café society» -of open air eating and ing a privileged in-crowd from the mass of visitors seeking to celébrate. As to the deeper, more drinking, of flanerie and bavardage, of street exotic pleasures of the quarter, the authorities musicians and soapbox debaters-percolates outhad reason notto promote them among Olympic ward into the city from the Place St. Jacques. If it visitors. Along Sunset Boulevard, there ¡s little is true that the Montreal OCOG spent less energy jouissance: eros, crime, and vice are inextricably and funds decorating the city with colorful banlinked; and there is no cultural tradition of sparing ners, encouraging informal street performersto the unsophisticated or unwary guest in the city. entertain the passing crowds, and so on, they didn't have to. The local culture provided such encouragements to festival on its own. In the symbolic geography of pleasure in Los Angeles, the ocean beaches are the complementary opposite of Hollywood: «low» rather than Certain other decisions made by the Montreal «high», looking West not East, outdoor rather OCOG and civic authorities had the effect of than indoor, more public than prívate, recreative promoting festival experiences. Whether this effect was intentional or inadvertent, I cannot say, more than consumerist, status-levelling more than status- asserting, a realm open to children but Quebecois and Montrealer traditions surely and families, on the border of nature rather than influenced these decisions in subtle ways. The of the most arbitrary and manufactured culture, fiscal and architectural problems of the design for places of more open and innocent rather than the central Olympic complex have been widely mass-marketed eros. Yet, ¡n other respects, the commented on. But its success in creating festival space and experience deserves greater notice. The beaches did not lend themselves to a spirit of


Olympic festival. They were too many, too long, and too distant from any center of regular Olympic activity. (Even in Long Beach, circulation between the athletic venues and the beach appeared rare, though awareness of sailing competitions «out there» may have added something to beach atmosphere in that location). Inside the city, amidst its specifically Olympic geography, no central places for festival activity ever developed. Ñor could they, given the scale of the city, the well-known dispersal of the venues and competitions, and the difficulties of public transportation. These factors which contributed so much to the remarkable fiscal, administrative, and security successes of the Los Angeles Games were at the same time deadly to their festival aspects. The park adjacent to the Coliseum -an ampie, open, green and well decorated space, with sufficient, if uninspired, commensal installations and a suitably restrained pólice presence- offered itself as the equivalent of the Olympic plaza in Montreal. However, afterthe opening ceremonies, the Coliseum was empty for over a week. Only boxing at the adjacent Arena drew relatively small crowds to the área. Those without boxing tickets had little reason to come to the Coliseum park during this period. Little «action» was to be found there, and regularly scheduled public transportation from the main residential and hotel quarters was time -consuming, sometimes onerous. The swim stadium was not a great distance away, but was out of sight and required a significant walk vía noisy boulevards around a largely fenced off section of the University of Southern California campus. On the few occasions when my colleagues and I observed any flowing together of the Arena and swim stadium crowds, it was a hurried hubbub of people seeking out their parking lots, taxis, and buses. Few found any reason to linger. No entertainment quarter beckoned nearby, and, though residents of the largely poor black neighborhoods circling the site could not have been more patient and friendly, white Southern Californians «cautioned» visitorsto move on as quickly as possible after formal events concluded. It was one of the general mysteries of Los Angeles, a city crammed with all manner of sidewalk performers, that such street artists were nowhere

to be found during the Olympics. This was so striking and important to those of us who had attended other Games that we made many inquiries about it. Pólice authorities at every venue pronounced themselves mystified, insisting to us that they had no instructions to ban anyone who was not a hostile nuisance to other people. In particular, they assured us that no horn-player, singer, juggler, or clown who opened his or her bag for donations would be sent away on that account. In cultural terms, Los Angeles is a heterogeneous, polyglot city of extraordinary resources. But in socio-economic terms it contains extremes of wealth and abject poverty, prívate contentment and public fear of «internal others», especially in the context of recent mass in-migrations by Hispanics and Asians. Angeleno class and status élites regularly and anxiously speak of their home «becoming a Third World city», and a tee-shirt popular among lower middle class whites read «100% American». To the de facto segregation of neighborhoods and the artificial boundaries thrown up between them by freeways and shopping malls is added the legitímate fear of crime, gangs, and drugs; and to it a palpable paranoia whipped up by sensationalist news media or opportunistic politicians and indexed by the extraordinary sales figures for elabórate burglar alarms. A local culture in which a feeling of personal safety for all groups is largely created by «sticking to one's own kind and turf» and in which unrestrained mixing of otherwise wary groups in public places conjures dim fears of racial, ethnic, and class disturbances is not a fertile soil for popular festival. In fact, what almost universally happens under the aegis of Olympic conviviality is not a riot but a party. However, releasing it in sociocultural circumstances like Los Angeles required considered and dedicated planning and encouragement by an OCOG and civic authorities. However, LAOOC leaders were largely, though by no means exclusively, middle-or-upper-class Anglos-many of them WASPS, as we say ¡n our discourse, that curious U.S. category of a non-ethnic ethnic group. Drawn from professional, business, or civic élites, they tended to represent sociocultural groups with little tradition of popular festivals and most


preoccupied in daily life with «public order». By experience and education, they were among the least likely of their fellow Angelenos to understand the difference between «carnival disorder» and «criminal danger». As a net consequence, Olympic Street festival experience was virtually non-existent in LA. It was also virtually non-existent in Seoul as well, but for entirely different cultural reasons. Central places, entertainment quarters, and easy transportation were readily available and crime and public safety were of little concern. Seoulites and foreign visitors were almost equally curious about one another. But in hierarchical and highly personalistic Korean society, every festival must have an «owner». Great parties happened where the SLOOC or some other public or community authority had organized and patronized them, but the notion of merely showing up as individuáis, strangers to one another and among foreign strangers, for a spontaneous party is still quite foreign to Korean culture. Moreover, Korea is a very sexually and erotically restrained society; public eros and license are associated with the «Western barbarians». (Even the displays of flesh by European athletes in the closed Olympic Village caused some public scandal for Koreans, who were also shocked by the revelation that condoms were available for purchase there.) Yet these are central characteristics of true carnivalesque festivity for Europeans, North Americans, Africans, and Latin Americans. As a consequence, almost without exception, the few moments of true popular festivity in Seoul were initiated by foreigners. Koreans who happened to be nearby were amazed and eager at least to observe such novelties, but mass encounters between spontaneously celebrating foreigners and Koreans did not occur. Turning to festival aspects of life in the Olympic Villages, we can recognize why there was little of it in Seoul. The Koreans, operating from their

own cultural assumptions, provided the athletes with little more than scheduled folklore performances, a tiny and always overcrowded game room and disco, and, of course, banished alcohol from the premises. (They rather expected the athletes in training to be In bed early every night, like good Korean athletes!) As mentioned earlier, dance parties were scheduled frequently across the street in the Olympic Park, and athletes sometimes did manage to make them quite lively. However, their rigid scheduling, focus on a formal stage show, the difficulty of alcohol acquisition, and the few ordinary Koreans present limited their intensity. On the whole, non-Asian athletes found the Olympic Village comfortable and serviceable, butterribly boring and joyless. Los Angeles offered a completely opposite experience. The Olympic Villages were the most festive of any recent Games: because they were college campuses at USC and UCLA, because a host of famous rock and roll and pop music stars were scheduled or carne to play for free, because American style let the fun go on until all hours of the night and expected the athletes to take care of themselves rather than be treated paternalistically, because alcohol was readily available, and because it was, after all, California youth culture with its loóse sexual style. Indeed, the ongoing communal parties and celebrations inside the villages were the most extraordinary of recent Games and have remained legendary among Olympic athletes. So attractive was Olympic Village life that officials from many national delegations had trouble getting their athletes to leave or otherwise to follow orders. Part of the reason why the open popular festival around these sites was so relatively poor for the general public in Los Angeles wasthat-unlike Montreal where Village life itself was neither oppressive ñor enthralling-the athletes rarely ventured outside the Villages to mix with the crowds for entertainment.


Ritual Festival Spectacle The relationship between the festival and ritual genres, in both concrete performance gestures and metacommunicative framings, is an exceedingly interesting one, bringing out with special clarity comparative differences within and among Olympic host cultures. In the case of one Olympic ritual performance, the Olympic torch relay, the relationship tends to be quite complementan/. In Montreal, the Olympic fíame arrived electronically ¡nto Ottawa, and the short torch relay from there was not accompanied by much public excitement or many attendant cultural performances. However, in more recent Games, torch relays have become ¡mportant scenes of festival experience for large populations within the host nation. Foreign audiences are not much aware of this new fact, since foreign journalists rarely pay any concerted attention to the progress of the Olympic fíame across the host nation, until it nears the Olympic city and its marked ritual entrance into the main stadium during the opening ceremonies. While the fíame passes each lócale in highly controlled, ordered, and rapid fashion, citizens in these strings of communities come out voluntarily to see it and frequently attach spontaneous festive performances of local culture as part of the celebration. This process developed a certain intensity in the case of Los Angeles-though it was simply nottrue, as Ronald Reagan asserted ¡n his 1984 presidential nomination address, that distant Americans, or the American media, paid much ongoing attention. Moreover, few Americans were made aware of the international scandal caused by the LAOOC's failure to grasp and act in accordance with the truly ritual, indeed religious ritual (in Durkheim's sense) framing of the Olympic torch by Greeks. For Greek, and indeed wide European audiences, the festive American torch relay was judged to be a counter-performance. In the Games of 1988, the creation by the torch relay of a truly mass peoples' celebration of the Olympics in the host country reached a certain fever pitch in Canadá and again in Korea. In Korea, provincial villages, towns, and cities not only celebrated the officially organized passage of the torch, but often generated popular festi(14) M.icAloon and Kang, «Un Nara».

vals in open political rivalry with the ritual gestures of the Seoul authorities (u). Explicitly political oppositions between local culture and national culture, the peoples festival and the state's festival, are likewise well-known in Europe, though not In America, where, in the Olympic context, the state's role is popularly believed to be minimal. In the U.S., the torch relay, like the Olympics in general, is understood to be a matter purely of civil society. Another key difference lies, as has already been mentioned, in the lack in Korea of a general cultural opposition between festival and ritual, enjoyment and reverence, with many European and American cultures. Protestantism is not Catholicism, ñor for that matter is charismatic Bible Protestantism the same as high church Calvinism, or Mediterranean Catholicism the same as French or Irish or American Catholicism: carnival, as noted earlier, exists as a hugely important religious style. But broadly speaking, that is to say in the dominant logic of the West, the framing of things as «ritual»-sacred, ultimately true, the highest and most serious of things-tends to demand solemn, reverential, deferential behaviors absolutely in contrast with the spontaneous, free-form, transgressive enjoyment of things framed as «festival». Henee, to complete the transition back to the topic of the opening ceremonies, fundamental intercultural contradictions are set up which have led to transgressions, misunderstandings, scandals, and even an international incident in recent opening ceremonies. The behavior of the American delegation, as it entered in the parade of nations in Seoul, was the international incident. Americans, as we shall further see, have difficulty framing the Olympic opening ceremony systematically and consensually as «ritual», a category with overtones of religión, or political authoritarianism and anti-individualism, or «mere» formality ¡n American culture. Therefore, «to be joyous» in the opening ceremonies means behaving in ways much more like what might be framed as «festival». The Americans marched -or rather, ambled, shambled, and gambolled- into the Chamsil Stadium in what to them was a style of happy


and spontaneous sociability. To Koreans, however, these same gestures were shocking and deeply, deeply offensive, especially given the political circumstances. Koreans interpreted them as expressions of contemptuous disrespect for the occasion and for the host nation because, as we've noted, Koreans find no contradiction between happy enjoyment and ritual order and demeanor, and therefore failed to understand why Americans do. The scandal was truly awful, eventually on both sides, as the Americans never could really understand what they'd done wrong and why they were called upon at the highest levéis to apologize. After all, they said, they were only doing what «carne naturally» and ¡mitating what they had done in their non-controversial entry into the stadium at Los Angeles. (The hegemonic universalism behind that reading is, of course, quite «American» too). Happily such radically disrurtive clashes between different metacommu^icative and cultural performative framings of the opening ceremonies are rare, but others take place all the time, often surrounding the intrusión of festival action into the ritual in the form of ath tes breaking assigned ranks during later segments of the ceremonies and attempting in their own joy to carnivalize them. In Figure 2, Korea receives a (++) for what many consider to be the most brilliant achievement in opening ceremonies design, composition, creativity, and inspiration. The accompanying (0) represents Korea's not suppressing, but not encouraging either, the athletes' camivalizations of the closing ceremonies. Korean audiences were a little shocked, as the multina-

tional and bisexual bands of madcap athletes raced around the stadium in festive disorder. (With the foresight and imagination SLOOC ceremonies designers displayed in nearly everything, the athletes were effectively and quietly brought back to order by darkness and a ring of spark jets). In Montreal, where the opening and closing ceremonies as a whole were largely uncontroversial and entirely undistinguished (-), the carnival behavior of athletes was not only encouraged but spilled over into an extraordinary festival that carried on in the stadium for hours after the end of the formal ceremonies (++), during which athletes, spectators, officials, and ordinary citizens broke all the boundaries of separation between them and enjoyed themselves together into the night. While no such thing was conceivable in Seoul, in Los Angeles the pólice and LAOOC officials unfestively (to say the least) cleared the stadium moments after the televisión cameras were shut off. Earlier, however, they quite tolerated the athletes' carnival disorder (+), though when it threatened to go too far beyond the allotted time, they shut it down with national anthems and barrage after deafening and deadening barrage of fireworks. The controversies and disappointments generated by the Los Angeles opening and closing ceremonies (-), both in the United States and in many parts of the world, did not lie particularly in their attempt to forcé the festival/party aspects of these performances into conformity with televisión schedules, but neither were these actions unrelated to the larger choices of cultural production.

The Major Decisión for Ceremonies Designers l've tried to show in the foregoing sections that the decisión Olympic opening and closing ceremonies designers must make as to what type of cultural performance they are producing is both a difficult and a highly consequential one. Comparative research shows that aspects of the ceremonies can be framed as spectacle, ritual, festival, or game, very different metacommunicative framings with quite diverse resonances for various participating cultures. Above all else. ceremonies designers must choose which of these metacommunicative codinas thev wish to serve as

the encompassing. overarching. general frame for the whole performance. Designers must first become collectively conscious that they have such a choice. In making it, they must necessarily respond to their own culture's structure and traditions, but they must also have the courage of their convictions and be prepared to deal forthrightly with domestic criticisms. Finally, through high selfconsciousness, the careful study of other Olympics, and the breadth of consultation, they must anticípate the consequences of their choice for other participating cultures. Foreign participant nations


expect local authorities to make decisions constituted by and exhibiting the host country's culture, confirming some prior knowledge and leading to new knowledge for the visitors. But visitors also expect not to be offended. They seek, ¡n other words, an open not a closed Otherness in which they can feel welcomed and comfortably particípate as Olympic nations.

and familiar American marker for the Olympics, «the greatest spectacle in sport». Nearly all top LAOOC officials shared these typical American conceptions when they were appointed, and only a few carne slowly to recognize over the course of their tenure how differently other nations, Europe in particular, might conceive of things. The selection and appointment of ceremonies designers and producers likewise reflected these general conceptions, further inflected by Los Angeles as the pop entertainment capital of the world. In Seoul, the preexisting disinterest of leading artists and intellectuals in the Olympics could not alter the given fact that the opening and closing ceremonies would automatically be entrusted to the most distinguished university professors, intellectuals, cultural specialists, choreographers, composers, and costumers from the national academies and leading avantgardes. In Korea, it could be no other way (15). The Koreans has chosen the overarching frame of these ceremonies to be «ritual», the encasing of sacred Olympic ritual (e.g. the Olympic fíame in Korea is sung-hwa pong-sung «sacred fire reverently dedicated and delivered») in narrative and deep structural representations of Korean national culture reaching out to the world, sacred or at least ultimately serious in their own right (rite) (16). In Los Angeles, by contrast, the encompassing frame on the ceremonies was determined (or simply assumed 07>) to be spectacle or grand entertainment, and the competition for ceremonies design and production boiled down to the choice between Walt Disney Studios and the film producer and entertainment mogul David Wolper, who eventually won the commission.

In American culture generally speaking, the Olympic ceremonies are not readily typified as ritual. Content analysis of past Olympic televisión print coverage, and popular discourse confirms that «rite» or «ritual» is almost never uttered by American commentators and the weaker category «ceremonies» is used as a purely nominal repetition of international usage. In addition to the reasons already given for these linguistic and metalinguistic practices, Americans know almost nothing about the Olympic movement, about Olympism as an ideology or a philosophy that might be taught in schools (as ¡n Germany), or about the system of international Olympic organizations. The notion that the Olympics might be connected to a social movement or associated by reasonable persons with a secular religión of humanity would strike the overwhelming majority of Americans as bizarre. In further contrast to the Olympics for segments of European history and society, the American intelligentsia and artistic community have rarely had anything to do with the Olympics. For Americans, the Olympics are, explicitly at least, a grand sports event. The game frame dominates all discourse about the Olympics, and explicit ritual framings are limited largely to the victory ceremonies. The genre markers most frequently employed for the opening and closing ceremonies are spectacle itself, and variants like «show», «pageant», and «enterIt apparently never occurred to the LAOOC to tainment», usually modified by adjectives of involve university professors (at least distinguished marked emotion: «dramatic», «colorful», «movones), and though a few great American artists ing», «thrilling», «impressive», «wonderful». The were later commissioned -e.g. the avant-garde dominance of the game and spectacle frames is composer Philip Glass produced the music for the marked by what is probably the most repeated torch entry-their contributions were incorporated

(IS)Theethnomusicologist Margaret Dilling's field research has produced compelling and, in terms of the existing Olympic literature, unprecedented accounts of the behind-the-scenes collaborations and conflirts among these artistic and academic élites and between them and the SLOOC officials. See Dilling, «The Familiar and the Foreign» and «The Script, Sound, and Sense of the Seoul Opening and Closing Ceremonies», ms. (16) See Kang Shin-pyo, «The Seoul Opening Ceremonies and Dae Dae Cultural Grammar», in Sport: The Third Millennium. (17) No professional historian or anthropological fieldworker was present during these deliberations and I have not seen the minutes of these meetings, if they have been preserved at all. As a consequence, I am unable to supply, beyond third-party reports a sufficiently substantive account of how these decisions were reached.


into overall scenarios which they played no role in ing show», a made-for-television (and film) designing. There were a few exceptions to be spectacular. And to this day, few of them, theresure, but generally speaking the contributions of fore, appear to understand at all why their the American fine arts and intellectual communiproductions generated such a fuss around the ties to these ceremonies were minimal and always world. Beyond their ignorance of the Olympic under the sway of the popular entertainment movement outside of the United States and their industry professionals drawn from the film, televi- disinterest in studying in advance how other sión, amusement park, and stage show realms. (It cultures would might react to their productions, is perfectly telling that Robert Fitzpatrick presithe Los Angeles ceremonies designers chose to dent of the California Arts University brought in ignore that in many modern worlds, including to run the Olympic Arts Festival as an organization their own, the metacommunication of the spectaentirely sepárate from the ceremonies production cle frame commands not only awe and wonder, group within the LAOOC, now makes his living as but moral suspicion of it as well. the chief executive of EuroDisney in Paris). In the event, public and professional commentators Given the marked contrast between Los Angeles around the world and elsewhere in America carne in 1984 and Seoul in 1988, audiences around the to describe the LA Olympic ceremonies as «puré world are now anticipating the decisión of the Hollywood», commentaries made most frequently Barcelona Olympic ceremonies organizers as to in tones of either bitter outrage or what-elsewhether the dominant frame will be: spectacle would-you-expect-from-Americans-bemusement. entertainment, ritual, or some other. Few outsidAt least one can say for the LAOOC ceremonies ers, including the present writer, as yet know designers that they never Intended anything else Spain, or Catalonia, or Barcelona, ortheCOOB but a «really first class, impressive, and entertainwell enough to predict.

The Socio-logics of the Los Angeles Ceremonies. The selection of a master frame is deeply connected to the second major question ceremonies designers face, namely the socio-logics through which the performances will be explicitly and implicitly organized. Transnational Olympic ideologyand practice legitimates three general categories of identity: the individual, iconically represented by the athlete's body; the nation, symbolized by, flags, anthems, emblems, and other representations; and humanity, represented by the Olympic symbols themselves, the Olympic fíame, the five-ringed flag, the Olympic anthem, the IOC, and the Olympic medals, notable among them. It falls to ceremonies designers and participantsto adjudícate particular relations among these three abstract identities and to flesh them out with other categories of human social segments (18). The Los Angeles decisión to emphasize the spectacle frame was motivated not only by American cultural practice but also by a distinctive

American socio-logic. The United States is a pluralist, multi-ethnic, multi-racial, multi-language nation with a high ideological stress of individual equality and egalitarian social relations. Its public culture is hostile to hierarchical status groups and social relations and promotes democratic sociability to relatively extreme degree. Americans, among themselves at least, seek to maintain social order by avoiding personal offense and stressing good will and good feelings. These ideological «habits of the heart» not accidentally exist within and across actual social conditions of extreme (and growing) social stratification and against a backdrop of racial, ethnic, and linguistic intolerance and oppression. Under such sociological conditions the spectacle framing of cultural performances is highly motivated. Since spectacle is voluntary, demands at the outset no more than individual obser. ation, and measures itself by a calculus of the simpler pleasures of entertainment and good feeling, it is the most socially safe choice of cultural perform-

(18) MacAllon, «Double Visions: Olympk Games and American Culture». In J. Seagrave and D. Chu, Eds. The Olympic (james in Transition, Champaign, II: Human Kinetks Press, 1988, pp. 270-294 .


anee forms. Whatever one may think of the lowbrow pleasures and superficial tastes of Hollywood-style mass entertainments such asthose which provided the main models for the LA Olympic ceremonies, they have a deep sociological significance and arguably a share of necessity. (As an American citizen and Olympic scholar, I was offended for my country and for the American Olympic movement by these ceremonies; but as a social anthropologist, I respect and try to understand the deeper sociocultural and historical logic which produced them). A more substantial and contingent problem was the LAOOC designers' interpretation of theirtask in the «cultural performance» sections of the opening ceremonies as exclusively a presentation of exclusively American culture. They thought that this is what Olympic tradition called for, rather than the real expectation that representations of local culture and history be systematically joined with representations of a perceived world («Olympic») order. This narrow and ¡ll-informed understanding of their mission led to offenses and criticisms actually more significant than the ones about «Hollywood taste». After the opening fireworks, fanfare, color guards, welcomes, drill team dance, balloon reléase, the high-tech trick of a backpack rocket man zooming from the peristyle, the entry of the U.S. president and playing of the national anthem, the playing of Aaron Copeland's «Fanfare for the Common Man» and the introduction of the «All-America Marching Band, the overall performance theme was announced in the stadium in these words». Olympic tradition calis for the host country to demónstrate to the world a sample of its music and dance. From its early pioneer days to the popular contemporary scene, today we present a salute to the musical heritage of the United States...Ladies and Gentlemen, the «Music of America!». Not a word about the Olympic movement, or of its higher aims and aspirations, or of any larger geohistorical significance of the event. Only, «The Music of America!». This grossly inauspicious beginning drew immediate comment in the international «Olympic Family» section where I was seated. There followed six suites of American music accompanied by costumed pageants of

idealized American history on the field- «the music of pioneer spirit (through which) we tell of building a new nation...of creating one people out of many»; Southern Mississippi River culture and the birth of jazz; George Gershwin's «American classic» the «Rhapsody in Blue» (the infamous 84 pianos stunt); the Hollywood film musical; Big Band Swing and radio music; and a final medley of pop stage, televisión, film, and recording industry music. The concluding commentary gave the only indication of how the designers thought this show had any appropriateness whatever to the international occasion: «American music has become an international language that now belongs to the world». The ironies of that statement, not to mention the fact that it had no connection at all to the Olympic movement, were quite lost in the happy and well-intentioned naivete of the producers. As visually and aurally impressive as it occasionally was, the show might as well have been produced for a Super Bowl half-time. The concluding card stunt, in which the spectators composed the flags of all the participating countries, was a terrifically impressive achievement, which at least did a little something to mark the presence of the world of Others as perhaps something more than an audience for American commercial pageantry and pop music. The official lOC-mandated Olympic opening rituals then followed. To those observers who found deeply disturbing this style of American narcissistic self-celebration and dismissive attitude toward the feelings of the rest of world, there was a counter-interpretation. For a nuclear superpower under a right-wing administration in the penultimate days of the high Cold War, this sort of American selftrivialization could seem reassuring to others. How can one fear a nation which thinks that pop music is all ¡t has to offer the world? Actually, both interpretations existed in the stadium and among world broadeast audiences that day, as did the very attitude of «That's entertainment!» the producers and impresarios were consciously reaching for. But there were certainly alternative routes they might have taken in their explicit representations of American history and cultural contributions to the world. Surely no one would have been offended, and many more Americans and foreigners might have been pleased if these


performances features a little more Thomas Jefferson and the Bill of Rights and a little less Tommy Dorsey and «Hooray for Hollywood». For all that, however, there was an implicit social logic and evocation of American social and political tensions hidden underthe commercial showmanship and linking these performances with the official Olympic ritual and wider Olympic Ideology. David Wolper had made his reputation with the televisión miniseries «Roots», based on Arthur Haley's epic novel of the history of black slavery and struggle for civil rights in the United States, at that time the most watched and celebrated production in American televisión history. The suites of American music and dance in the opening ceremony «pageant» had the effect of highlighting some notable African-American contributions to American and world culture: slave laments, Negro spirituals, gospel music, jazz, blues, Count Basie and Duke Ellington, up through Michael Jackson, accompanied by costumed black actors on the f ield, happily performing, but at least evoking the more unpleasant aspects of American history and culture. Within the marked variations possible for the LAOOC in the IOC official rituals, African-Americans took most of the chief roles. Thomas Bradley, mayor of Los Angeles, received the Antwerp Olympic flag. Gina Hemphill, the granddaughter of Jesse Owens, carried the Olympic fíame into the stadium and handed it to Rafer Johnson who lit the cauldron (i9). Mr. Johnson is an Olympic decathlon champion and civil rights activist, and was closely associated with Bobby Kennedy, indeed with him when he was assassinated. The Olympic oath for athletes was taken by Olympic champion and athletes' rights activist Edwin Moses. (As I write this, Mr. Moses is a principal member of the IOC delegation in South África to investígate whetherthat nation should be allowed to return to the Olympic movement in time

for Barcelona, which, if it does, will be, with the united Germany, the most marked delegation in the Barcelona opening ceremonies parade). In many of its prior actions in other áreas, the LAOOC had demonstrated a marked commitment to the African-American community, acknowledging its contributions to American Olympic history and attempting to heal the disputes of the past. Tommie Smith and John Carlos, authors of the famous «black power»/civil rights demonstration on the victory stand in México City, were offered LAOOC positions. Anita DeFrantz, a black Olympic rower and lawyer who sued the United States Olympic Committee over the Cárter Administration boycott of the Moscow Games, is today an American IOC member in no small part because of her recruitment to serve as LAOOC vice-president and director of an Olympic Village. Indeed, in a slightly less intense, but no less sincere effort, the ceremonies organizers attempted to represent not only black/white and male/female relations in American society, but also American multi-ethnicity and multiculturalism in general. The Olympic flag was carried into the stadium by a group consisting of three white males, a black male, white female, an Asian American male, and a Native American male, Olympic champions all. And as Beethoven's «Ode to Joy» sounded to conclude the official opening rituals of the Games. The theme of the final performance was announced on the public address system: Los Angeles has one of the most diverse ethnic origins of any city in the world...entering to honor the athletes are two thousand citizens of this city in the dress of their native origin, representing the people of the five continents. Gathered here are the athletes of 140 nations to compete before the eyes of the world. The Games, however, celébrate more than the spirit of competition...they celébrate the spirit of international brotherhood... the simple humanity that unites all humanity (20).

(19) Unfortunately, these powerful gestures were compromised a bit by a typical piece of silly American ignorance and contempt for Olympic history. As the fíame entered the stadium, the public address announcer intoned: «Lit directly by the rays of the sun on the steps of the Temple Hedra [sic!]...the Olympic torch brings fíame from Greece. Carried by Gina Hemphill and Rafer Johnson, Los Angeles is proud to accept again [sic!] this ancient [sic!] and sacred symbol». (20) All citations from «Script Outline: Opening Ceremonies of the XXIII Olympiad», LAOOC. These shooting scripts and press releases were the only exegetical materials LAOOC organizers felt compelled to provide foreign broadcasters. No extended interpretations and discussions of the organizers intentions were made available, and, after the fashion of commercial producers, a veil of secrecy was kept tightiy drawn over the ceremonies until they occurred. The press, for example, was not allowed to witness rehearsals and, therefore, could not develop a more informed and reflective commentary ¡n advance.


There followed the singing of the song «Reach out and Touch Somebody's Hand», as, according to the script and ¡n actual practice, «Ethnic groups join hands and sing «Reach Out», as the video board shows people from around the world joining hands and singing. Soloist asks audience to particípate in singing and joining hands». As mostof them did, even with some hesitation and embarrassment in the international VIP section where I was sitting. Thus the opening ceremonies ended in an interesting, and very American reversal of the beginning. Foreign Olympic élites shocked, at the outset, by how Insular, selfpreoccupied and un Olympic the ceremonies were, ended by having to be embarrassed into joining, as embodied individuáis, a somewhat saccharine, but no less touching, sincere, and Olympic manifestation in the egalitarian/individualist American style (21). In the final public address statement of the ceremonies scenarists was contained not only appropriate and generic Olympic sentiments, but also a quite complete and revealing statement of the dominant American ideology of social relations, of a filled-out relation between the Olympic categories of individual, nation, and human identities, and of the contradictions such views necessarily imply. Forever diverse...citizens of an earth grown smalL.and island in the endless sky...we are still bound in common destiny...Like Ancient Olympia, let us celébrate Man, and in peaceful contest unlock his infinite possibilities...Here, again, we find truce...Cióse the distance between all men, and join hands, each to each.

This text, and the performative representations it summarizes, would replay cióse scrutiny. Diversity, it asserts, is (or ought to be) a matter of individual diversity, in which individual citizens are linked together each to each in a common humanity. Sexist pronouns have crept back in, but still more importantly, intermedíate group identities and their diversities (nations, ethnic and linguistic groups, races, classes, etc.) have disappeared. It is not as and among these that unity in diversity is constituted. Where another level is to be added, it is a supra-human one, here the «endless sky», in the closing ceremonies, the space ship and its Alien passenger. This, of course, is a concerted expression of a dominant egalitarían/individualist ontology and of the American social ideology of the «melting pot». Just as these ceremonies' representation of African-American contributions in popular arts and sport, and of black/white relations in America more generally, need to be, and have been contested, as spectacular trivializations and depoliticizations of social conflicts in the key of liberal utopianism, so too, this expression of American melting pot ideology was and has been attacked and contested. Indeed, President Reagan ¡n the important post-Games speech mentioned previously, turned these Olympic representations as a weapon against his democratic rivals (22). But the main point for present purposes is that the Los Angeles Olympic ceremonies designers. no less than those of all Olympic Games. had to articúlate and perform. consciously or unconsciously. a particular socio-loaic and a particular approach to recognition and display of the political category. Their choices differed from other Olympic Games, for example, in nearly everything here, from the sociological and political structurings of the Seoul Olympic ceremonies.

(21) Why did the organizers reserve all such explicitly Olympic representations to the very end of their «cultural program», when some expression of them atthe outset would have eliminated a great deal of the criticism their production received? I don't know the answer, but it appears to be a cultural pattern, at least with regard to the Olympics, rather than an idiosyncratic behavior. In the NBC coverage of the Seoul Olympic opening ceremonies, the commentators waited until the very last segment of performance to articúlate the overall Korean narrative and conceptual cultural structure (yin/yang ontology) of the opening ceremonies! Evidently, for American scenarists and media, «drama» demands that the most important things are saved entirely tiII last. (22) See MacAloon, «Missing Stories: American Politics and Olympic Discourse». Gannett Center Journal 1(2), 1987, pp. 111-142.


The World to Barcelona, Barcelona to the World. Again, we look forward to learning and analyzing the choices which are being made and which will be performed by the designers and authorities in Barcelona. Widely throughout the world, there is anticipation of seeing addressed within these ceremonies the relation between the new (1992) Europe and the global order, between national Spain and this new Europe, between Europe and Spain and the postcolonial third world (1492), between Catalonia and Spain, between the various political formations and ideologies in Catalonia and Barcelona. All we comparativists and students of Olympic ceremonies can know ¡n advance is that COOB organizers and artists will have to address these

matters in some way or another, doubtless in relation to how they answer the first question of the all-encompassing genre frame for their ceremonies productions. But also in relation to the last major question Tve pointed out: namely, whether COOB designers and scenarists are trying to créate a work of art of historical signif ¡canee that will inspire wide commentary and reflection for years to come, as their Seoul equivalents sought to do; or whether, like their American Olympic colleagues, they are seeking a pleasant and enjoyable entertainment, a one-time televisión spectacular that will linger only in their own minds and the minds of a small band of international Olympic researchers.

.

' '


The Seoul Olympics and Dae-Dae cultural grammar

The meanings of the Seoul Olympics are manifold and still in the process of being discovered and articulated. There can be no question in a short paper of doing justice to them. Some general facts of the Korean historical and social context became widely known throughout the world because of the Olympics. Koreans have not yet fully recovered from the bitter experiences of the Japanese colonialization (1910-45) and a destructive civil war (1950-53). Today the nation remains divided under an armistice agreement still insured by the presence of United Nations forces. Henee, Korea has not yet fully attained its independence. In the self-estimation of most Koreans, the nation is considered small and still emergent, neither the so-called «Hermit Kingdom» of the past ñor yet a full player on the world stage. At the same time Korea's phenomenal economic growth since the 1960s and external recognition of such development achievements as the Saemul undong («New Village Movement») encouraged Koreans in their hope of organizing something of worldwide significance and in the process changing Korea's selfimage from «Third World» to a «First World» country. Well-publicized difficulties at previous Olympics left Korea in the fortuitous position of having only Nagoya as a serious rival for the privilege of hosting the 1988 Games. South Korea was also fortúnate in being chosen as host of the 1986 Asian Games, in competition with north Korea, which gave the south the chance to prepare facilities and to gain experience for 1988. These opportunities were accompanied by their share of domestic controversy. Many Koreans perceived the initial offer of Seoul as Olympic host to be too closely associated with the military-inspired governments of the late Park Chung-hee and Chun Du-hwan. After award of the Games, many local anti-Olympic campaigns were mounted, some with considerable militaney (i). Talk about co-hosting the Games with the north presented

Kang Shin-Pyo Professor of Anthropology of Hanyang University, Korea of South

echoes of the Cold War, and calis for reunification of the divided península assumed greater prominence among the populace. These developments were well-publicized internationally and threatened to reinforce the foreign view of Korea as nothing but a land of war, political strife, and military dictatorship. Korean experiments with economic reform and political democratization, themselves hastened by hosting the Olympics, were placed into additional tensión and sometimes undervalued because of these confliets. Meanwhile Korea's strong cultural tradition remained hidden behind a curtain both domestically and internationally. In the end, all these difficulties were overeóme, with the exception of north Korean participation. Whatever their social stations and political attitudes, south Koreans eventually united in wishing for Olympic success as an important moment in the nation's history. The eventual success of the Seoul Olympic Games became manifestto all who participated, and an atmosphere of general satisfaction seems to have pervaded the world audience. Only now, however, are we beginning to appreciate the impact of the Seoul Games in such matters as hastening the end of the Cold War, altering the situation between north and south Korea, transforming the Korean people's view of themselves, and increasing the diplomatic prestige of the Olympic movement and the IOC (2). The Olympics played a great role in the reinvention and revitalization of traditional Korean culture. Obviously, a great volume of cultural imagery and information wastransmitted between East and West through this occasion, but the problem of estimating in a scholarly way the degree and valué of this intercultural communication is a complex and ongoing challenge (3). Intercultural communication is no simple matter of conveying neutral and context-independent information between various points on the globe. Encoding cultural messages into publictexts, transmitting them through the filtering and reinterpretive agencies of highly culture-bound

(1) Craig Mulling, «The Dissident Critique of the Seoul Olympics». Paper presented at the Seoul Olympic Anniversary Conference, Seoul, Korea, September, 1989. (2) See MacAloon, this volume. (3) Kang Shin-pyo, John MacAloon, and Roberto DaMatta, eds., The Olympics and Cultural Exchange. Seoul: Hanyang University Institute for Ethnological Studies, 1988. Koh Byong-ik, ed., Toward One World Beyond All Barrien: Papers from the Seoul Olympic Anniversary Conference. Seoul: Olympic Sports Promotion Foundation, 1990. A further volume of papers by international scholars collaborating on this topic is now in preparation: MacAloon and Kang, eds., The 1988 Seoul Olympic Carnes: Intercultural Perspectives.


broadcast and print media, and finally the decoding of meanings by mass audiences through local schemes and communities of interpretation are processes involving the fundamental anthropoqical problem of translation of culture.The I rpose of this thematic session here in Quebec is to expose and explore aspects of this process by considering some successes and failures of intercultural communication between Korea and other parts of world in the context of the Olympic Opening Ceremonies. We will be focusing comparatively on two segments of the ceremonies: the entry of Sohn Kee-chung with the Olympic fíame, a part of the official ceremony mandated by the IOC; and the segment stretching from the kang-bok and cha-il dances through the hondón («chaos») and taekwando displays, part of the Korean cultural performances designed by SLOOC. For my part, I will briefly contextualize these segments in the overall intentions of the Korean scenographers and organizers w, then analyze them from the point of view of Korean culture. Korean meanings encoded into these performances can then be compared and contrasted with the meanings presented and decoded by a number of Western national televisión agencies, which my colleagues will subsequently discuss.

However, a complex cultural performance like the Seoul Opening Ceremonies is not a mere catalogue or congeries of independent scenes and cultural items, any morethan spoken language is a mere lexicón of words. One cannot analyze symbolic systems, or follow the translation and communication process, without cióse attention to the underlying grammatical rules by which units of signification are consciously or unconsciously composed into meaningful utterances. It isthe special task of the anthropologist to expose these underlying cultural codes. I begin with a general depiction of what I cali Korean Dae-dae cultural grammar, then show its operation in the overall logic and selected segments of the Opening Ceremony. My argument isthat Dae-dae cultural grammar formed the backbone in the management of the Olympic event from conception to completion. This ¡s not to suggest that the Olympic spectacle witnessed in Seoul was not without powerful constitutive elements best understood by cultural grammars imported from outside Korea. Indeed, the Olympic institution itself represented unfamiliar territory for Koreans. However, the Olympics took on unique significance after being placed on Korean soil. The key to grasping this significance is found by understanding Dae-dae cultural grammar, which ¡tself is not to be taken as something static but is always in a creative process of becoming.

Dae-dae Cultural Grammar. There is a well-known story by Chuang Tzu. In it he dreamed he was a butterfly. Waking, he asked himself whether, if a few moments earlier he was a man dreaming of being a butterfly, he could not now be a butterfly dreaming of being a man. Which, he asked himself, was the reality? The message of the story is that actuality is less important than the way of thinking, of constructing and breaking down ideas. In just this way, Koreans do not give an either/or construction: they prefer «yes and no» to «yes or no». In effect «yes» sometimes means «no» and «no» sometimes means «yes». This is Dae-dae (McCune-Reischauer

romanization, Taedae) cultural grammar, which may also be translated into English as the «Con/ Pro» logical organizaron of being, thought, and action. Korean culture has three principal aspects: hierarchy, group, and drama-ritual. Hierarchy emphasizes an orderly rank of seniority in which the higher morally encompasses the lower. Superordinate and subordínate stand in complementary position <s>. For example, the authority of the sénior businessman, politician, orteacher is ideally dependent upon his moral sincerity in

(4) For a detailed account, see Marnie Dilling, «The Script, Sound, and Sense of the Olympic Opening Ceremonies», paper presented at the Seoul Olympic Anniversary Conference, Seoul. Korea, September, 1989. Also see Kim Munhwan, «The Aesthetic Character of the Opening and Closing Ceremonies», in Hand in Hand. Beyond All Barritrs^ Seoul: Korean Broadcasting System, 1988. («Kae-P'yehwoe Shik ui Mihakchok Songgyok», Son e Son Chapko. Pyogul Nomoso, Seoul: Hanguk Pangsong Saopdan, 1988). (5) This understanding of hierarchy is thus quite different from the common sense meaning of simple inequality given the term in Western cultures. See Bruce Kapferer, Legendi ofPeople. Myths of State. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1988.


favor of the group as a whole. Groupness emphasizes membership and creates a kind of family which, in turn, generates responsibility. For example, at New Year, every Korean gains one year despite his or her actual birth date, a practice which creates age-sets. Ritual drama prescribes appropriate behavior toward members of the group for the sake of harmony. Thus, for example, a son has the right to withhold the truth from the father to avoid unnecessary worry on the latter's part. In ritual drama, «no» and «yes», «con» and «pro», go together. Western sport prefers clear winners and losers, yet in Korean tradition, winners are also losers and losers winners, depending on the context and occasion. For the sake of the group, individuáis may take the role of loser and vice versa (6). This kind of logic is fundamental to Korean practice and performance but is largely incompatible with the Western Aristotelian tradition. In Korean culture, performance becomestransformative, with its own peculiar grammar underpinned by thethree cultural aspects. The dramatic ritual of performance allows the group to grow or become smaller, and ittransforms hierarchical positions. Man is the key here, as agent, practitioner, transformer, and «Awakened Man». Human beings have a mind and a body, matching dream, visión, and ideal to performance and practice (7). Fear of failure is absent here, because failure is not a concern in the moment of practice (8). Failure itself is viewed as a stepping stone in the process of endless practice toward completion, life as a continuous evolution to its own conclusión. To explain further, I must return to China. Chínese philosophy creates harmony through an orderly hierarchy of opposing but equally essential and complementary constituent components. Harmony comes from the oscillation between two

poles, commonly expressed as yin (tjm. in Korean) and yang. such that the dialectic of interaction involves the resolution of conflict. That binary conflict is expressed in terms of man and universe, heaven and earth, Being and non-Being, male and female, self and others, Ji («form») and cJii («content»), hsing («reason») and ching («emotion»), knowledge and conduct, one and many, good and evil, and so on, patterns of thought laid down during the Zhou dynasty (1100-220 B.C.). Scholars have variously accounted for the roots of this mode of thought. Some have pointed to a pre-existing social dualism between rural and urban as witnessed in the Shang archaeological record. Urbanites were sometimes explained as having a different racial origin than peasants and there was little common ground between high and low cultures p>. For his part, Eberhard explains the dual society in terms of religión (the formalistic and almost abstract heavenly way as against popular demonic belief), literature (dry annalistic-statistical court records as against earthy folksongs and tales), law (moral code of the nobility against the criminal code of the peasants), and settlement (location of and ownership of property) (io>. Gernet focuses on the división among the peasants, isolating male and female distinctions on both the temporal and spatial levéis (H).Whateverthe precise history of these views, taken together we can see that there is posited a profound metaphorical relationship between social regularity and the dualistic principie of categorical classification. This world view is neatly represented by yin and yang a «dualism of ideology», a balance and harmony that provides an all-inclusive schema showing how «yes» can be «no» and vice versa in the related Korean cultural code d2). History itself ¡s not a universal factual given but a contextualized understanding constructed according to determínate cultural codes. As I

(6) Kang Shin-pyo, «Korean Culture, the Olympic and World Order», in The Olympics and Cultural Exchange. pp. 97-99. (7) Víctor Turner, The Ritual Process. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1977. (8) Roger Brown, «Discussion of the Conference», in A.K. Romney and R.G. D'Andrade, eds., Transcultural Studies in Cognition, American Anthropologist66 (3),1964: II, pp 243-253. (9) Jacques Gernet, Ancient China: From the Beginning to the Bmpire. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968. Chang Kwang-Chih, The Archeology of Ancient China. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968. Marcel Granet, Danse et legendes de la Chine ancienne. Paris: Presse universitaire de France, 1959. (10) Wolfram Eberhard, Conquerors and Rulers: Social Forces in Medieval China. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1965. (11) Ancient China, pp. 51-52. (12) Kang Shin-pyo, The East Asian Culture and Its Transformaron in the IVesr. Seoul: Seoul National University American Studies Institute, 1972.


mentioned ¡n opening the paper, a world audience carne to know certain «facts» about the changing Korean social order: that Korea has moved or ¡s moving from dynasty to republic, from agrarian to industrial economy, from a rural to an urban society, from extended to nuclear family groups, from hierarchical to egalitarian relationships, from ascribed to achieved status, and, even, from family to individual. Butthe overall story is quite different when it is constructed according to a logic of linear «progress» or «modernization»-as in Western cultural common sense, academic sociology, and among some Korean groups these days-than when the account is composed according to Dae-dae cultural grammar. The latter sort of account stresses transformations of hierarchical relations seeking balanced complementarity and reciprocity in contexts of unequal power. I have previousíy identified three historical moments of transformation in which Koreans were forced to accept and adjust to a new world order imposed upon them from outside (13). The basal stage we can cali «Korea in East Asia», or perhaps more correctly «Korea in China», which allowed for the continuation of the Confucian relation with her huge and immediate neighbor to the geographical west. Then from

1876 to 1905, Korea began to open her frontiers, finally signing a protectorate agreement that would lead to her annexation by Japan. «Korea in Transition» under Japanese rule coincided with a forced opening to that other West, that is to Europe. Again, a struggle was made to see the Western way as a complement to the Eastern tradition, as Korean powers welcomed Western materialism while rejecting Western learning. Liberation from the Japanese in 1945, brought on thethird moment, «Korea in the World», or perhaps better, «Korea in America». A bitter civil war, turmoil in student rebellion (1960), military coups, and finally the 1987 summer of discontent marked attempts to match economic growth with political reordering. Korea is now entering a new transformation in her history, one in which she ventures out into the world without the constraints imposed upon her by America and Russia. Hosting the Olympics allowed Koreans the opportunity to reflect on their own place ¡n the world system. It remains difficult, I believe, for Koreans to comprehend the new world order in which they live. Yet the more they understand the West and can reproduce its points of view, the more Koreans valué their own unique traditions. This double process was apparent in the making of the Olympic ceremonies.

Codes and Performances In the preparation of the scenarios for the opening and dosing ceremonies, literally hundreds of scholars and artists were invited to particípate in order to realize «Saegye nun Seoul ro. Seoul un Saegve ro». The World to Seoul, Seoul to the World. For over three years, they studied, reviewed, and analyzed ceremonies which had accompanied previous Olympic Games in other countries. It was felt that the Olympics are less a national matterthan an international event; henee lessons were to be learned from past hosts. It b.'came apparent that the main issue was howto synthesize a universalizing cultural code with particular cultural codes <i4). Those ¡nvolved had to determine what was the particular Korean cultural code that would provide the basic guid-

ing logic and principies. Where as anthropologists normally look for underlying cultural codes which are largely unconscious in operation and practice, here they were to créate and even «invent» the scenario culture. At the same time, it is probably beyond the capacities of even such a dedicated and resourceful army of scholars, artists, and cultural specialists to produce out of whole cloth a logic of cultural representation that would have sufficient depth and would be both coherent and persuasive to Korean audiences. Whether drawn from cultural repertoires widely accepted as «traditional» or created afresh through a process of bricolage, particular performances and the symbolic forms which composed them had certainly to be arranged and altered to fit the

(13) «Kofean Culture, the Olympic and World Order», pp. 86 91. (14) Kim Mun-hwan, «The Aesthetic Character of the Olympic Opening and Closing Ceremonies».


radically novel situation of the Olympic ceremony, the stadium siting, open-air choreography, televisión constraints, international expectations, and so on. The issue is ratherthe grammatical code that would draw these various components into an ordered unity, acutely depicting and performing, at this more fundamental level, the character of Korea's cultural heritage. The code which was mobilized, in a combination of self-conscious reflection and unconscious emergence, was the code of Dae-dae (15). It was hardly the only cultural code engaged in these ceremonies. As Kapferer has strongly pointed out, in no complex literate civilization today, and perhaps in no society whatever, isthere only one ontology or deep cultural grammar operating (16).

Logics labelled «Western» for convenience now have Korean proveniences as well, and I have already pointed out that the scenarists of the Olympic ceremonies found it necessary and desirable to accommodate them. (Indeed, some of the planners thought to do so through an explicitly «post-modemist» strategy, Derrida and Lyotard being sometimes cited in discussions as frequently as the great scholars in Korean tradition <17). At the same time, Dae-dae was not just one code among others. Because of the specific properties of its logic, it served as a kind of metacode in drawing «the Olympic» and «the Korean» into relations of contrast, complementa-rity, and harmony, a claim I shall now try to demonstratewith specific examples.

Saegye nun Seoul ro, Seoul un Saegye ro The overall theme of the Seoul Olympics, the ideal to be accomplished, was «Harmony and Progress» Here we see a complementary pair. Harmony means «space», the synchronic and paradigmatic dimensión. Progress means «time», the diachronic, syntagmatic dimensión. This binary set is composed according to a yin/yang logic, setting the issue for Korea and the world of creating a balance and a synthesis between harmony and progress. A second bringing pair, Seoul/World, forms the center of complex semantic relations in the official motto of the Olympics: «Seoul Toward World, World Toward Seoul». Alternative English translations of the motto bring out the creative doubleness of the Korean verb form and the optative, subjunctive, and imperative possibilities of mood. «Let Seoul Come/Go Out to the World, Let the World Come/ Go Out to Seoul»; or, from the point of view of Korean speakers, «Bring the World to Seoul, Send Seoul Out Into the World». In Dae-dae grammar, going and coming, bringing and sending are not opposed buttwo aspects of the same dialectical

process. In the Olympic and historical context, the Seoul/World pair is associated with further oppositions seeking mediation ¡n the new order of things. Seoul

World

Particularity National History and Culture «The Third World» Reality (Within the Barrier)

Universality Global History and Culture «The Advanced World» Ideal (Beyond all Barriers)

«Beyond All Barriers» was the title and the organizing theme of the Olympic Opening Ceremonies, whose scenario sought through Dae-dae cultural code to bring Olympic universality and Korean particularity into dynamic, dialectical reciprocity and emergent harmony. To further appreciate how the various episodes of the ceremony were related grammatically and syntactically from a Korean point of view, an additional general feature of Dae-dae logic must be indicated. Yang and yin stand to one another as

(15) Our position, therefore, is neither exactly that of «the modernityof tradition» (e.g. Lloyd Rudolph and Susanne Rudolph, The Modemity of Tradition: Political Development in India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984) ñor that of «the invention of tradition» (e.g. Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), neither of which consider the level of cultural codes and ontologies while preserving in different ways the opposition between culture authentic and invented. For other recent anthropological attempts to bréale out of this straightjacket, see Roy Wagner, The Invention of Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981; Michael Herzfeld, Ours Once More: Folklore. Ideology. and the Making of Modern Greece. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1982; and Kapferer, Legends of Peo pie. Myths of State (16) Legends of People, Myths of State, pp. 3-48. (17) Dilling, «Script, Sound, and Sense».


témplate to transformation. In Figure 1, I illustrates this process visually in the form of Korea's national taeguk symbol, omnipresent in the ceremonies as a kind of code key reminding all of the logic organizing them. Each témplate (yang). for example in a particular ceremony scene, calis out and joins with its transformation (yin), which in turn serves as témplate for a subsequent scene which incorporates its own transformation, and so on, in an endless series of transformations which are nonetheless harmonically balanced at each moment. Thus is created the simultaneous impression of movement and non-movement, or better, movement in non-movement and nonmovement in movement, which is an essential feature of Korean aesthetics and their underlying ontologies, here especially Mahayana Buddhism. Also included in Figure 1 is a more complete structural diagram of this East Asian cultural grammar, the full explanation of which may be found in my book (i8). Figure 1 Dae-Dae Cultural Grammar

East Asian Cultural Grammar

fS(T)l

L T (S) J

D

fc

B

B= Binary Set (two, plurality) S= Space (Hierachical) T= Time (Sequential) D= Dialectical Reciprocity (unity oneness

(Yang)

I

Témplate (Yin/Yang)

I

(Yin)

Transformation

(Yang)

Témplate

i

i

The Entry of the Olympic Fíame into the Stadium. The arrival of the Olympic song hwa («sacred fire») is both the culmination of the earlier ritual process of the Greek flame-lighting and the torch relay across the host country and the high point of the off icial part of the Olympic Opening Ceremony in the stadium. A majority of Koreans watched the televisión coverage of the initial ceremony at Ancient Olympia in Greece, where the bringing down of the fire from Heaven to Earth through the médium of a female spiritual figure, the priestess of Hera, happened to match (18) Kang, The East Asian Culture and its Transformation in the West.

Korean cultural conceptions quite neatly. In Athens, the fire was handed over by Greek officials to a Korean delegation composed of representatives of all social strata and a famous Korean art troupe. Listening to the thousands of Greeks gathered in the Panathenaic stadium shouting «Korea-Seoul» led Korean commentators and audiences to search for connections between the Balkan and Korean penínsulas, two áreas from opposite sides of the earth. The difference between East and West is similar to the difference


between day and night. As the Earth is round, one nation has daylight while the other has night, a constant cycling of life activity. Just as ancient Greece was a point where East and West met, where Middle Eastern and Chínese wisdom were transmitted to Europe and European culture to the East, so too Korea has served and continúes to serve as a crossroads between Asia and the West. By representing the Hellenistic roots of European civilization, the Olympic fíame carne to symbolize a kind of Western essence for Koreans, an essence now willingly entrusted to Korea and accepted by her gratefully in equal partnership. Lingering Greek resentment of the American treatment of the fíame on the occasion of the previous Los Angeles Olympics added a situational factor with Korean resonances as well. In 1988, this process of mutually respectful cooperation between East and West, Korea and Greece, could be seen in paired contrast with the earlier invasión of Korea by Western capitalism, iron ships and weaponry, followed by Christianity which treated the tradition of ancestor worship as superstition and thereby sought to destroy an integral East Asian cultural tradition. Koreans were reminded that the original Olympic Games were destroyed by the colonization of Greece from her west by Romans and Christians. Additional space/time complementarities and transformations were set into the logical motion of Daedae, for example, relations between the past measured ¡n millennia and the changes of the late 20th century measured in decades, years, and days. Greek civilization, coming along Alexander's route along the Silk Road, took a hundred years to reach the center of Korean civilization, Kyongju and the Sokkuram Grotto. Now the fíame as a symbol of Western civilization arrived on Korean soil overnight by airplane and was carried to these same centers by Korean torchbearers. As the Olympic fire and fíame ritual were Koreanized, Koreans were reminded of their past sufferings, of what adapting to the West had meant, and yet of how we had triumphed: the West needs no longer represent militan/ strength, but intercultural cooperation, peace, and harmony among

civilizations newly portrayed as complementan/ and even equal (19). In Seoul, the organizers faced the challenge of respecting and celebrating the universalizing Olympic meanings of the sacred fíame and the lOC's rigid protocol for its stadium arrival while at the same time adapting it through the Korean cultural code organizing the ceremony as a whole. As the fíame had descended vertically from Heaven to Earth and then had been carried horizontally across the land of and by Human Society, so the linkages and boundary-openings between these three traditional Korean cosmological spaces and principies were continued and elaborated in new transformations in the stadium. The torch was carried into the arena by the «highly respected sénior» (Korean Broadcast System commentary) Sohn Kee-chung, marathón gold medalist at the 1936 Berlin Olympics and nationalist hero for his powerful protest against the Japanese emblems he was forced to wear and listen to on the victory stand because of the colonial occupation. In the Seoul Opening Ceremonies, Mr. Sohn passed the torch to Lim Chunae, the young nineteen-year-old girl who was triple gold medalist at the 1986 Asian Games and was here «representing the female athletes of the our country (uri nara)». Relations between sénior/ júnior, male/female, past suffering/bright future, destruction/construction, imperialized and enslaved Korea/free and autonomous Korea were set into yang/um binary complementarity as well as into historical succession by the handing on of the torch from one generation to the next. As the fíame circled the stadium, the Korean broadcast commentary reproduced and emphasized the Dae-dae relation of dialectical contrast between the processes of destructive purification and constructive harmonization and blessing, the complementan/ relation between going out and coming in we saw earlier in discussing the Olympic motto. «ÍThe song hwa hasi appeared in front of our eyes. The Sacred Fíame, it will burn as a sacred fíame ignited in every one of our hearts. The Sacred Fíame will burn out evil and injustice, división and conflict, corruption and misfortune.

(19) My colieague John MacAloon and I made a special study of the Korean torch relays for the Asian Games in 1986 and the Olympics in 1988, traveling day after day with the fíame as it made its progress around the Korean península. Our analysis of the Koreanization of this Western ritual form and its connection with the social and political transformation of Korea will be the subject of a sepárate monograph now being prepared.


It will bring goodness and peace, harmony and progress, prosperity, happiness, and material well-being». Then, in the way of Dae-dae outlined above, a furthertransformation of these symbolic relations was achieved. I have visually diagrammed it in Figure 2. The triad of Heaven, Earth, and Man was joined with and transformed into another triad. President Park Seh-jik of SLOOC had always emphasized that Seoul must be the Olympics of academics, sport, and art, so as to be a Games of «total culture». Figure 2 Dae Dae Cultural Grammar of the Torch Relay. Heaven, Earth, Human /Academics, Sports, Art. Sohn Kae Chung

(Heaven) Oíd Male

Gold Medalist 1936 Berlín Olympic

1 Lim Chun Ae

(Earth)

Gold Medalist 1986 Seoul Asían Game Young (Heaven) Female

1

(Earth)

i Heaven

Earth

Earth

Man

Man

Chung Sun Man (Heaven) (Teacher, Academic, Male)

Heaven Kím Wom Tak (Earth)

(marathoner, sport, male) Man

Heaven

Earth

Sohn Mí Chung (Human) (Dance student art, female)

At the base of the torch brazier, «designed by Mr. Kim Soo-keun...[in] the shape of the Korean traditional candle holder», Lim Chun-ae handed the fíame to three torchbearers who would light the cauldron in unisón. These were: Chung Sunman (rural middle school teacher, academic, male), Kim Won-tak (marathoner/employee, sport, male), and Sohn Mi-chung (Korean traditional dance student, art, female). Next, as the KBS commentator solemnly described it: «The three are going up in a circular lift, twelve meters in diameter, climbing a stand twenty meters high as if they are going to heaven». The movementof the fíame in Human hands back from Earth toward the Heaven from whence it carne, thus symbolically completing its journey through traditional Korean cosmology, was in this way seamlessly joined with the wonders of modern technology, the contemporary pride in «firsts» («the f irst time ¡n Olympic history that three participated in the kindling of the fíame»), and the ooh-and-aah surprise and awe required by the modern spectacle for stadium and televisión audiences alike uo). That the torch stand with its innovative mechanical apparatus itself further represented a joining of social élites and ordinary Koreans in sincere common effort was made plain in the later publication of Park Seh-jik's Olympic memoirs in a series of newspaper articles. In the f ifth installment, he recounted the efforts of the factory workers who made the fíame pillar: «Fifteen men abstained from alcohol and made the pillar for the Olympic fire at an iron foundry. Every day and night they worked...people volunteered for extended shifts». Park quotes his own words to the workers: Indeed, all of you have much work to do. Talking about the Olympics may seem to you as if it is talk of great and magnificent things for splendid and great people to take part in. But this is not the whole story. Little things put together, including the thing you are working on now, créate the Olympics. Of all the Olympic facilities and constructions, the making of this most sacred pillar

(20) See MacAloon, «Olympic Games and the Theory of Spectacle in Modern Societies», in MacAloon, ed., Rite. Drama. Spectacle. Festival: Rehearsals Toward a Theory of Cultural Performance. Philadelphia, ISHI Press, 1984. In MacAloon's categories, the special achievement of the designers of the Seoul Opening Ceremonies was their successful integration of the performance genres of ritual and spectacle.


for the Olympic f¡re on this foundry's dirt floor has the deepest meaning. I ask you to make ¡t with the utmost sincerity (21). While President Park's commentaries on «The Ceremonies: An Integration of Heaven, Earth, and Man» were published after the event, Western broadcasters and press journalists were provided in advance with a detailed scenario containing these exegeses and interpretations of the ceremonies by the scholars and artists who designed them (22). In a moment, my colleagues on this panel will describe the degree to which foreign broadcasters chose to communicate these Korean explanations to their Western audiences, or instead substituted their own interpretations. As you consider these research results, I urge you to keep in mind the difference between explaining particular vignettes and symbols and communicating the cultural code which organized them into a whole from the Korean point of view. Understandably, the KBS broadcasters stuck quite closely to the scenarists own interpretations. This was not only because they were «official», «authoritative», and «scholarly» but also because, so I am arguing, the deep Dae-dae cultural grammar in its three aspects of hierarchy, groupness, and ritual drama was-at some level and among the other cultural codes present-recognizable and comprehensible to KBS broadcasters as Koreans. As the cameras focused on the Olympic fíame billowing from the cauldron toward the sky, the announcer concluded the segment by saying: «The global village stage, the epic drama per-

formed by the entire global family. Its highlight is the kindling of the Sacred Fíame. The Sacred Fíame is focusing everyone's eyes on one point and also bringing everyone's mind and spirit into one mind and spirit. Now we must all be one. Now we must all be together». Again, this is Daedae, the generation of the one from the many and unity from diversity through a series of transformations of binary oppositions, here reaching out to encompass not only a particular ground of common Korean understanding but also the idioms of a universalizing global culture embodied in the Olympics. For a moment, in other words, the World/Seoul opposition is transcended. But, as prescribed by Dae-dae logic, things rest only for a moment and then the process begins again. Being begets becoming, as moving beyond boundaries begets a new awareness of boundaries, as yang begets yin. The conclusión, with the flame-lighting, of the «official» Olympic part of the ceremonies begins again the host country's cultural performances, the boundary between the two being marked by the exit of the gathered athletes from the stadium. From the project of discovering and representing the Korean in the Olympic, the challenge for the ceremonies designers shifts to representing the global in the Korean. And the challenge for foreign broadcasters and mass media consumers shifts to seeing and understanding something deeper and more substantive than «pretty dances and folklore» in these representations of Korean culture.

A New Dawn and Chaos — The segment called «A Great Day»-with its Kang-bok (Blessings from Heaven), £haj] (Sunshade), and Hwagwanmu (Flower Crown) dances, the parachutists descent, and the Hondón (Chaos) performance-reproduces in various keys the paradigmatic code of Heaven, Earth, and Man. At the same time, the active opening of the boundaries and mediation among these realms is composed into a syntagmatic narrative of a cosmological drama. The KBS announcer's first

comment invokes a mythological state of being: «At the beginning when the world opened, a great day when all mankind lived together peacefully is depicted in this scene. This (kangbok) dance is praying for heavenly blessing and expressing earthly joy upon receiving mysterious forces from heaven». The announcer immediately proceeds to ñame the choreographers and composer and to identify the 800 dancers as students from the Yeungdeungpo Girls' High

(21) Translated by the present author from the Kofean text. A slightly different translation will be found in the English versión. Park Seh-jik, The Stories of Seoul Olympics. Seoul. Chosun-llbo, 1990, pp. 14-15. (22) BeyondAII Barriers: The Opening and Closing Ceremonies. Seoul: SLOOC, 1988.


School, thus juxtaposing primordial time and contemporary time, transhistorical cultural imagery on the level of the ritual code and the creative invention of tradition on the level of the historical performance. These temporal contrasts and complementarities are joined with spatial ones according to the formula of Dae-dae logic diagrammed in Figure 1. Prayers go up to Heaven from a joyful Earth through the agency of the female dancers. Blessings then come down from Heaven to Earth in the form of the male parachutists, bearing the colors of traditional Korean shamanic ritual which happen also to be the colors of the rings in the Olympic emblem. The parachutists are not only Korean but also multinational, and they land to form the Olympic rings within a first surrounding circle of all-Korean female dancers, which is in tum encompassed by the ring of multinational stadium spectators both male and female, which is in turn encompassed by the wider circle of the global televisión audience. In these symbolic ways, the global, the national, and the local are once again placed into moving harmony through transformative association with the Heaven, Earth, and Man triad through the agency of Daedae cultural grammar. Human society is representationally cosmologized, while a traditional Korean cosmology is revitalized under contemporary and particular social conditions. «Korean Fantasía», the musical accompaniment to the parachutists' descent from Heaven, joins Korean idioms with Western symphonic form and incorporates themes from the Korean national anthem. Korean national aspirations and political independence are thus marked and asserted in a way which represents them as in harmony with the global order represented by the Olympic gathering. Just as the nationalist aspirations of a particular society are encompassed within a world of nations, so too the military references of the pararhutes, skyjumpers, and helicopters are performatively domesticated and encompassed by civil society represented by the dancers who flowingly engulf them on the field. This leads to another visual and semantic transformation, this time of high technology to local festivity, physical dangerto domestic sociability. As the KBS announcer said: «Eight hundred Cha-i I

dancers are performing a Blessing Dance, welcoming the high-altitude skydivers. The parachutes are seemingly transformed into Cha-il [sunshades] by the dancers' blue sheets [of cloth]. Whenever, there is a festival, we prepare for it with Cha-il. A billowing Cha-il means heavenly blessing and represents the excitement of man's mind brought about by the festival. The entire field is full with blowing Cha-il. like a sea of Chail». Though not mentioned by the KBS announcers, the scenario exegesis provided to all broadcasters clearly mentions a further reference intended by the designers. The Cha-il were intended additionally to evoke the smaller cloths with which Koreans wrap and carry pareéis, an ubiquitous feature of Korean everyday life. Thus through the material symbol of squares of cloth, the interpenetration of ritual drama and everyday life was carried out through the mediation of popular festivity. The Flower Crown Dance (hwagwanmu) which followed in the sequence reproduces the configuration of space/time meanings all over again, but in another transformation of context. Hwagwanmu is a court dance, probably Korea's most famous and most performed, invoking the past of dynastic kingship as well as the present Korean efforts at cultural preservation and revitalization. Again, the KBS announcer marks this paired relation by first identifying by ñame the present choreographers and composer of the dance, and the dancers themselves by their school affiliation. (In Korean practice, these publie acknowledgements always convey the competitive struggle for distinction and honor.) Then he proceeds to point out that: «Hwagwan dance as a court dance is characterized by its strong emphasis on ritual and self-control. The costumes, hair decorations, and various props of the dancers express the typical decorative traditions. The colors used in the dance come from the traditional color combination in Tanchung (red and blue), Samtaeguk (Triple Taichi), and Saekdong (Children's multicolored dress)». The court dance was usually performed around the king, who mediates between Heaven and Earth in traditional conception. Without the one mediating person, there can be no synthesis of two opposite poles. The highiy stylized movement


of the dance and music ¡nvoke the dignity and richness of Korea's recorded cultural history, thus standing in conceptual juxtaposition to the fantasized primordial time which opened the whole segment while moving its narrative along. Of course, the king is today absent, and thus the past is once more juxtaposed with the present, destruction with construction, an abiding cultural code with the search for a new model of political legitimacy in contemporary Korea. Again, in Daedae form, struggle and order, yes and no, are conceived not in either/or relation but as dialectical aspects of the same process of transformation.

intercultural communication and of «Seoul to the World, The World To Seoul». But Dae-dae demands that darkness be dramatically represented with light, evil with good, chaos with harmony, destruction with construction, otherwise true completion and unity cannot be achieved.

Dae-dae grammar also shows the way out of the chaos. If Hondón forms the yin transformation of the yang témplate of the previous representations of cosmic and global harmony, in the next transformation Hondón becomes the yang témplate calling out its own yin complement in a new balance. At the very top of the stadium, new masks rise to look The following Hondón performance, quite unique down on the dance, taking top place in a vertical hierarchy. The KBS announcer points them out as in Olympic ceremonial history, transforms these the cameras focus upward: «Above the roof of the relationships by turning them ¡nside out. In stadium, the typical Korean masks, Chuyong (the Hwagwanmu. struggle is concealed within stylized legendary figure in the Shilla Kingdom), Mukchung ritual order; in Hondón, order is hidden with chaos. (Buddhist monk), Maldooki (young man), Yangban The KBS commentator announces this change in the (traditional upper class), Halmi (grandmother), narrative context of the overall performative Toryung (upper class youth) and Musam (servant) construction. «Nowthe Golden Ages are gone, the are watching. Over the fence they are watching us Age of Chaos is coming where discord and conflict while we are also watching the mask dance». Here are dominant». Tranquility is smashed by dancers, many meanings are assembled through deploymostly male, racing madly around carrying affixed ment in Dae-dae form of the categorical pair to poles «838 masks consisting of 108 various kinds watching/being watched. Unmoving, much larger from 60 different countries», even breaking the than the other masks, and situated hierarchically boundaries between performers and audience by above them, the roof masks are comfortingly running up into the stands. «This masked dance», familiar features of the mask dances of traditional the announcer continúes, «symbolizes chaotic Korean folk culture. They assert a confidence in the dances representing respectively good and evil, love power of indigenous Korean culture to domestíand hatred, creation and destruction, and antagocate, contain, and encompass the shock of invasión nism and división emanating from different valúes by and new relations with so many strange and and personalices. Discord emerged from conflict foreign cultures. Added to the conflict between among different ideologies, ethnicity, and sex». nation and internation is now the above-nation which mediates and begins to bring harmony once Openly acknowledged here are the powerful again to the chaos. The roof masks also belong boundaries, discords, misunderstandings, and with the field masks as together opposed to and dangers among all the different cultures brought watching all the people from different ideologies, together into common activity in the Olympics, the ethnicities, and sexes, an assertion perhaps of the other side of the Olympic project of harmony and power of universally shared cultural forms-indigpeace, the realism necessarily to be paired with the enous ones like masks, emergent ones like the idealism. For Koreans, the performance invokes all Olympics-to balance social división and overeóme it the invasions from outside in past history, the in a new, higher-order for of transcending boundadarker and more terrifying sides of opening the ries. As the announcer comments to the Korean country to the world in the context of the Olympics, televisión audience, «The world of chaos is waning. and more generally the doubts and fears of the Our will is toward overcoming this chaos». new world Koreans must now enter and be entered by. Even aestheticized in a cultural performance, this episode is a daring acknowledgment of the dangers and difficulties of the projects of global


The Challenge of Intercultural Communication Of course, the Olympic Opening Ceremony did not end here. The next episode was the mass taekwando performance, presented as returning order to human chaos and representing the breaking of political, ideológica!, and social boundaries, «the brick walls» as the scenario puts it, in the dramatic form of the taekwandoists, oíd and young, male and female, smashing hundreds of boards. This performance introduced further transformations of semantic relations between Korea and the world, sport and art, discipline and creativity again according to the logic of Korean Dae-dae cultural grammar deployed alongside, but also as a metacode organizing and perhaps even encompassing, other logics more familiar to Westerners. In these ceremonies, Koreans interpreted the new Olympic world to themselves while at the same time inventively portraying the new situation of Korea in the world. The representations by which this was accomplished were a mix of scholarly and artistic adaptation, invention, bricolage, and historicism. In so doing, Koreans remobilized and revitalized their traditional cultural code as the main mechanism by which diverse cultural elements were combined into a coherent, beautiful, and moving whole, impressive to outsiders and recognizable to insiders. I have tried to show in the analysis of selected performance episodes how Dae-dae cultural grammar provided the logic of coherence linking the various segments into a whole that was unified structurally and paradigmatically as well as narrratively and syntagmatically. The ceremonies designers sought to créate an event that was first and foremost international, while creatively accommodating national and transnational meanings within it. What remains is to estímate how foreign broadcasters responded to these messages, what they were willing or able to perceive, understand, and communicate to their respective audiences. How much of the explicitly Korean character of the performance carne into focus in foreign coverage?

How much use did foreign media make of the carefully prepared scenario interpretation provided to them in advance by the Korean organizers? Did broadcasters transíate the ceremonies into their own cultural codes and idioms to such adegree that their commentaries suppressed and replaced Koreans' attempts to transíate and communicate their culture to the world? In more technical and sophisticated ways, we must look for patterns in the complex project of translation and mistranslation of culture. For example, was narrative emphasized atthe expense of structure, melody over harmony? Did foreign broadcasters recognize the presence of a distinct East Asian cultural code in the performance, or did they treat it as perfectly transparent to Western logics alone? How with reference to the Korean meanings did Western national broadcasts differ from one another? These questions bear an importance beyond the communication of the Seoul Games alone. Only by such comparative research can the success of the Olympic Movement in intercultural communication and mutual understanding, its highest aims, truly be evaluated. Translation and communication of cultures will be of increasing importance in the new world order. Through the Opening Ceremonies, Koreans offered an alternative cultural code to peoples both East and West, North and South, for coping with the many problems of the 21 st century. In considering whether the mass media contribute to or interfere with the process of exchange of cultural resources, we should not forget that televisión audiences are not passive consumers of the interpretations broadcasters explicitly provide. Audiences bring their own resources to decoding the messages inherent in what they see and hear through the media. Perhaps the mass appeal of the Seoul Olympic Opening Ceremonies to world audiences was based in part on their recognition of and interest in the presence of a different cultural code, even where broadcasters themselves failed to articúlate it.


3 BARCELONA92


Communication and culture, a single project: Barcelona'92

Miquel de Moragas Spá Director of the Centre d'Estudis Olímpics and Professor of Mass Communication studies at the Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona

in thfofym^Games, Communication and Culture constitute a single project The Olympic Games and the new Communications system

The Olympic Games of this end-of-century can no longer be understood without considering their cióse relationship, their dependence on communication. The communicative dimensions of the Olympic Games are determined by a first reality: the mass, planetary nature of its informative attention. Few other events -phenomena which Elihu Katz has called global events- (Dayan Katz, 1986) can reach similar dimensions. All the different registers and levéis of modern communication can be found in the preparation and development of the Games: the world-wide diffusion of the Games updates all telecommunications possibilities. Complex organisation calis for the most advanced computer programmes and support. Spectacularity calis for the generalised use of all mass media in their best potentials (special cameras, immediate production and broadcasting, wireless communication, etc.) The demands of security and risk cali for the use of the most advanced technologies of signal broadcastmg (satellites, optic fiber systems, security circuits). Their commercial repercussions reinforce sponsoring and cali for articulation of marketing and symbology. Sports planning, the stadia, the schedules for the triáis, are adapted to new audiovisual production. It can rightly be said that the media define the modern Olympic movement, but at the same time it should be said that the Games give the media the great opportunity of experimenting and trying out its whole transformation potential. Therefore, the Olympic Games constitute a paradigmatic case of the technological, economic and communicative complexity which determine cultural phenomena today. This is the first reason that justifies considering the cultural and communicative projects of the Barcelona Games as a single project.

_

The Olympic Games and the production of cultural valúes

There is, however, a second reason: the Olympic Games, for the size of their audience, constitute a great phenomenon of production -semanticisation- of valúes. In fact, the Olympic Games should be understood as a great cultural event, and as such, submitted to the dialectics of contradictions and possibilities. The production-semanticisation of valúes is done in two dimensions which are superimposed: sport and Olympism. On one side, the Olympic Games constitute a relevant case of a phenomenon more and more important in our society: sport as a spectacle. Different systems of valúes in our culture are configurated through sport: processes of social initiation and collective ¡dentification, of marking geopolitical differences and international relations, nationalisms, the valúes of the body and of activity, of effort and learning, of leisure as an activity and as a spectacle, of youth and maturity, of success and failure, of companionship and rivalry, etc. On the other side, the Olympic Games are attributed cultural valúes which go beyond daily sports practice, by referring to exceptional historie valúes, with sport as a reference, but with international relations as an objective (Real, 1986, 1990). The result of an analysis of content (MacCallum, 1980) can justify this information: analysing the information times of the ABC channel's broadeasting of the Montreal Games, ¡t appeared that 15.5% was devoted to advertising, 61.4% to different contents and only 23% was devoted to sports broadeasting. Olympism as a cultural phenomenon, is submitted to manipularon and contradictions. (Hoberman, 1986, Segrave 1981, 1988). From the cultural analysis radical positions on their intrinsic goodness or badness are not defensible. The Games have good and bad aspeets, depending on the circumstances of their context and their organisation. Seoul's contribution to the international


Olympic movement are well opposed to the negative manipulations of the Berlín Games of 1936. The construction of valúes around the Olympic Games is framed within a semantic f ield of possible alternatives (positive and negative). The selection of these valúes constitutes the first and principal cultural activity of the Games. Olympism is a possibility of promotion of great valúes positive for humanity, but it is not per se a guarantee of this promotion. Olympism is historically done through its seats. The international Olympic movement, and now most especially Barcelona, has a great responsibility in the production of positive valúes and the elimination of negative valúes in this semantic field. It depends on their organisation that the positive valúes have more weight (brotherhood, cooperation, equality, desire for peace, etc.) than the negative ones (commercialisation, wrong channelling of investment, chauvinism, promotion of «supermanism», etc.). Organising cities acquire before the world the responsibility of inclining these semantic fields towards one or the other of these directions. Buttoday, this promotion and selection is carried out through a complex Communications production -signs, rituals, images, stagings, publicity, information-which is clearly a responsibility of the host city. This production of communication constitutes the principal cultural -and also political responsibility- of the organisation of the Olympic Games. Cultural Project and Cultural Olympics

The communication viewpoint underlines two main aspects of the Games' cultural dimensions: Firstly, it must be understood that the Olympic Games are, in themselves, a cultural phenomenon. Secondly, that the destinees of the cultural programme are all receivers, local or international, direct or indirect, of its communication products. Therefore, we think it most necessary to make a clear distinction of contení and scope between «Cultural Olympics» and «Cultural Project». If the «Cultural Olympics» consists of a programme to

promote cultural activities during the four years leading up to the Olympic Games, aimed specifically at the citizens of the seat or sub-seats, or those who move specially to Barcelona, then we must say that we are before a part, and a very limited part, of the Games' cultural project. By «cultural project» we understand, widely speaking, all the production of valúes made through the mass media, and which interests all of world public opinión. Endogenous cultural activity and international cultural project

This distinction between «Cultural Olympics» and «Cultural Project» can also help us to place the reality of the Games' effects in its real scene, which isthe international scenario. The complexity and speed proper to the organisation of the Games can determine internal dynamics in the organising cities which tend to underestimate or instrumentalise the cultural demands of international audiences. To say this in another way: they are concerned only about «what we can sell to the world», instead of asking oneself, as it should be, «what cultural valúes are we showing the world audience». The host city cannot ignore the great dimensions and international implications of the Games; the Games are held in Barcelona, but they are to be understood as the heritage of mankind. When Barcelona requested the Games, it acquired, most certainly, important commitments of organisation, but also important cultural commitments towards international community. Barcelona has to offer itself in the organisation of the Games, but it must also offer the international community updated cultural proposals which allowthe development of the positive, potential, Olympic valúes of sport. Lack of commitment in this sense will result in the Games being interpreted only «as a chance» for publicity to sell our products, forgetting that with the organisation of the Games Barcelona becomes a world meeting-place, a place of encounter, between our culture and those of the rest of the world.


The Cultural Project unlike the «Cultural Olympics» must have an effect on the basic levéis of the Games' organisation, that is, on the production of symbols and on communication, on the mass-media construction of the event itself and not only on the cultural activities that can be carried out during the Olympic period.

The cultural project of the Games should also consider ¡nternal cultural problems and which are a direct consequence of the Games being held in the city. The main problem is monthematism, hiperattention to Olympism, that generates rejection in different social sectors and which demands a task of constant critical ref lection on the part of intellectuals and communication media of the host city.

II.-The múltiple communicative dimensions of the Games Figures are exceptional with regardsto the informative coverage foreseen for the Barcelona Games of 1992: 11,000 journalists, 8,000 COOB employees for information, 1,200 newspapers, 135 televisión channels from all over the world, etc. (Perarnau, 1991). But apart from these great dimensions deriving from the world-scale nature and massive diffusion of the event, or from the use of all the mass media and communication agencies, the Games constitute a phenomenon of other múltiple and complex communicative dimensions. Two communication phases: from Barcelona to the world: international mass media in Barcelona From our experience as the organising city we can establish a first distinction between the communication processes of internal initiative and the communication processes of external initiative. Production and circulation of information in the Olympic city

A very special phenomenon happens in the organising cities, unlike what happens outside: the Games are lived a long time before they begin, when they are not yet a «spectacle» and no-one hears about athletes or athletics triáis, when the information is only about the infrastructures, the control meetings or conflicts of management. In this paper I could not omit to speak of the importance of the information processes that affectthe communication system of the organising city during the period of preparation for the Games and during the Games themselves. It would be of great interest to analyse the difficulties of thematising of the Olympic information (sports, culture, leisure, urbanism, politics, eco-

nomy) and their weight on the organisation and on interaction between the organisers and public opinión. Preparation of information for international projection To interpret the processes of information proper to the Olympic event, we can use, with some f reedom, the oíd image of Lazarsfeld of the two «stages of communication»: the organising city, from the first moment of nomination, begins a task of preparation, or «packaging» of the processes of external initiative communication: this is a large-scale work of public relations, in which it is endeavoured to build «the first degree of communication», to determine the «second degree», produced and diffused by the international media. These preparation processes or «packaging» of information takes place in many different áreas and is the result of the initiative of many different actors: the most official, including the COOB'92 itself or the Public Administrations, or the institutions of entrepreneurial or commercial nature (i.e. Chamber of Commerce or Tourist Boards) down to the initiatives of political groups or those of civic or nationalist inspiration. It is a great process of semanticisation, of selection and exclusión of significances, of representation of local society, whose aim isto condition Barcelona's international image, its Games and its cultural and political personality. This semanticisation process, is, without doubt, a key aspect of the cultural dimensions of current Olympic Games. With regards to the typology of these promotional actions, orientating agents of the production of international information, we can mention:


1.- The publication of books and publications o the city and country hosting the Olympic Games. 2.- The briefing of promotional campaigns, both the official ones and in favour of the Games, as the opposing ones, against them:

"Friends for ever" 3.- Selection of symbols (logos and mascot) representative of the Games. 4.- Determinaron of the most representative cultural referents (i.e. Gaudi for architecture, Carreras for music, Tapies for painting, etc.) 5.- Determination of the key geopolitical referents to interpret the socio political reality of the host city: Catalonia, Spain, Europe, identity, autonomy, self-decision, rightto difference, etc. The selection of these significants, for their use in the different communication actions are, ultimately, the result of a consensus within the bodies responsible for the management of the Games (inside COOB), or the result of opinión within Catalán society. Both the civil initiatives, spontaneous, and the organisational initiatives respond to a same need for reply: that of a culture that ¡s known and felt, observed by an intemational audience of great size, through mass media that have come to cover the spectacularity of an unrepeatable event. The symbols of identification of the Games (the logo and the mascot) were the first examples of this semanticisation process, of synthetic representation. But they are still examples of a limited complexity of this semanticisation process. Mariscal's Cobi and Josep María Trías' symbol, for their connotations of rejection of conformism, their inspiration from the tradition of avant-garde art and Catalán artistic referents, were the first and valuable contribution of design to the Barcelona'92 Cultural Project. They sprang directly from the great cultural weight design has in Catalán civil society. The idea, widespread in Catalonia, that design is one of our principal contributions to industry and modern culture, had the effect

that the organisers entrusted the selection of authors and proposa Is to a jury sensitive to avantgarde positions. Much more complex must be the process of production of significants of the opening and closing ceremonies, which will constitute the most genuine and elabórate products of the Barcelona'92 cultural proposal. The Information of the international communication media on Barcelona'92 The great deploy of international communication media in Barcelona will mainly centre on covering the Summer Games, from 25th July to 9 August, with special emphasis on the opening ceremony. In orderto understand the informative mechanism generated around the Games, it is necessary to consider the economic importance of transfer of special correspondents but especially the need to make profitable the acquisition of televisión rights and the commercial expectations of advertising connected with the event. This means that a week before the Games start a great information apparatus is set up, by all the media, with regards to the host city and the climate before the beginning of the sports events themselves. This week alone must mean great promotion for Barcelona, at least in terms of being on the international communicative agenda. This protagonism of the host city -of Barcelonaon the international agenda will have a great effect on the city's normal life. Thus, terrorism is an extraordinary danger for Barcelona and for the Games, and not only for the lives or property it damages, but also for the image it generates. The extraordinary effort of Munich'72 for design, for culture, for organisation, has been overshadowed in international memory by what terrorists did in the Olympic Village. But the informative result of this great international deploy does not depend exclusively on the informative proposals prepared by the host city in what we have called «first degree communication». The point of view, or semantic filters, that the different special correspondents put into play -radio, televisión and press-are also a decisive part.


International quality press

Before the Games begin, and when they are being developed, the international quality press will show special ¡nterest to cover information on the conditions of the scene of the Games: Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain. Without denying the ¡nfluence of the documentation supplied by the host city to this press, in the first «communication degree» we must consider that the special correspondents will try to establish direct, not mediated, contact with the actors of Catalán society, including, of course, all those testamonials of the

negative aspects, of the contradictions and tensions affecting the organising of the Games and current Catalán society. An attempt to neutralise this direct contact of journalists with the reality, which has had antecedents at previous Olympic Games, would be absolutely non-admissible in the context of our democratic society.

IIL-Information coverage of the Games and Olympic ideáis Information coverage of the modern Games sees Second obstacle: chauvinism in the perception of the Games itself conditioned by different factors which hinA second factor, which acts powerfully on the der the transmission of the cultural valúes propoinformative cover of the Games and which is sed by the Olympic ideáis and by the cultural procontradicted with the most positive elements of jects of the host cities. We can detect the three Olympic spirit, is treating the information of the following obstacles, at least: events from an exclusive viewpoint of the performance of the athletes of the country of the jourFirst obstacle: incomprehension of the cultural nalist narrating. nature of the Olympic ceremonies Many communication media entrust the inforSeveral studies of analysis of content demonstramative coverage of the Olympic Games exclusively to journalists specialised in sports. Recognising the te that Olympic Games' information coverage, although to a lesser degree than in the general splendid singularity of the best sports journalism, case of competitive sports, focus their attention it seems advisable to complete the staff of special on the results of the athletes of one's own councorrespondents at the Games with professionals try. Thus, for instance, the USA press devoted 79% specialised in international relations and in cultural policies, skilled in synthesising the cultural and of total news time for Olympic Games' cover at historical valúes of Olympism and the cultural pro- Los Angeles to information on its own country (2). posals of the Games' great spectacles and rituals. This chauvinist tendency does not refer only to the broadcasting of athletic activities, but ¡t also We found an example of this lack in the oral affects the way the ceremonies are broadcast. Our commentaries on the opening ceremony at the studies have shown p) that different world televiSeoul games, made by different international tesions, especially the NBC, construct, on the opelevisions, and Spanish televisión too, who missed the great opportunity of correctly using the cultu- ning and closing ceremonies, «their own ceremoral representation of one of the best ceremonies (i) nies», with the introduction of not only verbal commentaries totally outside the script proposed in Olympic history. We consider that the most for the ceremony but, even cuts in the programsuitable professionals for conducting these comme, videos of own production while it is going on. mentaries would be specialists in international relations, in culture and in spectacles.

(1) SOOC (1989), Scenario for the opening and closing ceremonies: Beyond all Barríers, Seoul Olympic Organizing Committee, Seoul. (2) REAL, M., (1989) «Ritual Analys¡s:The Global Olympic Event», in Super Media Sage London, page 238. (3) M. de MORAGAS (1989) «The Mass Media Olympic Valúes and the Opening Ceremony» at The Seoul Olympiad Anniversary Conference, SOAC, Korea.


Interruptions in televisión broadcasting of the opening ceremony. THE NBC AT THE SEOUL GAMES, 1988 Cuts made by NBC during the ceremony Foradvertising For news For Olympk references of own production Total

Number 17 4 5 26

Times of cuts made For advertising For news For Olympic references of own production Total

Minutes 32 9 9 50

Source: author's records.

Third obstacle: Olympism and the cultural valúes of sport The coverage of the Games is fully in keeping with the guidelines established by the mass media

in the treatment of great modern sports (and nonsports) events, in which spectacularity and competitiveness become keys factors of its attention. Without falling into ingenuous positions, we should ask ourselves about the singular contributions of Olympic coverage to the rhetoric of modern information on sport. With the informative treatment of the Olympic Games should be included the promotion of sports positive valúes: participation, brotherhood, cooperation, fairplay and the neutralisation of negative valúes, such as violence, commercialism, supermanism, discrimination, fanaticism, etc. These objectives, even only in part, are within the reach of the Games' organisers, in the «first degree communication»; a basic aspect of which is the production of televisión images around the world.

IV.-Barcelona'92: a great televisión scenario When we refer to the múltiple communicational dimensions of the Olympic Games we must highlightthe role, truly central, of televisión. Two reasons oblige us to do this: on one side, the planetary dimensión reached by the Games' audience; and on the other, the specific weight televisión has reached in its financing. Another coordínate should perhaps be added, which might be decisive for the future: the importance of televisión in the organisation and development not only of sports events, but also, and more generally, of all physical activity. Even without having entered the era of high definition televisión, which will no doubt boost the attraction of «televisión» sports, sport has already become a key-piece of audio-visual marketing strategies. The appearance of American football in Barcelona and the competition of autonomous televisions in Spain to acquire the rights of the football league are only the first

examples of this new importance of sport for televisión channels' strategies. They are strategies we know about in the USA which, to a great extent, explain NBC's interest, in competition with ABC, CBS, ESPN and CNN to be in Barcelona in July 1992. The logic of the cinema industry -Hollywood- and the modern audio-visual industry (production costs, audience, target quality) extends itself to sport and dominates the evolution of the Games. Two commercial circumstances favourthis influence: the singularity of the targets the televising of sport obtains and the evolution of televisión advertising which every day more and more needs perceptive instanteity (orthe brand) of the sponsor. Therefore, rt is perfectly correa to consider that the financing of the Games through the purchase of televisión rights and through sponsoring (4) form an interlinked and dependent phenomenon. Sponsoring is, ultimately, a variable of televisión.

(4) Barcelona Olympic Games have the support of several categoriej for collaboration: -Partners: 8 enterprises, with contributions of at least 2.5OO.OO0.OOO pesetas. -Sponsors: 40 enterprises, with contributions of at least 600.000.000 pesetas. -Suppliers: 40 enterprises, with contributions of at least 150.000.000 pesetas. -Lkensees: contributions according to invoices.


Today, the Games are still the phenomenon of greatestdiffusión and international participation, but one of the biggest dangers for future Olympism would be the persistence of its singularity, of its exceptional nature. Sponsoring strategies of large multinational brands and the need for regular and more frequent planetary televised events could cause the appearance of sports events in competition with the Games. In an attempt to adapt to and control this logic is how the lOC's decisión should be interpreted. With the Winter Games and the Summer Games being separated starting from 1992: 1994 Winter and 1996 Summer. The generalisation of the cable in some countries, especially the United States, could fragmentthe Games' audience into specialisations, thus counterchecking other channels' competition to the Games consisting of alternative sports programmes. Communication satellites and planetarisation of Olympism

All the history of the modern Olympic Games is closely related with the mass media's technological evolution, but the evolution of the last 20 years we are analysing at this Symposium is especially conditioned by the appearance of communication satellites. Since Tokyo in 1964, when the first satellite broadcastwas made (Syncom III) still in an experimental stage, progress has been constant until reaching the present when it is possible to reach all the televisions sets in the world, with the only resistance to planetarisation being time differences. Montreal in 1976 signified the first great deploy of televisión in Games coverage, with the use of four INTELSAT satellites, two in the Atlantic, one in the Indian and one more in the Pacific. Thus 70 hours of production were covered with the concourse of 128 cameras and distribution of the signal to all the developed countries in the world. The Moscow Games, in spite of USA's boycott, had a great international televisión broadcasting thanks to the facilities supplied by INTELSAT satellites.

(5) New York Times (September 19th 1988)

At Los Angeles '84 INTELSAT distributed 4.875 hours of televisión signal, while at Seoul '88 there was a total of 7.500 in 170 countries, which implied a revenue of 14.000 million dollars (5). Televisión rights and financing of the Games

Nothing would be a better proof of the importance of televisión at the modern Olympic Games than showing its financial significance. (Chart 2). Television's economic contribution to the organisation of the Games is so central that it manages to determine a whole other set of conditions, such as the schedule itself and the place where the Games are to be held. TV in Barcelona'92's budget

Since generalisation of the use of communication satellites, income from TV rights has signified a very substantial portion of the total income for each host-city. Thus, for instance: SHARE OF INCOME FROM TELEVISIÓN IN GAMES' BUDGETS Host-city

Montreal'76 Los Angeles'84 Seoul'88 Barcelona'92:

Share (%) 7,7 % 44,3 % 26,0 % 33,91 %

The great difference seen between income from televisión in Montreal'76 (7.7%) and Los Angeles in 1984 (44.3%) puts into evidence the changes undergone in the commercialisation of the Olympic Games, the leading role of televisión in this change and, maybe, the great déficit of Montreal's experience. The lower figure for Seoul (26.0%) with respect to Los Angeles is explained by the importance of the Lottery ¡n the case of the 1988 Games. Barcelona's figure (33.91%) signifies a stabilisation between an income on the rise and its use by the organisation, more and more expensive and complex. In fact, global increase of televisión income has followed a notably upward trend:


Televisión rights and the developed world

EVOLUTION OF GLOBAL INCOME FOR TELEVISIÓN RIGHTS

Host-city

Montreal'76 Moscow'80 Los Angeles'84 Seoul'88 Barcelona'92

Total Income for TV rights 33.862.200 $ 101.182.182$ 276.000.000 $ 407.000.000 $ 650.000.000 $

Source: Official Report Los Angeles 1984 and COOB'92

TV and sponsors may cause income from tickets to be low

Income for televisión rights must be closely related with income obtained from the commercialisation of the symbols (Chart 1). Whereas at Los Angeles the income obtained from sponsoring signified 18.0% of total income, for Barcelona'92 there has been forecast an income of 34.101 million pesetas, which means 25.78% of the total income forecast by COOB, with an increase of 7.78% with respect to Los Angeles. Whereas ¡n Los Angeles the sum of direct contributions from Communications, sponsoring and televisión rights signified 50%, an income of 78,960 million pesetas has been forecast for Barcelona'92, which accounts for 59,69% of income forecast by COOB, with an increase of 9,69% with respect to Los Angeles. Tickets, that is, income obtained from in situ presence of spectators, make up a smaller and a smaller part of the total income at each new edition of the Games. While at Los Angeles they accounted for 20.0% of total income, for Barcelona'92 an income of 8,050 million pesetas is estimated, which means only 6.09% of COOB's income, 13.91% less compared with Los Angeles. Income from sales of tickets drops with each new Games, following the same way, but in the opposite direction, as the increase for televisión rights. This is something which has begun to affect all sports. The first match of professional American football held in Barcelona on March 23rd 1991 after a great promotional campaign, with televisión rights purchased by ABC for 50 million dollars, is the latest example of this new trend.

This economic reading also shows that the Games are a business affair which mainly interests the most developed countries, especially the United Sates (Chart 3). Chart 3 very clearly shows that the main investor in broadcasting the Games is U.S. televisión -since 1988 NBC- which at Seoul represented 74% of the total revenue and which in Barcelona will account for 64%. < These figures contrast with the 0.4% representing Africa's participation and 0.8% of Latin America in the purchase of Seoul rights, and also the inexistence of data published by COOB on the participation of África at Barcelona'92. PARTICIPATION OF THE USA IN OLYMPIC GAMES TV RIGHTS Montreal Moscow Los Angeles Seoul Barcelona

73,8 % 84,0% 79,2 % 74,2 % 64,6%

Sources: Official Report Los Angeles '84, SLOAC (1989), Press File. The Games' audience

In the most developed societies, in which there is f ierce competition among televisión channels, the Olympic games are a good opportunity to get wide audiences, which does not mean getting the first place during all the days of the Games, but, mainly, a mark of prestige in audio-visual competition. An example can ¡Ilústrate this reality: after the Montreal Games some 40% of American citizens rememb ed they had been broadcast by ABC, but only ¿0% remembered they had taken place at Montreal (MacCallum, 1980). In less developed countries, with a smaller televisión offer, it is easy for the Games to get high levéis of audience, the best audiences in those cases where a compatriot is expected to win. In absolute terms, it can be said that the Olympic Games achieve the highest audiences in the whole history of televisión. With each new edi-


tion records are made for ¡ts history. However, it is necessary t o use stricter elements of analysis t o obtain these quantifications. It has been said, for instance, that the audience of the Games Barcelona'92 could reach a total of 3.500.000.000 spectators. It has even been said that this figure could be reached by the audience of the opening ceremony. We do not have trustworthy data on the conditions of the audience: extensión, number of hours, preferences, etc. referring to the whole world, we can say only, and it is not little, that the majority of citizens ¡n the world who have a televisión set, at some moment or another, will see images of the Barcelona Games, will hear about this city. How have we arrived at the audience figure of 3,500 million? An accumulative technique was followed with respect t o the figure given by the organisers of the previous Games. Thus, the Los Angeles Official Report said it had reached an audience of 2,500 million viewers, without specifying time data ortrustworthiness. Then the Seoul organisers increased this figure to 3,000 million viewers. The Barcelona organisers estímate the figure of its audience at 3,500 million viewers. ln our opinion the figure of the people who, at least once, will have seen images of the Barcelona Games, must be very cióse to this number. To get an idea we can count the number of televisión sets existing throughout the world: TOTAL NUMBER OF TELEVISIÓN SETS IN THE WORLD (Calculating 3,5 people per set) Year

Total n° sets

Possible audience

1976 1980 1984 1988 1992

300.000.000 425.000.000 560.000.000 750.000.000 1.000.000.000

1.050.000.000 1.487.500.000 1.960.000.000 2.625.000.000 3.500.000.000

Source: TV Fack Book, 1992, author's estimates.

This data should be compared with the following basic figures of world population: BASIC FIGURES OF WORLD POPULATION Europe Asia África North & Cent. America South America Australia & Oceania

692.832 2.823.033.000 537.619.000 389.344.000 261.284.000 26.453.000

14,6 % 59,7 % 11,4% 8,2 % 5,5 % 0,6%

Total (1986)

4.730.565.000

100 %

Comparing these figures with those of the cost of buying televisión rights it can be concluded that the Olympic Games ¡nterest, most especially, the Northern Hemisphere. Considering that Asia and África make up about 70% of humanity (3.360.652.000 people) and we do not have trustworthy data on their televisive behaviour, we must be most prudent when speaking of a really worldwide «audience» of the Games. We are cióse to knowing the audience of the Games in more developed countries, which invest huge sums of money in purchasing the televisión rights (Rothenbuhler, 1987) but we are still very far from a universal understanding of this phenomenon. To do so it would be necessary to knowthe broadcasting hours, forms of deferred broadcasting, communitary audience of these programmes. Figures are easier to obtain when speaking of Western audiences, where the figures of accumulated audiences are known - people who have seen the Olympic Games several times on TV - and which are quantif ied in tens of thousands of millions. If the figure given by the organisers of the World Soccer Championship ltaly'90 was 26.000.000.000 people, the Olympic Games clearly must exceed this figure. 9


V.-Televisión and cultural project The undeniable influence of televisión in the spreading of the Olympic Games causes it to have the highest cultural responsibility. The idea that televisión ¡s a mere channel for transmitting messages cannot be defended. The host televisión acquiresthe máximum responsibility in the selection of the images that identify the valúes or countervalues of sport and Olympism. The televisions partkipating have the responsibility of transferring to their audiences a respectful image of the local culture and the international valúes of Olympism which the organising televisión offers. The opening and closing ceremonies, televisión phenomena

main problems of the whole Olympic cultural project: a- The space of local cultural identity and its relationship with neighbouring and international cultures, and b- The image of own culture, as an offer for its international reinterpretation and consumption. The first question, that of outlining local cultural identity, ¡sthe main political challenge of the ceremonies' cultural proposal. This is a complex operation, especially since the identifying images of cultures, their international stereotypes, have been built on constant supplantations of domination.

Without belittling television's cultural significance when representing the valúes of sport, we consider that the máximum cultural significance of the Olympic Games is in the creation of the opening and closing ceremonies, the importance of which is a consequence of the international prestige of Olympism and its international diffusion.

Barcelona's cultural identifier must be that of Catalán culture and language, and this identification is fully compatible with a message of interest for audiences and of identification for international cultures. The idea that the only language intelligible by an international audience isthe language of the hegemonic or standardised culture must be underlined.

In virtue of televisión, the ceremonies allow the establishment of an exceptional encounter between a local culture and the international audiences. Therefore, the ceremonies should not be analysed as shows made for the satisfaction of local audiences but as producís of local culture aimed at an international audience.

Now Barcelona faces the obligation of creating from its cultural identity a message internationally interpretable, but to do this it is not necessary to elimínate the singularices: instead, onthe contrary, the Olympic movement offers them the opportunity of legitimating through our culture, of limited sphere, all the cultures in the world.

Recently there has been the idea that the opening ceremony should be like a great «spot». I think that the concept «spot» is not the best to define the ideal content and style of the Olympic ceremonies, precisely because of their commercial and advertising connotations. The concept «spot» is not the right one. The aim of the ceremonies should not be that of «selling the world something», but rather offering the world a cultural proposal through a spectacle which must be able to combine the historical ritual of Olympism with the representation of local culture.

So, I must also say that the ¡mposrtion of homogenising cultural elements, supplanting the singularity of Catalán culture, would determine a deviation of dialogue between the culture of the Olympic host city and the different cultures of the international audience.

When choosing the contents for the ceremonies one finds, ultimately, the two profiles, the two

This local point of departure should be completed, of course, with the recognition of the international point of view. Visions from other continents should not thus be forgotten: their local cultural valúes should be interpreted within their wider geopolitical frameworks. The delimitation of these frameworks, the dialogue between Spanish and Mediterranean cultures constitute -besides their spectacularity-the


máximum cultural and poli'tical responsibility of the Ceremonies. Olympism offers the chance to realize, in front of an enormous audience with no precedents ¡n televisión history, a strong dialogue among cultures, a dialogue of cultural identities.

The election of Ampurias, ancient greek colony at the Mediterranean Sea, as the port that should first welcome the Olympic Torch of the Barcelona 1992 Olympic Games, constitutes an early and meaningful message: the will of the Barcelona Games to promote a rich dialogue among different cultures.

Bibliography ALASZKIEWIZC, R.,T., MCPHAIL, (1986),«Television Rights», International Rewiew of Sodology of Sport, 21: 215. ALLISON, L (Ed.), (1986), The politics of Sport, Manchester University Press. ANDREFF, W., (1989 ), L'esport et la televisión, Dalloz, Paris. COOB'92, (1988), Director plan, Summary (April 1988), Department of Planning and Control, COOB'92, Barcelona. DAYAN, D., É. KATZ, (1985),«Electronic Ceremonies: televisión Performs a Royal Wedding» M. BLONSKY (Ed.), On Sings, John Hopkins University, Baltimore. FEKROU KIDANE, (1987), «The Olympic Movement and the Mass Media in the Third World Countries», en JACKSON, R., MCPHAIL, TH.L., (1987), The Olympic Movement and the Mass Media: Past, Present and Future Issues, Hurford Enterprises, Ltd., Calgary, Alberta, Canadá. HARGREAVES, JOHN, (1986), Sport, Power and Culture: a social and histórica! analysis of popular Sports in Britain, Polity Press, London. HOBERMAN, J.M.(1986), The Olympic Crisis: Sports, Politics and the Moral Order, New Rochelle, New York. IOC, (1984), Symposium International Sport, Medias, Olympism, Official Report, Lausanne. JONG-GIE KIM, (1989), Impact of the Seoul Olympic Carnes on National Developement, Korea Development Institute, Seoul. JACKSON, R., MCPHAIL, Th.L., (1987), The Olympic Movement and the Mass Media: Past Present and Future Issues, Hurford Enterprises, Ltd., Calgary, Alberta, Canadá. MAC ALOON, J., (1984), Rite, Drama, Festival, Spectacle: Rehearsals Toward a Theory of Cultural Performance, Institute for the Study of of Human Issues, Philadélphia. MAC ALOON, J., (Ed.) (1984), «Olympic Games and the Theory of Spectacle in Modern Societies» MAC ALOON, ) . , (1984), Rite, Drama, Festival, Spectacle: Rehearsals Toward a Theory of Cultural Performance, Institute for the Study of of Human Issues, Philadelphia. MCCOLLUM.R.H., D.F. MCCOLLUM, (1980), Analysis of ABC-TV Coverage of the 21st Olympic Games, Montreal», in Journal of Sport and Social Issues, Vol. 4, núm.1, 1980. MEADOW, ROBERT G., (1987), «The Architecture of Olympic Broadcasting» in JACKSON, R., MCPHAIL, TH.L., (1987),

The Olympic Movement and the Mass Media: Past, Present and Future Issues, Hurford Enterprises, Ltd., Calgary, Alberta, Canadá. MCPHAIL, TH.L., (1988), «Future impact of Media Marketing Rights on the International Olympic Movement», in Actas del Congreso AIER11988, Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona. MORAGAS SPA, MIQUEL DE (1990), «Televisión Española (TVE) y la cobertura de laceremonia inaugural de los juegos Olímpicos de Seúl», a SportThe Third Millennium, Quebec, Canadá. MORAGAS SPA, MIQUEL DE (1986), «Spanish Press and the Coverage of the Los Angeles Olympics Games», a M. REAL, Global Ritual: Olympic Media Coverage and International Understanding, UNESCO, San Diego State University. PERARNAU, MARTI, (1991), «Les operacions de Premsa», University Course on the Olympism, Centre d'Estudis Olímpics, Barcelona. REAL, M., (1986), Global Ritual: Olympic Media Coverage and International Understanding, UNESCO, San Diego State University. REAL, M., (1989), «Ritual Analysis: The Global Olympic Event», in Super Media, Sage, London. ROTHENBUHLER,E.W, (1985) Media Evenís, Civil Religión and Social Solidarity. The Living Room Celebration of Olympic Games. (unpublished), Anneberg School of Communications, L.A. ROOTHENBUHLER.E.W, (1987),«The Olympics in the American living room: Celebration of a Media Event», in Jackson, R., MCPHAIL, TH.L, (1987), The Olympic Movement and the Mass Media: Past, Present and Future Issues, Hurford Enterprises, Ltd., Calgary, Alberta, Canadá. SEGRAVE, JEFFREY, (1988), The Olympic games in transition, Human Kinetics Books, Champaign, Illinois. SEGRAVE, J., D. CHU, (Eds.),(1981), Olympism, Human Kinetics Books, Champaign, Illinois. SOOC (1989), Scenario for the Opening and Closing Ceremonies: Beyond alIBarriers, Seoul Olympic Organizing Committee, Seoul. SOOC (1989), Report on Televisión Broadcasting operations for the Games of the XXIVth Olympiad, Seoul Olympic Organizing Committee, Seoul. STEIFAR, H., (1984), «Sport and Economy: the Commercialization of Olympic Sport by Media», International Review of Sport Sociology, 3-4. TOMLINSON.A., (1987), Five Ring Circus: Money, Power and Politics at the Olympic Games, Pluto, London. ToMUNsoN.A., (1987), «Representation, Ideology and the Olympic Games: A Reading of the Opening and Closing Ceremonies of the 1984 Los Angeles Olympic Games, in JACKSON, R., MCPHAIL, Th.L. (1987), The Olympic Movement and the Mass Media: Past, Present and Future Issues, Hurford Enterprises, Ltd., Calgary, Alberta, Canadá.


Chart 1 • Budget of COOB'92 (In millions of pésetes 1989) I neo me

Expendítures

Pts.

%

Own

90.826,1

70,18

Tickets Accommodation Sponsors Licenses Radio & TV rights Services

8.050,0 3.200,0 29.193,4 4.908,1 44.859,6 2.615,0

6,09 2,42 22,07 3,71 33,91 1,98

Participations and Collections

26.021,1

19,67

Lotteries Stamps Medals Coins

18.827,3 700,0 150,0 6.343,8

State Transfers

12.126,0

9.17

1.300,0

0,98

Ptes.

Organisation compt. Olympics for Disabled Olympic Torch Cerimonies & Congresses Cultural Olympiad ORTV of Barcelona Press & Photog. Facilities and look Telecommunications Electronics, vdo & sound Data Management results Accreditations & protocol Viles olímpiques Accommodation Information Transports Medical assist. Language services Security Identity & design Promotion of Games Commercial Tickets Management Logistics material Documentation Human resources Organisation & planning TOTAL EXPEDITURE

3.048,4 4.828,1 350,0 2.054,9 3.586,7 8.747,2 1.947,9 32.847,9 5.312,0 1.631.5 1.498.4 2.271,1 1.565.6 9.436.5 9.502,4 3.053,5 1.270,4 1.379,5 816,4 2.861,9 1.389,0 2.902,0 7.055,7 1.093,7 10.514,8 1.392,1 702,2 2.480,7 6.381,4 131.921,9

Other income Sale assets TOTAL INCOME

132.273,2

SOURCE: Press File, COOB'92, 1991


Chart 2 televisión nynu»

dilu me \_/iyin

(in thousands of dollars) 1980 Moscow

1984 Los Angeles

1988 Seoul

1992 Barcelona

Incr.

Area/Nation

1976 Montreal

África URTNA South África New Guinea

50 50 (-)

42 No come (-)

110 No come (-)

170 No come 20

(-) No come (-)

(-) No come (-)

Arab States

150

300

350

420

(-)

(-)

450

125

1.500

(-)

(-)

ABU) ABU) ABU) ABU) ABU) ABU) ABU) ABU) ABU)

1.360 (with ABU) (with ABU) (with ABU) 4.500 (with ABU) (with ABU) (with ABU) (with ABU)

10.600 200 200 325 18.500 (with ABU) 190 450 400

7.000 (-) (-) 1.000 52.000 2.000 (-) 1.500 550

33.750 (-) (-) (-) 62.500 2.800 (-) 5.900 (-)

(+382%)

17

20

99

130

(-)

(-)

360

1000

3000

4.200

16.500

(+58%)

6.550

5950

19.800

28.000

90.000

(+221%)

(-)

1.500

2.500

3.000

4.000

(+33%)

600

1.060

2.155

2.922

3.500

(+40%)

35

(with USA)

(with USA)

380

500

(+24%)

25.000

85.000

225.500

302.110

401.000

(+32%)

Asia Asían Brdcst. Union (ABU) Australia China China Taipei Hong Kong Japan Korea Malaysia New Zealand Philippines Caribbean Carib. Brdcst. Canadá West Europe Europ. Brdcst. Union (UER) (1) East/Europe (OIRT) Latin America (OTI) Puerto Rico USA ABC/NBC

1.050 (with (with (with (with (with (with (with (with (with

(1) Includes countries of North África (2) Increase of Barcelona'92 income with respectto Seoul'88 (-) No data, or with limited contributions Source: Los Angeles'84 Official Report, SLOAC (1989), COOB'92 1991 Press File

(2)

!"! (-) (+20%)

(-) (-) (+293%)

(-)


Chart 3 Percentual distribution of investments in televisión rights (Seoul 1988-Barcelona 1992) Area/Nation África

1988-Seoul 0,4%

1992 Barcelona

Arabs States Asia

1,0%

(*)

1,7% 0,3% 0,3%

5,4% 9,9% 0,9% (-)

0,3%

(-)

1,0%

2,6%

Australia Japan New Zealand All other countries Caribbean Caribbean Broadcasting Union

127%

Canadá Europa (West) (UER) Europa (East) (OIRT)

6,8%

14,5%

0,7%

0,6%

Latin America (OTI)

0,8%

0,5%

United States

74,0%

64,6%

(-): No data, or with limited contributions Sources: Official Report Los Angeles'84, SLOAC (1989), COOB'92 Press File

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Chart 4

Rights paid by U.S. televisión for Olympic Games

Summer games

Winter games City

Rights in Mülions $

1960 Squaw Valley Innsbruck 1964 Grenoble 1968 Sapporo 1972 Innsbruck 1976 Lake Placid 1980 Sarajevo 1984 Calqary 1988 Albertville 1992

0,05 1 1.8 6.5 10 15.5 91.5 309 243

Year

Channel CBS ABC ABC NBC ABC ABC ABC NBC

Hours Brdcst. (15)

07) (27) (37) (43) (53) (63) (94) (-)

City

Rights in Mülions $

Channel

Hours Brdcst.

Rome Tokyo México Munich Montreal Moscow Los Angeles Seoul Barcelona

0.660 1 4.5 7.5 25 85 225 308 401

CBS NBC ABC ABC ABC NBC ABC NBC NBC

(20) (14) (44) (76) (76) (150) (187) (180) (-)

Sources: El País, Oct.,24 th The WashingtonPost Sept. 1 1 th 1988


The Cultural Olympiad: objectives, programme and development

Josep Subiros Chief executive officer of Olimpíada Cultural, S.A.

I have always thought that among the great cultural elements of the Games, surely the most important, the most decisive, are the ceremonies, and I have often thought that the Cultural Olympics as such should take part in the ceremonies. And, in fact, we have made a step in this way by speaking with those in charge.

fact that the Games are a great opportunity for renewal and modernisation of the infrastructure, of Communications, transit, etc., we wanted to carry it to the cultural área, and use the four years of the Games to give a special boost to both cultural life as the city's cultural infrastructure.

Thetradition of an important cultural presence at the Olympics existed back at the times of the ancient Games, and was restored by Barón de Coubertin when the Olympic Games of the modern era was set up. However, we believe that the cultural proposal in the strict sense of relatively conventional cultural activities or actions we are doing in the Olympic Project of Barcelona ¡s something totally new. First, it is a novelty for its extensión. Traditionally, along this century, the Olympic Games have been accompanied by a cultural proposal, but limited ¡n time -which does not mean it has not been of great quality in many cases-to the weeks immediately previous to and the weeks during which the Olympic Games were held. In a certain way, it was a cultural product very secondary to the Games, an animation product around the sports events, something absolutely legitímate and important. We'll have something like that in Barcelona'92 too. We shall have an Olympic Arts Festival -a ñame already consecrated by history-which will mostly have that role of a certain back-up, a strengthening, a cultural prestige to the Games. Apart from what we'll be doing in '92, and which responds a little to tradition accumulated in this century, we have already spoken about carrying out a wider cultural programme, both in duration -four years- as its subject scope and objectives. We put forward a programme of four years, which started just when the Games at Seoul terminated. The first we did was to organise a great City Fiesta to receive the Olympic standard from Seoul and we made a first exposition, three years ago, on the impacts ¡t could be foreseen the Olympic games would have on Barcelona. We started that way because our general idea is that the Games be a success, but most of all, it is that this event be an ¡mportant boost for the city. The

In this sense, we have let ourselves be guided by basic guidelines, which are those which have inspired all our activities, and which we sum up here. On one hand, we tried, in our cultural environment -which is Catalán, first of all, then, more generally Spanish, and afterthat more generally European-, to have some of the great historie wealth of our culture in some way, more recognised than it has been historically. Not only internationally recognised -which we also aim at- but, rather, recognised internally. In this sense we have recently carried out an ¡mportant experiment, which is a great complex cultural manifestation around the theme of Modernism -we cali Modernism the cultural and artistic expressions produced at the end of the XIX century and the beginning of the XX-. The most relevant personality of this movement is Antoni Gaudí, but he is not alone. This is a valué known for a long time which the Japanese discovered ten years ago and who have converted it into a legend, but, on a wider international scale and internally, this phenomenon of Modernism was still not sufficiently valued. Even recently, modernist buildings have been destroyed because their importance was not sufficiently recognised. With this operation we have done a degree of interna! and external recognition which has been achieved and which I think should have placed the defense of this heritage at a practically unattackable level. Together with this recognition of our history's heritage, our tradition, we play the card of potentiation of the capacity of innovation. It is the case of this small country, poor in natural resources but instead, with a wealth of creative resources. One of the things we sell here is design. In one way or another, design is one of the great cultural expressions. One of the things which has potentiated and is still clearly potentiating the Cultural Olympics is all that which could be a certain «creative sophistication» because we believe that it is one of the bases of a possible competitiveness as a city for the future.


Recognition of tradition, potentiation of creation and, all of this, when possible, ¡n a system of coproduction, exchange, no longer with an attitude of «we'll do everything ourselves». In the field of culture the operations of coproduction are very often difficult, but they also very often are absolutely necessary. In the case of a small culture, like the Catalán one, it is even more necessary. If there is no opening there is no oxygen, no life. Only the small cultures ready to open themselves up a little and soak things from the outside are able to survive. The Olympic period is an exceptional opportunity for this contact, for this exchange. There ¡s one last element, very difficult to evalúate -what I have said up to now can be measured in concrete programmes, in visitors, in spectators, in money spent-, but that we have set as a target for the Olympic Games. You must recognise that in these last three or four years Barcelona is undergoing a very great physical change, and that means it is facing big problems in day-to-day life -the matter of traffic is the most obvious, but there are lots more, like the dust, the pollution... all which comes with a very intensive process of renewal of the city-. Of course, the Cultural Olympics cannot fix that but not waiting for the moment of the Games to have everything ready and well presented, and have a great organisational success, can help. It is something positive that, right from the beginning, from the moment the Games start to be organised, events be organised which have a sense in themselves, as in the case of cultural events, many of which are projected to the future. We think we have done a great job of explaining where the city was going with the Olympic project. We believe it has helped to establish a complicity, a conscience of what the Olympic project implied and, in this sense, I believe we are being a good support for the Olympic project in general. Finally, the whole Cultural Olympics is looking towards, to say it in some way, not only 92, but also 93: to have improved the city's cultural life a little, to have contributed to creating facilities, cultural infrastructures, and see that the city of 93, thanks to the drive coming from the Olympic Games, be absolutely positive.

With this I want to say that not all the projects of the Cultural Olympics are necessarily connected with sport. What the Olympics Charter demands, and what we are trying to do, isthat the cultural programmes tied to the Olympic Games have the same level of quality as the sports competitions, not that they be cultural programmes on sports themes. We have carried this out to the end and we have tried to develop a substantial programme with regards to cultural matters, very secondary to the projects of the city. At all times in cióse coordination and fratemity with the Olympic Project in general, but at the same time with a strong autonomy. This has translated, for instance, into an important organisational matter. The Cultural Olympics is managed by an autonomous company, a company set up by the Organising Committee of the Games, but which has created a special instrument to carry out the cultural programme. A company called Olimpíada Cultural, Societat Anónima, with its own status and own function, dependent on the Olympic consortium, but with an important capacity of autonomous management to be able to deal with the cultural projects with the specialisation they require and with the speed these projects demand. Lastly, I shall deal with the matter of financing. The truth is that the Cultural Olympics is possible only thanks to the Olympic Games, generally speaking. At the end of 1988 a general budget was made for the four years to the tune, in round figures, of f ¡ve thousand million pesetas -to be exact, f ¡ve thousand one hundred and twenty-. Of these 5120 million pesetas, the Games Organising Committee contributed three thousand five hundred million, and this amount carne from its own generation of resources-televisión rights, the sale of mascots, sale of tickets-. Of the whole of resources generated by the Olympic Games, three thousand five hundred million pesetas, a little more than 3%, were devoted to specifically cultural ends in the limited sense -apart from the ceremonies, the logo elements, etc.-. Also, besides these resources the COOB provided, the Olimpíada Cultural, S.A. also has the capacity of generating additional resources through specific sponsoring, editions, sales, etc.


We have calculated -and, even if we are a little behind in the objectives, we shall notfinish this year- we shall genĂŠrate some one thousand five hundred or one thousand six hundred million pesetas more, so that at the end, in these four years, there will have been a net investment in

culture, as direct f ruit of the Olympic Games, of five thousand million pesetas. In this sense, undoubtedly, the cultural contribution the Olympic Games made in Barcelona, apart from many others, will have been decisive.

'

>


Cultural policy facing the Olympic Games excepcionality

Eduard Delgado Director of the Centre d'Estudis ¡ Recursos Culturáis de la Diputado de Barcelona

I should like to thank the Centre for Olympic Studies and the organisers of this Symposium not only for having invited me personally, but for having invited a nucleus of interests related to cultural policies. The fact that it was the idea of Miquel de Moragas and Manuel Pares i Maicasto hold this Symposium, makes this invitation understandable since, for many years, even before thinking of presenting a candidature for the Olympic Games in Barcelona, they have shared an interest in the relationship between cultural and communication policies. When, happily, the occasion of the Olympics has allowed it, these interests are developed and, personally, it is my heartfelt wish that the activities of this Centre of Olympic Studies may be crowned with success.

notes for him from an article called «Crisis in the art world», he did not receive it with alarm because, he said, he had not heard about a crisis in the art world for a long time. Recently it seemed, at least, this concept of art in general could be avoided. But what is true is that there is a certain sluggishness after a rather depressing decade in art and culture material all over the world. Maybe the only good thing of the previous decade was the change in the countries of central and eastern Europe. Artists are already beginning to get tired of smiling and saying «Yes, certainly, as you say» when preparing a theatre performance, exhibition of plástic arts or music, to the taste of the demanding spectator.

The subject I shall speak about is that cultural policies are young in our country. The Olympic Games have come at a moment at which we would have had the ¡mpact of young cultural policies, frail and inexpert like those of our country, and this impact will be multiplied by the Games. This impact can be positive or negative -probably, it will be both-. I shall propose lines of thought with which it is possible, more than minimising the negative impact of the Olympic Games on cultural policies, to take advantage of the positive impact so that cultural policies, which are at an experimental stage in our country, might benefit from this event. I think this is an important enterprise, because the Games will pass, but cultural policies must continué and, if everything goes as some of us hope, cultural policies will grow in importance and centrality in our society, as they have been for some years now. Before speaking in greater detail, I should like to reflect on the subject of art and culture today. When I say that the Olympic Games have arrived at a moment of a certain indefense or certain fragility of cultural policies, I believe they have also arrived at a moment of certain indefense and vacillation in the art world. A good friend of mine from Glasgow, who was the soul of «The European City in Glasgow», asked for notes on the postmortem of Glasgow, and this showed a certain crisis in the world of art -perhaps we shall soon speak about crisis again-. When I made some

Lots of ¡ntermediaries who, during the 80s entered the art world thinking it was fun to open an art gallery, or manage certain installations, equipment or projects half-way between art and the industrial and commercial world, today seem to have gone back to their businesses on the coast, their seafood restaurants. They are going backto more profitable and less conflictive business. Politicians, who at last began to see light in the mid-eighties, now admit that their interest, their cultural investment has really been of use. Because a theatre, a good art gallery, is an excellent complement of a commercial centre. We should also see how real estáte speculators who, at a certain moment tried to respect urbanistic rules, which tend to favour the birth and growth of cultural facilities, today have found the way to get round restrictions and ignore the rules which imply an urbanistic investment in cultural material. With regards to local activists, cultural volunteers, a little tired of playing David and Goliath, are giving up the struggle -and we see this from the progressive disappearance in the whole western world of that connected with voluntan/ cultural movementand it seems that, regarding artistic creation, two new artistic forms are appearing. That may seem optimistic but perhaps it is not so. One of the artistic forms beginning to be practised with more effusion in Europe is that of cultural audits and cultural consulting -this has become a form of art-. The other is sponsoring, that is «sponsor shoot business».


I think that these are the two art forms that will characterise this last part of the century. I believe thatthis Bohemian romanticism we see, which in fact translates into a very disoriented functioning of the world of art and of culture, presides our cultural context, with more shadowthan light. Creativity is not, according to many of our colleagues, especially of the audiovisual world, at its best moment. The lines of culture of artistic education, of experimental projects in the world of art, médium or long term, are falling into the hands of immediate speculation, hastily-put-together Festivals, and in the charge of mediocre coproductions. I believe we can say that these Games have come at a feeble moment, a moment of disorientation in the world of art, production and artistic creation. Therefore, I think we should refer ourselves to cultural policies. Cultural policies which evidently have acquired importance, because we see that there is a social demand for cultural policies, just as there is for educational, health or communication policies. In fact, this demand for cultural policies has been growing since'59, when the Ministry of Culture was created ¡n France. We can say it was a reply to the forcé of this demand. This demand has increased also in countries traditionally allergic to cultural policies: a few weeks ago I finished a paper for «The Arts Council of Great Britain» requested by them as they are preparing a first «National Strategy For the Arts», something extraordinary in a country that has always distinguished ¡tself by boasting that its cultural policy was to have no cultural policy. We have seen that cultural policies are multifunctional, in that they serve for many things. They can cover economic targets -everyone knows what ¡nvestment in a complex having a discotheque, a theatre, a night-club and, most surely, an art gallery, can mean for a small town. We see they can cover economic targets in the world of employment. We all knowtoday that cultural policies are the best ones for giving employment to that sector of society which is least employable, the sector most chronically idle in the west, which is the sector of educated youth, that is, the sector of people who having an education who, therefore will not accept just any job and who therefore prefer to stay at home than do a job below their

expectations and ambitions. The cultural sector is that which occupies these people who, more and more, are people who créate opinión. Cultural policies may also cover targets of correcting movements of population, with a relation to urbanism. They may help to créate a social integration there where none existed. They may contribute to a territorial articulation where there was none before, in a territory, have a repercussion on the rest of productive life. Therefore cultural policies are first of all multifunctional, and at times like these we see that this multifunctionality is very useful. We have only to look at our country and the different public and prívate institutions: the savings banks have a cultural policy, some other banks have a cultural policy, some great corporations have one, large foundations have one. Each one uses this tool in the way it deems most useful. Secondly, cultural policies are the result of consensus. They are not good for making consensus, but they are the result of social and political consensus, and they are great makers of these consensus, to make them grow, to expand their field of action. In this sense we can say that in the case, for instance, of the Barcelona Olympic Games, the Games in themselves do not créate a consensus, they are fruit of a consensus that already existed. But once this project is launched, we see that all this communication, cultural and sports environment is a tool for the multiplication of this social consensus-especially social, l'm notspeaking aboutthe political one-. Likewise, ¡t should be said that cultural policies, unlike educational ones, require a minimum of existing consensus before being able to work. A cultural policy cannot be applied there where there is not a minimum consensus but an educational policy based on a strong scholastic regulation can be applied. The subject of consensus is ¡mportant as it gives great valué to the role of cultural policies. Today, in certain fields, and thanksto the media, it is relatively easy to obtain that minimum degree of consensus, but -here I make a point directed at my colleagues of the media- communication policies get a first degree of consensus. Then cultural policies.


Thirdly, cultural policies are strategic tools, they are not only multifunctional, not only multipliers of consensus, they also have a strategic job. Very often they act indirectly, creating a federation of social, political or economic consensus. This is particularly useful at a time like this, in which our communities, our countries are called on to consensus, to coordínate, to articúlate themselves into systems much further beyond their own territory, in systems of the north and south Mediterranean, in systems connected with non local nuclei of power, like, for instance, the great communication media, the great supermarkets of cultural industries. With these three characteristics I wanted to sum up cultural policies. The Olympic Games place this specific element in a country like ours which was beginning to practise cultural policies, to see by trial and error their virtues, defects, failings, what could be expected and what could not be expected from the application of cultural policies. We know that Spain, in its Constitution, places culture high up in juridic rules; we know that the process of public assumption of cultural responsibilities in the Spanish state goes together with the process of political and administrative regional decentralisation. That means that it is almost the first time in this century, in this country, apart from the short period of Joint Administration of Catalonia or the brief period of the Republic-that public function takes on cultural responsibilities. When this is done it is a figuration which is not only that of the state, but also of the autonomous communities and local corporations. If we look at ¡t from the viewpoint of spending, in Spain today, local spending is the greatest among the expenses of the three levéis of administration: local, autonomous and state. That is, Spain is, on the subject of cultural spending and, with regards to public function, an inverted pyramid, where the widest part corresponds to local corporations, the middle to the regional and the base to the state, with regards to global figures. This is significant because not many countries have this configuration. If we look at the case of France, there is an important state presence; secondly, mostly framed in the same quantity

come the local corporations, and then in third place the regional corporations. These characteristics have had the effect that the development of public conscience regarding responsibilities for culture in Spain have been different from other European experiences, federal or not federal, centralised or not. The case of Britain too is completely different from all the others since there is an effective centralisation, but not directly of the state, but a body that functions by a Royal Statute, which has a relation with different degrees of distance with its regional apparatuses. It should also be considered that in Spain since 1979, when the first municipal elections were held, the phases cultural policy has followed are very clear. A first phase was that of celebrating democracy, of fiesta, with people in the streets, exhibition of symbols, personalities and works that had been forbidden by the fascist regime. Between 79 and 81 Spain lived an important moment of a policy aimed at untying knots, dismantling barriers, unblocking. In a second phase, the local associative initiative was reorganised, without success and, little by little, a presence, a priority and a protagonism of public function was won. This protagonism, evidently, was to the detriment of the voluntary área -you hear a lot about different types of voluntary activity but little of the cultural one-. But it istrue it was not the fault, as I see it, of public function, that cultural voluntary activity lost its forcé. An initiative was necessary, starting with another generation, for shaping another type of power, to carry out this second stage. A second stage which was characterised by the introduction of rules between public and privates, and especially between sectors and associations. This stage terminated in 1982. A third stage which lasted until 86-87 was an important phase of building of facilities, of public spending on cultural material. Afourth stage lasting until today, until 1990, is that of expanding the basic content of those


facilities: programmes, spectacles, programmes of exhibitions, programmes of music... seeking above all a normalisation of cultural offer in our country. Now, at the beginning of '91 we f ¡nd ourselves at the start of a new stage, which will coincide with the Olympic Games. A stage in which cultural policies are somewhat disoriented because seeing that, having covered these ten or twelve years of local, territorial, cultural policies, with a substantial consensus with the associative sector and the prívate sector-especiaIly starting from '85-, right now there is the challenge of quality, the challenge of giving sense to expectations of quality of life in cultural material. It is no longer suff icient to have built a House of Culture, an exhibition hall, a theatre. Now it is necessary to f ¡II them, and not with just anything, but with a contení that can reasonably be considered of quality by everyone. This is when the Olympic Games arrive; but some problems also appear, because at this moment which has begun to feel the cali of quality, the Olympic Games can bring a set of elements that may compromise this fight for quality: -The Olympic Games bring the ceremony of planetarisation of culture, but they bring the idea of a synthesis, and encapsulating of reality. Our society, thanks to the Olympic Games, can see a synthesis as positive, encapsulating reality in pills saleable through the media. -They foster the hall, exhibitionistic, effect of culture. -They foster superficiality, since everything must be supplied encapsulated in a few days. -They foster one-direction-ness, that is, I communicate with the world, but the world does not communicate with me. -They foster TV becoming an important, perhaps the most important, cultural paradigm. -They foster an impulse to mass anonymous experience, and not an individualised human experience. Evidently, the Olympic Games also have positive cultural connotations: -They promote an offensive identity, that is, we are those who explain it. -They modernise cultural practices.

-They «planetise» in the good sense of the word, that is, they give the conscience of the existence of a world beyond our daily routine. -They give a consensual historie inflection: the citizens of this country live this point of 92 as the common point in our lives, as inflection of experience -that is good for future social integration. They give a high valué of our cultural forms, of our way of life, of our forms of art. These are positive and negative aspeets and, to end up, I should like to say what hypotheses of cultural policies induce this, what their effeets on cultural policies are. They are integrating effeets, modernising, internationalising. Effeets of fostering an oceurrence, fostering massing, fostering profits. In short, fostering that which the English cali «middle of the road», that is, not mediocrity, but forms of art that are acceptable for all and, therefore, do not have a particularly pungent nature. It is true that if you are «middle of the road» you are alright because you are safe, the problem is if you're in the middle of the road that's where the truck runs you down. What I want to say is just examining the sub-seats in the Barcelona provinces, we can see how changes in cultural policies of these cities are happening -we are speaking about Castelldefels, Badalona and other towns. Cultural policies for the Olympic Games are being made. There are positive and negative aspeets: they induce a greater competitiveness of cultural policies but, on the other hand, they induce a legitimisation of massification, of «everything that's on televisión is good». What is it those of us concerned with cultural policies want? To take advantage of the Olympic Games to get the best experiences from this organisation, so that they might be used by the cultural policies to be developed this decade, for the future. The Olympic Games should genérate an extraordinary amount of know-how on management, publie events, media events, events in which organisation counts with respect to the ritualization of a publie oceurrence. The Olympic Games should genérate great experience on matters of mass media interest in relation with culture. They should genérate a great projection of our country far and wide: it will be known and, possibly, that will open certain markets for our


cultural product. The Olympic Games should give an image of what ยกs a great civic event. I believe that, in this respect, if we manage the experience of the Olympic Games'92 can give us notes for the future, future cultural policies will be all the better for this.

I think that the negative and positive aspects could be synthesised into a useful and efficient contribution for the future, because the Games will be over in '92, but then there's the future. One last point: the next Olympic Games will sureiy not be sports; if there is to be another Olympic Games, they will be cultural.


4 THE INFLUENCE OF THE OLYMPIC GAMES ON SPORT


The influence of the Olympic Games on sport

Nuria Puig Professor of Sports Sociology at the Institut Nacional d'Educacio Física de Catalunya

Introduction The title to think about ¡s the influence of the Olympic Games on the practice of sport.

-It is a sport highly regulated in time, space and rules. -It is a sport with a scheme of uniform, homogeIt is a very difficult subject from a methodologineous valúes, there is not diversity of conceptions, cal viewpoint. How can we control if an event of but everyone knows what a good sports-man (or such importance as the Games influencesthe prac- sportswoman) is. tice of sport or not? And, if so, how much influen- -The athlete -the one practicing sport- has a cence has it? It ¡s a complex question on which there tral role in this system; everything revolves around have been no studies: it is a hardly explored pershim or her. pective of analysis. So, therefore, what I shall do -The whole system ¡s based on a club structure, is offer a profile for reflection based on data understood ¡n the traditional way: directors, partiobtained. cipation in sports leagues, adhesión to a federation, first regional then national and finally international. The focus point around which I shall organise the discussion is the following: the Olympic Games do not have a direct influence on the practice of These characteristics, and their definitions, no sport. The mechanism by which they influence it is longer serve to explain the whole reality of tomuch more complex and is connected with other day's sport. It cannot be said, for instance, that the elements or other conditions of social, political protagonists of sport are athletes in the traditioand economic nature. nal sense, because, more and more, we are witnessing the diversif ¡catión of sportspeople: older people taking up some kind of sport, the disabled, Not because Barcelona is to hold an Olympic Games in '92 will the practice of sport automatica- women... We are no longer dealing with the claslly increase. What happens is that in this city there sic image I referred to. are circumstances which favour the impact of the In the same way, the valúes or aspirations had Olympic event on sports practice. through sport are changing. The surveys show the great variety in motivations and interests. The exposition hastwo parts. First I shall speak about how the contemporary sports system functions, how it evolves. Secondly, I shall analyse the It is also very interesting to see the diversificaevolution of sports practice in Spain from 1968 to tion in the aspect of associations. There is no 1990; the data will be related to the theoretical longer only one type of sports club, as I have just framework provided in the first part. At the end I defined it. There are sports associations which cali shall make a summing up of everything, relating themselves «of sport for all», the ends of which the Olympic Games and increase in sports practice. have nothing to do with federative circuits. Their objective consists rather of offering the possibility of practising sport to people who do not have I-Sport and contemporary society The analysis is carried out based on the contribu- ambitions connected with performance. tions of García Ferrando (1991). Klaus Heinemann Another characteristic is the constant diversifica(1991) and Gunther Lushen (1966). Contemporary tion of sport practices; new activities keep appeasport is evolving from a closed system towards an ring. open system deeply involved with other spheres of social life. When I speak of a closed system, I am referring to sport in its origin, to the time of All these circumstances are those that lead the England's industrial revolution. It can be characte- authors mentioned to reject a closed definition of rised with the following five points: contemporary sport. The classic definition explains a part of the phenomenon which does not cover -It is a sport oriented towards a target: to win. It is its complexity. So therefore, it is necessary to find a definition which understands sport as an open performance sport.


system, diversified, closely connected with the world or economy, the media, politics, culture, etc.. As a conclusión to this, I am suggesting that we should not see contemporary sport as a closed system, but as an open one made up of different subsystems which adopt some forms or others depending on realities. (Puig, 1990). In the country where we live, I would say we could speak of four large subsystems related to each other, but with relative autonomy -and that is something Gunter Luschen explains very well-, which is what I cali the practicers system, high level system, spectator system and the world of school. In connection with the subject I am speaking about, what is most important is to see how the Olympic Games can inf luence on them to lesser or greater degree. When I speak of the subsystem of «practicers», I mean those people appearing at a vertiginous rhythm on the sports scene in these last few years. It is a subsystem which is characterised by not seeking performance, the people compete but for fun. There are lots of these people -the increase in sports practice comes precisely from here. In this subsystem, public and prívate institutions are closely related, and sport is practised in multi-use spaces and a little everywhere. This has a very different logic from that which would be the high level subsystem, which is articulated and has its purpose in máximum performance, the search for absolute success, ¡n which the very best facilities, trainers and all kinds of support to the athlete comes first. It needs a specific institutional set-up which contributes to reaching this target. If we see the number of active practicers, it is much lower than that I referred to before. An autonomous subsystem, but closely related with the others, in spectator sport. Certainly, without high level sport there would be no spectacle, but it is also true that to understand the world of spectator sports new elements should be added for reflection, because there would be no spectacle without the media. In this subsystem the spectators have a fundamental role. It also needs specific spaces, which entails specific problems,

such as violence, safety in the stadia, etc. I think it has a very important element in the communication processes it involves among the different actors of this subsystem. It has often been said that in spectator sports what is important is not the teams that play, but the communication processes established between the spectators and the players. Lastly, there is the school world, which is highly ¡nvolved in the educational system and with a set of problems which, more than being connected with the interests of international federations or spectator sport, are deeply connected with school sports and the schooling system. I think that if we are speaking about the inf luence of the Olympic Games on sports practice, the first thing we must do is understand this practice, which, as has already been said, is greatly diversified. I think that the impact the Games can have on each of these subsystems is very different, and I should say that it could affect the development of one of them more, or less, but not the others. That would be the first point for reflection. I believe that, if we think of the Olympic Games and sports practice, we see that the Games are more related to that being the world of high level sport and spectator sport and not to the world of sports practice, which is a subsystem that, to be developed, has necessities for existence other than Olympic Games. II- Evolution ¡n sports practice ¡n Spain (1968-1990)

Now I shall speak about the evolution of sports practice in Spain from a quantitative viewpoint. I shall reflect on what can have motivated the increase shown, though not exclusively-the existence of an Olympic Games in Barcelona. With regards to the evolution of «practicers» with federative license in Spain -I am basing myself mainly on the data of the surveys conducted by Professor Manuel García Ferrando-, there is evidence of a difference in the evolution of the number of federative licenses and practicing of leisure sport (Chart 3). Whereas from 68 to 86 there was a notable increase in the number of practicers, the number of sportspeople has also increased, but much less spectacularly than in practicers in general. Therefore, it seems that the sports model that


tends to impose ¡tself is not precisely that of the federative world, but it ¡s another which, as I have said, ¡s more related with this open system of valúes and diverse motivations. We can see the same idea in the sports most practised (Chart 2), and here I am sorry I do not have the data which Dr. García Ferrando is about to present, on the sports most practised in the year 90.1 only have the data of 1986. But they are still interesting: besides the sports we could say traditional, like football or basketball, there are others in no way conventional: foot races -here included are all joggers and runners, whose ambitions are others-. And I am very surprised that, if we did not put dancing and gymnastics in the survey-there is alwaysthe discussion on whether they are sports or not-, about 8.5% of the «practicers» would not exist, since they consider that their sport is dancing and gymnastics -however, there is no dance federation. With regards to swimming, I do not think that on the list of «practicers» of this sport are those devoted to practicing styles, but rather they will be people who swim for recreational reasons. We also saw that apart from the sports we could cali classic, like football, basketball or handball -which is not, in any case in first place- other sports have appeared on the scene of sports practices which do not answer to the model which could be vehicled by the Olympic Games. Another datum which is of interest is seeing howthe profile of «practicers» evolves according to age -comparative graph of four surveys, year 68, 74,80 and 85 (Chart 1)-. It is interesting to see that, as the surveys have been conducted, the curve of participation has been maintained; that is, sports practice does not decrease with age, but it is a generational thing. Those who practice sport when young continué to practice it along their life. That means that those practicing are always on the increase and that they are people who, evidently, do not seek a practice oriented towards performance. A last chart made by Jesús Martínez del Castillo shows that today's sport is profoundly dynamic (Chart 4). We cannot say there are 27 sports, 28 sports. That's to do with Olympism: in Olympism

the number of sports ¡s limited and whenever a new sport is incorporated into the Olympic Games there is a whole process of debates. But sports practice is much more changing. Jesús Martínez del Castillo, taking practices with origin in specific sports, shows how there are some that have diversified greatly in these last years, that they have gradualiy adapted to a great number of motivations and ¡nterests of sportsmen. For instance, swimming: there are a multitude of recreation activities in water or practices in water parks -from an idea of activity in water we have gone on to this type of activity-; starting with Alpine Skiing, today there is acrobatic sküng, wind-skiing, Alpine surfing, paraskiing, ski ballet, cross country, and all this can be seen just going to mountains with snow. In short, diversifications in systems of sport practices are infinite. Once more, I think it would be insufficient to think that all these phenomena are happening because Barcelona is to host the Olympic Games. I think that what influences that is much more complex. Ill.-Conclusions: Olympic Games and ¡ncrease ¡n the practice of sport

To termínate, basing myself a little on Jesús Martínez del Castillo (1986) and other authors I have referred to, I shall deal with the themes of why sports practices are increasing and why they have some characteristics and not others. We cannot link only one single phenomenon like the Olympic Games, however important it might be. The Olympic Games contribute to giving sport a positive image. But what is true is that, if there are not conditions of other types, it is difficult that the practice of sport evolves. Jesús Martínez del Castillo gave eight reasons explaining the notable increase in contemporary sports practice: -increase in leisure time -something about which a lot has already been said. -consolidation of consumer society, where sport is seen and promoted. -increase of new social valúes, hedonism, undoing of institutionalised forms, return to nature, the cult of the body. All this responds to various motivations, and allows the incorporation of different


publics in the world of sport. -advanced capitalist society, in which the needs of wider work forces entail the need for higher quality of life. -the growing importance of the middle classes, principal consumers of sports activity. -the fact that services, in a tertiary society, tend to place themselves above other sectors. -the role of democratic institutions, which have achieved what the Constitution calis respect for the right of each person to practice sport and physical activity, and which have promoted and allocated very high budgets to the practice of sport.

-The newtechnologies, thanksto which whatever desire or new idea a ÂŤpracticerÂť has, it is difficult it cannot be satisfied by a new engine, a new sports machine which will reply to his desires. It seems to me that this basis, this context, is that which favours the increase of sports practice. The influence of the Olympic Games should be placed within this complex system of economic, political and social mechanisms. Doubtlessly, the Games help to favour the process but they are not the main cause or the only cause. Even if a country organises the Olympic Games it will not enjoy an increase in sport practice if there are not the basic conditions which I have just analysed.

Chart 1 Specific rates of sport at leisure time according to age groups in 1968,1971,1980,1985

10

14 1.968 1.974 1.980 1.985

19

25

30

40

50

60

70


Chart 2 Sports mainly practiced in Spain Sport

Estimates of total number of sport practicing

%

1.420.000 980.000 815.000 785.000 715.000 665.000 640.000 605.000 505.000 310.000 270.000 255.000 240.000 235.000 145.000 100.000

18,8 13,0 10,8 10,4

Football Walking Basketball Cycling Tennis Swimming Dance and Gymnastics Football (in-doors) Athletics Martial Arts Pelota Table Tennis Volleyball Shooting and Hunting Handball Mountain Climbing

9,5 8,8 8,5 8,0 6,7

4,1 3,6 3,4 3,2 _ 1,9 1,3

Source: García Ferrando (M.). «Hábitos deportivos de la población (Sociología del comportamiento deportivo)» Madrid, Instituto de Ciencias de la Educación Física y el Deporte, 1986 p.53

Chart 3 Evolution of the % of Federative Licenses and of Sport Practice in Spain (1969-1986)

40 30

-

20 _ 10

=

-

• -

== — —

— •—

"—

,

1968

_

1974

1980

Sport practice (% in relation to total population) Federative licenses (% in relation to total sport practising) Source: Own chart made with data from Martínez del Castillo (1983); García Ferrando (1986) and Martínez del Castillo et. al. (1991)

1986


Chart 4 PRACTICE-ORIGIN

NEW PRACTICES

Pilot sports Tennis, pingpong

Squash, Frontennis, Paddle tennis, Wall contact Badminton, Indiana-tennis, Volley-tennis, Footballtennis, Platform tennis, Paddleball, racquetball.

Speedbike

Motorcross, trial, All terrain, Motorism, New motor, speedway, iceracing, rallies.

Alpine ski

Acrobatic ski, biathlon, Alpine surf, hang gliding, ballet ski, cross country, outside piste ski (new and/or hard snow), Ski-surf, ski-sailing, sliding on plástic.

Canoeing

Descent on wild waters, Canoe-tourism, Canoeadventure, Kayak-polo.

Swimming

Infinite activities in water médium. Practices in water-recreation parks.

Windsurfing

Fun regattas, freestyle, jumps and leaps, on land, on ice, sail.

Combat sports Judo, Wrestling Boxing, Karate

Aikido, full-contact, Kung-fu, Tai-jitsu, Kendo, Personal defense, Kobudo, Taek-wondo, Muay thai, Kickboxing, Kaiek-boxing, Children's Karate, Karate-do

Team sports

Infinite possibilities based on one or more of the following modifications: - adaption of the dimensions or characteristics of the space: - adaption of the number of participants; - adaption of the basket, track or goal - adaption of the rules of the game - adaption of the game's material (more or less heavy, bigger or smaller, faster or slower).

Air sports

Gliding, hand gliding, acrobatics, rallies.

Gymnastics

Gentle gymnastics: maintenance, Gerontogymnastics, matrogymnastics, pre and post partum preparation, stretching, «Hard» gymnastics: Power lifting, body-building, alternative uses of conventional gymnasium material

BIBLIOGRAPHY -GARCÍA FERRANDO M., Knowledge of the Spanish sports reality. Theoretkal and methodological problems. In congress acts Sports policies and social research. Pamplona, April 1991, pages 43-65 -HEINEMANN K., Trends in social research applied to sport, in Congress acts. Sports policies and social research Pamplona, April 1991, pages 6-41 -LUBCHEN G., Order and disorder: dialectics of high competition sport. ¡n/Votes, Physical Education (2), 1986, pages 5-18 -MARTÍNEZ DEL CASTILLO i., Physical activities for recreation. New necessities, new policies, in Notes, Physical Education, (4) 1986, pages 917 -PUIG BARAT N., Sport in the year 2000. in Technical Notebooks of Sport, (4), 1990, pages 85-95


Manuel García Ferrando The evolution of High Professor of Sociology at Valencia University Performance and Ofympic Sports, and its influence on the population's practice of sport

l.-Introduction In almost a century of existence, the Contemporary Olympic Games have not ceased to offer sportsmen, politicians, educators and artists new creative possibilities. The success of sport which every Olympic year endorses, does nothing other than reflectthe culturally universal desire for progress and welfare, and has been used by countries hosting the Olympic Games to offer the rest of the international community the best possible public image of themselves. Nobody doubts that high competition sport has benefited from every Olympic Games, as also the sports facilities of the Olympic Games' cities have improved. What is not so clear is how much the society as a whole of the host countries has been satisfied with their respective Olympic adventures. So, for instance, the Japanese with the 1964 Games and the Germans with the 1972 Games do seem satisfied on the whole with their Olympic experiences, but this ¡s not the case with the Canadians who are still paying the debts of the 1976 Games, ñor the Mexicans with the 1968 Games, which still cannot be publically mentioned in México without entering into evident contradictions.

With the Barcelona Olympic Games almost upon us, once again one should ask oneself about the degree of influence of Olympism as an ideological movement and the holding of the Olympic Games in a specific country, on the sports habits of the population. Since there is hardly any doubt about the positive impact of Olympism on the splendour of spectator sports and on the development of high competition sports. However, what is not so clear is its ¡nfluence on the ¡mprovement of the level of popular sport and on the increase of young people's participation in the practice of sports of recreational nature. I believe that in this respect it should be stressed that the Olympic movement perfectly symbolises the struggle between man's dreams on one side, and the reality in which he lives, on the other. The Olympic ideology contains a message of participation, of brotherhood and health which ¡s not always easy to f ind in the higher manifestations of contemporary sport, and of those that the Olympic Games would be the best example of commercial and publicity success, of improvement of the technical levéis of the execution of high degree sport, and a world scale media event.

2.-Empirical references of the change in contemporary sport Now, the undeniable success of the Olympic Ga mes, of sports events which in reality have lost their character of real «games», is accompanied by several facts on sports behaviour in the most advanced industrialised countries, which have been recorded with sufficient frequency to be able to be considered consistent guidelines on sport in contemporary societies. Firstly, one finds the fact of the relative stability in the number, not very high, of people who regularly practise sport. Following the rapid growth that took place at the start of sport for all in the 60s and 70s, the popular practice of sport steadied itself in the decade of the 80s and it does not seem will undergo a change in the near future. Secondly, there is the fact of massive abandonment of the practice of sport among the young of both sexes in the age from 16 to 20 years, to such

an extent that f ewer than half of the young who practise sports at school continué to do so after 20 years of age. Starting from this age, there is a steady fall in the number of people who practice sports in all social groups, with the exception of urban social classes and upper middle class professionals. Thirdly, there has also been observed a wide coincidence in the results of the surveys aimed at knowing the reasons why sport is practised. The desire to be physically fit and doing something different from what one normally does everyday, are the reasons given with greatest frequency by the majority of sports practicers. Only a minority wants to practise sport to compete. Fourthly, ¡t has been observed that despite the efforts of movements of sports for all to offer a type of sports practice within the reach of any citizen, the truth is that the offer of a type of sport


inspired by the federative model, and therefore competitive, is still dominant in most societies.

This is that great slogan which Barcelona'92 has become with its f ¡ve Olympic rings and which may have gratifying aspeets for many citizens, but without these aspeets being articulated with the Fifthly, mention should be made of the evident economic success of professional and high compe- promotion of the practice of sports. tition sports, which, thanks to publicity in the mass For this articulation to come about, it would be media, especially televisión, have become a great necessary to make an effort similar ¡n intensity mass spectacle moving huge and increasing and resources to that which ¡s being made to amounts of money. This commercialisation of élite build the Olympic Ring-Road, but in the field of sport has led to a professionalisation without pre- offer of popular sport. Since a sports offer based cedents ¡n the history of modern sport, which has on the promotion of sport by oneself -currently reached even the Olympic Games, to such an exover 60 per cent of sports «practisers» do so outtent that the rules of the «Olympic amateur side any kind of association, therefore on their sports» have been filed away and considered as own and without technical assistance-and with relie of a past to which very few want to return. little and erratic assistance of monitors and traiTallying with the economic and publicity success, ners, has few possibilities of success. high level sport is ever more demanding in the selection and training of the sports talents it feeds off. The motivational surveys I know best on the causes for which most Spaniards do not habitually Now, one should wonder what the possibilities practice sports, put into evidence a low identificathe Olympic movement has with the coming tion of this population with the publie offer of Olympic Games in Barcelona in 1992 of obtaining sports made most of all from municipal sports an increase ¡n the practice of sports among that facilities. majority of Spanish men and women who still do not practice a sport on a regular basis; to stop that Generally speaking, this publie offer of sports is early abandonment of sport by a large number of presented as massified and little oriented to the young people, and most of all one should ask one- enjoyment and recreation of those practising self what possibilities the Olympic movement has them. To be exact, sport in small groups and sport to spread and make popular the practice of health with the assistance of a monitor or qualified traisport, recreational and hygienic sport among the ner, are two explicit requirements so that many of population, this kind of sport from which that of the current non-practisers would decide to make high competition gets daily further and further the effort practising a sport signifies for them. away. Therefore, placing a quality offer of sports within the reach of a greater number of citizens I believe that here we find ourselves with an is, as I see it, the best way to exploit, as I have apparent paradox which if not solved may make of the Barcelona'92 Games a great spectacle which mentioned earlier, the gratifying and publicity aspect of the Olympic Games so that the practice will distract most of the Spanish population for a few days, in the same way as it will distrart a large of sport by the people be really increased. Since with the current campaigns of aid to competitive part of humanity, but which will barely have a sport, the most that can be obtained is that all the consistent and long-lasting impact on the sports young people with an excellent sports talent may habits of the citizens, especially those belonging gain acc?r.sto levéis of training which allowthem to the less favoured socially and materially, who to be élite sportspeople one day, and that the are those who today practke sports less. current élite sportspeople do not prematurely abandon high competition. •


3.-Theoretical model to analyse the change The political action necessary to carry out sports development programmes which stimulate both high competition sport and popular and recreational sport, requires the support of theoretical concepts which help to understand the social phenomenon on which it ¡s desired to act. The idea of sport as a multidimensional social phenomenon, in which each facet or dimensión holds different ties of interdependence with socioeconomic, cultural and political áreas, may supply this theoretic and conceptual basis which every concrete policy needs.

with televisión back-up, has turned the great sports manifestations into advertising media ¡n which large enterprises and governmentsthemselves invest huge sums of money. The utilitarian logic of seeking the máximum business and publicity profits ¡n the sports activities they sponsor, consequently determine the contemporary evolution of the sport. But sport is not only a closed system submitted to such hard scientific, technological and economic discipline. Sport is also developed in advanced societies as an open system (Heineman, 1986), of múltiple alternatives in constant evolution, capable of satisfying the most varied individual wishes. The new popular sport, that of daily or sporadic practice, developed individually or in group by people of any age, is a lovely reality in the towns and cities of Spain, as in many other countries of the planet. The different ñames given to the new models of sport, such as health sport, leisure or recreational sport, sport for all, easy sport, amateur sport, praxis sport, etc. are clear evidence of the different social and individual ways of seeing the practice of sport. Another axial principie structures the new sports models: personal fulfilment and health are the two elements which mainly motívate wide and varied segments of population who find in the abundant contemporary offer of types of sport, a «liberating practice of recreational nature, confrontation of personal capacities, evolved towards competitiveness» (Cagigal, 1975).

The idea of considering social phenomena as structured by different social principies depending on whether of socioeconomic, cultural or political order, we take from Daniel Bell and his theoretical concept of post-industrial society (Bell, 1976). Bringing Bell's ideas on the different rhythms of change of the three social orders to the social world of sport, it can be conceived that great sport, that is, the professional sport of the leagues and the ever more professional one of high competition, is being developed in advanced societies like the Spanish, as a closed system which revolves around the double social principie of theoretic knowledge and of economir rationalitv. Theoretic knowledge, with its continuous scientific and technological advances, movesthe development of high performance sport, it contributes to planning sports training, and to reaching new results which rapidly leave the previous records obsolete. Thus, everything in great sport benefits from scientific and technological advances: from the physiology of exercise to the psychological, from the constructive techniques to the ¡mprovement of sports material, from Communications to biomechanics, all of this is related with the different types of sports in a kind of pyramidal model at the apex of which is the world champion and Olympic record.

The axial principie of primacy of theoretical knowledge and economic rationality on one hand, and the axial principie of personal fulfilment and health on the other, bestow this twofold nature, undetermined, paradoxical and ironic, so characteristic of contemporary sport (García Ferrando, 1990), on which different sports ideologies stand.

This preeminence of theoretical knowledge, as costly as it turns out to be, is necessarily accompanied by economic rationality. Market interests strongly condition the progress of professional and high performance sport. The, forthe moment, unlimited and endless publicity of sport,

It should be noted that this theoretic concept of contemporary sport, as an aggregation of closed and open structures, is perfectly complemented by another theoretic concept which became explicit in the empirical survey made in 1985 on the sports habits of the Spanish (García Ferrando, 1986). In


this work an attempt was made to explain the level of social participaron in sport based on a structural framework offering individuáis different degrees of socioeconomic opportunities. And in fact, it managed to show that greater proximity and frequency of social relations with people practising sport, the proximity to well-equipped sports facilities, the higher socioeconomic and cultural level, and a positive image of sport, were all factors which were positively related with the practice of sports. Therefore, in keeping with the rate at which these factors are unequally distributed in society, consequently differential guidelines of perception, opportunity and sports practice are structured. In this way, the degree of inequality of these guidelines will do nothing otherthan reflectthe inequality itself existing in society as a whole.

understanding, living and practising sport, open new possibilities of study to understand this open system of contemporary sport. Another ref lection which the consideration of the two types of axial principies in current sport leads us to, is that they cannot be interchangeably used. That is, that the principie of scientif ic rationality and economic should not be applied, at least strictly, to recreational and informal sport, in the same way that the principie of personal fulfilment and health can be strictly applied to professional and high performance sport. However ideally desirable be the intercrossing of the two principies ¡n all the facets of sport, what is true is that many of the crises and conflicts appearing in contemporary sport origínate from the confusión arising from equivocally applying one and the other principie. The maintaining of false ideáis of amateurism in high performance sport, the structuring of some Municipal Sports Foundations in accordance with principies of achievement and performance, the imitating of guidelines properto high competition sport by those practising informal and recreational sport, the resistance of the professional sportsperson to submit to the rationality and discipline of scientific training, are, among others, manifestations of the double crisis which the closed model of sport is going through, to exaggerate -on the one hand its pyramidic and unequal features, and on the other, by applying itto the most open model of sport (García Ferrando, 1990).

The explicative advantages of considering two different types of axial principies for each dimensión of contemporary sport, become evident when we introduce a diachronic visión. Social change in the closed system of professional sport will do nothing otherthan reinforcing the imbalances, inequalities and conflicts which are inherent to fiercely competitive sports activities which seek ever larger monetary rewards. The twofold axial principie of primacy of theoretic knowledge and economic rationality drives, therefore, high performance sport to higher and higher levéis of inequality. The gap separating the sportsperson and the sportsperson's champion club and the sportsperson and the club that occupy Modern sport, with its constant growth and expanthe last places in the corresponding classification, sión, has not stopped showing new possibilities of teonly increase. chnical execution, of recreation and spectacle in advanced societies. However, for some years now many voices have been raised criticising and denouncing the On the contrary, the axial principie of personal excesses of high competition sports, which frequently fulfilment and of health which structures drives the dynamics of recreational and informal sport, reinfor- enter into contradiction with the widely-participative ces its democratic nature, which does not prevent, in popular sport. its turn, the growing differentiation of the different sports forms and the life-styles of the population, it Now, the open evolutive nature of modern sport lending to a constant differentiation and renewal of does not necessarily have to end up confronting popusports practices, but always on a horizontal plañe. lar participation with high competition. Both types of And it is focusing on the practice of sport ¡n personal sport can and must be equal and mutually benefit. fulfilment, on seeking health and physical fitness, and even the achievement of a rewarding expressive It is to be expected and hoped, therefore, t *at the symbolism, where arises the individual and social tremendous creative forces which the successful canheterogeneity which constantly multipliesthe possi- didature of Barcelona has managed to awaken in the bilities of practising and understanding oíd and new Catalán and Spanish society be correctly channelled to sports. In this way, the concept of life-styles and seg- transcend the inevitably elitist dimensión of the Olymments of population tied to the different ways of pic Games, and set it on a movement of wide-social participation basis.


Bibl¡ography_ BELL, DANIEL (1976): El advenimiento de la sociedad industrial, Madrid, Alianza Editorial. CAGIGAL, JOSÉ MARIA (1971): Ocio y deporte en nuestro tiempo, Ed. Junta N. de Ed. Física, Universidad de Salamanca. CAGIGAL, JOSÉ MARÍA (1975): El deporte en la sociedad actual, Madrid, Editora Nacional. GARCÍA FERRANDO, MANUEL (1986): Hábitos deportivos de los españoles. Sociología del comportamiento deportivo, Madrid, Consejo Superior de Deportes, Ministerio de Cultura. GARCÍA FERRANDO, MANUEL (1990a): Aspectos Sociales del Deporte. Una reflexión sociológica, Madrid, Alianza Editorial. Consejo Superior de Deportes. GARCÍA FERRANDO, MANUEL (1990b): «La crisis del deporte federado. El caso del deporte municipal en España», pp. 521531 en J. DURAN, J.L. HERNÁNDEZ Y L.M. RUIZ (compilers). Humanismo y Nuevas Tecnoiogfas en la Educación Física y el deporte, Madrid, Consejo Superior de Deportes, Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia. HEINEMAN, KLAUS (1986): «The future of sport. A challenge for sport science», Int. Rev. for the Soc. of Sport, vol. 21, pp. 271-285.


Influence of the Olympic Games on sport. Sport in the metropolitan área

I Ángel Zaragoza I Professor of Sociology at Barcelona University

My contribution consists of presenting the conclusions of a survey of qualitative type which a team of professors of the University of Barcelona conducted last year, specifically Professor Rosa Virós, Professor Pere Negre and myself, on the subject of the impact and, especially, the attitude and evaluation which the great event of the 1992 Olympic Games has among the Barcelonese.

There are a couple of other things I should like to mention about this group interviewed and they are: we detected quite a high degree of tolerance by the ¡nterviewees in connection with divorce, abortion, pre-matrimonial relationsand euthanasia. Generally speaking, most of the interviewees -and let us not forget it was a qualitative surveyhold very open attitudes and accepted the institution of divorce, abortion and pre-marriage relations. Many of them even accepted euthanasia for the ¡II.

We divided the population, the residents of the city of Barcelona, into three large age groups: the young, the adults and sénior citizens over retirement age, 65.1 was responsible for the in-depth analysis of the interviews conducted on the adults, that is, from 18-20 years up to retirement age. Therefore, I shall only make references to the conclusions relative to the group of residents of the city of Barcelona in the adult age group and, therefore, I shall not make references either to the conclusions relative to the young or the opinions of the sénior citizens. I shall divide my intervention into two large áreas. A first área in which I shall refer to some characteristics of the group interviewed. In the second -the most significant part- I shall refer to the conclusions reached after analysing these interviews. With regards to the first subject, the characteristics of the interviewees, I shall say that we are dealing with individuáis of between 25 and 50 years -there was a weak representation of the 50 to 65 age group-. That, evidently, is a factor which later conditions the result of the conclusions reached. Another characteristic of this group of interviewees is that the great majority were born in the city of Barcelona or had been living there for many years. With regards to the level of studies, we saw that there was a clear and significant difference between the younger adults and the older ones in that the young adults had studied, many at university, while among the older adults there were people with no studies or only primary studies. We were definitely not ¡n the presence of a homogeneous group, but a group presenting inequalities in age, sex, geographic origin and level of studies.

One last reference to the characteristics of this group: a large part of the adults interviewed held left-wing-moderate left-wing positions, which may help to understand and also explain these tolerant attitudes with regards to divorce, abortion, etc. The conclusions of this survey in connection with the attitudes and opinions regarding the Olympic Games are as follows: Firstly, the interviewees valued very positively the practice of non-professional sport. From their point of view, the family as an institution plays a very important role in the ¡nitiation to sport and regularity in practising it. The school, in the opinión of our interviewees, reinforces the leading role of the family. They also thought that the types of sport depended on the socio-family and economic level of the interested parties. We asked our interviewees about the reasons which determine the failure or lack of success of Catalán and Spanish élite sport on an international scale. Those interviewed thought that the lack of professionalisation, of motivation and institutional help were the causes for this. All the adults agreed in evaluating very positively the fact that the city of Barcelona is to host the Olympic Games 1992. They remembered perfectly who had been the driving forcé behind the idea, the former mayor Narcís Serra, and considered that the present mayor, Pasqual Maragall, was the man who had brought this initiative to good end. Very negatively valued by the interviewees was the permanent conflict between public institutions.


Until a short time ago -since there ¡s no longer any time left- since before the Olympic Committee accepted the candidature of Barcelona, confrontations between the institutions and political parties had been a permanent presence in Catalán and Barcelona political life. These confrontations were very negatively valued by the interviewees.

there was on the lack of quality of finish, the floods caused by the rain-, the political issue posed by the radical Catalán nationalists, orthe inauguration of the Sant Jordi Palace). Then there is the news that the Olympic project continually produces and which is echoed by the media and which the adults interviewed do not really understand.

There was also a great difficulty to understand the role played by the different institutions implied in the organisation of the Games. Those interviewed could not really understand who each one was and what part and what responsibility each of the institutions had: the responsibility of the International Olympic Committee, the responsibility of the COOB, the Comité Organitzador de la Olimpíada de Barcelona, the responsibility of theTown Hall, of the County Council, of the Generalitat and of the Spanish Olympic Committee.

With regards to the opening ceremony, those interviewed would likethis ceremony, in some way or another, to project an image of identity. They want the opening ceremony to be able to be identified as a Barcelonese thing, local, like something Catalán and at the same time something Spanish. That it be simple, discreet, original and creative. They do not want a Los Angeles type spectacular ceremony; they want something original, but definitely not an American-style opening ceremony.

Concerning the financing of the Games, there was a certain fear that the development of the Games could have repercussions of taxation type on the interviewees. They were very afraid that the same would happen with the Olympics as it happened with the World Exhibition in 1929 in Barcelona, which caused a déficit which had to be paid off by the residents of the city for many years.

There was a desire to particípate on the part of the interviewees. In some way this desire ¡s still there but they do not know how to bring this participation about, becausethe organisation of the Olympic Games is something very complex, very sophisticated, and which most of all demands professional work and, marginally, voluntary work. There is a desire to cooperate, to volunteer to help, but this is not satisfied and this has a negative effect to the extent that it causes at times, a disenchantment - at leastthis is what our interviewees felt.

The interviewees are quite well informed on that referring to the development of the public works connected with the improvement of the city. There is the hope that all this sports infrastructure and road system will benefit all the citizens and, fundamentally, the young and children. Also, there is a certain difficulty on the part of the interviewees in following the Olympic news and events, so that only the great events related with the Olympic project are really identifiable as such by the adults interviewed (for instance, the inauguration of the Olympic Stadium -with all the polemics

To end up, the adults interviewed considered that the Games, on the family or personal level, would have a mínimum impact on them or their relatives. They considered that the infrastructure of Barcelona, and maybe the image, the knowledge of the city -and after that Catalonia- on world scale, has come out winning. But from the personal or family viewpoint the positive repercussions of these Olympíc Games of 92 will be mínimum. The cíty of Barcelona is, from their point of view, the great benefician/ of this Olympic event.


5 m

níYMPTf GAMES, ÍÍAMFS OLYMPIC POLITICAL AND SPORTING PLANNING


Catalán sport and olympism

Josep L. Vilaseca Sports General Secretary, Generalitat de Catalunya

Today sport ¡s most surely the most universal activity and that which awakens most interest.

like Roland Garrós and Wimbledon; the Tour of France, the Five Nations Rugby match, some Golf tournaments, the traditional regattas between Oxford and Cambridge, the Grand National Horse race, the World Ski Championships, the N.B.A. Basketball Championships, the Formula 1 car races, the Grand Prix of Motorcyding, etc., oceupy a place in the agenda and in the life of people who do not necessarily have anything in common, save their fondness forthese sports demonstrations.

It is difficult to imagine a city, a town or any other kind of human concentration without ¡ts mínimum sports facilities. No médium can allow to do without its section devoted to sport. Schools, universities, enterprises, local councils, etc., consider sport as one of the áreas most attention must be paid to. This importance naturally comes from the great acceptance sport has acquired on a world scale. An ¡mportant sports event can paralyse a city, a state, and in some cases it can condition the behaviour of the whole world. There are few pacific manifestations which can acquire such a high level of incidence and which at the same time can affect people of different nations, continents, cultures, races, etc. Henee sport's universality. The great movement of money that sport directly or indirectly generates is also important. Its importance is at the front ¡n the context of the economy of out time. I cannot think of a single economic área of human activity where sport does not have a more or less accentuated incidence. It is no longer a physical or recreational activity but has become almost a necessity in the lives of mankind at this end of century. The interest it arouses is proved by the millions of people who follow it, as «practisers», amateurs or professionals and as spectators, whether live or through the press, radio and especially televisión. Sometimes this following of sport demands real sacrifices. Just one example ¡s the great number of hours of sleep the Seoul Olympics cost Europeans orthe Football Championship in México, dueto the different time zones. I know cases of real conflict within the family and between couples. It is very difficult that any other normal activity could have achieved this world scale interest. Sport is probably the activity that breaks down more barriers. There is an international sports calendar which affeets practically all the world. The Olympic Games, the World Football Championships and some other sports, the tennis events

For their international nature, these great sports events, do not usually awaken passions, matches situated in much smaller and localised áreas do. Thus, for instance, a Joventut-Barcelona of basketball or a Reus-Sadurní of hockey on skates, a Barcelona-Espanyol of football, a Granollers-Barcelona of handball or a waterpolo match between Club Natació Montjuíc and Club Natació Barcelona, can produce tumult in their áreas of influence. Another phenomenon motivated by sport in our days is mimicism or man's desire to imítate what his idols do. In another aspect, a greater need for fresh air has increased around the world and especially in cities, with the practice of sports activities aimed at relaxation and to do something about the sedentary habits most of our citizens have, with jogging, tennis, eyeling, indoor-football, squash, frontón, bowling, golf, etc., we have passed from being simple spectators to practisers and protagonists. For many, the practice of any of these sports activities signifies a real compensatory therapy to mitígate the stress of speed, with work and life's pressures attack the braín and nerves of people, especially those living in large cities, in a space which allows them to have contact with nature which gets smaller by the day and where nervous breakdowns are more and more frequent. It is at this moment of popularity of sport that Catalonia has the opportunity to be the protagonist of the biggest sports event the world holds every four years. On October 17th 1986, at half past one ¡n the afternoon, the President of the International Olympic Committee, Joan Antoni Samaranch, revealed the verdict. After a pause, the ñame of Barcelona sounded around the world with an unmístakable Catalán accent.


Barcelona was an Olympic city. It was the city chosen to hold in 1992, the greatest sports event in history. Obtaining the Games was the result of the collective effort of a city and a whole country, to make a dream come true, a dream of more than sixty years. It is also the fruit of the sum of many actions, some important, others almost anonymous, which are proof of a will and reality of sports, recognised by the máximum authorities of the sports world. Barcelona had its reasons for requesting the Games, it had already requested them four times. And besides, Spain was the only important country in west Europe that had not yet held an Olympic event. When Barcelona presented its candidature it had the unanimous backing of the city and the whole country. Its sports facilities were to a great extent, ready, and the location of most of these facilities in a radius of very few kilometres with respectto the city centre, made it an ideal place. Its sports tradition and competence shown in the organisation of important sports events, was another guarantee for the city. The architectural valué and rich cultural heritage of Dalí, Picasso, Gaudí, Miró, etc., were added to the assets presented by the city to the IOC. But Barcelona also had, as I have said before, the effort of those who preceded them. In Catalonia one can start speaking of sport of a certain importance starting from the final years of the last century and, especially, those of the beginning of this one. The International Exhibition of 1888, marked a great qualitative leap of Catalonia in its most diverse aspects. Industry, commerce, urbanism, etc., enjoyed an important advance and placed our country at an optimum international level. Sport also took part in this advance. It is the time when a great number of sports were born and the first clubs or federations were consolidated which, along the years, have been the breeding ground supplying the sportspeople which have put Catalonia at the sports head of Spain and, very often, in places of privilege inter-

nationally. Thus, in the years going from 1876 to 1913 a great number of entities made their appearance in the Principality, especially starting from the Barcelona Show ¡n 1888. It is the time of a great sports boom when the most characteristic entities of sport in our country made their appearance. Here I should like to mention the most important, because most surely some of you present, in some way or another or some time in your lives, have had some connection with: -The Excursionists Centre of Catalonia (1876) -The Catalán Regatta Club (1879) -The Royal Nautical Club (1881) -The Gymnastic Club of Tarragona (1886) -The Royal Columbophile Society of Catalonia (1890) -The Royal Motorclub of Catalonia (1897) -Barcelona Football Club (1899) -The Royal Tennis Club of Barcelona (1899) -The Royal Polo Club (1900) -The Royal Spanish Sports Club (1900) -Health and Sport (1901) -The Royal Automobile Club of Catalonia (1906) -Barcelona Swimming Club (1907) -Reus Sports (1909) -Barcelona Boxing Club (1913) But not only clubs were born by the impulse of those great sports directors, Catalonia also sawthe birth of the first European sports newspaper in 1906: El Mundo Deportivo. Due to the Universal Exhibition in 1929 participation and facilities increased. Football becamethe máximum symbol of the sports movement and was the most popular, something which was reflected, among other phenomena, in the rivalry between the Barcelona and Espanyol teams, with the legendary figures of Zamora and Samitier. Since then, new sports have been appearing, new clubs and new figures filling the Catalán sports un ¡verse. I think that by their own merits, Barcelona a d Catalonia deserved the honour of hosting the J2 Games. I say Barcelona and Catalonia, since, aithough the nomination is always given to a city, as Barcelona is the capital of a small nation, it can count on the help of all the Catalán people.


It has been said that Catalonia would not be what it is without Barcelona. And it is true. Catalonia would have no sense without Barcelona, but neither would Barcelona enjoy its splendid reality if it were not accepted all over Catalonia as its capital. This does not happen in many other autonomies in Spain, in that the capital cannot give or receive that which Barcelona and Catalonia give each other.

Barcelona must work not only with the Games ¡n mind. It must bear in mind that every ¡nvestment and effort of any kind that is being made, must be aimed at a day situated much further beyond the sports success and organisational success of the event. We take advantage of the moment to see that everything is being done so that years from now it will be a benefit, an asset and progress for the people of Catalonia.

This distinction of the International Olympic Committee to the city of Barcelona and Catalán sport must fill them with satisfaction. But I hope we do not limit ourselves to celebrating this present without including our history.

Sport itself, through professionalism, also brings wealth, each year that goes by and thanks to its effort, sport is losing its amateur nature and is becoming more and more professional. Greater and greater demands on the sportsman obliges him to devote him or herself exclusively to his or her sport, which becomes his solé obligation, his profession and source of income.

Our Olympic Games, of 1992, apart from the sports aspect have other reasons that make this event of máximum ¡mportance for Barcelona and for Catalonia. An international organisation of such size can be transcendental for our country, which wants to show the whole world its reality, its aspirations and its peculiarities which are proper to it and which distinguish it thus marking its identity.

Sport has also become an ¡mportant element of show business. Sport today does not make sense without spectators, without the terraces, without all kinds of media, etc. All of this has turned it into an advertising vehicle for whatever kind: political (for reasons of Chauvinism), commercial (sponsors) and impulsor of its own industrial sector. Installations, clothes, all kinds of material, etc. It is for all these reasons that I think that economically and regards Barcelona's and Catalonia's international projection, the Games are a challenge, but at the same time, an opportunity that we Catalans must take advantage of.

The organisation of an Olympic Games does not affect sport alone. Its breadth and ¡mportance affects the most diverse spheres of the life of the city and people organising them. Also the fruits that can be harvested through such a complex and fruitful organisation, can be of incalculable valué if we do things well, with professionalism, with the spirit of modernness and progress. The Olympic Games can and must contribute to the organiThe real testing bench of sport is not the Olymsing country being promoted to all whole manpic Games however, they are the conclusions of kind. Its image must be shown and diffused any congress: that which is seen and that which during the years leading up, so that it might be familiar to all when the games take place. Internal divulged. The real field of operations, where what the Games shows ¡s forged, consists of the clubs and external Communications, its natural or manufactured producís, its customs, its culture, its and federations of each country, which with their work, often modest, but constant, hard and effilanguage, literature, art, music, its universal cient, little by little build that which later are the people, the most important milestones of its glories of the Olympics: the athletes. history, its geography and natural beauty, its folklore, itstourist resorts, etc., must become better and better known and must be placed Each Olympic trial of any discipline, has been more within the reach of all those who, situated preceded by countless competitions on different anywhere in the world, may be interested in the levéis, but conducted with complete efficiency, Games and the country organising them. And it is with thousands or millions of sportsmen and evident that this is being achieved. women, trainers, directors, doctors, organisers, public, etc.


But sport cannot live alone. It needs the support of society, of the people, with their different tools. And this support would be greater ¡f ¡t were more alive. In Catalonia this people support has been vehicled by a long and strong tradition of associationism and clubs scattered around our country. It is these that have placed sport in this country at the level it enjoys today. With more will of pedagogy than of triumph, although in sport ¡t is difficult not to aspire to winning. They are clubs that know their place in the sport taken as a whole, many of them -the majority- know and accept the role they must play. To be a breeding ground with the previously accepted risk of contributing to favouring a harvest, the grain from which will maybe not go its barn. Very often, talking to those in charge of autonomous sport, I have found certain difficulties of dialogue because in many communities the number of clubs is practically irrelevant. On the other hand, here in Catalonia, we are lucky in that they make up our best forcé. The eradle of Catalán sport is its clubs. These, some very oíd, with their steady work day by day, are the real mine which supplies the sportspeople, some of whom reach a high technical level and represent them in the most important competitions. The steady increase of club members and improvements in facilities are the best guarantee for our sport. The effort of a club, of technicians and especially of the sportsman or woman, are essential if good results are to be obtained. Ñor can the effort be the fruit of improvisation. There must be continuity. A medal is not won with the work of one year, however well programmed and used these twelve months be. Many years of preparation and the perhaps stubborn zeal of the sportspeople, the trainers and their clubs are required. An example of this task to be done is an aneedote about a club in our country, which hired a Russian trainer for a sport at which the Russians were the leaders. They thought he had a secret

weapon. When the trainer arrived they asked him what had to be done to be successful. The trainer said «Just sleep a lot, eat a lot and work hard». The athletes asked him: «And we'll win with that?» The Russian replied;» No. To win you have to eat and sleep a lot, and work a little more than the others.» In many countries in the world clubs are the basis of sport and associationism. They are the mirror of a society which has a democratic behaviour in which the individual has the freedom to associate himself with whom he wants to carry out an idea in common with his way of thinking and being. They are the bodies in which prívate enterprise freely brings the effort of different individuáis, moved by common ends. In a country like ours, where school sport is still in itsyouth, where university -despite evident interest shown for some time now- has still not reached the desirable point, and where another important collective like the army, does not really give a positive reply on the matter of sports, I ask: What would we have done without the clubs and without the people who disinterestedly have been maintaining them and directing them for generations? With the preparation for the Olympic Games of 1992 our country has placed itself in a privileged position. These circumstances open great perspectives for our sport and also for many other aspects of our activity. With the Games we have the good fortune to live, the land of Catalonia will be promoted and will oceupy -in fact, it is already doing so-the objective and eyes of a large part of the world. The image of Barcelona and of Catalonia has been better known and has become familiar for the whole world in these last three or four years than in the rest of its history. Although there are always different points of view, I believe that we are working hard and well, to reap good fruit from the opportunity we have been given. There is no doubt that most of the country ¡s mobilised to achieve that which can be our great launch at the end of this century and the beginning of the next which could place us in


a good position to face all types of problems, but also advantages, which can derive from a better ¡ntegration in to Europe, and a new configuraron of this continent and the world, if we consider possible important events which are appearing already and which we believe the last conflict will not frústrate. The organisation of the Olympic games means a general shake-up which has to put everything back in its right place and in better conditions than before. For this to be complete and fair, sport however should be the first to benefit, with a proper ¡mprovement of its structures, a greater assistance from Institutions and with a continued sponsoring, which could have the benefits it has in other countries.

mes and educators, which give the physical and mental support our society needs, with the aim of having sport be one of the daily aspects during a person's life. As a consequence of this basic action, it is necessary to strengthen and extend sports associationism as a real cell of this collective tissue, which will ensure the permanence of the young person in the sports world, which at the same time gives wide possibilities for adults and the family. This work will enable high level sportspeople to be detected, chosen and helped. In short, help must be given to schools, universities and clubs so that they might carry our their threefold task of teach¡ng, practising and competing.

All of this should have the effect that in our society there be a real and better sports life, that sport be felt and practised as a right and that eagerness and desire to succeed be born. To make Sportsmen and women are already starting to enjoy extraordinary support, which is to be expec- this possible and not disappoint this ambition and spirit to excel of sportspeople, it is essential to ted of course and which we must try to make provide élite sport with the sufficient means. This happen heretoo. need must be put forward in all áreas and ali circumstances, and that those responsible for sport To sum up, sport in Catalonia and in Spain in in all áreas accept it as one of their main obliga1992 will place itself at such a level that should in no way be allowed to drop, if we want the Barce- tions. Especially, if we bear in mind we are practilona Olympics to have a good memory for always. cally in 1992. The responsibility of the whole country's effort regards the sports result of those We must see to it that the athlete gains the most who are our representatives commit all sports directors -some to a greater extent, some to lessbenefit. He is the centre motor that drives this er- to put all they can to do the job well to great event. Therefore, he should be given wellachieve worthy results. We cannot have this effort deserved special attention, from his first steps in the field of sport until he reaches the so-called top and mentalisation become a «flower of one day», for the fact and commitment implied in the Olymlevel. An athlete is eminently a person and sport pics being in our country. The plan that ¡s being cannot be other than one of the valúes forming done will have to remain and time will have to part of the whole person. advise making modifications and improvements. There is an oíd Chínese proverb that says: «if you It is also a duty of those of us in charge of sport want to make plans for one year, plant rice: if you to concern ourselves with the future of these want to make plans for one hundred years, plant sportspeople who devote the best years of their trees, but if you want to make plans for always, lives, their effort and sacrifices to reach the targets you must look after and train men». Barcelona'92 they have set themselves. To study, plan and seek must represent the total and full introduction of solutions that help to assure this future and their sport in all the áreas of our society. This implies permanence is an essential and unresignable task. promoting a whole set of short and médium term actions, aimed at the construction of sports strucThese goals cannot be reached if we do not have tures that will serve for ever. The definitive and the necessary elements at all times. For their effective incorporaron of physical education into schools and universities, with timetables, program- greater importance I would mention two: facilities


and technicians. With regards to facilities, I must referto my own experience and to the plan and programme carried out ¡n Catatonía and which has signified the building of 1,500 new facilities ¡n the last ten years, involving ¡nvestments cióse to 19thousand million pesetas. With regards to the technicians, we shall see later on what has been done in this field. Meeting these needs and making the country advance with regards to sport can only be done if we can count on budgets suff icient for the targets set. However, even this is not enough. It is necessary to reactívate society's own energies which are perhaps dormant and need to be revived and incentivated. A good example could be tax benefits for the business world for all signifying contributions to sport. Lastly, I should like to concéntrate on that which must be, and which, to a great extent, already is, the preparation of athletes for the Olympics, but not only with a view, as I have said several times, to '92, but with the aim of using a phase end of such signif ¡canee as the Barcelona Games will be to begin a long term race, which takes advantage of precisely the Olympics to seriously project our sport for all times. All forecasts, ¡nvestments and work done in the sports field in these years, would have no reason to be if they were not designed to sitúate our sport at an optimum level and to establish a process of continuity which will keep rising after the Games. The media devote a lot of space to sport, which will contribute to it being divulged and reaching the different social strata better. Solutions have been foreseen for ¡ntegrating into study and work those sportsmen and women who during the perhaps most important years of their lives do not leave aside everything to devote themselves to high competition sport. Enterprises and capital in general are increasing their budgets devoted to sport, convinced that they are making a good advertising investment, popular and opportune, for economic reasons. We have the best example in the creation of the A.D.O. (Associació d'Esports Olímpics), which through different firms, devotes

some 1,600 million pesetas per year to financing the different Olympic sports. In this sense, it is necessary that the media, and especially the televisión, be aware of and coherently respond to the effort of these firms, since if they do not see their sports investment rewarded, we will undeniably run the risk that they will become disenchanted and sport will lose an important source of financing. On the contrary, if publicity convinces them and besides they obtain those tax benefits I spoke of before, we have the possibility that sports sponsoring will go much further beyond 1992. It's a climate of seriousness and rewards which makes sponsoring have continuity in other countries. Instead, if we cannot manage to have these economic plans like A.D.O. continué after 1992, the result will be catastrophic. In Catalonia, the subject of preparation of sportspeople is not a particular or new preoecupation since we have been working hard on it for several years now and we are allocating it large resources. What we cali the Catalán Sports School, devoted to the training of technicians, has been functioning with good results for more than four years. The Technification Centres, scattered around ourterritory are also extraordinarily motivated and are beginning to give their fruit, and this is proof of what can be achieved helping the federations. Butwhere we have placed our máximum hopes and also our greatest effort is on the High Performance Sports Centre of Sant Cugat del Valles. The Generalitat promotes this Centre, and the Higher Board of Sports also helps by paying 50% of costs. The Higher Board of Sports planned three High Performance Centres in Spain for the Games. One on sea level, in Malaga; another in Madrid and a third called «of altitude», in the Sierra Nevada. For different reasons, of these Centres only that of Granada has begun functioning, and when we started ours, the Board decided in favour of our idea and started to make a reality what was their first project.


The ends of the Sant Cugat Centre, and for all centres like it, is to work on an extremely careful preparation of high level athletes, many of whom will represent us at the Games and at successive high competition events. Sport needs figures, perhaps living legends, that serve to stimulate the large mass of practicers. An ever greater number of federative licences is essential for championsto appear, but without them it will not be easy to increase the number of practicers. To produce champions, get the best points, the ideal of surpassing, the constant elimination of man's limitations, etc. are the conductor wire of sports practice which leads to what is known as high performance. However, this constant struggle of man's to overeóme limits entails big dangers which must be avoided. More and more, élite sportspeople do everything they can to achieve the best performance and efficieney from their athletic movements. Swimmers imítate fish, gymnasts monkeys, athletes gazelles, jumpers grasshoppers, etc. The adaption of the human being to certain demands of sport could easily lead us to make dehumanised centres. The demands of range, height, weight, etc. which some sports require of their practisers, can be very dangerous. In recent years there is the example of women's rhythmic gymnastics which has shown a human type -I daré say a small human type- so prefabricated to easily adapt itself to the demands of the different exercises. Fortunately, it seems that this trend is disappearing. Another point would be the use of drugs to make man exceed the limits which nature has given him. Both of these things cannot be allowed by a sports criterion, in which the human being is the central figure and object of benefits. The health of the sportsman or woman must not be jeopardised in the zeal to break records and win medals. The athlete must forcé himself and demand of him what is within his natural limits, what his physical conditions permit. More than that, would not be honest. The dangers are not only physical; the mind of a sportsman obsessed with improving his performance can also suffer great damage.

The Sant Cugat Centre has been functioning progressively since October 1987 in order to have sportspeople devote themselves to a hard and serious task, which gives and will give good results but which demands sacrifices. It ¡s demanded of the sportspeople who pass through the Centre that they have what is called the necessary «sports talent» to be able to give progressively good results in the whole preparation stage. It is what we cali «to have the stuff». To this end, we have placed at their disposal all the technical, scientific and pedagogic meansto reach an optimum plan of their training eyeles. There is an ideal social environment, necessary for the proper development of the sportsperson's potential, watching out at all times for his whole formation. Thus, along with his sports formation, the young person at the Centre can do his primary studies, intermedíate and vocational training. As you can see, the Centre is in keeping with an idea and plans already known but which had not been put into practice in our country until now. At the moment, the Centre accommodates over a hundred boarding sportspeople and a similar number on a half-board system. There are 23 trainers, 4 of whom have been especially brought in from abroad. The Centre is usually used for preparation stages for Spanish teams of different sports and also for teams coming from other countries who take advantage of the technical substructure which the Centre offers and which are totally up to the standard these people are used to. I think we are headíng the right way, that which can lead us to the best success. What we regret is that we started a little too late and we need to make a greater effort to have a sufficient number of tangible results. If we all agree that sport with its virtues can favour our society, especially the young, it is necessary, I say again, that all which has been done up to now must continué after'92. Makíng a sports effort the size of this only for the Olympic Games, perhaps is not worthwhile. However brilliant the Games turn out to be ¡n themselves, we shall really not have made use of the opportuníty to favour ourselves.


What must happen is thatthe Games must benefit all. The city and all Catalonia must reap benefits. The country will advance in its modernisation and will gain positions in the world concert of nations. But it would not be fair that sportspeople and sport, the true protagonists and motors of this increase in activity and prosperity, should be left out. As I said before when quoting the oĂ­d ChĂ­nese proverb, we must work with men so that '92 be the start of a new sports era, that will place us high in international sport.

So, on July 25th 1992, when our Games are opened to the world and all mankind sees that the Games are ÂĄn Barcelona and in Catalonia, we shall give everywhere the evidence of a sportively strong country, of an advanced people in step with the times,

'


Olympic Games, political and sporting planning

Rafael Cortés Elvira General Director of Sports of Consejo Superior de Deportes

The Olympic Games are, from our perspective, a motor of change, because the sports world changes social conception. This change of social model is what will allow a greater transfer of resources to the world of sport -and this must be understood a priority when changing the sports model-.

high performance or professional sport. What the law will allow is, beyond the Olympic Games, a completely new picture, permitting a stabilisation of sports policies. That is, posing, for instance, that élite sport continué beyond the Games and establish itself as a priority programme on state level.

The transfer of resources is established, firstly, from the effort of solidarity of the whole Spanish state towards one city, Barcelona, the organiser of the Olympic Games. A transfer of resources, therefore, generator of wealth in the city of Barcelona, in Catalonia and why not?, in Spain. A transfer of resources, on the other hand, which demands a reequilibrium in the sports world in Spain as a whole. From our viewpoint, a fundamental and priority task is to achieve this sports equilibrium throughout Spain, that is, make it possible that the motor of the Olympic Games and the change of social conception carry us towards an entirely different sports structure, not only in Barcelona and Catalonia, but in the whole of Spain. This is the task the Higher Board of Sports has been working on for several years. A task which perhaps results dispersed from specific individual actions, but which responds to a model which we understand must be that sports structure in Spain after the Olympic Games, understanding that a battle can be lost because in fact this happens, or it may be lost because the moment is not the right one.

The law on Sport also has, and shall contémplate in its development, a key aspect on the world of sport: the training of all those who take part in the sports world, a fact which we understand will be envisaged in a decree on sports qualifications and which, we think, will give us a completely different model of professionals devoted to the world of sport. From university studies and, therefore, from the integration of national institutions into universities, or from the most scientific application in the área of sports degrees, to the training of sports technicians or integration of Vocational Training into the professional training of certain diplomas. All of this will allow Spain to have a panorama of professionals like those of our neighbours, that is, taking the perspective of integration into the European Economic Community, so that we have qualifications allowing us to have appropriate professionals, trained in the practice of sport, for that sports future.

We understand that the battle of change of sports conception in Spain must be before the Olympic Games, which are of such importance. As the Olympic Games are of such relevance for Barcelona, Catalonia and Spain, I believe that if they don't make it possible for the sports structure to change, if they don't allow Spain to have an entirely different sports model in 1993, we shall have lost the great battle of the sports world. When we speak of sports policies or sports plans from the Higher Board of Sports and, therefore, from state responsibility of the sports model, I believe we should underline a basic fact: the passing of the Law on Sport ¡n October. This law attempts to face the reality of sport now and of the future. It defines the responsibility of the different sectors involved in the sports world and, therefore, what competences they must practise. It deals with models of degrees and qualifications,

Infrastructures are a key aspect in the world of sport. If there is no change in this sports structure from the viewpoint of the place where sports are practised, I believe we shall not have made much headway, and, as I said before, we shall have lost that great battle. Sports facilities must be understood from different aspects. Evidently there ¡s a tremendous impact in the city of Barcelona for the Olympic Games, but this impact must also mean an increase in sports facilities in Spain as a whole, and I should say from three well differentiated aspects: The consolidation of high performance sport and, therefore, the establishing of specific centres for the practice of high performance. Like the birth of the High Performance Centre of Sant Cugat, here in Barcelona; of the building of the Mountain High Performance Centre, in Sierra Nevada -with thefirst and second phase probably terminated this year or the beginning of next-, with improvements of the Blume residence ¡n Madrid, and the


creation of specific High Performance Centres for different federations, like gymnastics, fencing, etc. That ¡s, High Performance facilities with the necessary technical improvements so that our sportspeople of élite sports may train now and in the future, that is, consolídate the preparation of these sportsmen and women. All of this must be accompanied by an increase in sports infrastructure for federated sport and for citizens. I believe that these are the policies carried out, with the collaboration of the Board, but under the responsibility of the Autonomous Communities. Lastly, what we consider basic for the change in sports structure in Spain, ¡s the change of sports structure in the school and university system. The school system first because there will be sport at university if, and only if, the student arriving there already has this sports habit acquired at an earlier age. Therefore, from the point of view of priority, first the school system, then the university. From this perspective, the Ministry of Education and Science is investing 50,000 m¡Ilion pesetas over 5 years -a programme terminating in 93- so that all the public centres of a certain size -all having more than eight units-, practically all state schools in Spain, have the sports facilities necessary to carry out this formation and this habit of practising sport. Naturally this programme is currently being carried out from the Ministry of Education and Science in those Autonomous Communities whose competences have not been transferred. Taking away the six who have competences, the rest of the Autonomous Communities, in an effort among these communities, the town councils and the Higher Board of Sports, Ministry of Education and Science, are making an investment in sports facilities which will mean there will be no school without sports facilities. Sports facilities which, besides, are placed at the service of the citizen, that is, in afterschool hours anyone who wants may use them, or for extracurriculum timetable. There is also a plan for investments at universities, less ambitious than the school plan, but which is under way and which has already been signed with fourteen universities for what is

considered mínimum facilities, so that all Spanish state universities might have that mínimum level whích allows the practice of sport. This is a key aspect, together with the training of the teachers. Really, we should advance little in sports structure in Spain if, besides facilities, we did not have the professionals capable of carrying out this dynamísation of sport or physical education. In this sense I think that the actíons carried out have permítted the great majority of publíc centres in Spain to have physical education teachers. But there ¡s another poínt, and that isthe creation of the specialisation in Primary Schools, so that incorporation ¡nto the educational system is done as a specialisation in physical education. Physical education, together with English and some other subjects, wíll be, and is already being, a framework of essential reform in the traíning of our schoolchildren. I shall deal with more aspects on sports policy and sports planning for the future, but I should like to make clear that there wíll be no sports planníng if we do not change the model of sports structure in our schools. It ¡sthe star programme, the programme which ¡mplies the greatest investment of the Hígher Board of Sports and the Ministry of Education and Science, in this change of sports structure. A reality, therefore, whích allows, at least, to envisíon the future with optimism for having put the means necessary for this to change. Sports infrastructure must also entail an increase in this sports practice, both from the school and uníversity point of view as from the point of view of citízens' practice. I think that one can be optimistíc about the increase of sports practice being a reality in Spain. As always, statistícs show that thís increase has average data, that ¡s not true, I believe that there are autonomous communitíes which are more quickly increasing this sports practice. Perhaps the most characteristic example ¡s this community, Catalonia, where the creation of sports infrastructure creates new demands, so that there is always a greater demand for sports facilities in function of the increase in this sports practice.


We cannot ignore what is, from state competence, the management of high competition sport and federative sport. It is a policy of improvement of services given this sport. An improvement from the management viewpoint, from that of services, an improvement from the viewpoint of planning and, also, improvement by the application of science to the world of sport, a subject which I think Spain has been and still is a little behind in. In very few years we have advanced greatly ¡n the group of researchers working in the field of sport. From this perspective I can say, for instance, and perhaps I do not know much, that this seminar is essentially financed as a project for the interministerial commission of science and technology, as a project of that research aspect. Incentivating that application of science in the world of sport I believe should be a key aspect if we really want to have a sports structure after the Olympic Games total ly different from the one we have now. And on this too we are working. If it is true that the Olympic Games are a change in the social consideration of sport, I believe, from the viewpoint of participation in the Games, we cannot disappoint citizens. I am sure, and we are all convinced, that the organisation of the Games will be a success, but it will not be much use if, also, Spanish participation is not a success too, because this participation and these medals must be the motor of enthusiasm, motor of change ¡n Spanish society. That's why we cannot ignore a sports plan regarding the Olympic Games, we cannot ignore the effort we have made so that this role Spain is playing, these sports results of the Olympic'92 be satisfactory. We have worked on various aspects which have permitted usto obtain new resources for the sports world. First of all, obtaining prívate funding for thís preparation. But not only prívate, because the public administrations -and especially the central adminístration-are still allocating resources, much more than the ADO programme does, for the preparation for the Olympic Games. But we have obtained prívate financing through the ADO programme which allows, from a general víew, sportsmen and women to be prepared as well as possíble. When we started up this programme, when we took on the task of the Hígher Board of Sports, ¡t was five years before the Olympic Ga-

mes. In these fíve years one can work and does work, from the point of view of participation, with what one has, and not with one does not have. What we endeavoured therefore was what we had, good or bad, better or worse, was to have the best conditions possible to particípate in the Olympic Games, from the point of view of course of a democratic system. And I say this because at other Olympíc Games we could see how this preparation of sportspeople was practically as if they were prisoners in a concentration camp. Here, evidently, we cannot do thís. What we have placed at the disposal of the federations and the sportspeople, has been the best means. This has brought about that in many federatíons we have had the incorporation of top level sports technicians, sports technicians who are changing the mentalíty of preparation of our technicians and sportsmen and women themselves. I think that this change of mentality of preparation, which is leaving as legacy these sports technicians, which are ¡n practícally all federations, will also be a key aspect in the change of sports model in Spain. I am sure that particípation in the Barcelona Olympics will be the best we can have, taking into account what we started with and have obtained. And I hope and so do we all, that thís participation will be encouraging. I have been wondering, speaking regards the sports world, what the results of the Olympics wíll be. Each one has hís own participation but, on the whole, what the man in the street thinks is, I believe, quite reasonable, even if only slightly better than our participation at Seoul. Well, we shall see. Although it is true that these points I have just spoken about are key and essential aspects of what a change in the sports structure of our country should be, I believe that there are also other aspects which cannot be forgotten. On the one hand, the economic aspect, of pressure, on the sport world; and, on the other, the future financ¡ng of the sports world. I belíeve they are two aspects to be dealt with, not only here, to define what the new model is to be. When I say money is actíng negatively on the world of sport I really mean it. I say this because I believe it is impossible to keep up a rhythm of economic growth of the sports world as has been


happening hitherto. In Spain, around 1% of Gross National Product is for sports material. In other countries ¡t is around 2%. The sports world's share in the GNP in each country is between 0.9% and 1.8%. This will continué to grow so that the participation of Public Administrations and the prívate sector in the sports aspect will be ever greater. What will be impossible to maintain is direct growth on the sports world, on the sportsman or woman, on the increase in salaries, grants and on expectatives of generating resources to live better and better. Referring to this aspect of hopefulness, I think we are doing things in such a way that any high performance sportsperson has the economic aspect as his or her only incentive. Today, any sportsperson thinks that, for the fact of practising sport, he should be living off sport, he should have extremely high grants, extremely high salaries, which allow him or her to live by this practice of sport. This is absolutely non-viable, it is impossible. Sport must be seen as a voluntary practice, and not as a public service. He who chooses to practise sport from the point of view of high competition is to find satisfaction in ways other than his monthly pay. I usually say that I am a chemist and unfortunately, a chemist does not earn much, he has an average salary among university professionals. Also I am a ful I university professor, with which the salary is not so great either. Some of my schoolfriends chose to be telecommunications engineers, lawyers or medicine doctors. I see them today and they are possibly earning ten times more than me. There is the question of a person's choice of what he wants to be. If a person chooses for his future to practise a minoritary sport, a sport that has no income -and we could give lots of cases-, he cannot expect to live exactly the same as that other one who chose a professional sport like football, basketball or tennis. It cannot be expected that in this choice one is the same in whatever sport and, I am afraid that is rather the way things stand now. The temptation one has is to demand these conditions, whatever the sport, just for the fact of being sport. There is a set of sports which are clearly professional and which have their resources, more and

more, thanks to televisión. These sports, number no more than six or seven in all countries together, perhaps one more in one country than another. These are the professionals ones, those that will allow those participating in this «circus» of professional and televised sport, and reach this f irst category or that enthusiasm of the spectator, to live on professional sport. This professional sport should live its own reality. I believe that it will be harder and harder to obtain resources for the rest of the sports, because the spectator's interest diminishes notably -and will diminish even more after the Games-. Of course, the resources that can be obtained will be from those practising the sport itself or, from the point of view of high performance, assuring sports formation, sports practice on the part of the state. One must therefore make a reflection that the sports world is professional sport on one side and on the other élite sport, and they should not be mixed. It is the choice of the sportsperson him or herself that must follow one path or the other. With regards to financing, I do not think that the Law is lacking regards financing the sports world. One often hears, «the conversión of clubs into stock companies is not in keeping with a financing system, neither is tax exemption, for this conversión -and if not, look at the Italian model-». Now, I say from the start that the model of Spanish taxation is much more beneficial for sports clubs than the Italian one. That deals with that aspect. Another thing would be a Law on Sponsors, a law of patronage that signifies promotion of sport, but not with the idea f irms have right now, which is not for promoting sport but for their own image, for publicity. I believe that this pie cannot keep growing indefinitely. This pie is going to stop when it gets to a certain size. And the share of this pie will be greater and greater for professional sport, more and more for televisión sport, more and more for first magnitude sport. In short, I think it will be very difficult to keep up that prívate financing of sport on sportspeople as a whole, this ADO programme, after'92. Itcoúld be kept up sporadically, some firm could fund that sport of a specific federation but, on the whole, I believe that prívate financing of sport will continué to drop from the


point of view of publicity, because, truly, there are many sports that do not carry out this task. What will continué to increase, and it is necessary it should increase, is the social consideration of the citizen on the aspect of sport. What is necessary is that we understand that the state, or the public administrations, meaning county councils, town councils or communities, do not nave to pay for the service of sport. It must be the citizen him or herself who pays for the service of sport. It should be understood that when one becomes a member he or she does so because it is considered to be good, that this defends his or her interests and, if we take an Anglo-Saxon model of associationship, we see that the temptation is not, when two people get together, to start claiming public funding. All of us having some responsibility see all the time that when two friends get together to associate themselves the next step is to go to the Administration, whatever it may be, for it to fund this association, this activity, this structure. And I ask myself, «why does the man in the street have to pay through his taxes for another one who wants to practise athletics if he is not able to pay for this activity himself? That is, why does the taxpayer have to pay for a group of other citizens what they themselves are not prepared to pay for? That is, after '93 -and even maintaining public funding of sport-, what will be necessary, and what is already necessary, and which will be even more necessary as time goes by, is that the citizen him or herself provide the resources for practising sport. usually give this example: nobody complains out receiving the bilí for collecting our garbage. u 1 C\.CI

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They would complain if there were a special tax to pay the garbage truck. I believe that one must differentiate between what is infrastructure and what is service. Public powers must more and more establish the sports infrastructure, provide sports facilities for schools, give the citizen the facility where he may practise sport, the best conditions, train the best professionals. This is the service infrastructure, and I believe it is a task up to the public powers essentially. The service as such, use as such, must be paid by the citizen. Nobody goes mad when their child asks for two hundred, three hundred or five hundred pesetas at the weekend to go to the cinema, or theatre or for a drink. However, when they are asked for two hundred pesetas to rent a sports court, we complain because sport ought to be free. Let's stop throwing around the idea that sport should be free. All citizens should have the possibility of practising sport, but sport ¡s not free, the sports service is not free, because there is no country in the world that can bear this weight, because there is no country in the world that has lower rank of associationism, a lesser will towards associationism that our country has. I believe that this increase in personal funding of the sports world must be a fact after the Games and should be so right from now. This reflection on financing in the sports world will be the most ¡mportant debate opened in our country after the Olympic Games. I think that reflecting on what this sports model is to be in Spain, a sports model the Law defines and which it will define much more in its decrees of development, shall have to define itself much more in the debates we hold in the sports world.


Olympic Games, poíitical and sporting planning

Enríe Truñó Town Councillor, Ajuntament de Barcelona

I shall speak about local experiences. In '81, for the first time Narcís Serra, in a publie speech, said we should study the matter of seeing if it would be interesting, feasible and useful for our city to host the Olympic Games of '92. He has always said that this was an idea he saw clearly especially after the failed military coup of February '81, because then the work team of the Barcelona Town Council understood that human collectives need, when working normally, to adopt ambitious project connected with a point in time, in order to project their hopes, their capacities, to act, to change. Therefore, this country did not wantto keep talking about the demons of the past, but project itself towards the future, not ask itself about the essences but work on concrete themes looking to the future and allowing the máximum development of the capacities and energies of the city and the country. At that time, there was already the feeling of the Olympic Games as motor for the development of all the áreas of the city.

The '80s, with democracy in the whole country and local democracy finally established in '79, it is the moment to think about making up for that lost time, remake the city and face the future. So, a project in this respect, a motor project, a project with many potentialities seemed to be possible and advisable for the city and, obviously, and with intelligence, it ¡s one of the programmes to make.

In the '60s Barcelona underwent great growth marked by urbanistic disorder, speculation and economic growth based on a system maybe capitalist, I don't know if savage, but without workers1 rights, and with very long work-days. This evidently signified the creation of intensive wealth for the city, certainly badly distributed in space, badly distributed among the social classes, but it signified a period of very strong development.

Another signif icant point is the fact that the President of the International Olympic Committee is a Barcelonese. With this we can draw the conclusión he was a person who counted in the environment which had chosen him shortly before, July '80. He had prestige and, therefore, we thought that anything related to the city of the person who was president and who had such prestige would be seen positively. It meant a good visiting card that could be played well or badly. Obviously, seeing the results, it was played well collectively. Thanks to the efforts of all, we have the Games on the table. From the point of view of sports, which is what concerns metoday, October '81 saw me appointed as Director of Sports of the Town Council. Soon it will be ten years since I was appointed director of sports of this city, and the first thing we put to ourselves was: 1.- Carry out a census of the city's facilities. In the Town Hall of Barcelona there was not a single file, a single book, or a publication containing a census on Barcelona's facilities.

In the '70s we found this stopped for two reasons: the economic crisis of '72 which in Spain lasted for the whole decade (until '76, with the 2.- Find out about the social demand regarding Moncloa paets, decisions were not taken, but in the practice of sport. Ask the social sports agents, '76 there was not sufficient poíitical forcé to carry especially the clubs and federations, what they them out), and then, for the whole transition to lack, their hopes and projeets, thus summing up democracy, during which the rules of the game the general social demand, very strong in Barcelomade were such that even though the problems na, which represented a residents' movement continued, it was possible to solve them. At least -Associations of Residents-. Oíd grievances of the that's what most people thought. So, specifically '70s and the late '60s had been consolidating in the local área, which is the one we are speaking demands for facilities in certain places which had about, nobody took decisions, institutions did not nothing to do with the logic of a plan from the have democratic legitimacy or resources-because Cabinet, or a global plan or a plan fruit of dialothe country did not have any, as a consequence of gue, but of grievances. Before being Director of the economic crisis- and, therefore, from the local Sport I was Director of the área of Sants, and at viewpoint, ¡t was a decade of time lost. that time, between 80 and 81, we decided that The Park of Industrial Spain, recuperated for 500 million pesetas when it had already been sold for


buüding ¡n an operation of urbanistic speculation, should be used as a polysports facility, a local recreation facility. We collected all those demands that were not exclusively the fruit of a sports idea, but of urban social struggle in several points of the city. And then, of course, we got the opinión of those in charge of urbanism to know, within the general metropolitan plans, the availability of land, the qualifications of urban land which would allow urbanistic actions. From all this carne the first plan for sports facilities in Barcelona in 1982. Today I shall confess -maybe for the first time aloud-that perhaps I should correct a little what I said. With a certain pride I said that the Olympic Games are part of this plan for sports facilities in Barcelona, that all the facilities made for the Games are part of this plan, that we did not find any facilities of any kind, that we did not modify them and that, therefore, the Olympic Games have been the motor driving the buüding of new sports facilities in Barcelona. That is right, but at least today I should like to say there was a certain dialectic or cinergetic relation, and that this plan was not a static plan and perfectly defined in '82 and '92. When we contémplate it, we say «How well we did in '82». But it has been a plan which has been modified in function of the dialogue which from the Town Hall we held with those planning the Olympic project, which we also formed form part of. There was a dialogue between the needs of international federations, the economic possibilities of COOB'92 itself to build or not build, the interest in a very ¡mportant urbanistic task associated with the Olympic project, which is that of the Olympic áreas-the diversificaron of facilities in four zones of the city-. I believe that this dialogue, between the first metropolitan plan, conceived in 82, and the demands that COOB'92 was making has been positive. I believe, now that I see this period almost over, it was a good thing it was like that; if not, we would have had a rigid instrument, and a plan is not rigid. Social demands are very dynamic, the interests of social agents are, be they sport or urbanistic, there is the availability of land and the difficulty of acting in a large city, and so it's been good there was this dialogue between the one and the other.

What I can say however is, ten years later, that we did not move from our principies -we acted and COOB'92 has helped a lot- because this is a twenty-five year plan and, when the Games are over, probably we shall have carried out 75 or 80% of it. This is not something that has happened only here, in this city, or appeared by waving a magic wand, but here in the Pedralbes Palace, at the end of '84 there was a seminar on the urbanistic, economic and sports impact on the cities that have hosted the Games before Barcelona. Munich, Montreal, Moscow and Los Angeles were invited. I remember well that the Deputy Mayor for Urbanism of Munich -the project of the Munich Games is the one most similar to ourssaid that it had been calculated after the Games that in the six years preparing for them there had accumulated investment, work, and projects for the city which, in a normal working rhythm of Munich in Bavaria, and in Germany -and we are speaking about a country that works well, at an economically rich moment of its history-would have been done ¡n between eighteen ortwenty years, that is, in a period at least three times longer. Therefore, that horizon I am speaking about, of twenty-five years, is not an unusual horizon for a plan that wants to be a globaliser in such an ¡mportant aspect as ¡s sport. What is, therefore, the advantage we have had with hosting the Games? That we have concentrated in time the achievement of this plan, which although has been modified positively, has not been changed in its basic elements but only in some of its specifications, due to the Olympic Games. I should like to explain two of the criteria behind this plan, on which the Games have had a positive influence and have not been changed from the initial one. They are these: since the start we have always opted for a balanced localisation of the facilities, seeking a reequilibrium of territory. We had colours on the maps according to the number of square metres of sports space per inhabitant showing the Barcelona of '81. We observed that there were áreas with dark patches that indicated density of facilities, and districts which were practically white. In any case, there was a direct correlation between density of facilities and the income per capita of the district, but


¡n one case this failed, that of Eixample, which ¡s a zone of ¡ntensive building and without the free spaces which the Cerda Plan had foreseen. We studied the localisation of the facilities, and these concentration densities, to reequilibrate them. That is what we have done, thus the ¡dea of the four Olympic áreas. Two of these Olympic áreas respond to the city's best sports tradition; one of them to the best public tradition, the Montjuíc Mountain. Each time Barcelona was a candidate for the Olympic Games -four times- it set installations on Montjuíc: the Fuixarda field, the Olympic stadium, Montjuíc swimming pool, the hockey pitch, the Serrahima stadium, the gymnasium, the Municipal Sports Palace for the Mediterranean Games, and finally the Picornell pools, which were precisely our visiting card for the Munich Olympics -they were for the European Championships of 78. At Montjuíc, therefore there was an accumulated tradition. Probably, to finish this zone -with a long debate in the city on if the Olympic Stadium of Montjuíc was to be remade or not- was that which gave it the sense of being maintained as an emblematic zone around what afterwards was called the Olympic Ring, with even more concentration of installations. Here something which is not a sports facility, but which is Sports City played a role, since the Sports University is located in the heart of this área, with spaces where the students of this University, of the INEF may learn about the different sports disciplines. The second of these áreas isthe Diagonal, which is where prívate enterprise during sports history has been placing the best concentration of sports facilities, perhapsthe best in Europe. Compared with other European complexes of this style, the Football Club Barcelona, the Royal Spanish Sports Club, the Royal Polo Club, the Turó Tennis, the Laietá and that of the University, make an extraordinary conjunction. It was necessary to use this área exactly as it was and make a set of urbanistic actions to make it more penetrable and more usable. The idea of sports and urbanistic balance has played a very important part when choosing the other two áreas. Neither of them was very evident at the time of choosing. There was a good dialogue with the urbanistic world and the sports world.

The first isthe Pare del Mar: Poblenou, the seafront. It is said that the city has lived with its back to the sea and there was a desire to recover this space. It is the space where the first great project outside the walls was placed in the first industrial era -1850 and a little before-. It was a partly obsolete zone, but not totally: there were large firms some of which have been kept, because we do not want to make Barcelona a city of services, when we have a large industrial sector. It was a zone with submerged industry and which had a barrier to cross to get to the sea, the coastal train, created in 1848 -the first train track in Spain-. The elimination of thistrack, the recuperation of the seafront, the connection of the whole sewer system to elimínate flooding in this zone -the Lagoon- the recuperation of cleaned-up beaches, the elimínation of waste waters at the Besos purifyíng plant and the construction of the ring roads and the Olympic Village has been an urbanístíc operation of great magnitude which has improved and will continué to improve the quality of life of the Barcelonese, especially those who will use this seafront of four and a half Kilometres of new beach. In thís zone we have located facilities needed by the neighbouring distríets of Poblenou, Eixample and Barceloneta, and the new distríct created. These facilities have a clear vocation for the district's use after the Games: an athletics track, two polysports facilities for the district's recreation, the municipal yachting centre, a football pitch.... A set of facilities that precisely at the service of the district. The fourth Olympic área is on the opposite side of the city, in the mountain zone, the Hebron valley zone. This zone is the last reservation of free urban space bought by the first democratic Town Council -at the cost of 900 million pesetas- and which also had been earmarked for intensive building. Here the city's most important urban sports park is located, apart from the high level installations at Montjuíc with the Hebron Valley municipal tennis centre, the «frontón» pilot complex, the volleyball complex, the speedtrack -already existing- a new swimming pool for the district, five large fields-where archery is practised-which will later be tumed into rugby pitches, hockey on grass or football. In this case the creation of a sports park is used as vertebrating and urbanising motor of the zone.


These are the four most important points of the territory equilibrating the space and which also allow access for citizens afterwards, solving the city's real problems, and which are not concentrated, like in Seoul, for instance, into two great áreas of installations, the successive use of which is much more complicated.

Olympic project it has been possible to make this diversification and, therefore, be left after the Games with all the Olympic sports. A facility so that a specific sport be practised. In some cases they are sports which socially speaking could be interesting to open up to new social sectors. I think that at the municipal yachting centre or at the eighteen municipal tennis courts, technically managed with This plan has another element which ¡s diversifi- the respective federations, there should be procation ¡n sports offer. Sports demand automatically grammes aimed at reaching high level but also the generates more demand in the city, more needs of diffusion and initiation to the sport. equipment for a type of sport which, if we did not take advantage of the Olympic impact, would These are the ideas behind this plan. I wanted to certainly have cost much more. Wnen suggesting dwell specífically on the plan forfacilities. I have to a government commission that a district recrea- not spoken on the plan of activity or improvement tion hall or swimming pool should be made, they of technicians, ñor of improved management, ñor understand that; it is a Consolidated facility that the growth in the number of sports practicers ñor has a good ñame, nobody thinks it's excessive. But the impulse of new activities or anything involving if we have to make a weight-lifting centre, a ping- the use of it all. I wanted to concéntrate on the pong or badminton hall, the government commis- infrastructures on which we shall build a rich and sion does not consider it a priority as it is enough wide sports activity. I think that now we have the that a city has at least one initiation centre, of basis to meet all social demands and all new hopes technification or competition for these sports which the impact of the Olympics has generated in which are very secondary in the city. Thanks to the this city.


Olympic Games, political and sporting planning

Frederic Prieto Deputy of Sports Área, Diputado de Barcelona

1.- The influence of the Olympic Games on the sports habits of the citizens and on the sports system itself At the moment of writing this paper, one assumes that this phenomenon will be sufficiently dealt with in the chapter immediately preceding it titled «The influence of the Olympic Games on Sport». Therefore I shall not go into this analysis. On the contrary, I think ¡t is important to make ref lections on the subject I have been assigned, with some considerations referring to the relationship between the Olympic Games and the sport of the country which organises them. Apart from other quantifications or evaluations, it is beyond doubt that the fact of organising the Olympic Games has certain repercussions on the sports habits of the citizens. To mention a few, we could speak of: changes in social and cultural consideration of sport, increase in the practice of sport among the citizens on different levéis, ¡mprovement in the performance of our élite sportsmen and women, which does not always mean they reach internationally competitive levéis. However, besides these influences on the citizens, which I believe great importance should be given to when designing sports policies, there are also repercussions on the sports infrastructures of the country and on the sports system itself. Analysing the content and conceptions is a fundamental practice to determine what policies we are articulating, to find out what type of sports plan we are designing and what results we can expect. Some of these structural repercussions depend more directly on the organisation of the Games and others maybe existed or appeared by the evolution and modernisation of the countries' sports facilities themselves. But that is of little significance now. The fact is that there is a set of new basic structures which are to have an influence on the future development of sport. In the first place: the sports facilities. Big clubs, federations and, especially, the different administrations have made a great effort of investment

throughout the territory which, in 10years, has substantially changed the material conditions where sports activity is to be practised. I believe that. in second place, it is necessary to mention the profound changes in the structure of sports f inancíng. It is sufficient to think about the level of professionalisation of certain sports, with clubs managing multi-millionary budgets, the decisive participation of prívate resources of business nature in sports financíng and sponsoring, in the increase in public resources themselves for sport. In this chapter the ADO programme deserves special mention, especially for its decisíve repercussion on specific sports. And, judging from an ever more decisive role, televisión too. Thirdly. it is necessary to speak about High Performance Centres (CAR) and other instruments of preparation, analysis and orientation of the athletes, about the new sports medicine, the bureaux of sports research, the trainers, grants, the residences with traíning resources for the athletes, etc.. Finally. it ¡s also necessary to achieve a greater organisation capacitv of our sports teams. The presence of our teams and athletes at international competitions and, especially, the increase of European or world-scale organisations which, since the designation of Barcelona as seat of the Olympic Games of 1992, have increased in our country ¡n practically all sport forms, Olympic or not, have been preparing a large number of sports managers and directors capable of assuming the levéis of organisation modern sport requires. It need not be said that this fact culminates with the exceptional experience of the COOB teams and directors. We have therefore a wide catalogue of repercussions of the Olympic Games on our sport. Now, however, we must analyse the role each of these things plays in the Spanish sports system as a whole and, specifically in the Catalán, and also what can be gained for an improvement of sport in the future. One can ask ¡f they are to serve, if that is all or there are other things too, without


which the results would be less or even negative. In short, one must ask, what ¡s the perspective for the future, after'92. What sports system we are designing. It is clear to me that on the whole Spanish and Catalán sports are living a privileged period of their history. That many of the new sports realities I mentioned are the fruit of a valuable manage-

ment of the different sports administrations and our sports ¡nstitutions. But I am also convinced that self-complacency and the ¡nstinctive refusal of criticisms (sometimes labelled «political») are the two biggest traditional temptations of our sports world. That's why I want to concéntrate on this constructive perspective and, at the same time, criticism (not criticism for the sake of criticising, but to pose questions and criteria).

2.- The great question marks for the future Doubtlessly, any questioning of the reality entails an initial charge of subjectivity. But it is necessary that this be exercised if one is to intervene in time, without waiting until there are too many negative consequences which, although offer the objective proof of error or insufficiency, sometimes are no longer easy to correct. To be specific, it is not a matter of making an ¡mmediatist analysis on whether things are being prepared well or not for '92. It is mostly something which can no longer be remedied. What interests me, that which I think interests us all, is how we design what begins ¡n '93. It is not so much the analysis or the discussion of the specific techniques we are applying now, as the sports system we build. Therefore, I think it is useful to pose these questions which, most surely are strictly related with one another. 2.1. Professionalism as an ever inseparable component of élite sport

The reality of the Olympic games and the legitímate and necessary hope for the results, aren't causing us to develop certain voluntarisms difficult to maintain after'92?. We are sustaining, nurturing and incentivating the professionalism of certain sports and sportspeople with unstable patronage, with public funds difficult to keep up long term, or with programmes of doubtful profit short term and of even more doubtful continuity. What can be the future of the ADO programme, particularly for certain sports? I am not suggesting a romantic return to the long-time celebrated amateurism. It is clear that the market and business spirit are essential instruments of modern sport. But it means rather attempting to examine if we are not developing

surrogates, inexistent expectations which rarefy the market itself. Would it not be preferable and necessary to make clear once and for all (those sports) which are able to genérate competitive spectacle and, therefore, resources are professionisable?. That the requirement of professionalism and exclusive devotion is simply not identifiable with élite sport, but with spectator-sport? Or, at least, with competitive élite sport on an international scale (which representative function would justify a certain state grant)? 2.2. The motivations of élite sport and élite sport as a motivation The possible economic excesses of some sports is not the only consequence of modern professionalisation of sport. At the other end questions not less difficult to solve are also being posed. The rewards obtained and the competitive demands entailed in the economic profitability of large sports investments, are raising doubts on the traditional structures of certain sports and the stability of the competitions themselves with national or state representatives, even the Olympic Games themselves, however short term the great ability of the IOC can put them across as an extraordinary event every four years of confrontation among the great idols created in the professional leagues or competitions. Once more I should like to underline it is not a matter of questioning the professional dimensión of élite sport, not a matter of placing limits to the sports market. Who is to question the professionalisation of an élite sport that generates resources? But order and adaption to reality is necessary also at this level. Economic reality and the reality


of the sports system. We need to go deeply into motivations of sport. Élite sport evidently refers to all sport, however on the condition of its respect of the essential valúes and purposes of sports activity. If élite sport is exclusively a merchandised show and its only valué is professionalism, the profit of a cold economic investment, if based on this partialisation is fostered the endemic phenomenon of violence, of speculation and hostility, if there continúes a certain justification of the culture of stimulants, if there is a progressive degradation of the humanistic roots of sport enabling a sizeable part of sports newspapers revolve around scandals, piques, charges, speculations and disloyalties... Then a clear and decisive public intervention is justified. Maybe the importance of certain would-be advanced and democratic models have caused to put out of sight that «in a free society, open and democratic, the legitímate action of large systems (also economic) must be offset by the associated and solidan/ initiative of the citizens, by a live civil society, capable of governing itself, of giving itself authorised representation, of confronting face to face the great economic powers». So if élite sport assumes, besides its economic forcé, this role as model for sport, it will itself benefit and be reinforced, far from falling into a spectacle of puré skilful fiction. 2.3. The financing of élite sport

Apart from the different questions professionalism poses, élite sport requires costly financing. Research, preparation processes, competition and transport, the «compensations» and care of the sportspeople, etc.. Now when we are preparing for «our» Olympics we have developed additional resources, more or less voluntary, that must be assured for the future.

However, there are very diverse typologies with regards the economic needs and mechanisms of one sport and another; it is clear that economic problems do not affect only the «professional leagues» thus recognised by the «Law on Sport». Neither the willingness of the clubs, ñor that of the administrations can indefinitely bear this disadjustment so valid alternatives must be found. The two most immediate questions in waiting for a concrete reply are: what possibilities are there, and in what cases, of a future programme which gives continuity to the programme ADO'92? How can one or another type of sports sponsoring by prívate capital be made? Without giving a reply to these questions, everything we are doing today, is largely provisional and without its continuity assured, unlessthe role of the public sector in this área is maintained and increased. Butthis is another question pending with regards to sport financing: what role can the public sector be expected to play in sport financing? What role is sports promotion to play, in citizens' sport, in élite sport? In any case, whatever be the reply to this question, the public sector cannot assume all the needs on its own. Apart from the discussion on the role of the state and public administrations in sport, what it is attempted to do is to find a reply that enables resources rise from society itself for sport. Apart from the voluntary resources of the clubs and sportspeople, there is only one way of response: giving tax benefits. This is an urgent matter. 2.4. What sports model?

This whole process of «modernisation» of sport, maybe more accelerated than in other countries is at least questioning the traditional «sports powers», which are somehow balancing between the system progressively forged between industry, media (especially TV) and professionalism.

Now, it ¡s clear that a first rush of sport sponsoring carried out in the heat of the Olympics'92, or, from the rediscovery of sport in our country, was not profitable from a strictly business viewpoint, which after all is decisive. One can already speak about The complex and new fabric is, in fact, forging a recession in certain cases and sports. And the existrestructuring of the sports system itself. At least ence of other f irms involved does nothing other compared with the traditional «pyramid» (parathan delay the end of the process. doxically unitary. although by the subordinaron


of the base») affirms and develops, although it occupies only partial spaces in certain sports, a model of «watertight chambers» («companies of multinational sports spectacle projected towards European competitions; maintaining of an amateur área, especially for youth, as a hotbed, a dimensión of amateurs as a great market for sports producís and materials; business services for the demand for fitness; leaving to assistance services of Local Organisms the demand for sports of the more margined sectors»). This does not want to be an Apocalyptic description, but a simplification of making more evident a reality which seriously affects the future of our sport and before which, more than ever, we must with full conscience pose the questions: What sports system do we wish to shape? What measures of sports policy must we adopt, taking into account the complex reality of the current evolution of sport phenomena, to build this model? What are the right instruments, what are to be the sports powers capable of managing this model? What must be the role of the public sertor and whatthat of the prívate? Do prívate and public always have the same meaning? Here we have another batteríng of questions which need a reply. It is not enough to do specifíc things, ñor that they be so important líke installations or CAR or many other things mentioned before. It is necessary to desígn a global sports system, a strategic model, at least, around whích the dífferent partíal ¡nitíatíves as well as the different sectors interested, can be intentionally articulated. With all the mechanisms of periodical revisión, avoiding monolithisms or scholastic proposals, of course, but capable of defining trends, relations and specific roles. In my opinión this is the primordial function of sports policy.

Anything else, without this definition of the sports system as reference, is nothing other than an interference of the public in the sports sector. 2.5.1 cannot avoid mentioning, even if superficially, a preoccupation regards the special situation of Catalán sport.

In fact, this concern is based on something positive. The great number of sports clubs and associations, the span and large diversity of sports activities is in many cases posing different difficulties for financing and competitiveness, regards the rest of the state. Not infrequently. Catalán clubs go to their administrations concerned about the difference ¡n treatment received by clubs of other regions from their respective delegations, autonomous communities or town councils. Also, our clubs have greater difficulty in finding sponsors. This situation has an effect on élite sport which requires greater and greater investments and infrastructures. But also the vast system of clubs occupied with more basic and promotional levéis. In this latter case, ¡t is very true that the great capacity of initiative of the directors, supplements, well or badly, many of these lacks. But there is the fear that this growing difficulty will undermine what has for so long been the basis of Catalán sport. And that, also, the extremely high techniques and costs for preparing élite athletes, will diminish the role playea1 until now by this basic sports system. Probably Catalonia should be the leader in the design of its sports system and in the determination of new ways of financing. This is a great responsibility for Catalán sports organisations and authorities.

3.- Sports policies and the future Posing only the problems would be excessively frustrating. Therefore, despite having to keep this communication within its limits, I should liketo speak a little about the sports policies that are being developed. The recent Law on Sport, for the first time deals with a good number of these problems posed by

the modern evolution of sport. And this is, as I see it, something really positive. It was time to stop repeating traditional concepts or simply perpetuating inherited structures, without any relation with reality or, worse still, as if the sports reality were the same as 50 years ago. Time and ability in its application will measure the wisdom or not of the measures proposed. The new structures for


professional sport, the foresight of the functions and powers of the sports federations, the specific measures aimed at élite sport and élite sportspeople, the position regards the undue use of stimulants and against violence, the recognition of sports promotion and sports for citizens as a social valué channellable through state Bodies of promotion, etc.. at least give to understand an awareness of the reality and a desire to design a sports system.

On the other hand, day by day there have been achievements of such ¡mportance and so modern as the CAR (High Performance Centre), the management of the INEF in a European perspective, the convalidaron of the Catalán School of Sport, the constitution of the UFEC, the extraordinary initiative of the Town Councils and others. In any case, it is my opinión that in Catalonia it is more urgent than ever to define our sports system and outline our instruments better.

I do not want to end without mentioning the Now, however, things must be put into motion great work done by the Local Organisms in these and the same skill must be used in designing the Olympic years. From their cooperation in the law when correcting the necessary aspects. And I construction and management of new sports would not be too optimistic on this point. Firstly, facilitiesto school sports and the development because the law has three great failings that will make it diff icult; despite the respect shown for the and support to the sports activities of the citizens and élite sportspeople. Their contribution to autonomous competences, there is still a lot of sports development has been really notable. They confusión; matters so decisive as models of sports endeavoured to supply the elements allowing a financing on different levéis are not solved, general sports system to be built, not always with especially regarding incentives and prívate rethe desired welcome and eff iciency on the part of sources, and the sports system marked is still the superior sports administraron. All this great confused in certain basic elements and leaves too effort on the part of Local Organisms (and, of many fundamental questions open which could course, the clubs) would have been clearer and lead to too much public weight over the prívate. more efficient if we had been able to better But also because I have the suspicion that haste and motivations of '92 are still acting as paralysers rationalise clear strategies for sports development. If this project can be conducted, which of other longer term proposals and, especially, of inevitably must be participative (why not speak of those that should be for sports áreas of repercusthe perspective of a Catalán Sports Congress), the sions not direct on ¡mmediate profits, such as energies to be developed and used are immense physical education, school sport, amateur sport, and our sports future, as I see it, greatly promisthe promotion of polysport associationship, etc.. ing. Unlike other countries, the defects and inertias (and there are some) have not acquired With regards to Catalonia, I would say that the asphyxiating dimensions either in Catalán sport or situation is rather to the contrary. The Catalán Spanish sport. However, there is a lot to be done Law on Sport has the basic virtue of being able to do practically everything, which forbids doing very and many things to be revised and modified. few things. But neither does it define anything in relation with the great themes of modern sport, ñor regards the special and important problems of Catalán sport. And as an «added valué» it is a law which responds to the sports model previous to the Law on Soort of 1990.

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6 THE POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT OF THE OLYMPIC GAMES OF BARCELONA •

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Barcelona'92 political framework

Isidre Molas Professor of Constitutional Lavy at the Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona and Director of the Instituí de Ciéncies Polítiques i Socials de Barcelona

In order to speak to you about the political framework of the Barcelona Games, I shall try to highlight some facts that are sometimes not given due attention in our analyses and remember some things, which from other cultures or other focuses, are maybe unjustly forgotten.

adhesión of all Spain; it was, then, a question of a plan for the future. The slogan which drove those linked with the project could have been: «looking anead».

An initial approximation to the framework in which the 1992 Games are situated must be based on the existence of political democracy in Spain, laboriously achieved thanks to the generalised will to bury our Civil War and its effects and, therefore, to bury conflict and violence in political life. This statement, which might seem obvious, is really not so if we remember the idea for the project of the Olympic Games for Barcelona. During 1980-1981 the situation in Spain was on the path of corruption, which could lead to the end of the democracy we had welcomed in 1977. The resignation of president Suarez and the Goyesque putsch of Tejero on February 23rd 1981, founded on general feeling -not only that of the better informed or more active-the idea that we were still carrying the burden of the XIX century, and so the hope of living in a civilised society, in which the different opinions worked together towards a common aim, diminished. Feelings of discouragement began to be noticed. That coincided with a moment at which Barcelona was experiencing a setback on its way towards cultural, economic and political modernisation, which the city had started to recover especially in the second half of the seventies. It was in this context that the mayor Narcís Serra proposed working to request and then obtain Barcelona's nomination as Olympic city. The idea was to change the fatalistic logic that was setting in, and, therefore, not dwell too much on what tied us to a situation we wanted to forget about, and which we had practically abandoned in the period 1977-1980, but to project ourselves into the next ten or fifteen years. That is to say, set the decade of the nineties as the target we had to work towards: set the eighties as preparation for the nineties. A collective hope was designed for Barcelona, which was not only for the city, and a target to focus effort on short term, but it was an initiative which from Catalonia could obtain the

I want to remember this because Tejero's failed putsch was in February 1981 and in June of the same year the Barcelona Town Council unanimously decided to go ahead with the project of viability of the Olympic Games. On November 1 st of that year in Lausanne, this project was made known by three people who afterwards were to have great weight in its successive deploy: Roma Cuyas, in charge of drafting the project, Enric Truñó, of the Barcelona Town Council, and JosepLluís Vilaseca, of the Generalitat of Catalonia; these last two, respectively members of the two parties with greatest representation of public opinión (the Socialist Party of Catalonia and the coalition of Democratic Convergence and Democratic Union). Thus, the Olympic project set itself as a target ten years from then as a hope to change a situation: it was to launch an initiative of unión and multiplication of efforts and atthe same time potentiate the city of Barcelona as the capital of Catalonia, as one of Spain's two most important cities and, also as a city with a vocation to be European and international, not closed in itself. It was the first project since the coming of the new democracy in Barcelona and Spain, and perhaps in the last fifty years, a project which would be potentiated and helped by the government of Spain. I believe that remembering this is useful to understand later facts. Then, with the concord of Barcelona's two main parties (and the agreement of the others), with the support of the Spanish and Catalán governments, when the Town Council of Barcelona took the initiative it showed one of the candidature forces of Barcelona and also showed one of the political conditions to be respected for ten years: the convergence of a common effort. But the Spanish democratic system generates electoral competition every year among the parties which must collaborate in order to be able to carry out the project -not only to obtain the nomination. But the project requiresthe participa-


tion of all the democratic forces, which show their agreement with the Games and which play their part ¡n the common effort of organisation. If any of these sectors were to break away it could jeopardise the nomination and, later, the very success of the Games. Now we are a year away from the Games. Hitherto the whole process, headed by the mayor, Pasqual Maragall, has been under the sign of cooperation, of aiming towards a common target, by rival political forces which each year electorally compete with one another. Continuity of results and the fact that the two main parties conserve the direction of different institutions, continúes to make ¡t necessary to work together to carry out the project. I think that is the most original Catalán contribution from the internal viewpoint which marks the politicisation of our Games -all the Olympic Games are politicised from a general point of view, which is what we are speaking about. Thus, there is a situation, in which participation does not mean exclusión, but neither does it mean weakness of execution ñor unanimousness. And the process is sufficiently open to be able to be accepted without opposition by public opinión in the country.

Community? Shouldn't it be a reason for the European Community to appear with a different personality in the Olympic Games? Shouldn't it be an opportunity to make a small symbolic step -politics also consists of symbols- and have the European delegations walk behind the European flag?. I hope and I think that the initiative will be received well in Catalonia. Barcelona, as host-city of the Games, is the capital of Catalonia, one of the capitals of Spain and of Europe; and it is with this nature that it forms part of the intemational community. On the other hand, we can argüe that that would be politicising the Games, I don't know, in any case it would be expressing better the politicisation we are already living with. The Games and maybe the complete political framework that make the Barcelona Games possible, from all internal viewpoints, will be an overall success. It would better to express our complexity and simplicity, and affirm us as patriots of Barcelona, of the Catalán nation, of Spain and of Europe. Maybe a fatherland for so few people, but perhaps it's better to have too many than have only one and hate all the others. The description of the political framework has many other elements, but now I want to speak of something which I think is important for the whole process. The first thing consists of the necessary convergence of the public administration in the actions that are to make the Games possible. The second, isthe existence of a threat of disruption, as a consequence of terrorism. And finally, one must remember the always present risk of intemational crises that could jeopardise the holding of the Games. Both from the analytical as the practical viewpoint, they are not negligible, and I shall speak briefly about this.

I have just made two statements: one is that this future project is necessarily a unitary project, although its development in time coincides with annual competitions of internal politics. The other is that it was the f irst project in fifty years from Barcelona received outside Catalonia as a common project. A project that the city of Barcelona neither disconnected from ñor faced with Spain, rather, it was a project impelled and assumed also as a Spanish project, but which did not hide, but First, let's take the participation of different made clear, that it was a project of Barcelona, the administrations in creating the infrastructures capital of Catalonia, and that, therefore it was a necessary for the Games. Based on experiences in Catalán project. other federal or composed states, especially those of Montreal, the conclusión the organisers and I want to say a few things more in this respect. It actors of the Games have drawn is that cooperation among them was indispensable. It was not would not be a bad thing to advance another only good in the nomination process but especiadegree in the politicisation of the project, in this lly when working to carry them out. That is, they case in the intemational sphere. If as an Olympic could not expose themselves to the existence of project it is an intemational project, as a Barcelosome posters saying Montreal and others saying na project it is Barcelonese, Catalán and Spanish, Montreal-Canada as a consequence of conflicts, shouldn't it also be a project of the European


but they were all to be the same. Therefore, the different administrations acting had to permit a decisive will, that of the city of Barcelona and, ¡f necessary, that of the Olympic Committee. The organiser of the Games was to take the decisions, but these were to attempt to include and, especially, use the contribution of all. In this respectthe difficulties have been, are and will be until the Games are over -always present. One must think that ¡n a city where four administrations, at least, are at work, apart from the prívate sector, there is a notable level of complexity in taking swift, efficient and coherent decisions. And, most of all, ¡f the actions are to be done following a schedule, during which the backingdown or inefficiency of an administration can endanger the whole, in spite of all the rest doing things properly. And if that were not enough, the time context is marked, as we have said, by elections held every year. Consequently, the resulting risk is not insignificant. But so far the result has been good. The performance of the different administrations on the whole has been efficient and, despite the political tensions that might exist and have existed at some moments, it seems that agreement on the execution of the work necessary for the Olympic Games has been satisfactory. In a place where the administration of the Spanish state, that of the Generalitat of Catalonia, that of the Barcelona County Council and that of Barcelona city are all at work, plus-private enterprise, complexity has not affected efficiency, and I believe that the result has been satisfactory possibly because there has been a very intense responsabilisation of institutions and parties. They are all aware that the Games are very important for the people they represent and anyone who tries to spoil things should be punished, because the project was accepted, evaluated and approved by the great majority of the Barcelonese, by the great majority of Catalans and by the great majority of the Spanish. It may be that someone thinks that if he had wanted he could have made the Games a fiasco, but he would also have to remember that the person or group who did this would possibly be erased from public life, or at least from the options with majoritary aspirations.

However, it seems that the attitude of the institutions has been of open cooperation. There has been effort, funds and help, sometimes even beyond what was expected. I believe that the execution both of public works as the structural framework on which we are building the Barcelona, the Catalonia of the end of the XXth century, show a positive balance, to the extent that only a few months from municipal elections in the city hosting the Games, the completion of these works is on schedule, no difficulties have appeared and, despite principal political competition being between forces which direct institutions which have to cooperate in the Games, there has been no jamming the wheels. The second question is terrorism, an ever-present possibility at any event of great public echo, even more when it is to be broadcast live around the world. The explosive situations of annihilated minorities, with the impossibility of manifestation or creation of political or state alternatives in the world ¡s very wide. The risk that any of these can break out in an Olympic city, with the information impact which, every day more, it implies, is an ever-present risk. It is evident that there are more distant risks and nearer risks. But it is also evident that this is not a risk specific to Barcelona, but to the Games as such. Until now this question has been addressed with flexibility and rigour in order to prevent the Olympic city from being the object of physical or mental violence of outsiders who come to express their demands using an apparatus of world-wide scope. The third question isthe possible repercussion of international tensions. Some can be foreseen, others cannot. It is evident that the collapse of the Soviet bloc and rapid change in the USSR without an immediate stabilisation, have provoked vértigo on the international scene. Starting from the II World War all the Olympic Games have been held in a world structure of relative balance between two powers, based on terror negotiation and localised conflict. During the war with Irak we had proof of the inexistence of a world power capable of controlling and orienting the solution of a regional conflict. Circumstances have changed, for better or for worse, but it will be the first time there will not be two powers fearing each other and who can move their diplomatic or military


pawns, to keep control of what is happening on most of the planet. The situation ÂĄs new. At the end of the XXth century it is necessary to articĂşlate a mechanism permitting a certain preventive control and a certain resolutory capacity of regional conflicts. That this mechanism be the competence of the United Nations is something I cannot say, but I believe it is necessary and advisable, for the sake of peace and stability in the struggle for development, for the freedom of peoples, for human dignity. This seems one of the most basic necessities for the survival of mankind, in an era presided by the existence of nuclear weapons.

I have tried to offer some features of the ever mobile and hypothetic political framework in which the Barcelona Games are placed. Whether they incide greatly or not remain to be seen. That the Games incide much or little in our political framework, however, would be desirable in the measure that one of the expressive elements of the Games is the desire for cooperation among peoples of the earth, to live in brotherly peace and in conditions of equality.

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Politics and the Olympic Games

Gabriel Colomé Professor of Political Science at the Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona and Secretary of the Centre d'Estudis Olímpics

«What is important in the Olympic Games, is not to win but to take part; because what is important in life is not to triumph but to do your best.» Barón de Coubertin

summed up what the Barcelona Football Club is, is without doubt, that it is «more than a club» (CiriciMercé Várela, 1975). This phrase symbolises sublimatíon through a sports club, of the yearnings and frustratíons of a people, the Catalans, who could not or were not able to structure themselves as a state. Thus, sports victories are lived as political victories and the defeats as frustrations. These affirmations could be understood in a situation of dictatorshíp líke Franco's (1939-1975), but their origin, one could say the birth of the myth, must be sought in the times of the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera (1923-1930).

Politics and sport have been related since the beginning of sports competitions. Competition sport, not leisure-time sport, has along the times become a reflection of social, historie and political reality of the moment. The creation of the Olympic movement and the Olympic Games, although promoted as a form of brotherhood and friendship among the youth of different countries, after World War I have become more and more an element of pacific confrontation among nations. Especially, in a political situation of implantation of two totalitarian and closed ideologies, fascism and communísm, facing the oíd liberal democracies. The paradigmatic case that closes this period between the two world wars, will be, without doubt, the Olympic Games of Berlín 1936. Other competitions will also be the propagandistic reflection of the political system; for instance, the two victories of the Italian team at the World Cup 1934 and 1938, held ¡n Italy and France respectively. Italian headlines, following the orders of Mussolini's fascist regime, endeavoured to reflect the victory of the «Nazionale» of the fascist regime over free democracy. For example, the headlines of an Italian sports journal of 1938 said, «Fascist Italy wins the World Cup in the France of the French Revolution». This propagandistic element was to be used by the nazi regime atthe Berlín Games. Other different elements attempting to vehicle themselves through sport are those state-less natíons that want to agglutinate their national aspirations in, to give an example cióse to home, a football club. We are referríng to the Barcelona Football Club which has been defined as «the epic sublimatíon of the Catalán people in a football club» (Artells, 1972), or as the representation of an unarmed army of a nation without a state. But the phrase which has more clearly and concisely

In 1925 Barcelona Football Club announced a match would be played which formed part of celebrations ¡n honour of the Catalán Choral Society. The match was arranged with a team made up of the crew of a British ship, the Júpiter, anchored in the port of Barcelona. A few days before, it was made known that the government authority did not give permission to celébrate the tribute. Thís caused a feeling of outrage which was added to the general long-time ill-feeling (Artells, 1972). The day of the match, atthe moment when the hymns were sung, the publie applauded the British anthem and booed the Spanish one. Thís caused the Les Corts field to be closed for six months, forbidding any activity of the club and ¡ts dírectors and its president, Joan Gamper, fled the country. The reaction in favour of Barcelona was unanímous. Popular subscription paid the government's fine and the players' salaries. A myth was born. Starting from these faets, the catalán standard, which was forbidden, was replaced by the club's blue and maroon flag. This example easy to understand for the Catalans but dífficult for foreigners, has served as an example to attempt to explain how sport is related with the elements which make up society itself, and sometimes social conflict materialises itself through sports symbols. The case we have given, may seem to go beyond the frame of the Olympic Games, but these will also be the off-spring of the political tensions of each epoch as can be seen now.


1.- The Olympic Games of Coubertin At a conference at the Sorbonne ¡n París ¡n 1892, Barón de Coubertin launched the idea of reinstating the Olympic Games. Coubertin's objectives were for every school to have a nonmilitarized physical education and sports practice in the open air, to promote, through sport, brotherhood among the youth of different classes, races and religions and have, like in ancient classic Greece, the Games be a sacred truce without wars. From the startthe members of the International Olympic Committee saw two dangers threatening the survival of the institution and the Games: professionalism and political influence on sport. Sureda (1989) marks a series of contradictions of Olympic ideáis: 1.- Elitism: the cali to the youth of all social classes to a non-professional sport, could find response only in those who were able to devote themselves to sport without economic problems. 2.- Eurocentrism: the IOC put forward the Games as a way of breaking down international and race barriers, but in its conception of sport there was implied the idea of a superior race and culture. The 1906 Games of Saint Louis held parallel Games for American Indians, blacks and Filipinos. It was not lOC's ¡dea but that of local organisers. The Italian magazine «Panorama» wrote that at colonial times it was common to think that «to make a black run there are only two ways: either offer a prize of money or put a lion near his backside. Since neither of these is possible at the Olympics, the blacks will never become good athletes». This whole idea designed by Coubertin was to change after the First World War; the nineteenth

century was buried and the concept of that world had passed to the pages of history; the XXth century was born drenched in blood and placing the foundations, after Versailles, for the second conflict. The Bolshevik revolution and its exclusión from the Olympic and sports movement until the 50's, the disappearance of the dual monarchy, the birth of new states, revenge against Germany were to break the concept of a world only of capitalist economy. The rise of fascism as an ¡deology and a totalitarian political system was another element to add to the complex international map of the period between wars. The different international crises (The Rhur, 1919; the Spartakist revolution, 1919; the war of Poland and Finland against the USSR; the USSR civil war; the 30's: Abyssinia, Manchuria, Spain, Czechoslovakia...) and the depression of 1929 mark this troubled period. The Berlín Games held ¡n 1936, presided by Hitler, but granted to the Weimar Republic, were presented as the Games of the new Nazi regime. Official propaganda endeavoured to give the image of the new Germany. A sample of this is the official film of the Games made by Leni Riefensthal, in which all the propagandista elements of the new man of Aryan race is reflected. The Berlin Games will go down in Olympic history as the Games of Jessie Owens, an American black, winner of four gold medals. Barcelona had parallel Games, the Popular Olympics, which attempted to be the answer to those Berlin Games. The opening of the Popular Games should have taken place on July 19th 1936, but they were never inaugurated sínce the Civil War broke out in the streets of Barcelona and those of all Spain.

II.- The Cold War and The Olympic Games The Conference of Yalta among the allies was to fix the new ¡ntemational model and the áreas of influence of the victors. The flexible bipolar system was designed in a confrontation between two blocs and two conceptions of the world. This model has been undergoing accelerated change since 1989.

The Olympic Games were directly affected by ¡ntemational tensions in this period. Let us make a brief analysis of the different problems deriving from the elements of direct tensión between the two blocks or indirect political conflicts.


Also, it should be remarked that the three countries that lost the II World War and were members of the Axis, Germany, Italy and Japan, were to host the Olympics in Rome'60, Tokyo'64 and Munich'72) and were to take advantage of the Olympic event to instal themselves again in the international, political and economic scene. It was to be a form of return through sport and the organisation of the Games. Melbourne 1956: The invasión and repression of the uprising in Hungary by the Soviet army had as consequence the boycott by two countries, Spain and Holland, of the Olympic games in Australia. Furthermore, Egypt, Irak and Lebanon would nottake part in protest for the invasión of the Suez Canal. México 1968: The Olympic Games of México will be marked by the brutal repression of the Square of the Three Cultures. It did not have the consequence of abandonments, boycotts or protests. The Games were held with complete normality. The political element carne from the protest of the black American athletes when they received their medals, clenched fist on high, symbol of black power.

sequestration terminated in tragedy and the whole effort of the organising city was overshadowed by these facts. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict had made its presence felt taking advantage of the wide echo the Olympic games have. Starting from those Games the problem of security was to be borne in mind in all host-cities. Montreal 1976: The city organising the Games suffered from no financing from the federal government of Canadá and the world economic crisis which caused foreseen costs to shoot up. Montreal had a déficit for the Games which were distributed between the province of Quebec (200 million Canadian $) and the city of Montreal (800 million Canadian $). Also, the Games were boycotted by the African countries because of South África, expelled from the Olympic movement, since they requested the IOC to expel New Zealand because that country's rugby team had played a match in South África.

Moscow 198.Q: These Games will be marked by the Soviet invasión of Afganistán in December 1979, since this was to be a reason for tensión between the two blocs. The U.S. President, James Cárter, Munich 1972: The aspiration of West Germany was proposed the west should boycott the Moscow to achieve international prestige and recognition of Games, but only the United States, Canadá and its role in the western world, still feeling the effects of World War. The Germán economic «miracle» after West Germany did so. the destruction of the country, wanted to show the Los Angeles 1984: These Games could be def ined as world, just as Japan had done eight years before, the Games of profits. Starting from 1984 Olympic that it was part of the western block. Although this history will speak of before and after Los Angeles. was done in another sports event too, the Germán victory atthe World Cup in Switzerland ¡n 1954. They were the first Games organised by prívate enterprises and they obtained some 250 million in profits. The Californian Games were boycotted by The Games models in organisation were to suffer the problem of security and terrorism with the Israeli the countries of the Eastern block, save Romanía. This was in reply to the United States boycott of athletes being held hostages by a group of PalestinMoscow (i). ians of the «Black September» organisation. The (1) Extract from the document of the USSR for not taking part at Los Angeles 1984 (Peter Ueberoth, Los Angeles 1984. Barcelona (Grijalbo), 1987). «A large scale campaign has been organised in the United States against the participation of the Soviet Union in the Olympic Games. Different reactionary groups of political, religious and ethnic nature are joining their torces against the Olympia. In particular, a coalition has been created called «Exclusión of the Soviets» with the backing of the official organisms of the Unites States. Clear threats were made of physical attacks and acts of provocation against sportsmen and women and off icials of the USSR and other socialist countries. Calumnies are being spread alleging that the participation of the Soviet delegation in the Olympic Games could threaten the security of the United States... It is well known that the country hosting the Game takes on the responsibility of guaranteeing complete security of the different national delegations. The situation that is taking shape in Los Angles makes one doubt the efficiency of such media. The U.S. press says that political manifestations and meetings are being organised in the city... There is writing on the walls hostile to socialist countries... Violation of the rules of the Olympic Charter and the anti-Soviet campaign let loóse by American reactionary forces in connivance with the authorities are creating an abnormal situation. Due to this, the Olympic Committee of the USSR addresses the IOC and its president Juan Antonio Samaranch, requesting the immediate revisión of the situation on the eve of the Games at an urgent meeting of the International Olympic Committee and demands that the United States keep strictly to the rules of the Olympic Charter and adopt effective measures to guarantee the proper safety of those participating and attending the Games...»


Seoul 1988: The South Korean Games suffered from the internal and external political situation. Internal f o r t h e protests againstthe military dictatorship and external f o r t h e spiitting of Korea into t w o since the decade of the 50s. The Seoul Games boycott was based on the non-coorganisation of the Games between the t w o Koreas. CHART: THE OLYMPIC GAMES AND CONFUCTS

Olympic Games Melbourne'56 Mexico'68

Conflict Invasión Hungary Invasión Suez Canal

Ftepression Sq. 3 Cultures US race problems

Repercussion Boycott Boycott Black Power

Munich'72

Arab-lsraeli conflict

Israeli held as hostages

Montreal'76

Apartheid S. África

Boycott

Moscow'80

Invasión Afganistán

Boycott

Security problems

Boycott

Two Koreas

Boycott

Los Angeles'84 Seoul'88

To conclude, we must refer to the change the bipolar model has undergone with the transformations of the socialist block countries which have brought about a change in the political system unthinkable a few years ago. Gorbachov's perestroika in the USSR and its área of influence was like an explosión of the so called second world. The unification of Germany, the democratisation of the countries of east Europe have, one can ask, overturned the relations between two opposing blocks? The Olympic Games of Barcelona 1992 may become the games where Coubertin's ideal was found again, and it is possible we will hear again, like at Los Angeles, the words of Pindar: «Creatures of one day... What is one? What is anyone? Man is but the dream of a shadow... But when the glory of God falls on him in victory A bright light illuminates us and life ¡s sweet... When the end comes, the fíame disappears and darkness comes... But his fame will shine for ever».

Bibliography A A W (1973), Deporte y Sociedad, Barcelona.Salvat ARTELLS, J.O. (1972), FC Barcelona, esport i ciutadanla, Barcelona. Laia BROHM, J. (1976), Sociologie politique du sport, París. Delargue Ed. BROHM, J. (1983), Jeux Olympiques á Berlín, Brussel.les. Complexes CIRIO, A.-MERC-VARELA, A. (1975), Mes que un club, Barcelona. Destino ESPY, R. (1981), The politics ofthe Olympic Carnes, Berkeley. Univ. California Press GARCÍA CASTELLS, J. (1968), Historia del fútbol cátala, Barcelona. Aymá MANDELL, R. (1984), Sport. A Cultural History, New York.Columbia Univ. Press MELCOR, R.-VIDAL, M. (1973), Enciclopedia del fútbol, Madrid. Geran MEYNAUD, J. (1966), Sport et politique, París. Payot OHL, P.E. (1977), La querré Olympique, París. Laffont Oficial Raports of the Olympic Games UEBERROTH, P. (1987), Los Angeles 1984, Barcelona.Griialbo WALLECHINSKY, D. (1984), The complete book ofthe Olympics, Harmondsworth. Penguin


Olympism and nationalism: some preliminary consicterations

John Ha rg reaves Professor of Sociology, University of London, Goldsmiths' College

As a political sociologist with a particular interest ¡n political culture and in sport as a popular cultural form, I am intrigued by the relationship between the Olympic Games and nationalism. While this connection is widely acknowledged in public awareness and a growing volume of literature, it seems to me our theoretical understanding of the precise way they are articulated needs refining and to be based on a more secure empirical foundation.

than reflections of those contexts. In contrast what we need to start with, from a sociological point of view, is a more rigorous conception of Olympism as an autonomous cultural form with extensive political ramifications, and of nationalism as an autonomous political forcé with very deep cultural foundations.

Let me say a little more about the available approaches to the problem in order to clear the ground towards formulating a more appropriate A frequent source of confusión is the propensity framework of analysis. When I refer to Olympism in commentary of all kinds -be it of the anecdotal, as a «true belief», I mean it is a species of normaautobiographical, biographical, journalistic, tive theory. The conception of sport as a form of essentially descriptive variety, or radical critique, moral education, as a rejuvenator of society, as a or more scholarly work-to pontificate rather way of achieving peace and understanding beloosely on the issue in moral and political terms. tween nations, etc., that we are all familiar with, The «true believers» in the Olympic Ideal will is a prescription aid down by the founder of the often admit nationalism pervadesthe Olympic modern Olympic Movement, De Coubertin, and Movement and readily express their regret and elaborated since by the followers ¡n statutes, condemnation, and even go so far as to advócate discourses, policies, organisation and ritual praceliminating it. How this is to be accomplished, tices at the various levéis of the Movement. It is given the remarkable persistence of nationalism, is easy to dismiss Olympism as a mere ideological usually left rather vague o). For the increasingly cloak for dominant interests, or as a late ninevocal radical critics this is disingenuous: for them teenth century hangover, a moral and social code nationalism and the Olympics go hand ¡n glove with little or no relevance to the modern world of with each other as the inevitable outcome of the sport. If normative theory's interest is in prescribpower exercised by dominant groups over sport. ing conduct, in actualizing a visión of an ideal The argument that the Olympics is in thrall to world, as opposed to postulating what actually is capitalista «the West», whites, heterosexual men, the nature of the world, then its validity must be state élites, and so on, is not entirely without judged in the appropriate terms, that is, it should foundation, but more often than not it is marred be judged on moral grounds. To treat it otherwise by crude determinism (2). Other commentators is to misconceive the nature of this type of belief. make a virtue of what is perceived as necessity: nationalism in the Olympics is an unavoidable However, as so frequently happens, protagonists reflection of the global political order; it is unreal- of moral theory are prone to making this kind of isticto imagine otherwise; so we had better learn mistake, so we find «true believers» straying fairly to accept and adapt to itp). frequently from their ideal world and purporting to explain the relation between politics and sport in the real world as if they were doing so in What is wrong here is that both Olympism and analytic-empirical terms. They may not always be nationalism are being taken-for-granted. On the mistaken in their observations, but they can, and one hand «true believers» and those who go in for puré description abstract the Games from their do, mislead themselves and others, and consciously or unconsciously, they may, consequently, political, cultural and economic context, while on end up aligning themselves in practice with this or the other hand, the assorted critics, debunkers that ideological interest. Slogans like «the Olymand cynics simply assume both are nothing more (1) D. W. Anthony, «In a Nuclear Age, Sport ¡s Man's Best Hope», G. Redmond, ed.. Sport and Politics, Olympic Scientifk Congress Proceedings, Vol 7, Human Kinetks Publishers Inc, Champaign, Illinois, 1984. (2) J. M. Brohm, Sport, A Prisoner of Measured Time, Ink Links, London, 1978; H Edwards, Sportspolitics: Los Angeles 1984 «The Olympic Tradition» Continúes', Sociology of Sport, Vol 1, 2. 1984: G. Lawrence and D. Rowe, eds., Power Play, Hale and Iremonger, Sydney, 1986. (3) D. B. Kanin, The Political Historyofthe Olympic Games, Westview Press, Boulder, USA, 1981.


pies has nothing to do with politics» lend themselves to all kinds of ¡nfamy ¡f one ¡s not careful. Witness Avery Brundage's not so ¡nnocent complicity in concealing the extent of Nazi antísemitism from his United States Olympic Committee, an action that proved crucial in keeping America in the Berlín Games and in helping to legitímate Hitler's regime (4). Could De Coubertin have known that his innocent inauguration of the modern Olympic era in Athens in 1896 would stimulate virulent Greek nationalism which would go to war with Turkey a year later? Expressions of ideal interests like Olympism are indeed potent levers on the real world, but they are better understood as cultural resources which social agents may deploy in pursuit of their interests, ratherthan as mere ideological devices reflecting material circumstances and dominant interests. I mean that as cultural entities they are autonomous and they are, therefore, capable of helping to bring about a variety of different outeomes. We can certainly see this with respect to the Olympic Games themselves. Baillet de la Tour, the incumbent IOC President at the time of the Berlin Games, refused to allow Hitler to oceupy the limelight in the stadium, firmly reíegating him to the status of one among a group of dignitaries (5). An even better illustration, perhaps, isthe way Lord Killanin, IOC President at the time of the American boycott of the Moscow Games, withstood the strong personal pressure of the American Secretary of State, Cyrus Vanee, and of President Cárter himself, to relocate or cancel the Games. Killanin had also stood up to the Soviet Union in refusing to counternance any thought of excluding Israel from Moscow. Under his leadership the IOC refused to capitúlate to the threat to boycott the Montreal Games by the African nations, who wanted New Zealand excluded for sending a rugby team to South África, a country that had been excluded earlier for practising racial discrimination in sport, contrary to IOC rules (6).

No doubt it could be argued that the pursuit of these ideal interests by the IOC was not unalloyed with at least some consideration of its material interests. The two are rarely completely dissociated, asWeber well understood, but nevertheless, they are, in principie, different and it is a crass mistake to reduce the former to the latter. Having brief ly noted some inadequacies of Olympism and of the critical response it evokes, I want to consider two further possible kinds of approach to the problem of the Olympics and nationalism. In the literature the idea that sport performs a socially necessary cathartic function -that it serves to reléase tensión generated in societies and in doing so helps in the management of conflict and the maintenance of social order- comes in many guises. One of them isthe notion that the modern pattern of sport is the outeome of a «civilizing process». It is suggested that modern societies have progressively controlled and inhibited manifestations of violent and disorderly behaviour so that they are today pacified, orderly and predictable to an unprecedented degree. Accordingly, it becomes necessary for people to find socially sanctioned, safe outlets in which they can reléase tensión and experience excitement and action. Sport then, ¡s seen as one of the major safety valves for the reléase of potentially disruptive violent impulses (7). There are many difficulties with the notion of a «civilization process» on which I cannot elabórate now (8). As far as I am aware, it has not been applied to the Olympics as such, although clearly, it is a potential candidate for theorizing the relation between the Olympics and political sources of disorder such as nationalism. The nearest offering we have along such lines would seem to be the «war without weapons thesis» which claims that international sport is a substitute for armed conflict, especially in the atomic age, because states can indulge in it without doing themselves or others any material

(4) A. Guttman, 7?>e Carnes Must Go On, Columbia University Press, New York, 1984. (5) R. Mandell, The Nazi Olympics, Macmillan, New York, 1971. (6) Lord Killanin, My Olympic Years, Secker and Warburg, London, 1983. (7) N. Elias and E. Dunning, The Quest for Excitement: Sport and Leisure in the Civilizing Process, BlackweII, Oxford, 1986. (8) J. Horne and D. Jary, eds., «The Figurational Sociology of Sport and Leisure of Elias and Dunning: an exposition and a critique», J. Horne, et al. eds.. Sport. Leisure and Social Relations. Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1987.


damage »>. If the «civilization process» thesis is correct, we would expect nationalist-inspired violence to have been attenuated and sports to be releasing the consequent bu¡ld-up of tensión. What we actually find is little sign of any abatement of nationalism as a major source of lethally violent conflict and disorder in the long-term, indeed, it is more rampant in the late twentieth century than ever. It follows then, that we cannot make sense of the relationship between Olympism and nationalism in such terms. Indeed, as many would argüe, now the opposite may well be the case, namely, that international sporting competitions likethe Olympics may provide opportunities forextending and exacerbating nationalistinspired conflicts. This is why the second approach I want to discuss, which draws upon models of international relations developed in political science and international relations theory, is on much firmer ground, in arguing that, in a world characterised by international tensión between major powers, power blocs, other states and peoples, we can expect participant units in transnational institutions like the Olympic Games, to behave as if these are, to paraphrase Clausewitz, an extensión of politics by other means (io). We can expect, ¡n other words, nation-states to use them as instruments of foreign policy and a variety of other interest for to use them whatever objectives they may have in mind. And we can conclude that such institutions although they do provide a regulatory framework for managing conflict, do not necessarily reduce or elimínate tensión. On the contrary, they may provide an additional means for states, as well as other agents, to pursue their interests and assert their power, and thus they may function as amplifiers of conflict. This is an extremely important point, well illustrated by the difficulties and failures the United Nations organisation has experienced and witnessed. There ¡s a problem with this approach, however, which has been touched on previously, but the point is well worth emphasizing. International relations models underplay the way in which the Olympic Movement as an organised entity respon-

sible for staging Games with a world-wide popular cultural appeal may exercise a certain power and be, to a significant extent, autonomous. The Olympic Movement possesses a character and dynamism of its own: it has its own history, traditions, valúes and norms, customs, symbols, personnel, organisational capacity and style, and its own interests and goals. It may be part of an established international order, but it is not simply a product of that order. Olympism in this more precise sociological sense constitutes a forcé in itself: it is an active agent on the global stage, interacting with and affecting other agents, governments included, who may have to take account of its wishes in certain circumstances. While it is obviously not one of the most powerful actors in world affairs, rather like the Vatican (which does not possess any armed divisions either) the Olympic Movement generates cultural power with pertinent effects. Olympism generates and controls access to a scarce, if intangible resource, which even the powerful find highly desirable, namely, a certain prestige and legitimacy which is conferred on those who appear before the world on the Olympic stage. Olympism is thereby empowered to reward those who comply with its objectives, or withhold reward and penalize those who do not. As we have seen, in certain instances, this power, puny as it may seem in comparative terms, has been used to defy some of the most powerful people in the world and with effects that are by no means negligible. Olympism functions within a global political context. If we are to make sense of the relation between sport and political power and, in particular, the link between Olympism and nationalism, culture and politics need to be analytically distinguished. Politics isthe process whereby social agents mobilize themselves in pursuit of perceived interests and valued objectives atthe level of the state. It involves both struggles between agents and also attempts to arrive at compromises and forms of accommodation between them. The concept of culture, on the other hand, in sociological usage, denotes the constituents of a whole way of life characteristic of given groups within the state, but it can also be used with reference to

(9) P. Goodhart and C. Chataway, War Without Weapons, W. H. Alien, London, 1968. (10) Kanin, op cit; R. Espy, The Politicí of the Olympic Carnes, University of California Press, 1979


a people, a nation, or even an entire civilization. More precisely, it is concerned with those processes whereby meanings are constructed and through which ¡dentities are formed. We can characterize nationalism as a political construct with subtle and complex cultural underpinnings, and Olympism as a cultural construct which may in given circumstances be encoded with political significance, so that it becomes implicated in the process of constructing national identity and of generating nationalism. As the modern Olympic Movement has expanded in scope, until in the late twentieth century, ¡t now literally spans the globe, concomitantly, the Games are pervaded by nationalism, and attempts to reverse the trend, whether from inside or outside the movement, have seemed to be nugatory in comparison. One could cite in this connection the campaign by American Jewish organisations to boycott the Nazi Olympics, the socialist and communist-inspired Workers' Olympics between the wars, and the abortive 1936 Barcelona alternative Olympics, when the Spanish Olympic Committee declared it would boycott the Berlín Games OD. The trend is obviously not accidental, rather it is systemic. One of the ironies or paradoxes of the modern world, or as some would prefer to cali it 'postmodernity', ¡s that globalization (the process whereby segments and peoples of the world are being progressively interlinked, coordinated and rendered mutually dependent, and whereby international and transnational institutions of many kinds transcending the nation-state proliferate and play an increasingly dominant role in people's lives) has been shadowed by, and is now, perhaps, in danger of being eclipsed by nationalism. The current strong assertion and reassertion of national identities and of national interests and, in particular, the widespread upsurge of ethno-nationalism, has confounded what we can

now see with hindsight was a naive expectation: that internationalism would unilinearly progress and that the baneful presence of the nation state would wither away. Instead, ethnic and national interests plague international relations, créate tensions within states, and have been one of the major forces in helping to displace class identity and interests from the centre stage of politics in the advanced societies of both East and West (12). National identity is clearly a prerequisite for the formation and maintenance of nation-states, and nationalism is a usual, but not necessary correlate. National identity is an expression of difference from others based on perceived membership of a community within a given territory, or of a community with historie claims to a given territory. Nationalism translates this sense of communal difference between groups of people into antagonistic terms, defining other peoples, nations, or states as rivals and enemies, and mobilizing them against each other (13). Analytically, there are two types of nation-state formation corresponding to two different processes generating nationalism. Established states, which may or may not be ethnically homogeneous, ¡f they successfully modernize themselves, tend to stimulate a certain national pride among their populations. Mass Communications, mass literacy, state education, industrialisation, oceupational mobility, and notably, democratisation, are among the main factors responsible. Dominant groups find it is in their interest to positively encourage their populations to identify with the nation state as a ready and convenient means of ensuring social integration. Nationalism, when it does emerge, tends to be the product of interstate rivalries and of mobilizing whole populations for the successful conduct of modern warfare (i4).

(11) See Guttman and Mandell, op cit on the abortive Jewish boycott. On the Workers' Olympics and the abortive Barcelona Games see: R. W. Wheeler, «Organised Sport and Organised Labour», Journal ofContemporary History, 13, 1978; D. A. Steinberg, «The Workers' Sport Internationals, 1920-28», ibid, and «Workers' Sport and the United Front», Arena Review, 4, 1, 1980; B Kidd, «The Popular Front and the 1936 Olympics», Canadian Journal of the History of Sport and Physical Education, 11, 1, 1980. (12) A. D. Smith, The Ethnic Reviva!, Cambridge University Press, 1981 and The Ethnic Origins of Nations, Blackwell, 1986. (13) B. Anderson, Imagined Communities, Verso, London, 1983. (14) A. Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence, Polity Press, Cambridge, 1985.


On the other hand, having states of their own is not a necessary condition for nations as such to exist. Many nations have survived over long periods of time without their own states and many new states are created by pre-existing nations, usually as a result of struggles against states to which they have been subject. In such cases the readily combustible fuel of nationalism is an integral part of nation-state building, if not of modernization itself os).

The turning point carne in 1952 when the IOC capitulated to Soviet pressure and allowed the Soviet state to nomínate its national representative. Membership of the CIO on a national basis was probably the only realistic alternative in cases where the state runs sport. Representation in the events on that basis may have been unavoidable sooner or later, given the formidable managerial and logistical problems of mounting competition on such an unprecedented scale.

It is worth noting at this point that even in long-established mature state formations, like Britain and Spain, competing and antagonistically-inclined national identities may co-exist, and so-called sub-nationalism or peripheral nationalism constitutes a source of tensión and conflict between centre and periphery (16).

However, the national element was strongly present from the start. De Coubertin's rationale, after all, was to bring the nations together, and in order to attract support for what was initially a rather unpromising enterprise, he needed the backing of prestigious, that isto say, national figures, whose status and mode of participation entailed the ¡mportation of questions of national interest and prestige into the heart of the Games, the IOC. It is no accident then, that he cultivated his upper class connections with statesmen, diplomats, heads of state and governments, nobility and royalty, whom he successfully cajoled into associating themselves with his schemes. National sports bodies, or their near equivalent, had already sprung into existence in some countries of Europe and in the United States, with similar prestigious figures attached as patrons. With members of such illustrious circles so prominently in the offing, it is hardly surprising the Games quickly became a politically sensitive lócale affording opportunities for what were, at first, rather petty national rivalries to insert themselves, and for not a little quasi-diplomatic activity to take place. It is not often noted that the Olympic Games organization was one of a growing number of transnational bodies forming towards the end of the nineteenth century and that the Olympics was one of the most advanced of such bodies, antedating the League of Nations, for example, by over two decades.

I mention this now because as we will see, this is an ¡mportant aspect of the political context of the coming Barcelona Olympics. I refer to the tensión between Catalonia and the central Spanish State. More aboutthis later. How, in more precise terms, is the Olympismnationalism link forged? In what follows I offer some preliminary suggestions and raise some pertinent issues for further consideration. Let us first consider how Olympism itself constitutes a pole of attraction for nationalism, bearing in mind that we are analysing a relationship ¡n terms of the interaction between agents involved and not as a uni-directional process. Only sixteen years after the revival of the Olympics, in 1912 atthe Stockholm Games, competitors could no longer enter as individuáis. To enter one had to be selected as part of a national team. The nation had become the participating unit in the Games and the individual competitor became an emblem of the nation state. The election of members of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) is increasingly on the basis of national representation in practice, whereas formally and traditionally, it was the IOC that sent representatives to constituent members, countries. (15) E. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, 1983 (16) C. Williams, ed., National Separatism. University of Wales Press, 1982.

The meaning of the Olympic Games is encoded in certain primary signifiers, the symbols and ritual practices deployed in the official ceremonies. The associated symbolic work has become deeply encoded with nationalism over time. De Coubertin


seemsto have had a highly developed aesthetic sense of the symbolic and an acute appreciation of the power of ritual and ceremony to sway large gatherings, and ¡t is to his genius ¡n this respect that the Olympics largely owes ¡ts accent on quasi-religious ceremony (17). He also designed some of the key symbols, the gold medal and the flag, for example. Durkheim would, no doubt, have appreciated his feel for, and his considerable success with, sport as a secular form of religión. An especially striking part of the Opening Ceremony of the Games is the marchpast of the national teams in serried, uniformed ranks, decked in the national colours, each team preceded by its national flag. As the gigantic, colourful procession files past the review position, occupied by the Head of State of the host nation, together with the IOC President and other dignitaries, each national flag in turn is lowered in honour of the host nation. The Opening Ceremony has become an occasion for the host nation to put on a dazzling display of its national culture in dance, music, song, pageant, etc. The nation is encoded, of course, in the events themselves in the colours of the competitors' clothing and in visual displays of the results. But the most powerful signifier of nationalism, recurring throughout the period of the Games, is the Award Ceremony, dating from the Los Angeles Games of 1932. The victorious athlete-icon of the nation stands on the top level of the dais above those placed second and third, visible in the ubiquitous national colours. The gold medal is placed around the victor's neck, the national flag is raised, and the victor turns to it as the national anthem is played (it has been calculated that the host nation's national anthem was played 83 times at the Los Angeles Games 1984). The victor waves to the crowd, located in which are co-nationals applauding vociferously and sporting the national symbols. There are few more powerful 18 displays of national triumphalism (18).

Space here does not permit any further consideration of Olympic ceremonial, except to draw attention to the symbolic work of the torch relay which culminates in the Olympic Fíame Ceremony signalling the start of the Games. These ceremonies, dating respectively from the 1936 Berlin Games and the Amsterdam Games of 1928 can very impressively signify the national spirit of the host nation. There is an issue concerning the balance of international versus national signification in these ceremonies. De Coubertin's Olympic Flag, dating from 1920 with its 5 interlocking rings, intended to symbolize international harmony acrossthe different continents, has become an instantly recognizable, world-renowned symbol, certainly more so than the United Nations flag or Picasso's Dove of Peace. And the Olympic Hymn, composed for the 1896 Athens Games, is not nationalist. We know that the Games to an extent can be «denationalized» from the experience of the Moscow Games, when a number of National Olympic Committees were allowed to drop the use of their national flags and anthems in favour of the Olympic Flag and the Olympic Hymn. Of course, they did so out of political considerations of national interest, because they did not want to be seen by the Americans as taking the side of the Soviet Union in the dispute between the superpowers at the time, over Afghanistan. Concern over the perceived counterproductive effects of nationalism has prompted thought among the leadership to eradicate the nationalist trappings. Lord Killanin, a past President, is one such advócate and some observers regard it as a viable measureo9). In any case the Olympic cultural trappings are continually evolving, as a result of organisational innovations, commercial pressures and the styles brought to the Games by competitors and spectators themselves. The consequent pattern of signification may be

(17) J. McAloon, This Great Symbol, University of Chicago Press, 1981. (18) The American national anthem was played four times more than any other anthem. When another nation won a gold medal, ABC TV, the network with rights to coverage, replaced the award ceremony with an event showing American competitors. The President of the Organising Committee was prevailed upon to appeal to ABC to alter its blatantly chauvinist coverage. D. Rowe and G. Lawrence, «Saluting the State: Nationalism and the Olympics», Lawrence and fiowe, op cft (19) Espy, op cit. See also D. P. Toohey and K. Warning, «Nationalism: Inevitable and Incurable?», / Seagrave and D. Chu. eds., Olympism Human Kinetics Publishers, Champaign, 1981.


somewhat muting the nationalist message, mixing it up with other messages, or contradicting it. Since 1956, for example, the march at the Closing Ceremony has not taken place in team ranks, and lately, a noticeable degree of spontaneity on the part of the competitors has tended to transform this ceremony into an impromptu festive occasion. All of this might be read as a rather impressive lesson in overcoming national barriers. If, in addition, we considerthe incursions of consumer culture into the proceedings, characteristic of Seoul in 1988 and Los Angeles previously theme songs, Disney-type mascot symbols, pop concert elements we may be witnessing the quickening atrophy of nationalism, the triumph of puré commercialism and the increasing irrelevance of the nationalism-internationalism polarity.

meaning in the spectacle. These meanings are constructed by audiences out of the cultural material at their disposa I, which is provided by membership of a culture or cultures, their experience of the activities in question, and crucially, the meanings signified by the mass media. Audiences, by virtue of their membership of, and identification with the national culture, that isto say, their national identities, are predisposed to viewthe Games through a nation-tinged lens. In this respect the media and audiences interact and coilude in a nationalist construction of the Olympics.

On the other hand the Olympic message has always been garbled. As Mandell's «Olympic paradox» puts it: Olympic competition intensifies patriotism while concurrently endorsing internationalism. In practice the former (more accurately termed nationalism), despite the official disclaimers, clearly has swamped the latter, and it may be more difficult to shift the balance back in the other direction than we know. It depends on the balance of power around the Games. In the absence of more detailed knowledge of the processes involved we can, perhaps still do a little more than speculate.

Mediasport professionals frame their representaron of the Games in terms of a stock of knowledge and presuppositions about audiences' preferences and propensities, constituting a cluster of «news valúes» which are encoded in the routine practices employed by professionals. One of the central valúes helping to set the sports agenda is that audiences identify with the fortunes of «their nation», and the routine practice encoding that valué, and shaping to a large extent the presentation of the Games, is the depiction of contestants in certain stereotypical terms. An oversimplified example would be the British as self-reliant individualists; the East Germans as highly trained machines, and so on. In other words, the media do not only represent, they actively construct the Games in national terms.

Let us take one agent whose power ¡s without doubt expanding the mass media (20). We can do this most succinctly by focusing on a salient feature of sport, its agonistic property. Clearly, the Olympic Games is a highly dramatic spectacle and one of the main reasons is because itfeatures a contest. Contests between evenly matched, top level performers genérate intense excitement and tensión, because they tend to be idolized and identif ied with, and the outcome is inherently unpredictable. Constituting, in effect, a specialised form of popular theatre, sport -and especially the Olympics-powerfully attracts people, affords múltiple opportunities for ¡dentifying with admired performers and losing oneself in what is going on- in other words, for finding

The meaning of the nation here is constructed in relation to the media's economic interests. At stake is access to a vast audience, which advertisers and sponsors will pay immense sums of money to communicate with. Consequently, televisión rights are a major source of financial support for the Games, and the latter are increasingly subject to the demands of the televisión networks in their efforts to capture the máximum audience and deliver it to the commercial interests. Given this pattern of interaction between the agents involved -audiences, media, advertisers, sponsors, Olympic Organizing Committees, the lOC-one can imagine a chain reaction being set off among them by any attempt to «de-nationalize» the Games. To do this runs the risk of lowering

(20) John Hargreaves, Sport. Power and Culture, Polity Press, Cambridge, 1986, chap 7.


audience ratings, which ¡n turn, reduces advertisers' and sponsors' demand for televisión exposure and bids down the cost of acquiring televisión rights, so that eventually, revenue from this source is reduced and a major source for financing the Games dries up. Financing the Games is such a headache nowadays that there is likely to be great resistance by vested interests to doing anything that could be construed as threatening the f inancial basis of the Games. If this analysis is correct, rolling backthe tide of nationalism in the Olympics will not be so easy. Now we come to the role of the nation-state as such. Two virtually cast iron generalizations can be made in this connection. Firstly, all participating states regard the Olympics as an opportunity to enhance their national prestige. Secondly, there is an exponentional growth in state intervention and associated manifestations of nationalism (21). In the liberal democracies from which the modern Olympics sprang, the voluntan/ sports bodies long ago ceased to be capable of bearing the onerous financial burden entailed by thetask of producing élite squads and sending them to the Olympics to compete with the best among themselves, let alone compete against state-directed sport of the communist countries. In some cases as in the US, wellinstitutionalized links between the prívate sector of the economy, the universities and sport provided the requisite means. In others, like Britain, the door to state intervention was largely opened from within the movement, and the state was pulled in by sporting interests with a propensity to see the welfare state as the solution to their problems. The sports lobby, coordinated by the Central Council for Physical Recreation, actively and adeptly seeks out state aid, and much of the impulse to form a state body for sport, the Sports Council, carne from this direction. Clearly, in return for the entry fee demanded by the sports lobby, the state seeks something in return, sport «in the national interest» (22). Thus it is that virtually spontaneously, pursuit of the national interest becomes the rationale of state involvement in high performance Olympic-oriented sp t .

(21) Kanin, op cit; Espy, op cit. (22) Hargreaves, op cit, chap 9.

A widely varying pattern of intervention across the globe has emerged. Quite why there is such variation, even between societies that are relatively similar, remains an issue well worth more investigation. Evidently, the communist countries from the 1950s openly used their participaron as an instrument of foreign policy. Indeed, it was the entry of the communist countries that marked the watershed in the development of national rivalries around the Olympics. The West, and especially Third World States, learned the lesson, and became more prone to regard the Olympics in political terms. Presumably, non-communist Eastern Europe will now gravitate towards the more varied pattern in the rest of the world. In France the State and voluntary bodies are closely coordinated, their Sports Council and National Olympic Committee being one and the same body. In contrast, in Germany and Japan they are kept apart. In the United States there is no central state direction of sport, as there is across the border in Canadá, where Sport Canadá plays the leading role in orienting sport to Olympic success. However, if the United States Olympic Committee's conformity with their government's instruction not to go to Moscow is anything to go by, appearances would seem to be deceptive. States and their governments, groups and movements with aspirations to state power, and a variety of other political interests, exploit the Olympics for their own ends nowadays. I should like to briefly ¡Ilústrate the range of issues over which intervention may occur, leaving aside the ¡mportant question of why the pattern varíes so much, except to say that this variation is obviously something to do with the type of state, the political hue of the government and the nature of circumstances at the time. Great powers who are in conflict use the Games as an extensión of, or an adjunct to, their means of pursuing the conflict. The strategic objective in the rivalry between America and the Soviet Union since the Helsinki Games of 1952 has been to demon-


strate the superiority of their respective national ways of life. Henee the medal table machinations in each country, aimed at calculating the resultsto show that they really «won the Olympics». When the Games were held ¡n their respective countries (Moscow, 1980; Los Angeles, 1984) both countries avoided the possibility of humiliating defeat and propaganda victories by their opponents, by boycotting each other's Games. The ensuing Games were each accompanied by officiallyinspired nationalist fervour. States use the Games as well to secure legitimacy. Nazi Germany did so brilliantly with the Berlín Olympics in 1936; and at Roma in 1960 and in Tokyo in 1964, Italy and Japan's participation signalled their return to the international fold after their lapses ¡n the second World War. There is no doubtthat East Germany's success in the Olympics was the key factor in establishing an image of itself as a sepárate state. When the 2 Chinas, the Peoples Republic and Taiwan, carried their long-running dispute to the Montreal Games in 1976, the host nation, fearful of jeopardizing its relations with the former country, insisted that Taiwan drop the designation «Republic of China» and refused entry to severa I Taiwanese athletes, for which it was judged by the IOC to be in breach of Olympic principies and of its agreement as host not to exelude any member country of the IOC. Taiwan eventually withdrew, refusing to kowtow to the People's Republic, Canadá and the lOC's wishes and compete under the banner of «Taiwan». The PRC thus gained a political victory here, not simply over Taiwan, but over those who had backed Taiwan. During the México Games ¡n 1968 the government, in order to save face, ruthlessly suppressed demonstrations by the opposition in the capital city, gambling on the likelihood that if the Games went on, they would blot out the memory of the episode and restore some legitimacy to the regime. The policy seems to have worked. Newer, weaker and poorer states, with problems of development and of building national

identity, take the opportunity the Games provide to compénsate for their deficiencies. In less developed countries the state is often the only institution capable of marshalling the necessary resources and coordinating the national sporting efforts. The fact that several members of the IOC are actually sports ministers in their own countries gives an indication of the centrality of the states efforts in this respect. Countries like Kenya and Cuba, with their outstanding Olympic achievement, have put themselves on the map relatively cheaply. In the case of Cuba participation has given an important boost to national morale in the conflict with its powerful and threatening neighbour, the USA. Almost from the start the Olympics have figured in attempts by putative nation-states to gain their ¡ndependence. Before the First World War Finland, which was under the Tsarist Empire, and Bohemia, which was incorporated into the Austro-Hungarian state, cultivated their participation in the Olympics to gain international recognition for their struggie. The attack on Israeli athletes by Palestinian terrorists at the Munich Games in 1972 shows the extremities to which such struggles can be taken. Peripheral nationalist movements have also used the games to increase their power. The Parti Quebecois exploited the discontent conceming the financing of the Montreal Games, which allowed them to gain power in Quebec shortly afterwards (23). The Olympics may also be pulled into attempts to unify divided nations. Thus, the Seoul Games in 1988 witnessed overture and counter-overture acrossthe border between North and South Korea, which ¡n this case seem to have been mostly abortive. Ireland provides a case of a country which is politically divided, the North being part of the United Kingdom, but which for the purpose of competing in the Olympic Games, ¡s united by a National Olympic Committee, The Olympic Council of Ireland, and which has an all-lreland membership. Interestingly, this membership containing both supporters and opponents of an united Ireland, has agreed to take a neutral position with respect to the cause of Irish nationalism, a good

(23) G. Wright, «The Political Economy of the Montreal Olympics», Journal of Sport and Social Issues, 2, 1, 1978.


example of how Olympism can provide a means of accommodating parties in this kind of conflict. Nevertheless it must be said that, as loyalists to the United Kingdom perceive, it gives heart to the nationalists and provides some legitimacy, at least, for the idea of an united Ireland, when both North and South put on the green and compete under the same national emblem. The cause of black nationalism has also been served by the Olympics. The case in point is, of course, South África, excluded for practising racial discrimination in sport. The campaign to isolate that country through sport, above all, by exclusión from the Olympics, has probably done more than any other single measure, including armed struggle, to bring about the demise of apartheid. Finally, we come to next year's Games in Barcelona, the rationale for the creation of the Olympic Studies Centre atthis University. I am sure that the work to be carried out at the Centre, with which I am very happy to be associated, will make an important contribution to our understanding of the kind of issues I have been addressing. I can only briefly indícate my own interests here. Barcelona, the host city, is not only an important industrial metrópolis within the Spanish State, but is also the capital of Catalonia (an historical nationality with a strong sense of cultural and linguistic ¡dentity and at present with an autonomous government (24). This región of Spain together with the adjacent área of France (the Barcelona-Montpelier-Toulouse triangle) is atthe leading edge of development within the European Economic Community, EEC, and the Olympic year coincides with the scheduled year of full economic integration of the EEC, with all that

entails for local, regional and national identities and interests. It is surely almost inevitable that the Olympic Games with all that is at stake economically, politically and culturally, will genérate conflict among the different institutions involved (Town Hall, Catalán Autonomous Government, Spanish State, Olympic Organising Committee, IOC, etc.), all hoping to appropriate to some extent the prestige and associated material benefits. Important considerations are at stake in the Games themselves: the use of Catalán in the official Olympic propaganda, ceremonies and sporting activities; the existence of the Catalán Olympic Committee, issues of protocol in official ceremonies, etc.. Otherwise, the complex of issues includes the nature of centre-periphery relations; the policy, ideology and action of agents at the different levéis of the state and of the different sporting and non-sporting interest groups involved; the role of the mass media (there are 2 Catalán language TV channels and a major Catalán language newspaper); and the role of the Olympic Organising Committee. The central issue would seem to be the extent to which Catalán interests, as such, may have to compromise with, and accommodate to, other agents and forces brought into play around the Games-the Spanish State, national and multinational capital, the IOC, the mass media and consumer culture, and especially big players with big interests, like the USA. Finally, let us also not forget the possibility of other nationalisms, indigenous to Spain and otherwise, coming into play. This is a salutary note, perhaps, on which to end, but a not ¡napposite one if the past history of Olympism is a guide.

(24) J. Llobera, «Catalán National Identity: the dialectics of past and present», M. MacDonald, et al. eds., History and Ethnicity, Tavistock, London, 1989.


Sport and the Olympics in the light of revolutionary change in Eastern Europe

Jim Riordan Professor of Linguistic, International Studies and Russian Studies, University of Surrey, England

Such is the disorienting pace of change in the communist world, notably in Eastern Europe (i>, that communism and communist sport have come to possess quite a new meaning since the momentous events of late 1989. It is no longer evident -if it ever was - what communism or socialism, communist or socialist sport signify, or how exactly they may be contrasted with capitalism or capitalist sport. Somehow it seemed simpler to be confronted by the oíd distinctions: communist sport was largely state-directed for utilitarian purposes; capitalist sport was largely not state-directed and was principally guided by the profit motive. Neither were ever that clear-cut, of course. But now even that framework for drawing elementary distinctions has been removed by the transformations initiated by the revolutions of 1989. That year marked a watershed not only in East European history, but in world history too. It was one of the historie moments of modern times, comparable to 1848 and 1917. In one country after anotherthe ruling regime suecumbed in the face of massive popular protest. Poland, Hungry, East Germany, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia and, most dramatkally of all, Romanía, all saw their Communist Party leaders ousted, a new government installed, and contested elections held. In Albania, Yugoslavia and the USSR, change has been less cataclysmic, yet it is perfectly possible to predict that no East European country will possess a communist regime by the mid-1990s.

In East Germany, sports stars like Katarina Witt, Roland Matthes and Kornelia Ender all complained of having had their homes and cars vandalised by one-time «fans» angry at the privileges of the stars and their cióse association with the oíd regime. The officials of the GDR's umbrella sports organisation, the DTSB, resigned en masse; its finance director Franz Rydz drowned himself.

Stalinism in Europe ¡s dead (save in Albania), Leninism is in its death throes; even Gorbachevism is apparently too little, too late. A compelling feature of the turbulent events in Europe's erstwhile communist states has been the intensive debate about sport. Far from being at the periphery of politics, sport has been right at the centre. In Romanía, athletes manned the barricades, with Dinamo Club members defending their patrons, the Securitate, ¡n opposition to the army athletes of Steaua whose Olympic gold medallists in shooting were among those firing on the secret pólice. Romanian rugby captain Florica Murariu and team-mate Radu Dadae were just two of the sports héroes who fell in battle.

In Hungary, Poland and Czechoslovakia, several clubs hurriedly sought a new ñame, sponsorship and even Western commercial backing. Within the Soviet Union, in early 1990 Lithuanian and Georgian teams withdrew from all Soviet cup and league competitions, and several Soviet republics (Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, Moldavia, Georgia) set up their own Olympic committees which have requested recognitions from the International Olympic Committee (IOC). A number of Dinamo clubs have also changed their ñames -e.g. Dinamo Tbilisi in Georgia became Iveria in 1990. With the welling up of hostility and revenge directed against the paramilitary forces that have shored up the oíd corrupt regimes, it is understandable that their sponsored sports clubs should suffer by association. For, as we shall see below, since the end of the Second World War the East European (and world communist) sports system has been dominated by clubs of the security pólice and the armed forces: Dinamo (Tirana, Bucharest, Berlín, Zagreb, as well as Moscow, Kiev, Minsk and Tbilisi) and the clubs of the armed forces, such as Dukla Liberec in Czechoslovakia, Legia in Poland, TsSKA in Bulgaria and the Soviet Union, Vorwárts in East Germany, Honved in Hungary, Steaua in Romanía and Red Star ¡n Yugoslavia. Such events have demonstrated that sport in such countries has been identified in the popular consciousness with privilege, paramilitary coerción, hypocrisy, distorted priorities and, in the case of the non-Soviet states, with an alien, Soviet-imposed institution. Further, most sports héroes have officially been soldiers or pólice officers, guardians of publie order and role models for a disciplined

(1) Eastern Europe istaken here include the following nine states: USSR (population 280 million), Poland (37 m), Yugoslavia (24m), Romanía (23m), the Germán Democratk (17m), Czechoslovakia (16m), Hungary (11m), Bulgaria (9m) and Albania (3m).


and obedient citizenry. Future héroes are likely to be civilians, not warriors. Some ¡n the West have looked with envy at the successful talent-spotting and nurturing system developed in the communist states. It has indeed brought considerable acclaim world sport-the USSR and GDR have dominated the summer and winter Olympics of recent years. Yet many people, East and West of the OderNeisse, have abhorred the flag-waving razzmatazz accompanying sporting victories, which were evidently more for the benefit of bringing prestige and recognition to the régimen and its ideology than to the people. The élite sports system, moreover, producing medal winnersto demónstrate the superiority of communist society, is popularly perceived as being a diversión from the realities of living «under communism». As John Hoberman has put it in regard to GDR sport, the events of 1989 were «a response to the discipline and dehumanizing limitations inflicted on athletes by the requirements of high-performance sport»(2). Since Mikhail Gorbachev carne to power in 1985, radical changes have appeared in communist sport. The functionalised, bureaucratic mould has been broken. Until then not only had the Sovietpioneered, state controlled system hampered a true appraisal of the realities beneath the «universal» statistics and the «idealised» veneer, it had prevented concessions to particular groups in the population. It produced the «we-know-what'sbest-for-you» syndrome, whereby men tell women what sports they should play; the f it tell the disabled that sport is not for them (e.g. Soviet disabled athletes-thirteen blind men- attended the Paralympics for the first time only in 1988); the political leadership, mindful of the nation's and ideology's international reputation, decides that Olympic (i.e. European and North American) sports are the only civilised forms of culture. In the heat of battle, it is tempting to blame Stalinists and «stagnators» for neglecting «sport for all» in their race for glory. In truth, much

effort was exerted over the years to involve the public in some form of exercise and recreation that was completely free of charge-whether through the ubiquitous fitness programme, workbased facilities, or compulsory sports lessons for all students in their first years at college. But it was the coercive nature of sporting activities, their being partof the plan-fulfilled system (every school, factory, farm and región received a sports quota and incurred penalties if they fell short) that turned people off. The system only highlighted the custodial role of the state, the power to shape and control the lives of its citizens. In the case of the non-Soviet nations there was the added irritant of having to put with a system tailored by Stalin and imposed from without in contradiction to their own traditions. Sokol gymnastics were banned in Czechoslovakia and Poland after 1948. Youth organisations involved in recreation, like the YMCA, Boy Scouts and the Jewish Maccabi, were similarly proscribed. Pre1939 Olympic committees were disbanded by the new regimes, on Moscow's orders, and their members often persecuted -for example, Estonia's two pre-war IOC members, Friedrich Akel and Joakim Puhk, were both executed by the Soviet secret pólice, the NKVD, in 1940. All this happened in spite of the long traditions and often superior standards existing in the nonRussian states: Lithuania had won the European basketball championships in 1937 and 1939; Estonia had competed independently in the Olympics between 1920 and 1936, winning six gold, seven silver and nine bronze medals; Germany had pioneered sports medicine since the late nineteenth century. Being tied to the USSR meant following Soviet foreign policy, including that on Olympic boycott. The Soviet Party decisión to boycott the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles was simply passed down to others members of the Warsaw Pact-no sports or national Olympic committee, not to mention athletes, were consulted. Romanía demurred, though hardly because of playerpower.

(2) John Hoberman, «The transformaron of East Germán sport», Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies, Chicago, 4 November 1989, p. 1.


As we shall see, it was the Soviet state-controlled sports system that was adopted by, or imposed upon (along with other political, social and economic institutions), those countries of Eastern Europe liberated by the Red Army in the period 1945-49. The eight other nations of the Sovietdominated half of Europe were forced to adopt the Soviet system of state control of sport, sports science and medicine, the national fitness programme (Prepared for Work and Defence), the sports ranking pyramid for each Olympic sport, trade unión sports societies, state «shamateurism» (by which the professional athletes claimed fulltime employment as army officers, skilled workers, or full-time students, with appropriate remuneration from outside sport-once the USSR decided to join the Olympic movement in 1951) and overall control by the security forces and the army.

ruling regimes-loudly condemning drug abuse in the West as a typical excess of capitalism while concealing their own involvement in a far more extensive programme of state manufacturing and administering of drug that has brought into question the state manipulation of sport. The reports now emerging from the one-time communist states of Eastern Europe are often not so much responses to new orders from above; they are much more the result of a «revolution from below», on the part of athletes, coaches, journalists and fans, seeking to put an end to decades of false amateurism state-run drug abuse and bureaucratic control.

The revolutionary changes in Eastern Europe met little response initially from communist leaderships beyond the European continent. Partly this is Such was the extent of the Soviet blueprint because some of the poorer communist nations being copied that very often the Soviet ñame was recovering from ruinouswars, in Indo-China and retained (however insensitive this may have been Afghanistan, have more immediate priorities than to national pride and dignity), as in the case of the sport and, unlike other developing nations such as KGB's Dinamo clubs, the State Committee on Ethiopia, Mongolia and North Korea have never Physical Culture and Sport: Gosudarstvenny attempted to promote an élite sports ¡nfrastruckomitet po fizicheskoi kulture i sportu in the ture. Elsewhere, China had in any case begun to USSR; Staatssekretariat für Kórperkultur und Sport reorient its sport system in the early 1980s when it in the GDR; and the monthly theoretical journal started to decentralise and open its doorsto Theory and Practice of Physical Culture: Teoriya i Western developers. Not only did this result in praktika fizicheskoi kultury in the USSR; Theorie Western commercial sponsorship of hitherto und Praxis der Kórperkultur in the GDR; Teorie a neglected recreational pursuits like golf, motor Praxe Telesné Vychovy in Czechoslovakia, and so racing and baseball, it also encouraged previously on. And whenever the Soviet sports structure banned sports -boxing for men and for women, altered, that in the rest of Eastern Europe folwomen's body-building and weight-lifting -for lowed suit. It is hardly surprising, then, that such voyeuristic and profit-making purposes based on contempt for national traditions should finally Western prototypes. Boxing is an interesting provoke mass anger and hatred expressed so example of the change policy. After the communist violently in the popular uprisings of late 1989. take-over of 1949, boxing, which had been introduced to China by Western missionaries at the turn The domination of sport by the state for political of the century, was prohibited as a sport in that it was said to be at variance with China's traditions purposes also resulted ¡n much hypocrisy and of non-bodily-contact sports. It says much for chicanery forced upon players and public. There China's frantic desire to seek a way out of its was the above-mentioned falsity of the state sporting isolation that it preferred to remodel its professional status by way of an army officer system on that of the USA rather than of the USSR, sinecure, eternal studenthood, or false registration at a workplace. Further, evidence is emerging even admitting women's boxing from 1987 -a of long-term state production, testing, monitoring sport palpably at odds with Chínese traditions and valúes. Much of the volte-face in sport occurred and administering of performance-enhancing after the 1984 Los Angeles Olympic Gamesto drugs in regard to young people from the age of which China (the only communist nation to take 7-8. part a side from Romanía and Yugoslavia) sent It is this long-time hypocrisy by members of the


both the largest communist team and a delegation headed by Wei Zhenlan to learn from Los Angeles Organizing Committee «howto make sports pay». Subsequently, Chínese sport policy was said officially to be characterised by five new principies: corporate sponsorship and individual funding (from wealthy overseas Chínese sports amenities and clubs. Henceforth sport was to be a profit-making institutiono). To be fair, China also began in the mid-1980sto pay serious attention in sport to dísadvantaged groups ¡n the population -women, the handicapped and ethnic minorities-for all of whom ¡t expanded sports facilities and tournaments. Another motivating factor in the transformation was the desire to abandon the (always halfhearted) «friendship through sport» policy in order to achieve recognition and prestige through sporting victories and a higher profile through, hosting major events, like the Asian Games (1990) and the Olympic Games (bidding for 2000). It has had mixed fortunes in its initial aim of demonstrating supremacy over South-East Asia, having won more gold medals than South Korea and Japan at the 1986 Asian Games, but coming third to both in the 1988 Olympics held ¡n Seoul. But at least by the end of the 1980s Chínese athletes were competíng in a wíde range of sports all over the world, and the world's top stars were entertaining the Chínese public. Both North Korea and Cuba in recent years have somewhat isolated themselves from world sport by boycotting the 1984 (Los Angeles) and 1988 (Seoul) Olympics and a number of other world championships. None the less, both have continued their strong commitment to élite sport. The political and economic ¡solation of the two states has had repercussions in perpetuating rigid polítícal dictatorships and, ¡n sport, using sporting victories to make the rest of the world take note of their existence. Cuba's example is the most arresting: ñor only have ¡ts athletes consistently been placed second to those of the USA ¡n the

Pan-American Games, they have improved the country's standing in the Olympic medal table from 58th in 1960to 8th in 1976 and 4th in 1980. Fidel Castro has never distinguished the political role he sees sport playing in the world: «Imperialism hastried to humiliate Latin American countries, to instil an inferiority complex in them...lt has used sport for that purpose» (4). In that context he sees Cuban Olympic success as «a sporting, psychological, patriotic and revolutionary victory» <5). He looks forward to the day when Cuba can prove the superiority of its national sports, baseball, over that of US baseball: «One day, we shall beat them (the Yankees) at baseball too and then the advantages of revolutionary over capitalist sport will be demonstrated» (6). For the poorer communist countries, like Cuba, North Korea and Mongolia, the investment of scarce resources in producing élite athletes has resulted in a grossly distorted scale of priorities, with health, education, housing, nutrition, consumer goods, even «sport for all», suffering by contrast. It is this stark contrast that is begging challenged by popular protest movements all over the communist world. To return to Eastern Europe, there are those sports enthusiasts there who would in their haste to escape from the past, clearly like to embrace virtually every aspect of Western sport. Just as those who hanker after an unfettered market economy are often blind to its deficiencies -unemployment, inflation, insecurity, asset -stripping and greed- so those who wish to install unbridled marked sport may stumble upon some unexpected problems and lose even more of their national heritage, even «socialist gains», by throwing out the baby with the bath water. The American writer Robert Edelman has signalled the dangers: «Removing bureaucrats may be seen as a democratic step. Yet it also creates opportunities for the elitism, special privileges, corruption, ¡Ilegal gambling, exploitation of athletes, and irresponsibility

(3) Susan Browneell, «The changing relationship between sport and the state ¡n the People's Republic of China», Paper presented at the conference on Sport: the Third Millenium, Quebec City, 21-5 May 1990, p. 3. (4) Fidel Castro, in S. Castanes (ed.) Fidel. Sobre el deporte (El Deporte, Havana, 1974), pp. 287-8. (5) Fidel Castro, El Deporte. n° 3, 1976, p. 1. (6) Castro, in Castanes, p. 288.


of organizers associated with big-time professional sport under cap¡tal¡sm»(7). Ultimately, the future of East European sport is for the people to decide. At least they are beginning to have a bigger say in shaping that future.

We can only wish them well, offering help and opinión should they ask for it. Outside interference has done harm enough already. During the latter part of the 1980s glasnost-

Trends and transformations ¡nspired liberalization in most Eastern Europe -though not in many communist states beyond the European continent- brought radical changes to communist sport. These changes are breaking the mould of ¡ts state-controlled utilitarian (plan-fulfilment) structure. In a way the changes ¡Ilústrate the diminishing ability of sport bureaucrats to enforce Stalinist norms established during the late 1920s in the USSR and after the Second World War elsewhere. They are also a response to the limitations ¡nflicted on athletes and society by the requirements of high performance sport. • The Soviet sports minister (or, to give him his propertitle, Chairman of the USSR State Sports Committee) has admitted that «Our sports ministry has indeed been oriented primarily on attaining prestigious victories in international tournaments». In response to changes elsewhere in Eastern Europe and to pressure from below, he promised that «Gradually concern for promoting both sport for all and high performance sport will shift to independent federations. With time the Sports Committee will concéntrate its efforts on training and retraining personnel, on the social protection of athletes and the provisión of sports facilities» (8). A picture of communist sport would therefore be incomplete without mention of recent trends and likely transformations.

In the early 1980s it was China that began the process of transformation in sport. It increasing oriented its sports policy on the West, chiefly the USA, opening up the country to commercial sport for leisure and recreation -from golf and baseball to women's body-building, boxing, and weightlifting o). At the same time, it started to pay more attention to hitherto neglected groups and sport, such as the disabled and the folk-games of national minorities oo>. Such processes in china prompted, after March 1985, a reappraisal of sport in the Soviet Union and this in turn inspired similar reappraisalsthroughout Eastern Europe. In so far as it is the Soviet policies of perestroika, glasnost and democratization -including those in sport- that have had considerable reverberations within the communist world, this final chapter is largely concerned with them and their implications for communist and world sport generally. Since Mikhail Gorbachev took charge of Soviet politics in March 1985, no área of society, sport included, has been immune to what he himself calis a new revolution. However, it has to be understood that while the coming of a new man has accelerated the process of change, it was opposition from below to the oíd regime and mounting disaffection from official valúes and institutions that initiated it and carried it forward. The following would seem to be the major trends in Soviet sport in the late 1980sand early 1990s.

(7) Robert Edelman, «The professionalization of Soviet sport», Unpublished paper, 1990, pp. 21-2. (8) Nikolai Rusak, «Medali ili zdorevye?», Argumenty i fakty, 28 April-4 May 1990, p. 7. (9) See Ma Yihua, «Friendship through golf», China Sports, 1988, n° 10, pp. 17-21; Z. Wubin, «A rising sport in China», China Sports, 1985, n° 9, pp. 5-7-; Xu Qi, «Women's sports in china», 1989, n° 3, pp. 2-15. (10) Zhao Chongqi, «Minority people's sports meet», China Sports, 1986, n°3, pp. 33-5: China stanged its first Minority People's Folk Games in Beijing from 8 September to 20 October 1985, it attracted some 3000 participants from 30 ethnic groups.


Sport for all The Soviet leadership has always maintained in public that massovost (mass participaron) takes precedence over masterstvo (proficiency or élite sport), and down the years it has produced regiments of statistics to prove the case: that millions are regular, active participants in sport, that the vast majority of school and college students gain a GTO badge, that rising millions (a third of the population) take part in the spartakiads, that the bulk of workers do their daily dozen -the production gymnastics- at the workplace. We now, learn in this honesty's the best policy' era that these figures were fraudulent and a show to impress people above and below and to meet preset targets (each school región factory and farm received a sports quota and incurred penalties and criticism if they fell short). It is now admitted that only 8% of men and 2% of women wengage in sport regularly (n>. It is further revealed that when put to the test only 41 out of 700 Moscow schoolchildren taking part in a city sports tournament could meet GTO requirements, and only 0'5% of the capital's 11year-olds met GTO standards (12). Even among men doing their national service, as many as a third could not meet the norms <13). Although swimming is an obligatory element in the GTO programme it appears that only 11 % of schoolchildren can swim and fewer than 5% pass the GTO swimming norm (i4). Even ¡n a Republic with a Californian climate, Armenia, most youngsters cannot swim os). All college and university students must attend two weekly sessions of physical exercise and sport during their first academic year; yet a survey at Moscow State University discovered that only some 17% were physically fit. The conclusión

drawn wasthat compulsión results in resistance and anti-sport sentiments 06). For most people sport remains out of reach: some two-thirds of workers are not members of any sports organizaron and 'their physical fitness makes only a tiny contribution to raising productivity, reducing the sickness rate and resolving social and economic problems'(i7). Significantly, the 1986 Spartakiad passed offing a low-key manner with no participation figures released for the first time since the Games were held. There are even signs that the GTO programme, for long the bedrock of the sports and fitness system, is being abandoned, partly out of a desire to break with the past «fiddling of the books» and partly from its increasing unpopularity with teachers parents and pupils. A serious start to involve more young people in casual sport was made back in 1981 when the government decreed that sports schools (clubs) should not be confined to gifted athletes os). Yet subsequent reports frequently complained of coaches and sports centre managers trying to keep ordinary youngsters out. The next step therefore was to depart from the hallowed principie of completely free sport by introducing charges for the use of pool, gym, court and stadium; that, at least, it was thought, might induce amenity owners to open their doors. Further, with official permission in 1987 for cooperative ventures to start up, a number of cooperative health, fitness and sports clubs began to appear. A health club opened in Moscow in mid1988, charging three roubles as entrance fee and a sea le of changes for various treatments and activities d9). In Leningrad the Juventus Health and Sport Club had come into existence a few months earlier with activities ranging from aikido

(11) Olga Drnitnevd, «Bokal protiv detstvu», Komsomolskaya pravda, 8 June 198S, p. 2. (12) M. Kondratieva, «Na uroke i vzhizni», Molodoi kommunist, 1986, n° 12, p. 74. (13) K. S. Demirchyan, «Ozadachakh respublikanskoi partiynoi organizatsii», Kommunist, 25 September 1984, p. 2. (14) S. Belits-Gelman, «Lipa ne tonet», Ogomyok. 1987, n" 4, p. 27. (15) Demirchyan, p. 2. (16) B. Novikov, «Ne zabudut li oni kak khodit?». Sport v SSSR, 1988, n° 3, p. 39. (17) V. Balashov, «Proizvodstvennaya gimnastika i proizvoditelnost». Sport vSSSft, 1988, n° 7, p. 5. (18) Henceforth roughiy half the 7500 sports schools would be run by local council and education authorities and open to all; the rest would be for gifted young athletes and controlled by Dinamo and army clubs. (19) « Novy kooperativny klub zdorovya», Moskovskie novoski, 1988, n° 7, p. 14


wrestling, skate-boarding and break dancing to tennis, swimming and even weight-watching exercise. A month's membership cost ten roubles; the club had a regular membership of 600 within months of opening, and another 800 on its waiting list <20). A co-operative group in the town of Podolsk, some 50 km south of Moscow, had the bring idea of hiring out municipal sports facilities during «fallow» time-evening and week-ends; in 1988 it charged 1.30 roubles an hour for swimming, just under a rouble for an hour's use of sports grounds and 2.20 roubles for a two-hour sauna session (21). At the same time in the southern Republic of Georgia, the one-time tennis star Alex Metreveli opened a string of tennis clubs along the Black Sea coast and in the Georgian capital of Tbilisi (22). A major change has also come over the trade unión sports societies: in mid-1987 the eight leading societies (including Spartak, Lokomotiv and Vodnik) amalgamated to form a single sports

organisation in an attempt to improve facilities and service to the public as well as to «democratise the work of sports clubs». They also declared their intention of reducing top-level leagues and competitions so as to divert more funds to sport for all and to cater for a diversity of interest groups and health clubs (23). At school the physical education programme has been Adjusted to make some form of recreation a daily feature for all children and to provide a choice of activity (24). And in higher education, students can now choose the times at which they engage in their compulsory sports activity, and they have a wider range of options. Much remainsto be done, as Soviet periodicals readily attest. But even if the sports establishment isfighting a rearguard battle, at least many problems have been identified and something is being done to tackle them.

Independent clubs Young people have not sat around in the last decade awaiting party or govemment resolutions. In fact, a major impulse for official action has come from young people turning their backs on officially recommended activities and on official organisation, like the Young Pioneers and the Young Communist League (which lost 10 million of ¡ts 40 million members in just five years from 1985 to 1990)(2S), and they have been forming their own groups and clubs. Although initially ¡Ilegal, since only officially sanctioned groups have been permitted in the USSR, the authorities seemed unable or unwilling to suppress them. Finally, in May 1986, the government set the official seal on their existence by changing the (26).

In the field of sport, the clubs range from soccer fan clubs to groups for sports for which the government has been slow to provide facilities: aerobics, yoga, body-building, jogging, and karate and other combat sports. One of the first independent groups were soccer fans in the late 1970s and early 1980s, especially of Moscow Spartak, with their own distinctive red-and-white home-knitted scarves and hats. They were followed by combat sports clubs for both defence and offence in the spreading street and soccer gang clashes. One of the more sinister groups is that known as the Lyubery, a Rambo-style youth gang that started several years ago in the Moscow «smoke-stack» suburb of Lyubertsy and them spread to other urban, and especially suburban,

(20) «New sport coop for dividend». Soviet Weekly, 7 may 1988, p. 14. (21) «Public gets coope sports dividend», Soviet Weekly, 18 June 1988, p. 18. (22) «Metreveli and co. open new tennis centres». Soviet Weekly 22 October 1988, p. 16 (23) Balashov, p. 14 (24) See J. Riordan, «School physical education in the Soviet Union», Physical Education Review, 1986, vol. 9, no. 2, p. 115 (25) See J. Riordan, «The Komsomol in crisis», Coexistence. 1989, vol. 26, no.3, p. 7 (26) For more details, see J. Riordan, «Soviet youth: pioneers of change». Soviet Studies, 1988, vol. 15, no. 4, p. 560


centres. These male teenage toughs tend to be obsessed with martial arts and body-building, constructing their own gyms in the basements of block of fíats (27). The forced acceptance of such independent clubs is a radical departure for the Soviet authorities; after all, no groups free of Party or Party agency tutelage have been tolerated since the

1920s. Perhapsthe current leadership is responding to Trotsky's warning after the 1917 Revolution that: The longing for amusement, distraction, recreation and fun is the most legitimate desire of human nature... We must make sure this longing is given full reign and freed from the guardianship of the pedagogueand thetiresome habitof moralising (28).

Women and sport. Up and down the USSR women have long ignored the pontification of male leaders about their participation ¡n «harmful» sports -soccer, body- building, ice hockey, judo, weight-lifting, water polo and long-distance running. As recently as 1973 the USSR Sports Committee issued a resolution discouraging women from taking part in sports that were allegedly harmful to the female organism and encouraged male voyeurism. Women's soccer, for example, was said to be «injurious to a woman's organism.... Physical stress typical of playing soccer can cause harm to sexual functions, varicose veins, thrombo-phlebitis and so on» (29). What the resolution did not explain was why playing soccer was harmless for men, or why those ailments did not result from approved (Ólympic) sports like field hockey and basketball. Within the space of a few years, however, soviet women have held four national judo competitions and a world judo championship, and as

many as 15,000 women are registered in judo clubs oo). The first women's national soccer championshipswere held in August 1987, sponsored by the campaigning youth weekly Sobesednik. Moscow University formed its first women's water-polo team back in 1982; the women's sport has now spread to severa I other cities and the Soviet women's team played its first international fixture (against Hungary) in 1987. Weight-lifting and body-building are developing apace: the first women's body-building championship was held in Tyumen in 1988, and women have been members of body-building clubs in the Baltic Republics at least since 1986. Women's ice hockey has reappeared for the first time since the 1920s, and women are doing the marathón, pole-vault, triple-jump and hammer. These changes have all come about by a few women defying official sanction, ridicule and even persecution to establish their right to pursue the sport of their choice.

(27) Ibid.. pp. 564-6 (28) León Trotsky, Problems of Everyday Life (Monad Press, New York, 1973), p. 32 (29) R. Davletshina, «Fútbol i zhenshchiny», Teoriya i praktika fizicheskoi Kultury, 1973, no. 10, p. 62 (30) V. Merkulov, «Pressing on regardless», Soviet Weekly, 17 October 1987, p. 16. Women were admitted to Soviet SAMBO (a form of judo) contests (only in 1988. yet took 7 of the 10 gold medals in the 13th World Championships on their debut in 1990 (see Soviet Weekly, 31 May 1990, p. 16)


Sport and the disabled Another disadvantaged group to benefit from the wind of change is the handicapped, long neglected by the Soviet sport establishment. It ¡s now admitted that, «For a long time we pretended the problem did not exist. We thought: the state looks afterthe handicapped, social security provides living and working conditions for them. What else do they want?» oí). Before 1988 the USSR had never held domestic championships at any level for any category of handicapped person. Two years after China and staged its first nation-wide games for the handicapped and in theyear of the Seoul Paralympics, the newly formed Invalid Sports Federation held its inaugural championships in the Estonia capital of Tallinn, This was the culmination of long years of campaigning by pressure groups, recently joined by thousands of maimed ex-Afghanistan veterans. While, again, it is the Baltic Republics (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) that are clearly in the forefront of providing facilities for the physically and mentally handicapped, elsewhere condi-

tions are plainly woeful. Even «Moscow has no equipment, coach, doctor, or sports facilities for the disabled» 02). After a number of well-publicised complaints that «sport for the disable has been developing around the world with virtually no participation from the Soviet Union» (33), a team of invalid athletes was sent to the Olympics for the very first time, to Seoul in October 1988. Unlike their ablebodied compatriots in the Olympic Games, who won 55 golds and 132 medals overall -a quarter of all Olympic medals -the 13 blind athletes making up the Soviet disabled team won no medals at all. But at least a start has been made. As well as movement towards caring more for minorities, the Soviet government is also showing signs of encouraging folk-games festivals, especially among the non-Russian nationalities (which now together outnumber Russians in the population of the USSR)(34).

Changing the image of Soviet sport The sudden spate of honesty and the broaching of previously unmentionable (censored) subjects have revealed the dark side of the Soviet sport and stirred up considerable debate. Journaiist now talk frankly about occasional match-fixing in the major spectator sports, bribery of referees, drug-taking and other nefarious activities hitherto only mentioned in the context of capitalist sport. They have also raised questions about the very fundamentáis of communist sport: its ethos and ethics. In an article entitled «It is people who lose» and backed by a full-page caricature of two musclebound colossuses carrying a winner's podium over the heads of a host of casual athletes, a journaiist

derided the «win at all cost» mentality and privileges for the élites. He recalled the pentathletes Boris Onishchenko caught cheating in the Montreal Olympics: «Did his coach really know nothing? Did the sports leaderships subjects him to public ostracism?» @s). A year after Vlasov's live TV accusations the daily sports paper Sovietsky sport claimed that Oleg Solovyov, coach to Novosibirsk's top swimmers, had encouraged the use of anabolic steroids in training sessions (36). Subsequently, following the Seoul Olympics and the Ben Johnson drug scandal, Soviet sénior track-and-field coach Igor Ter-Ovanesyan launched a well-publicised campa ign against drug-taking in Soviet sport.

(31) V. Ponomaryova, «Yeshcho odna pobeda», Sobesednik, 1987, n°.37, p. 12 (32) Ibid (33) S. Shenkman, «Disabled sport: an end to bleeding hearts», Soviet Weekly, 11 June 1988, p. 16; see also Sport SSSR, 1988, n°. 5, pp. 50-52. (34) For example, a Russian troika championship was held in Krasnodar in 1986, and new emphasis has been given to the folk-games of Siberian peoples in the annual Sport Festival of the Peoples of the Far North (see Soviet Weekly, 6 September 1986, p. 11 and 1 November, 1986, p. 14) (35) S. Tokarev, «Ne proigral by chelovek», Ogonyok, 1987, no. 9, p. 20 (36) A. Klaz, «Rekordy po retseptu», Smena, A May 1988, p. 3. See also Yuri Vlasov, «Drugs and cruelty», Moscow News. 1988, no. 37, p. 15


Admitting that «many of our athletes» take drug, he condeded that even several schools athletes and doctors, coaches and the drug suppliers» (37). Other sources have uncovered drug-taking in Soviet cycling, rowing, weight-lifting and bodybuilding.

We got used to living a double life because many of our idols did the same. We condemned professional sport in the West and were proud that our champions were amateurs. We were expected to assume that our athletes trained for six or seven hours each day after work or study. But everyone knew that most athletes never went to work or college classes, and that they met their workmates or fellow students only on pay day (38).

Journalists have also broached other oncecensored topics, like the security service sponsorship of Dinamo and the army officer sinecures for athletes sponsored by the armed forces (40). Under pressure, the sports establishment has talked of steps to make sports, especially soccer, clubs self-financing and officially to give all players of Master of Sport ranking and over what they have always had unofficially: professional status. This naturally follows the amendment to Olympic regulationsthat permits professional performers in the Games. By 1990, however, no firm decisión on the latter issue had been taken, although a few soccer clubs have become selffinancing and openly professional. The first, the hitherto undistinguished provincial club Dnepr, not only became Soviet league champions in 1988 but made a handsome profit into the bargain. In the 1989 soccer season, the second división club Metallurgy of Zaporozhe followed suit, introducing individual and collective membership (8 and 5000 roubles annually respectively), which, ¡t hopes, will genérate over a million roubles (4i>. Similarly, a 14-strong team of Soviet cyclists signed a contract in late 1988 with the San Marino aluminium firm Alfa Lum to form the firstever professional Soviet cycling team under contract to a foreign company (with the USSR Sports Committee taking a third of their earnings) (42). Perhaps the greatest volte-face in sporting principies is the entry of Soviet boxers and wrestlers into the professional ranks (43).

It is now officially revealed that top soccer receive a basic salary of 200-300 roubles a month for playing soccer (average industrial earnings being some 200 rouble), and spend as many as 250 days annually in training (39).

Fears are being voiced, none the less, that the encouragement of open professionalism might spoil the «stars» even more than at present. It is nostalgically recalled that once upon a time Soviet athletes would go through hell to gain

Another stone overturned by investígate journalist is that of «amateur» status. It has to be said in parenthesis that the Soviet leadership only introduced «state amateur status» into Soviet sport in the early 1950s, under IOC pressure, as a ploy to join the Olympic movement (the USSR was accepted in May 1951). From them on the appearance had to be given that performers received no remuneration from their sports performance, ñor did they devote themselves full-times to sport. The public, of course, knew differently, but ¡t was part of the double-think of the 1950-85 period neverto mention it in public. Glasnost is drawing aside the veil. As the young monthly Yunost has put it.

(37) Igor Ter-Ovanesyan, «I declare war on anabolics», Moscow News. 1988, no. SO, p. 15 (38) A. Novikov, «Pismo redaktsii», Yumost, 1988. no. 10, p.9 (39) Igor Oransky, «Ne bogi gorshki obzhigayut...», Moskovsky omsomolets, 28 February 1989, p.3 (40) O. Petrichenko, «Ne sotvori sebe kumira», Ogonyok, 1987, no. 12, p. 15 (41) Oransky, p.3 (42) M. Shlayev, «Pervaya sovetskaya professionalnaya komanda», Moskovskie novosti, 1988, no. 50, p. 15; W. Fotheringham, «Russian pros ready for taste of the Big Time», Cycling Weekly. 2 February 1989, pp. 8-9 (43) Mark Vodovozov, «Borba na ringe», Moskovskie novosti, 15 January 1989, no. 3, p. 15, Oransky, p. 3


medals. «That was before the good mother Adidas fed them from her bountiful bosom, spoiled them with life on the foreign circuit or even overseastraining». Today s athletes, however, are «scientifically programmed, rigged out

in the latest fashions and packed full of homeproduced «vitamins», as a result, we have produced capricious idols and we know not what players to do with them» (44). The dilemma is not Soviet alone.

The morality of professional sport A logical extensión of the debate on the future of Soviet sport is seriously to question the morality of top-class sport today. A number of articles in the press have «only recently started to mention out loud the major problem (¡n sport) -deception, the rust that begins to corrode a child's innocent mind from that sacred moment when the first mischievous thought clouds the puré joy of playing- that besides enjoying himself, he can make something out of it» (45). This brings us to a basic question that was raised frequently in the 1920s, yet has rarely been aired since: what pnce is society prepared to pay for talent? How wide should the gap in privileges be between the stars and the masses? Should a communist society encourage the formation of an élite based on the luck of nature's draw and thereby perpetúate original inequalities rather than properly compensating for the lottery of birth? Such fundamental questions (to a socialist society) are certainly being asked now. The following extract faces squarely up to the problem: From a youngster's first steps in sport he is accustomed to being a parasite, clandestinely assigned to miners, oilers or builders who generously repay his artless «feints» with wordly goods of which the miner, oiler or builder can only dream. City apartments, cars, overseas trips, a free and easy life by the seaside -how that all caresses youthful vanity, lifts him above the grey

mass of those who have been waiting years for housing, phones and cars, and who have to pay for the seaside and foreign trips out of their own pocket (46). Besides criticising the perverted morality that permits such privilege, a number of Soviet writers have also called into question the exploitation of children for the sake of irrational glory. A sports monthly has written of the «strict regimentation and deprivation of many of childhood's joys, the numerous trips, lengthy training camps, hotel stays, separations from family and school... all this leads to moral impairment» (47). Yet when Yuri Vlasov complained of the «inhuman forms of professionalism» involving 12- and 13-year-old youngsters, especially in gymnastics and swimming, he was accused by Soviet coaches of «undermining Soviet sport». Disillusioned, he quit his post as Chairman of the Weight-lifting Federation and returned to writing fiction (48). All the same, more and more critics are taking up the cudgels against intensive training of children at the age of 5,6 or 7, especially after the publication of a study of children's sports schools in Kazan, showing that «there was practically no difference between beginners anttop athletes when it carne to the number of intensive training sessions» (49). The mood of glasnost appears more to favour sport for all than special privileges for the gifted.

(44) Petrkhenko. p. 15 (45) Ibid (46) Timur Absalyamov, «Komu on nuzhem etot sport». Sobesednik, 1989, n°. 7, p. 11 (47) L. Kedrov, «Sport v vozraste 6 let: za i protiv» Sport v SSSR. 1987, n°. 6, p. 27 (48) Vlasov, p. 15 (49) Kedrov, p. 27


Convergence in sport Yet 2another consequence of Gorbachev's new policies seemsto be the bringing closer of some facets of Soviet sport to those in the West; it is none the less a contradictory process that may have popular acclaim, yet at the same time lead Soviet sport further away from the new morality it seeks. For a start, commercial sports (in a professional, commodity sense) like golf, baseball, Grand Prix motor-racing, even dog-racing, have arrived in the USSR. Moscow had its first (nine-hole) golf course in 1988, partly designed for the foreign diplomatic corps and partly intended to prepare Soviet challengers for international golf tournaments (60 teenagers were registered at the club's golf school). The American billionaire Armand Hammer was planning a second golf course at Nakhabino, some 30 km from the centre of Moscow (50). With an eye to the inclusión of baseball ¡n the Olympic Games, the sports establishment has «created» Soviet baseball clubs (just as it «created» field hockey teams by Fiat in the early 1970s expressly for Olympic participation - again without any grassroots tradition); the first baseball league carne into being in 1988, a year afterthe first national championships. By late 1988 there were 30 baseball clubs in the country and a special children's baseball school in Tashkent in Soviet Central Asia (su. Following the holding of the first Grand Prix Formula 1 race in a communist country, Hungary, in 1988, the Soviet Union is now designing a world-classtrack in the Moscow Región with a viewto hosting Formula 1 racing; and Pravda has called for the promotion of Soviet motor-racing up to world standards (52). Further, the USSR Sports Committee has expressed an interest in staging a Dallas Cowboys v. Washington Redskins football game in Moscow's Lenin Stadium; the

first Soviet American football team, the Moscow Bears, carne into existence in late 1989, backed by the Moscow Young Communist League (53). To cap it all, the first dog races (for borzois) were held at the Moscow Hippodrome (normally used for horse-racing) in the autumn of 1987. Borzoi-racing had been a popular pastime of the Russian gentry prior to 1917. As a concession to the public, horse-racing in all forms (trotting, hurdling, steeplechase and racing on the fíat with gambling on the state totalisator) has existed for most of the Soviet period, even though «no mention of it had been made in the press, simply because it was not accepted practice». Ñor had it ever featured on TV, despite the country's 3000 racehorses and 17 annual race meetings (54). Other recent «¡mports» include snooker, wushu or chínese «shadow-boxing» (as many as 52 cities are said to have wushu clubs with over 30,000 members (ss)), and Western-style body-building the first international body-building contest, watched by 16,000 spectators, was held in Moscow in late 1988, jointly sponsored by the Germán Armstrong Company and the USSR Sports Committee (56). It was even planned to stage bullfighting in Moscow in the Lenin Stadium, with over 30 pedigree bulls being broughtfrom Madrid for the spectacle during 1990. However, public outrage successfully averted the blood-letting and forced the organisers (including, once again, the Young Communist League, eager to boost profits for its functionaries) to cancel the show (57). If all that were not enough to turn past policies on their heads, the USSR Sports Committee signed a contract with the Italian firm Ocrim Spa to sponsor all six Soviet soccer teams in European competitions in the 1987-88 season. This prompted other sports teams and federationsto

(50) «Golf i Tumba», Nedelya. 1987, n". 41, p. 13; «Moscow's first golf club gets into the swing of things». Soviet Weekly, 27 November 1988, p. 16 (51) A Bezruchenko, «Soviet baseball moves on from first base», SoWef Weekly, 30 April 1988, p. 14 (52) «Motorgonki», Pravda, 18 September 1987, p. 4; see also Mostovskie novosti. 1988, n°. 43, p. 15 (53) «Bears take a place on the grid». Soviet Weekly, 16 December 1989, p. 16 (54) O. Dun, «They're off», SoWef Weekly, 30 April 1988, p. 14 (55) Vladimir Kirilluk, «Ushu», Sobesednik, 1988, no. 46, p. 16 (56) «Sovetsky Kulturizm», Molodoi kornmunist, 1989, no. 4, p. 63 (57) «The corrida is comingto Moscow», SoWef Weekly, 6 June 1990, p. 16


seek sponsorship from both foreign and Soviet firms. As a result, «the National Olympic Committee has set up a federation of sponsors to coordínate commercial activity in the interests of Soviet sport and of strengthening ties abroad» (58). Another innovation in Soviet sport, bringing it in line with Western practices, is to sel I leading Soviet players to Western teams. Initially, in 1987, these were players of 30 and over; subsequently, younger men were sold when the price was right. Players included Lavrentiev, Ladygin, Kapustin and Shalimov in ice hockey, Blokhin, Zavarov, Dasayev, Baltacha and Shalva in soccer, and Ended, Sabonis, Volkov and Durtinaitis in basketball. By 1990 as many as 30 ice-hockey players had signed for the North American National Hockey League (59). As an example of such an arrangement, the Soviet national team goalkeeper Rinat Dasayev signed a $2 million contract for two years with the Spanish club Sevilla; the USSR Sport Committee took 55% of the proceeds, Dasayev'sclub Spartak received 40% and the Italian agents Dorna, who set up the deal, took 5% (6o>. The striker Zavarov, however, was sold to Juventus in Italy for $5 million, with his former club Dinamo Kiev gaining $2 million from the transfer (61). In view of the admittance of some of the top professional basketball players to the Olympics, Soviet basketball teams have begun to play against top US professionals, and Soviet players have been sold to US teams. Furthermore, discussions were underway in early 1989 for a soviet icehockey team to compete in the North American Ice Hockey League (for the Stanley Cup). Negotiations were also being held with a Canadian sponsor for Soviet boxers (24 were candidates) to box professionally in Western rings. It may well be that the spirit of openness will soon persuade the sports leadership to accept open competition in all sporting contests, including the Olympics, and to declare all Soviet top-

level athletes as practising professionals. It is now admitted thattoday some 90,000 Soviet athletes are full-time professionals (62). Professionalisation may signify an end to bureaucratic interference in sport; it may also contribute to the independence and dignity of athletes, coaches, sports organisers and journalists (who no longer have to pretend professionals are amateurs). However, as the History of Western sport has shown, professionalism in sport represents a set of practices that can be every bit as pernicious and unhealthy asthey may be liberating and healthy. In the Soviet Union today, no one -fans, officials, players, or journalists- wishesto see the Soviet domestic leagues become merely a farm system for the wealthiest clubs in Western Europe and North America. The thorny issue of remuneration, especially when ¡t concerns foreign currency, has excited acrimonious debate in the Soviet media -also for the first time, since this had previously been one of the many censored topics. On the one hand, state officials claimed that Soviet-trained stars had a civic and patriotic duty to devote the bulk of their foreign eamings to the benefit of Soviet sport generally. On the other hand, as the top male tennis player, Andrei Chesnokov, has put it, he earns lucrative foreign currency on the world tennis circuit, yet ¡s permitted only $25 a day by the USSR Sport Committee -«not enough even to feed myself» (63). Some critics accuse officials of wasting huge sums of money «on trips abroad for Sport Committee bosses and their retenue, on officials who needlessly accompany teams and on translators who in most cases are not needed» (64) (but who in the past were often employed to «keep an eye» on athletes abroad and to report back to the KGB on returning home). The Sports Committee is also accused of going «on a hard currency spending spree when it badly wants athletes to win». At the Calgary Winter

(58) «Sweet smell of sports sponsorship», Soviet Weekly, 26 November 1988, p. 16 (59) «Khokeisty zhdut razresheniya...», Sovetsky sport, 29 April 1989, p. 4 (60) «Dasayev goes to Sevilla», Soviet Weekly, 5 November 1988, p. 16 (61) Vladimir Kirilluk, «Enter the new sports supporters», SoWef Weekly, 6 May 1989, p. 16 (62) «Professional backup still required», Sowef Weekly, 30 September 1989, p. 16 (63) V. Dvortsov, «Skolko nashi 'Zvyozdy' dolzhny poluchat», Moskovskie novosti, May 1988, n°. 19, p. 15 (64) B. Geskin, «Emotsii i banknoty». Soviet sky sport, 28 August 1988, p. 1


Olympics in 1988, for example, each Soviet gold medal winner «received $5000 no matter how strong their rivals were» (65).

time on celebrations, we must look down from the Olympic heights upon the realities of the world about us (67).

For a gold medal at the Seoul Olympics in the same year, the Soviet Sports Minister admitted that Soviet recipients would gain 12,000 roubles (Rb 6000 for silver and Rb 4000 for bronze). Since the Soviet squad won 55 gold medals and 132 medals overall, the Sports committee spent about a million roubles, much of it in foreign currency, in bonuses alone (66).

Immediately following the 1988 Summer Olympics, a political commentator suggested that the Soviet media publish two sets of tables: one for Olympic medals and one for per capita provisión of sports amenities by each nation. If that were done, the USSR «would be in a very different position in the (second) table». The writer cited the example of indoor skating rinks: Canadá had 10,000, the USA 1500, Sweden 343 and the USSR just 102. Calling for «newthinking» in sport, he went on,

Under pressure, sports officials have also revealed that it cost a mínimum of $180,000 to guarantee participation of Soviet players and coaches in the 1990 World ice-hockey championships. The players and coaches who gained second place in Europe and first place in the world received an average of $6000 each for the World Cup in Italy in July 1990, a sum of $1.5 million was set aside; if Soviet soccer players had won the Cup they would each have received $30,000. Not everyone ¡n the USSR is happy at what is seen as a race for false glory, as the cultivation of irrational loyalties, as unreasonable prominence given to the winning of victories, the setting of records and the collection of trophies -the obsessive fetishism of present-day sport. In fact, one of the features of popular antipathy to the preGorbachev «stagnation» period was precisely a reaction againstthetub-thumping, flag-waving concern with international sports success. As a writer in Sobeseduik wrote before the Seoul Olympics, International prestige is important, but what is more so is to involve ordinary people in sport, to use Olympic success to attract the public into regular sporting activity and to ensure we have facilities for them. So don't let us spend too much

Not so long ago statistics were «cleverly» compiled that it seemed the entire population went in for sport... Can't we see for ourselves that much more emphasis is being put on professional sport, on training record breakers, champions, medal winners than on sport for all? (68). The issue is complex, and by no means unfamiliar to other states. But the implications of popular pressure reacting against the «excesses» and plain deception of the past may well forcé the Soviet sports and political leadership to put less emphasis in future on striving for international success and more on satisfying popular desire for a wide range of fun and games. If popular pressure and changing official priorities have combined to reduce the Soviet commitmentto international success through sport (already visible in the relative poor showing of Soviet athletes at the 1990 European Track and Field Championships in Split, wherethe USSR trailed behind East Germany and Great Britain), they have made a dramatic impact on the sports systems in the six countries of Eastern Europe that cast aside their communist regimes in 1989

(65) S. Petrov, «Skolko stoit olimpiyskaya komanda», Moskovskie novosti, 1988, no. 39, p. 15 (66) D. Rennick, «Soviet Olympians compete for preset quota of medals», Korean Herald, 27 September 1988, p. 9 (67) Anatoly Isayev, «Lomtik olimpiyskovo piroga», Sobesednik, 1989, no. 2. p. 12 (68) A. Druzenko, «Olimppiyskaya slava», Moskovskie novosti, November 1988, p. 15. The one time world Champion swimmer Vladimir Salnikov has contrasted the US total of a million public swimming pools with the Soviet figure of 2500 (V. Salnikov, «Vremya nadyozhd», Argumenty i fakty. 1989, no. 1, p.3). Another author makes the point that the USSR has one public swimming pool for 115,000 people, West Germany and Japan have one pool for some 3500 people, Hungary and Czechoslovakia have one for every 12.500 people (see Alexander Churkin, «Melko plavayev», Moskovskie novosti. 15 January 1989, no. 3, p. 15).


-Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, Poland and Romanía). In the case of the Germán Democratic Republic, the unification with West Germany ¡n October 1990 meant the disappearance of East Germany as a sepárate team from the world's arenas. Yet even before the demise of a sepárate East Germán sport, the new regirme had disbanded the former sports administration and cut off virtually all funding to élite sports establishments. So parlous was the financial plight of East Germán athletes and teams in 1990 that they had to seek Western sponsorship in orderto fulfil their commitments abroad. None the less, it is an indication of the eagerness with which West Germán political and sports leaders view the future united Germán sports challenge that East Germany was enabled to send a full team to the European Track and Field Championships and defeat the rest of Europe with ease. But the individual sports sponsorship of top stars has been growing in recent years and expresses the irrepressible rise of Western-style individualism in sport and the independence that financial security has given top Eastern European athletes -money certainly talks.

In countries where, for the time being, a quasicommunist (socialist/social-democratic) regime persists (Bulgaria and Romanía), change is slower, as the oíd guard maintains its position in the sporting hierarchy, playing on the prestige and patriotism of international success through sport. This is in stark contrast with Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland where the new broom has swept away almost all the vestiges of the oíd Soviet-style sports system, decentralised sport, vastly reduced sports budgets and concentrated resources on recreation for the ordinary people, reiying on local communities, voluntary assistance and self-financing clubs. All three countries have also tried to resurrect pre-communist national traditions and institutions: the pan-Slavist Sokol sport and gymnastics movement in Czechoslovakia and Poland; the Scouts, Ramblers and Román Catholic sports clubs in Poland and Hungary; and sepárate Czech and Slovak clubs and folk-games. In élite sport they have attempted to gain Western sponsorship for staging prestigious events, like Formula 1 motor-racing in Hungary and tennis championships in Czechoslovakia; and the regimes have allowed top athletes to sell themselves to the highest foreign bidders without any age restriction.

Concluding words Today, the ¡nheritors of the sports system evolved during the Stalin, Khrushchev and Brezhnev years find themselves in a quandary: to what extent should they break with the past? How sharply and through what new forms should change be brought about? In the field of culture, and specifically of physical culture, how ought they dismantle the various by-now well-entrenched fetishised institutions and valúes? The problem is circumscribed partly by the fact that Soviet and other communist leaders still evidently regard sport as an ¡mportant weapon ¡n the rivalry between East and West. The international situation is just one of a number of objective impediments (also including domestic economic, cultural and political factors, not to mention relations within the communist community) on leaders attempting to realise their desires

-which in any case are likely to be by no means uniform or clearly perceived. Whatever course of action is pursued, the subjective will of leaders is bound to be constrained by the objective possibilities of the situation. It could be argued that sport might continué to play what could be termed a Stalinist role well after the rest of society had ceased to resemble totalitarian structures. The administration of sport could remain a haven forthose more comfortable with traditional valúes of control, order and discipline. As the Western experience has demonstrated, cultural hegemony can be an effective tool of social and political domination. Coerción may not be necessary if the forces of order can gain the consent of the subordínate classes.


It is possible that Soviet and communist sport generally will become a hybrid of the worst of both worlds, retaining the bureaucracy, and authoritarianism of the oíd ways and adding only the exploitation and corruption of some forms of Western sport. The final result will not inspire admiration. Much the same could be said

of the larger reform processes now under way in the Soviet Union and elsewhere in Eastern Europe. Sport may not play a key role in determining the fate of the reforms, but its ultímate shape should tell us much about the success and failure of the socialist experiment.


lilJb 1 JbLtVlí>liJJ\

COVERAGE OF THE OLYMPIC GAMES OF BARCELONA92


The «First Spectator»: televisión and the Barcelona Summer Olympic Games

James Larson Professor of Communication, University of WashingtonSeattle

The Barcelona Summer Olympics will take place in a world that is coming to grips with two sweeping changes that have occurred over the past two decades. One is the breakdown of the cold war consensus that until recently provided an underpinning and frame of reference for many nations of East and West, North and South. The second is the dramatic development of global televisión and associated media technologies, of which Cable News Network's role in coverage of the Gulf War is only the most recent manifestation. These two changes are related in ways that need to be better understood, as many have suggested that media coverage played an important role in the new openness in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and in other parts of the world as well. The changes are also reflected in and to some extent affected by the Olympic movement. The reflection of the oíd, cold-war consensus was painfully obvious in the form of the U.S. and Soviet-led boycotts of the 1980 Moscow and 1984 Los Angeles Olympics. Then in Seoul in 1988, the theme of «Toward One World, Beyond All Barriers» was successfully invoked not only in the Opening Ceremony, but also in a very inclusive Olympics with the largest number of nations ever participating. Moreover, in a truly national effort, South Korea used the Olympics as a spur to both development and success in its «Northern Policy,» of improving relations with

the Soviet Union, Eastern European countries and China o>. With such occurrences as the fall of the Berlín wall, events around the world seemed to resonate strongly with the Seoul Opening Ceremony theme. However, despite the prospect of European unification next year, the Barcelona Olympics will be held against the backdrop of the Gulf War, continued turmoil in Iraq, and in the context of renewed political difficulties within several Republics of the Soviet Union. The changes in global televisión and other media are also reflected in the modern Olympics, arguably being one of the major catalysts in the movement. That this symposium with this theme, and with such endorsement by leadership of the Olympic movement should be held is in itself testimony to the role of media. It follows on a series of conferences, one in Calgary, three in Seoul, and the last in Quebec City, in which the new media role in the global transmission of sport and culture has been a topic of growing interest and importance. As will be discussed below, televisión not only changes the manner and reach with which sport is presented to people around the globe, but ¡t has also become a major source of financing for the Olympic Games and a crucial component for success of the sponsorship activities of major transnational corporations.

I. The Olympics as media constructed spectacle The attempt to understand televisión coverage as media-constructed reality is by now a well accepted approach that has been applied to various forms of televisión content. During the 1980's a number of researchers began to explore the characteristics of media events, as distin-

guished from live broadcasting of major news events, or ongoing televisión series. Such events are «negotiated» among organizers, broadcasters and audiences, «produced» by broadcasters, and «celebrated» by audiences at home (2).

(1) Kim, Jong-gie, Sang-woo Rhee, Jae-cheon Yu, Kwnag-mo Koo, and Jong-duck Hong. Impact of the Seoul Olympic Games on National Development. Seoul, Korea: Korea Development Institute (KDI) Press, May 1989, p. 15. (2) Dayan, Daniel and Elihu Katz. Media Events: On the Experience of Not Being There. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, forthcoming.


II. The growing influence of Televisión in the Olympics The steadily increasing influence of televisión in the Olympics can be measured in several ways as follows. Televisión Rights Fees

The income generated by the sale of televisión rights continúes to increase and the U.S. network remains quite dominant. In 1988, total revenues from the sale of televisión rights were over $407 million, of which more than $302 million were accounted for by the American network, NBC p). Forthe Barcelona Olympics, NBC alone paid $402 million in cash, plus an additional $15 million in advertising. Overall income from televisión rights accounts for approximately 33.9 percent of net global income for Barcelona (4). Commercial Sponsorship

Although televisión rights remain the single biggest source of income, the degree of relance on them has been reduced, primarily through increased sponsorship income, following introduction of the TOP program in Seoul. Sponsorship accounts for approximately 22.1 percent of net global income for the Barcelona Olympics, so that together with televisión rights it makes up fully 56 percent of income (5). Here it is noteworthy that sponsorship cannot be viewed separately from televisión. Particularly for those global corporations such as Coca Cola, Kodak, Matsushita, 3M or Mars which particípate in the TOP-2 (the Olympic Programme) worldwide sponsorship provides the exclusive rightto exploit their association with the Olympics on a global basis. It isfrequently televisión which provides the sort of global window on the world necessary to do so, and the major sponsors began months ago to cali attention to their affiliation with the 1992 Olympics. Sponsorship involves payment in cash or

in kind in exchange forthe commercially exploitable potential of an association with the Olympics. The largest corporations undertake such sponsorship in order to build and maintain «global brands» or a corporate identity on a global basis. Notably, it is not only corporations, but nations and the Olympic movement itself that need to be concerned with image and identity, both as a matter of commercial potential and also to protect the integrity of the meanings conveyed. Accordingly, the Olympic Charter declares that all of the central visual symbols of the Olympic movement are the property of the IOC and directs that the international televisión signal be produced «...in an objective and universal manner so as not to concéntrate on athletes from one or several countries, but rather to cover the events with the impartiality required by an international audience» (6). News and Feature Coverage

The amount of televisión attention given to a host city and its región or nation far exceeds the coverage of Olympic sports and ceremonials per se. A considerable amount of this coverage is generated by non rights-holding broadcasters from around the world. The Growth of Global Televisión Audiences

Continued expansión of the number of broadcast and repeater stations around the world, together with growth in the number of televisión sets, increases the size of global audiences for events such as the Olympics. At the time of its telecast, the Seoul Olympic Opening Ceremony was viewed by the largest audience to date in the history of televisión, possibly exceeding one billion viewers (7).

(3) Seoul Olympic Organizing Committee. Report on Televisión Broadcasting Operations for the Games of the XXIVTH Olympiad. Seoul, Korea, April 1989. p. 6. (4) COOB '92, Press Dossier COOB'92 -Image and Communication División. Barcelona, p. 16,17. (5) COOB '92, Press Dossier COOB'92 -Image and Communication División. Barcelona, p. 16. (6) Olympic Charter 1984. International Olympic Committee, Chateau de Vidy 1007, Lausanne, Switzerland, Appendix II, p. 103. (7) Based on host broadeaster (KBS/SORTO) estimates and those of industry observers.


III. The spectators for Barcelona'92 In documents prepared for the first Overseas Broadcast Advisory Committee (OBAC) meeting, RTO '92, the host broadcaster for the Barcelona Olympics, described itself as the «first spectator», for the games (8). This is an apt description in the sense that it captures the priority of the many and varied activities that go ¡nto creation of the international televisión signal as required bythe Olympic Charter, which becomes the first view of most Olympic events for the majority of world broadcasters (those which do not have unilateral coverage). It is the raw material on which they depend in constructing their own national telecasts. The ¡mportance of this task can be partially grasped from the schedule of six OBAC meetings and three World Broadcasters Meetings between April 1990 and the start of the Games in July 1992. RTO '92 describes its philosophy of coverage in terms of the following f ive criteria: 1.-To offer the best possible coverage. 2.-T0 improve coverage of all sports compared to previous Olympics. 3.-To offer live coverage of most sports. 4.-To carry out clear, comprehensive production integrating various TV styles and easily understood by broadcasters and TV viewers. 5.-To créate graphics and design suitable to TV organizations and comprehensible to all TV viewers o). The role of «first spectator» implies nothing less than a central role in the construction of the televised spectacle-those meanings which will be constructed and conveyed globally through visual content, sound and words. Tehranian observed that human communication always involves the transformation of meaning in a cultural médium through which sender and receiver communicate. In ¡ntercultural communication, the sender and receiver «...often have to negotiate on the invention of a third meaning system, a third culture, ¡n order to communicate. In reality, this has led to a

global transcultural communication system that borrows heavily from the dominant world cultures» (10). The modern Olympics represent such a system. The role of «first spectator» also implies that there are others. Furthermore, it may be read to imply that not all spectators are equal in terms of their interest in an influence on the construction of the televisión spectacle. However, it is natural that there should be a growth of interest in the media and especially in televisión coverage of the Olympics. What Mr. Manuel Romero, Mr. Sergio Gil, Mr. Josep Maria Benet and colleagues are doing in the years-long process of planning for global televisión coverage istantamount to constructing the central symbolic system that will be seen and in future years remembered and replayed as the Barcelona Olympics. It is natural that their work should attract attention just as more generally global power of televisión brings greater concern with the message-making side of the media. Witness the EBU's recent request that the EC Commission help them launch a multilingual alternative to Cable News Network that would present»...an European point of view to the global media...» di). A long listing of the other «spectators», in addition to RTO'92, would include the following groups, each of which has a vested interest in the nature of Olympic televisión coverage. • The International Olympic Committee (IOC) • The host city Olympic organizing Committee (COOB '92) • National and regional broadcasting organizations • Corporate Olympic sponsors • National Olympic committees (NOC's) in each participating country • International sports federations • Governments • Athletes •Fans • Scholars

(8) RTO '92 fínt OBAC Meeting: Barcelona April 17/18 1990, p. 8. (9) RTO '92. First OBAC Meeting, p. 7. (10) Tehranian, Majid. «Is Comparative Communication Theory Possible/Desirable?» Paper presented at the Annual Conference of the International Communication Association, San Francisco, California, May 25-29, 1989. (11) «Help Sought for 'Euro-CNN',» International Herald Tribune, Thursday, February 28, 1991.


The most immediately influential of the above for the Barcelona Olympics are the International Olympic Committee (IOC), the host organizing

committee (COOB '92), and TVE and TV3 which will work very closely with RTO'92 as host broadcaster.

IV. What Scholarship can do: Questions of Theory and Policy. As noted at the outset, the world on the eve of millennium ¡s continuing through a somewhat painful transition to a new, post-cold war order ¡n the world, accompanied by dramatic changes in televisión and related media. One apparent characteristic of that new order ¡s that the media bring cultures ¡nto direct new forms of contact with ¡ncreasing frequency. The nature of this translation and communication of culture, or indeed the creation of a more global culture, poses a challenge for anthropologists, political scientists, communication researchers and others. In pursuing their ¡nquiry, scholars have much to learn from those communication professionals who work to construct the global Olympic spectacle for televisión viewers around the world. Such learning can take place through both observation and dialogue. Scholarly research can contribute much to a better understanding of the relatively new process of creating and globally transmitting culture via televisión. In conventional academic jargon, this would be thought of as progress in building theory. However, such work should also have relevance for improving the production of Olympic televisión and addressing some of the persistent policy questions in Olympic broadcasting. The following are some examples of the latter. A. Questions of Commercial Intrusión

One set of questions raised by scholars who have examined Olympic broadcasting has to do generally with the dominance of U.S. commercial networks in the process. For example, it has been suggested that Olympic Opening and Closing Ceremonies be telecast without commercial interruption 02). NBC's telecast of the Seoul Olympic Opening Ceremony in the U.S. lends some weight to this suggestion. It was inter-

rupted 25 times for nearly fifty-two minutes of commercials, and another 21 times for newsbreaks, interviews, and «Olympic Chronicles» or «Olympics Past» segments averaging 3 minutes 3 seconds in length (13). B. Attention to Culture of Host City, (región and nation) In the NBC telecast from Seoul, the majority of both commercial and other segments cut away from the intemational televisión signal during cultural performances and the entry of the athletes. This suggests a second policy issue of whether rights holders should be required to provide a higher level of coverage devoted to the cultural background of the host city (u>. The issue becomes more complex for Barcelona in 1992 because of the political and cultural status of the city of Barcelona in relation to both Catalonia and Spain. C. Possibility of Co-Production Arrangements Some of NBC's departures from the intemational televisión signal for the Seoul Opening Ceremony, such as its feature report on Mr. Sohn Kee Chung, show televisión in the more positive role of giving viewers a sense of historical and cultural depth that otherwise would be missing from the telecast. Such background pieces, produced at considerable cost, are presently viewed only by a U.S. televisión audience. The present arrangement poses the question of whether some degree of co-production and pooling of such background segments should be encouraged. D. Time and Space Considerations The Seoul Olympic Opening Ceremony incorporated televisión dramatically to convey the breaking of barriers of space. Viewers will recall the

(12) Kidd, Bruce. «The Olympic Movement and the Sports-Media Complex». Proceedings of the Conference on The Olympic Movement and the Mass Media: Past Present and Future Issues. Calgary, Alberta, Canadá: Hurford Enterprises, Ltd. p. 1-8. (13) Larson, James F. and Nancy K. Rivenburgh. «A Comparatíve Analysis of Australian, U.S. and British Telecasts of the Seoul Olympic Opening Ceremony». Journal of Broadcasting and Electronic Media. Volume 35, Number 1, (Winter 1991), p. 82. (14) See Kidd, Bruce (1989) and also Lee, Jae-Won. «The Symbiosis of Modern Olympics and Mass Media: Policy Concerns for Olympism>. Paper delivered at the Seoul Olympiad Anniversary Conference, September 12-16, Seoul, Korea.


sports parachutists who formed the Olympic rings in the air above Seoul and once again on the ground within the main Olympic stadium. Televisión technology makes it possible for future ceremoniesto break barriers of time by incorporating televised segments of an historical or cultural nature and to break barriers of space through the use of «space bridges» via satellite. Should both uses of the technology be freely allowed? The answers to the preceding

questions and others will have a great deal to do with how broadcasters, including the host broadcasting organization as «first spectator» convey the full range of emotions shown by athletes and spectators in the Olympics. Indeed, they will help to determine the nature and degree of mutual understanding and genuine intercultural communication achieved by the Olympics in Barcelona and future Games. •

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Broadcasting of Barcelona'92 Olympic Games

Manuel Romero General Director of Radio Televisió Olímpica'92 (RTO"92)

1. Introduction Created by the Congress of Paris on June 23 1894, launched by Pierre de Fredi, Barón de Coubertin, the International Olympic Committee is the supreme authority of the Olympic Movement and owns all the rights regarding the Games.

of the Games. In fact, everyone agrees on considering the written, aural and photographic and electronic ¡nformation as an integrating part of the Olympic Movement, and in the widest sense of the Olympic Family.

The International Olympic Committee is a nongovernment association which has its headquarters in Lausanne (Switzerland) and whose fundamental charge is to guarantee that the games are held in keeping with the rules and enhancing the ideáis these Games inspire.

Aware of the importance of the media, the International Olympic Committee has created a press commission and another one for Radio and Televisión, made up of technicians and specialists who are ¡n charge of studying and making reports referring to these áreas.

Henee the so-called Olympic Movement, in charge of promoting the development of the physical and moral qualities which form the basis of sport, educating the sportsmen and women, at the same time, in the spirit of friendship and mutual understanding.

The work of the media ¡s not limited to the duration of the Games; before it centres its ¡nformation área atthe place chosen, internationally projecting the image of the organising city. Once the Games have terminated, the media perpetúate them in texts, images and sound recordings. Therefore, it can be said that the work of the informers is essential to give a truly universal dimensión to the Olympic events. Since the Games were reinstated at the end of the last century, the media have been the artífices of its progressive popularity to the point of converting it into an event of the greatest international relevance.

Besidesthe International Olympic Committee itself, which is in charge of directing it, the Olympic Movement is made up of the International Federations, the National Olympic Committees and the Organising Committees of the Games. This conjunction makes it possible that every four years athletes of all the world meet for a unique event. The difficulties the means of transport posed at the beginning of the century doubtlessly hindered the participation of many countries, however, and especially after the Second World War, the Games turned into an international happening of mass participation, with the problems of distances being set aside. Thus, of the 13 countries that ¡nitially met at Athens in 1896, we reach the record number of 159 in the Seoul Games, hoping this presence will be greater at the Barcelona Games. On the other hand, the development of communications during the XX century has been vertiginous and the Olympic ideáis could not remain indifferent to the advances the new technologies provided. Mass media, an immediate consequence of these advances, have an unquestionable divulgative task, before, during and after the holding

The path followed by Barcelona until its nomínation as Olympic city was not at all easy. Barcelona had requested the honour of holding the Games on five occasions. Finally, on October 17th 1986, during the twenty-fifth plenary session of the International Olympic Committee, its President Juan Antonio Samaranch announced in Lausanne the decisión to grant Barcelona the Games of 1992. Starting from this moment work was begun to créate an Organising Committee, which here took the ñame of Comité Organizador Olímpico de Barcelona (COOB'92). This Commíttee was formally constituted on March 12th 1987 with the participation of the Government of Spain, the Generalitat of Catalonia, the Town Hall of Barcelona and the Spanísh Olympic Committee, all of whom assuming the same commitment: the success of the Olympic Games of the summer of '92.


2.- Tv's role in the Olympic Games The importance the Olympic Games have acquired and their universal dimensión would be incomprehensible without televisión. Within the general framework of the media, televisión has made it possible to send images of the Games all over the world, at the same time the events are taking place. Technological advances, on the other hand, have enabled a substantial improvement of quality increasing, at the same time, the amount of live information. This flow of communication televisión has created with respect to the Games being so important, in recent years television's role has been decisive in achieving the equilibrium of Olympic budgets. This is a relatively new factor which appears as a consequence of the interest of American channels (CBS, NBC and ABC, mainly) to get the broadcasting rights of the Games. Starting from this moment, the granting of broadcasting rights shall have direct influence on the Organising Committee's income.

pesetas, depending on the fluctuation of the dollar), which signifies more than double that which Los Angeles collected for the same concept, and a notable increase with respect to the 400 million paid forthe Seoul Games. However, it is not only the economic reasons that are foremost when granting the broadcasting rights of the Games. The International Olympic Committee takes particular care in ensuring the diffusion of the sports events to the greatest part of the planet, deploying efforts and resources in broadcasting information to less developed zones and countries. This has been the reason why the rights, except for some specific cases, are negotiated through large world radio and televisión unions, which in their turn see to distributing them among the different channel associated. Live broadcasting of the Olympic Games

Starting with the Rome Games in 1960, we could speak, therefore, of televisión influence on the development of the Games.

Broadcasting rights

Special mention is made of this concept in the Olympic Charter when it States that by the payment of rights, radio and televisión contribute to extending the Olympic ideáis throughout the world as they are, besides, the main source of income of the International Olympic Committee, of the Federations and the National Olympic Committees. The sale of rights starts to acquire importance in 1960 forthe broadcasting of the Games in Rome, with today accounting for a third of the Organising Committee's total income. In the chapter on the Barcelona Games' budget, income for the sale of rights is estimated to be around 650 million dollars (some 65,000 million

Thanks to televisión, today thousands of millions of people may watch the Olympic Games at the same time they are taking place. Audience estimatesthrown up for Barcelona'92 approach 3,500 million viewers, which means three quarters of world population will see at some time, and by TV, the Olympic Games '92. To satisfy this audience over 6,500 radio and televisión journalists will be accredited, as well as the approximately 3,000 who will work for RTO'92. The televisión broadcasting of the Games over the world ¡s a communication phenomenon without comparison forthe universal diffusion of the Olympic valúes. Televisión, in this sense, has managed to breakthe limited framework of the organising cities.

3.- The Olympic Games Barcelona'92 The fact that Barcelona's candidature was presented more than eight years before the date foreseen for holding the Games was positively valued by the members of the International Olympic Committee, if we take into account that the other cities aspir-

ing presented their respective candidatures after the figures of the Los Angeles Games were published. Barcelona's project was contained in the Candidature File, a requisite the IOC demands for all


aspiring cities, and is in fact the reply to a detailed and exhaustive questionnaire on all the ¡ssues connected with the Games: information on the facilities; safety of the participants, spectators and personalices attending; computer and technological projects; conditions for entering the country; accommodation and guarantee of covering the needs of the media. Sports and participants

The Olympic Games' current programme contemplates 25 competition sports, including Baseball, the last to receive the ñame of Olympic sport and it will be in Barcelona where the first Game is played as such. Besides these, the '92 Games will have three demonstration sports: Hockey on Skates, Tae-Kwondo and Pelota. The opening ceremony will take place on July 25th, however one day before, the competition proper will have started with some preliminary Football matches. All together, 17 days of competition which will termínate on August 9th with the closing ceremony and delivery of the Olympic flag to the city of Atlanta, recently chosen as host of the 96 Games. Regarding the presence of athletes, estimates indícate right now a total number of participants exceeding the figure of 15,000, which signífíes a new record with respect to prevíous Games.

conceived as the working headquarters of the written press, the graphic reporters and the radio and televisión representatives. This centre shall have the most modern services and equipment, optimising the technical and data-processing resources. The location of these headquarters will be the international Trade Fair of Barcelona's premises and its space will be divided into three main áreas: -The International Centre of Radio and Televisión (CIRTV) -The Press Main Centre -The Centre of Common Services (CSC) The first two of these will be in zones of work for radio and televisión and press respectively, while the Centre of Common Services will be a space for services catering to the basic and recreational needs of the group of media during the Games. This conjoined distribution of the centres of press and radio and televisión will allow not only the joint use of all the services, with the consequent economy of resources, but ¡t will also make the journalists' work easier. During the operative period of the Games, the Centre of Communication Media will become a proper journalists' town which will function to full capacity 24 hours a day. Telecommunications

Competition facilities

Barcelona's candidature project was structured around four large Olympic áreas: Montjuic, Diagonal Avenue, Pare de Mar and Valle de Hebron. Of course, the nerve centre of the Olympic Barcelona will be the Montjuic área. It was therefore a matter of achieving, with these different but cióse áreas, a greater ease of access to the facilities without rendering difficult the displacement of the Olympic Family and the spectators. There wíll be a total of 40 venues for the Olympic Games competitions. Apart from the four large Olympic áreas in Barcelona, there are other towns which will also receive competitions during the Games, and which are called sub-seats. The headquarters of the media The Centro de Medios de Comunicación is

Data and telecommunications coverage of the Games is a primordial factor to guarantee, on one side, the máximum organisational efficieney and on the other, the sending of the images and sound of the Olympic events in perfect conditions. Aware of the importance of the telecommunications, the Organising Committee has involved the main firms and organisations in the sector in the operation, from the Ministry of Transpon and Tour¡sm or the General Office of Telecommunications to firms like Telefónica of Spain and Retevision. The list of projects that go from the general accounting system of budget control to the installation of optic fiber or the construction of the Collcerola Tower, goes beyond the strictly Olympic limrts, becoming a substantial improvementforthe city afterthe Games.


4.- The Radiobroadcasting body RTO'92 Radio Televisión Olímpica (RTO'92) was set up in January 1989 as an autonomous organism within the Organising Committee with the end of guaranteeing international cover of the Games Barcelona'92. This cover contemplates, for the f ¡rst time inthe history of the Games, the live broadcasting of all the sports, adding up to a total of over 2,000 hours production, which signifies a record without precedent in this type of event.

These departments are: Production, Technical, Information, Booking, Logistics, Administration and Personnel. Each of these is responsible for one of the facets making up radiotelevisión coverage of the Games both in the operative period and during the organisational phase.

Production of the International Signal The International televisión signal includes, besides the images, the repetitions, slow motion and graphics with information on departure lists, back numbers, competitors' ñames, flags and With this purpose in mind, RTO'92 has gradually abbreviations of countries, results and world and been incorporating radio and televisión professionOlympic records. By the Olympic Charter all these als until reaching almost a hundred which complete, data appear in Latin characters, although some at 500 days from the start of the Games, the executelevisión channels may request to receive only the tive chart of this organism's organisation phase. This clean image to include their own graphics. The growth will continué to the operative phase, the video signal will be PAL system with 625 definition period in which RTO'92 will have a total staff of lines. The International Radio Signal, on its part, over 3,000 people. Part of this personnel comes must be independent of the one produced for from Radio Televisión Española, from the Catalán televisión and consists of environment sound. Corporation of Radio and Televisión and from the European Broadcasting Union, by contracts of These international signáis must be objective, cession signed with these organisations. that is, they may not centre their interest on specific athletes of one or another country, but they must cover the events with the impartiality Functions of RTO'92 an international audience requires. It ¡s mainlyfor RTO'92's main function is the production of the this reason that some radio and televisión chanInternational Signal of radio and televisión, but nels use the International Signal combined with besides, this broadcasting organism is responsible their own unilateral cover. for the services which are given here: -Transport of the international signáis from the competition places and Coverage of the International Signal distribution to the broadcasters in the internatioFor the first time in the history of the Olympic nal Centre of Radio and Televisión. Games, in Barcelona the direct coverage will span -Provide broadcasters with the necessary services all sports with the only possible exception of some and infrastructures to cover their unilateral preliminary triáis. requirements. In most of the triáis, live broadcasting will start -Provide assistance to broadcasters in the services five minutes before the official start with the broadthey require of other organisations. casting of environment plans superimposed with -Offer broadcasters detailed ¡nformation on the graphics which will include the ñame of the locaGames and the relevant events in the Olympic tion, the sport, the departure lists and other inforcontext, before and during the Games. mation of interest for the broadcasters. In some cases exceptions may be made to this rule. They are Organisation sports having their own protocolary ceremonies In orderto fulfil all these functions RTO'92 has structured itself internally into seven departments before the official start, in which case, broadcasting will start 10 minutes before. Once the event is over, which under the direction of this organisation the transmission of the International Signal will work in coordination to ensure the success of continué for five minutes during which the final international coverage of the Games. results and classifications will be given.


For the environment plans of Barcelona and its surroundings, RTO'92 hasforeseen placing cameras ¡n, among others, these places: -Olympic village and Olympic Port -Telecommunications Tower of the Olympic Ring -In front of the torch -Plaza España and the Palace of Montjuic -The Holy Family Church -Diagonal Avenue -Port of Barcelona A study is being made of other áreas which for their significance offer interesting features of the city to the world audience. Production media

In order to carry out this coverage of the Games it has been foreseen to place between 5 and 30 cameras at each location, depending on the importance of the triáis to be developed. There will be a total of 400 fixed cameras and another 200 counting ENG, automatic. remote control and special cameras. Save for the Olympic Stadium and Sant Jordi Palace, where there will be permanent installations, the other competitions will be covered with more

than 50 mobile units coming from Radio Televisión Española, The Catalán Corporation of Radio and Televisión and the European Broadcasting Union. Contribution network In cooperation with the Telephone Company of Spain and Retevision, RTO'92 has designed a contribution network which guarantees quality and security in the circulation and transport of the video and audio signáis from the locationsto the International Centre of Radio and Televisión. Two systems will be used for the transport: on the one hand microwave connections, for all the locations situated outside Barcelona and whose nucleus will be the Collcerola Tower; on the other hand, the áreas of Montjuíc, Diagonal Avenue, Valí de Hebron, Pare de Mar and the Collcerola Tower itself, will be linked by an optic fiber network, thus avoiding the disadvantages posed by the saturation of the radioelectric specter in Barcelona city. To prevent possible breakdowns, the two systems are doubled with reserve connections which would come into action in the event of breakdown of the main network.

5.- Tv channel in the Games As its ñame implies, the production of the International Signal must be made in the most objective way, and as different audiences are not necessarily interested in the same events or protagonists, some televisión channels which for cost reasons habitually correspond with the bigger ones (i.e. the American NBC, the Britísh BBC, the Germans ARD and ZDF, or TVE itself) with their cameras personalise coverage combining at their criterion, the images of the International Signal with their own.

telephone circuits. Each commentator's rostrum has three chairs and access to it is limited to the representatives of radio and televisión channels. The distribution of results and information relative to the Games in these commentators' positions will be the task of connecting officials specifically trained to see to the needs of this group. B) Camera positions Two types of camera platform have been foreseen for the Locations:

Media and services at the places of competition

A) Positions of the Commentator RTO'92 will instal 1,200 commentator's positions in the approximately 40 locations, thus allowing the commentators to follow the competitions.

-Unilateral camera positions for direct on permanent platforms, and the awarding of which, prior reservation, will be for those broadeasters who wish to personalise their cover.

These commentators' positions will be fitted with cabins, chairs, tables, monitors, programme circuits for audio and electricity inlets. They may also have circuits of coordination and/or normal

-ENG camera positions which will be available for those broadeasters who wish to record unilateral images to process them afterwards.


C) Injection points It is foreseen t o have injection points at all competition locations and in the Olympic Village. This equipment will permit the transmission o f broadcasters o w n material from the locations t o their unilateral áreas in the International Centre of Radio and Televisión. D) Unilaterals (Pre and Post) RTO'92 shall fix a timetable for pre and post unilateral broadcasting at those locations where required. The plan for sending unilateral signáis is decided a t t h e meetings which RTO'92 has every day w i t h t h e broadcasters. These unilaterals shall be produced by using RTO'92 cameras designated in predetermined places. In general, the unilateral broadcastings will begin 45 minutes before the event since t h e preparations for the broadcasting o f the international signal start at least 15 minutes before. E) Mixed Zone and interview rooms The mixed zones are situated in áreas the competitors pass through from the competition zone to the dressing rooms. These zones are designed in a way that t h e representatives o f the media can carry o u t brief interviews w i t h the athletes, ¡mmediately before or after each competition. As well as the mixed zones, in-depth interviews and press conferences will be held in interview rooms specially equipped for this use. F) Information Systems This is an aspect of vital importance for the good functioning o f the Games. Especially f o r t h e Radio and Televisión commentators who are narrating the events direct and must have the information about the event being developped in the shortest possible time. The Organising Committee in collaboration with IBM have developed a data system called SIR (Sistema de Información de Resultados) which will see t o feeding information t o the rest of the data systems designed for the groups making up the Olympic Family. This system contains information in t h e four official languages on t h e sports, Olympic background, records, athletes, results, departure lists, competitors, etc.

The CIS system based on these data is specif ic for commentators at the competition locations and will supply all t h e data relative t o the event being developed. Screens w i t h this system will be connected at all commentator positions. Together w i t h the data systems, at the commentators' positions, RTO'92 will have connection officials w h o will take charge o f t h e physical distribution of paper. The International Radio and Televisión Headquarters It is considered the nerve centre of operations for radio and televisión and as we have said before it will be situated next to the Main Press centre on the premises of the Barcelona Trade Fair. All together it offers approximately 34,000 square metres distributed between RTO'92 and the rest of the broadcasters with rights. Signáis coming from the locations reach the International Radio and Televisión Headquarters for their subsequent distribution. They will be monitored and equalised atthe Distribution Centre, guaranteeing their final quality. The signáis will be recorded atthe Central Services then going to an archive which will contain all the images produced for broadcasters' consultation and use or else for editing daily summaries. Besides all these áreas, the International Radio and Televisión Headquarters will have spaces for broadcasters to make their own programmes: edition rooms, off-tube cabins and televisión studios equipped with digital cameras, video mixers, character generators, etc.. The coordination and administration of all the services placed at the disposal of broadcasters during the Games is done through a Booking Office. This office is also located inside the International Radio and Televisión Headquarters and will function non-stop 24 hours a day occupying itself with bookings. Information systems also play an important part in the International Radio and Televisión Headquarters. In addition to those already mentioned, the whole process of distribution to broadcasters will be channelled through the Information


Office. This centre will have data systems developed by the Organising Committee for the distribution of results and a system of runners in charge of distributing them direct to broadcasters either at their own places or in the pigeon holes for this purpose at the reception área.

The IRTH will be connected with the main hotels, the media villages and the competition locations by a transport system designed by the Organising Committee and which combines the use of shuttie buses, underground and authorised prívate cars.

6- GENERAL STATISTICS — Operative personnel Total hours production live MobNe units Permanent ¡nstallations Fixed cameras

+ 3.000 + 2.000 hours

50 hours 50 10 410 13 7 36 400 820 5 2 5 c 1 22

KSíTSÍitrol cameras Special cameras Videotapes 1/2" (DX) HeMcopters*0" Electric cars Motorbikes Boats Balloons ENG Personnel


Televisión broadcasting of Barcelona'92

Josep María Benet Sports Director of TV3, Televisió de Catalunya

I shall be brief in what I have to say and I hope l'll be very clear. I have to be brief because the question of the participation of Televisión of Catalunya in the Olympic Games Barcelona'92 is quite a short theme to explain even if it could be quite long to discuss.

the technological novelties were for football, to use them afterwards, which does not happen for swimming, because we do swimming transmissions barely once ortwice a year. So, on our part, we are very pleased with this participation.

When speaking aboutthe participation of televisión in the Olympic Games we must differentiate two aspects of this participation. On the one hand, the production of the televisión signal of the Games and, on the other, the broadcasting of this signal. Speaking about production, the one producing this signal of the Olympic Games is the Olympic Radio Televisión, which has the participation of Spanish Radio-Televisión, of Televisión of Catalonia and the European Broadcasting Union, the EBU. That is, Televisión of Catalonia has an active participation in the signal. Which sports will Televisión of Catalonia produce? We shall produce a part of athletics, a part of gymnastics, all the football, which will be played at the Camp Nou, Sarria and at Sabadell -at the Creu Alta-, and all the basketball, which will be at the Blaugrana Palace. Why do we have these sports? Evidently, we did not choose them; they resulted from a negotiation with COOB'92, but ¡t can be said that the production of these sports totally satisfies our aspirations. On the one hand, this allows usto take an active part in the production of what perhaps are the two most emblematic Olympic sports: athletics and gymnastics, which have a long Olympic tradition. Secondly, because the other sports we are producing, football and basketball, are sports we are specialised in. Once the Olympic Games are over, we shall continué to play basketball and football. Therefore, we will be able to take advantage of all the experience and technological novelties brought in by the Olympic Games to make our transmissions of the basketball or football league. Some people have asked; «Why didn't you try to get swimming, which is an Olympic sport?» I wasn't interested. Even though football isn't a sport with a great Olympic tradition, it interested me more that

The technical means will be mobile units. There will be about four or five mobile units -probably four- used by Televisión of Catalonia and, there will be more than a hundred people directly working with these mobile units. There is already a group of seven directors working right now on the supervisión that Olympic Radio and Televisión ¡s doing to unify the signal and style of the transmissions. Our participation ends here. Starting from this point it is ORT that takes charge of preparing the professionals a bit and unifying the transmissions, because it is they who basically are responsible for the quality or style of these transmissions, not us. Now let'stalk about broadcasting. The problem is that we can say nothing about Televisión of Catalonia broadcasting the Olympic games because, simply, right now Televisión of Catalonia cannot broadcast a single minute of the Olympic Games Barcelona'92. That is, it could broadcast the minutes it is allowed by the Olympic Charter, which are three-minute summaries twice a day. Practically nothing, a few merely informative minutes. As things stand at the moment it seems nothing will change this. We are a year and a few months from the Games and we, of course, cannot make any plan on how we'll cover the Olympic Games because, simply, we must think that for the moment nothing will be seen. The rights of the Olympic Games in Spain belong to the European Broadcasting Union. The Spanish representing member, the Spanish associate of the European Broadcasting Union, is Spanish Radio Televisión. Televisión of Catalonia does not form part of the European Broadcasting Union for political problems, at least, that's what I understand, and, as ¡t has no participation in the EBU, it cannot have the Olympic Games' rights. Only a negotiation with Spanish Televisión could give them rights to this competition.


This very clearly means that in the contract signed between the Catalán Corporation of Radio Televisión and COOB'92 on the granting of elements of production to be able to produce the signal of the Games, there is a nice point l'd like to underline. The contract says exactly that the accord is made with the Catalán Corporation of Radio Televisión, which managesthe Institutional Radio and Televisión of Catalonia, an essential service organisation for the Olympic Games. That means, textually, the contract between the Catalán Corporation and the COOB'92. That is, COOB'92 itself recognisesthat Televisión of Catalonia isthe institutional televisión of Catalonia. I believe that these games, which will be historie for many reasons, can also be historie for that. It could be the first time in history that a national televisión -or institutional- of a country may not broadeast the signal of the Olympic Games. It will also be the first time that a televisión which

actively participates in the production, with a great effort, of the Olympic Games, may not broadeast a single minute of direct transmission of these Games, at least for the moment. Therefore, we can say that it will be the first time that the televisión of a country does not have access to the Games that country organises. I find it hard to think that the Olympic Games can be a total success if this remains so. I think that if things are kept as they are, it will be difficult for the majority to understand. This is what I wanted to say, because rt's unlikely 1*11 say it again. I could let my imagination go and say: «if we had the rights to the Games we'd do this, if we had the rights we'd do that». But as I don't know what rights we have or even if we have any, I can only make known, here and now, an historie paradox which I can be sure has never happened before in the history of the Games.


8 SYMBOLS AND CULTURAL PROPOSALS: THE DESIGN OF BARCELONA92


Symbol and logo oí Barcelona'92 Olympic Games

Josep M. Trias Designer of the logo and the Olympic pictogrammes

Competition for the obtainment of the symbol and official logo In October 1987 an advising commission of the Organising Committee of the Olympic Games of Barcelona'92, made up of 14 experts ¡n design, recommended conducting a restricted competition to obtain the Olympic symbol and mascot. Several ñames were put forth, ending up with the 6 most voted professionals being invited to compete in both categories.

On December 1 st of the same year a jury composed of professionals in design and communication and representatives of COOB'92 decided for the Olympic Games'92 to choose (by 17 votes to 18) the proposal for the symbol and logo presented by Josep María Trias.

On the language of the symbols One of the basic premises of the competing process was the need to get away from the characteristic images of the previous Olympic Games orthe candidatures. This consideration did not arise so much from demands for originality in design as from seeing that the symbol could not be made with a technical, geometric or technological vocabulary. Neither Barcelona, ñor Catalonia ñor Spain, can «see» an image of technologist nature. It is undeniable that internationally Barcelona is associated with Picasso, Miró, Dalí, Gaudí or Tapies; this evidence led to the need to define a language more human, more artistic, more creative, more personal, in short, more in keeping with the communicative valúes it was necessary to transmit.

And from the start of the project I therefore considered the possibility of the symbol having the condítíon of «hand drawn» and not wíth instruments proper to more technified languages. The dash appears as the symbol's fundamental characteristíc. In the numerous models, sketches and notes this valuation of the graphic dash appeared insistently as one of the most consistent alternatives; countless triáis of a thousand and one dashes of roller pen contínuously mixed themselves up with sketches of more anecdotic expressive content, rejected in the final stage of concreting the symbol. The colour which appears in the final result as one of ¡ts more characteristic elements appeared once the constructive definition of the desígn had reached a high degree of concretion.

On the Mediterranean-ness of the symbol Barcelona is a port, with a history going back thousands of years, and it is difficult -not to say impossible- to dísassociate the city's history from the sea.

personality should be reflected in the symbol to represent and identify the Barcelona Olympic Games. So, ¡t should be a design that could be defined as a Mediterranean symbol.

And the sea besides is the Mediterranean, which shapes an unequivocally extrovert character, expressive, bright, dynamic, colourful, carefree, free, direct and human.

The criterion of Mediterranean-ness was a new justificaron for the need to differentiate this desígn from the previous graphic images of earlier Olympics, most of whích could be defined as geometric drawings, far from that expressive character which design should communicate.

No doubt these concepts dífferentiate and identify Barcelona and its culture, therefore thís


On the universality and humanity of sport and the Olympics The image of the previous Olympic Games had habitually focused on symbols of cities or countries, or else on their buildings or emblematic elements such as shields or flags. From the start it was considered thatthe symbols Barcelona could supply in this field -crosses and stripes, standard, Holy Family, Columbus monument- implied a certain danger of falling into an excessive anecdotism, very far in any case from the universalism required of the symbol, and with the evident risk of possible semantic errors. An excessively localist symbol would restrict the semantic field necessary to construct a message representative of Barcelona -Catalonia- Spain, a role which the logo must play. As well as this universality there are the expressive valúes proper of the Olympic Games, that dimensión which could be called sport-Olympic.

The Games are a sports manifestaron of world scale with the protagonists being sportsmen and sportswomen. Why not design a symbol using the synthesis of a human figure in a sports attitude? The symbol designed wantsto be a synthesis (almost rock-like or archaeological) of an individual (man or woman) ¡n a dynamic attitude (running or jumping), valúes accumulated to those described before. Man as protagonist of an Olympic Games, the Mediterranean athlete. Thus the symbol allows two readings: and first and immediate one focused on its tactile valúes and a second more reflexive and induced one, of certain figuration valúes.

On the colours The colours of the standards of Barcelona, Catalonia and Spain are basically yellow and red, therefore, ¡f the idea was to identify this triple topographic and political reality, they had to be used. A special characteristic of Mediterranean-ness of Barcelona referred to earlier, advised the incorporation of blue representing the sea, a colour fundamentally cool in evident contrast with the two warm ones.

Red is associated with life (blood), fire (heat), passion, feelings, pain and freedom; yellow with the sun, light, understanding, intuition, intellect and human valúes. Blue is associated with the sea, the sky, daylight, thought, constancy, justice and coldness. Thus, also the chromatic dimensión -besides its decisive contribution to the material definition of the design and its successive development-took on a sepárate and characteristic part in the overall expressive valué of the symbol.

On the dynamism The symbol describes the intention of a displacement (from left to right, in the ordinary sense of reading), in an attitude of jumping or running; the arms open and stretched out contribute to the dynamism of the symbol, while the head -held in a more static position- balances the

whole, forming the central hub of rotation. It ¡s the jump of the athlete, over Barcelona and the Olympic rings acting as support for the composition; but it is at once the leap of happiness on winning a medal or the attitude of open arms, the universal symbol of welcome.


On the logo The Barcelona'92 logo has been composed with a Times Demi Bold (New Román) typography, which possesses cultural references, of antiquity and Romanness, of Latin-ness and seriousness. A typography which for its features works perfectly as a bridging element between the essentially tactile valúes of the dash and the geometric mechanism of the symbol of thefive Olympic rings, a role emphasised by their position between one another (unusual, if judging from the associated graphic developments of other Olympic Games).

Compared with the coldness, apparent asepsis and desired «modernity» of dry typographies (Futura and Helvética, basically), the use of a Times, which despite its Saxon origin reveáis itself as direct heir of the Román capital, meant a decided commitment towards a new culture of typography.

The Cultural Olympics With the designation of Barcelona as seat of the XXV Olympic Games Barcelona 1992, the COOB'92 acquired the commitment of carrying out a wide cultural programme during the four years leading up to it. The line this programme will follow, in keeping with the Olympic principies of friendship among peoples, of creativity and harmonious co-

existence, ¡s that of universal exchange associated with sport and with the great youth festival of the Olympic Games, offering a fítting prologue in the four years leading up as well as during the Games. A logo has been created to identify this Cultural Olympics and which will accompany all the activities which are developed in the programme.

Logo It consists of the following elements: A red (Olympic colour) square background. The initials «OC» for Olimpíada Cultural: formed based on a fragment of the symbol of the Olympic rings, they place culture in an Olympic context and form a logo reduced to «easy to remember» memorisable initials.

The official symbol of the Olympic Games Barcelona'92: strategically placed in the upper right margin of the background and abovethe initials «OC» collaborates in the equilibrium of the 3 conf igurating elements of the image, and at the same time unequivocally Barcelonising the whole. Times Demi Bold typography: it is the same as used for the logo «Barcelona'92" thus achieving a typographical coherence plus a decidedly cultural character.

Volunteers'92 For a better internal and external functioning of the whole organisation the Olympic Games imply, a team of Volunteers collaborate and particípate directly in different functions according to organisation needs. Among others, these functíons will include from a complete translator's service to information on

control of accesses, including general information to the public, accompaniment, competition assistants, technical help at the Radio and TV centre, etc. A logo has been created to identify this team of Volunteers and whích wíll accompany all the activities developed by the team's members.


Logo It consists of the following elements: A horizontal rectangular red and blue (Olympic colours) double background with the lower end «torn» which gives ¡t a young, dynamic, Mving and not mechanical cultural character. The word «Volunteers'92" ¡n white negative composed with the same Times Demi Bold

typography as the «Barcelona'92" logo and the «Olimpíada Cultural Barcelona'92", so asto have typographical coherence. Substitution of the «i» (in Catalán) and the «¡o» (in Spanish) for the symbol of the Olympic Games of Barcelona'92 with the aim of personalising the ñame and Barcelonising the concept of volunteer, as well as to get round the bi-lingual question.

Pictograms of sports The series of pictograms proposed for symbolising the Olympic sports has its origin in the same symbol of the Games of Barcelona'92. The symbol, as anthropomorphic synthesis of an athlete in a dynamic attitude or jumping, right from the start was seen to be able to have the sufficient variations to be associated with the different Olympic sports, anyway already known and internationally assumed ¡n its form of pictogram. Thus, from the conception of the design itself one of the basic conditions of the pictograms was fulfilled, that of the creation of a unitary image of the Olympic Games, serving as vehicle for the central significances attributed it. In this case the basic valúes of a design of quality, with humanist will, of prosociality and of identification with local culture and its Mediterranean environment. The three anthropomorphic elements of the symbol become the three basic structure elements of the pictograms of the sports: the blue dot suggests the significance of the head. The yellow line suggests the significance of the arms. The red line the significance of the legs. The differences from previous systems of pictograms are notable. There are differences in the elements that compose the structure of the pictograms and also in the forms of articulation of these elements.

The structure is now composed of only three elements: head, arms and legs. Unlike all previous experiences, there is no element properto signify the trunk. The perception of the athletes trunk must result from the perception of the pictogram's whole. The identif ication of the body is entrusted to the receiver's decoding action, who must use his imagination. The second great difference is to be found in the form of articulation which establishes itself among the elements making up the pictogram. Whereas in previous series these elements (head, body, legs) were articulated in keeping with a strict geometric code and with a limited number of combinations, in the new pictograms of Barcelona'92 this combination is open, less codified or standardised, and, therefore, more creative. The pictograms of Barcelona do not belong to an articulated system, but to a fully iconic language, made up by analogies between the visual perception of the pictogram and the memory each receiver has of sport practices, whether by direct visión of the sport or by visual experience through the media. The work of design carried out consisted of researching the possibilities of extrapolation of the graphic style of the symbol Barcelona'92 to different Olympic sports, obtaining the máximum comprehension, expressiveness and personalisation.


Symbol and logo for the Olympics for the Disabled The symbol for the IX Olympics for the Disabled Barcelona'92 has its origin in the Absolute Games of Barcelona'92. The identity of the Games for the Disabled had to be able to be recognised and associated to the Absolute Games, but it could not be the same, it had to have its own personal image. So, the symbol designed aims at transmitting the same concepts of humanity and Mediterranean-ness by the humanised and anthropomorphic expression of its stroke, and by its three colours: Mediterranean blue, yellow of the sun and red for life.

Then, to the blue head in the centre and the yellow arms outstretched in welcome and friendliness was added a third red circular element which gave it is finishing touch and which wants to be a synthesis between legs and the main element of the universal and symbolic wheelchair for the handicapped. The logos «Paralímpics» and «Barcelona'92" have been composed using the same letter type used in the Absolute Games in order to give the symbol the same contrast of graphic and typographic character.


Design of the «Cobi»

Javier Mariscal Designer of the mascot Cobi

The cartoon film of the Cobi comics will be quite could take a shower, a bath, that could jump, that could ride a horse, because it would have to do awful. I made lovely drawings but there is a long industrial process which destroys much of the first lots of things. I saw the Los Angeles eagle, it was awful, because it was taken direct from a shield, image you make. However, this type of thing an Imperial Eagle, and the poor bird couldn't do a often happens and right now I have an obsession because I have been drawing since the creation of thing, when you put it on a bicycle it looked as if these characters and I am not at all objective when it was shitting on the saddle, didn't it?. Then, of ¡t comes to speaking about the result. This kind of course, my dog had to have two legs. After all, we have a great tradition, not only of Disney but thing happens as many people who have done back in the XVII century, the XIV century and back cartoons tell me, that when the creator sees the to Román times, of animáis that talk, that say results he's not happy at all. In any case, l'm sorry things, that think like men. So, I gave him two but I can't keep quiet about it. legs and when I stood him on his two legs he looked like a bear. I started to trim his coat Once upon a time there was a competition and because it was a disaster and in the end I was left six of us were talked ¡nto making a mascot. To tell with three hairs. I wanted him to have three hairs the truth, I did not want to make a mascot becauto make a fringe. se I think a mascot is very common; l'd always thought a mascot was a sheep dragged along by I worked on him for a while, making it a very the Legionnaires and it always gave me the willies. Well, I decided to do one after meeting Abad, and easy profile to make, easy to recognise, that he could be small or very big, and that this character also for the thrill the Olympic Games gives you. would always be recognised with this profile. You saw they carried a wave that, at least I, have always believed in, that is to want to demónstrate I also wanted to give him this cubist or Egyptian perspective. He looks as if someone has f lattened once and for all that Barcelona is a modern city, his nose. Then, since it is a graphic, I wanted to that Spain is a happy country, and what is better use only two perspectives -that it be seen very than hitting one another in wars or political plañe and fíat, because it was a graphic. When hysterias, for money, or whatever, from time to I made the volume -I also presented the volumetime it's a good idea to organise fiestas like an I would do it using a space and making it a little Olympic Games, where what is least ¡mportant rounder. But I was most concerned that in the after all is who wins, at least that's what l've graphic it was obvious we were playing with dots, always read. I thought it was nice that something lines and strokes. Then, the three hairs gave him like a great world fiesta was set up in Barcelona, I the appearance of a woolly dog, with a naughty, thought they could organise something great. Beatle-like fringe, which could also give other expressions: when he's afraid it stands on end. Usually all these mascots and all the official Then I saw it could work, a black Cobi could work, symbols are too serious. In some way Barcelona a Statue of Liberty Cobi could work, even a was trying to say: «fiesta», joy, light, it's going to Russian Cobi, an Indian or whatever. It was ¡mporbe very hot, well then, let's take advantage of it. tant that Cobi had the capacity of evolution and So I thought, if my mascot wins, at least it will be that it could not only practise sports but also take something l'll never be ashamed of. It won't be a part in this great fiesta of mankind. That a black serious thing, like something frozen, because could think that Cobi was black, that a Chínese usually the mascots and symbols have a frozen smile. I come from comics and it was quite easy for could imagine that Cobi was Chínese, and that a Japanese could think him Japanese, anything you me to créate a character. like. I had a lot of ideas at first, I suggested several, but I worked most of all on this little dog. At the I experimented wíth dífferent expressions and beginning I thought that a dog would be nice. A I saw that ¡t could function as a sportsman. I was woolly dog, a dog with a long coat called «a also very careful not to make a superman mascot, highland dog», meaning the Pyrenees. It had to be not a great athlete. I feel very sorry for those a character that moved, a character that ran, that athletes who have to follow a strict timetable


every day, obsessed with getting to the swimming pool to get half a second. That's no way to live, that's a sad life. It's much better for people who particípate in a sport. So l'm not ¡nterested in that side of the competition. What interests me is that if one day Cobi wins it's because the Germans have gone down with a terrible' flu and the poor fellow was left with an Albanian and so he gets to the podium. But he's a regular participant, he's someone who sees sport in his own way. He practices all the sports, of course he does, but he's not the number one. You can see that from his tummy button. The environment was also important; Cobi lives in Barcelona -see the poster of Cobi flying over Barcelona-. The poster seeks to intégrate Barcelona with a graphism. It's very easy to make a graphism of Barcelona because of the Diagonal Avenue, houses more or less the same, then a few ones of Gaudi's time, and there's Barcelona. I had no idea of what standardising meant, because every Cobi I made was different. I was lucky with the logo; when I saw it I was taken aback because it impressed me, it had a lot of things in common. It was joyful and made with a very loóse stroke. Meeting Trias and being able to work on the first book of graphic patterns with COOB was great because I learnt a lot. In fact, I became a designer but I don't consider myself a real designer in the sense that I don't have technology, I don't know the things you're supposed to know. With them we got together a pattern book and this was a great help to me to know how to keep the balance between a Cobi who sometimes had longer legs or shorter arms depending on the action but when you saw them all you could see it was the same one. I worked very closely with Trias for this. Then, putting the logo on his tummy caused a very personal argument between us going like this: «Hey! Can't you see that it looks like the mouth and the eye?». Well, I like that dot that perhaps makes you think that the tummy-button is the dot of the logo. That the mouth is the logo that's gone up. That there's this symbiosis between the two, that it works there. This is a bit about the birth of Cobi. Later we dressed him, because I felt a bit embarrassed having him naked.

Some technical data on the drawing of Cobi: -Sometimes we used shade as something very graphic. -With respect to the world, it is always important. My reading is that Cobi's home is Barcelona, but Cobi's home is the world, the planet Earth, where we all live. -With respect to Cobi practisíng different sports, I wanted to break away from perspectives: that the racquet be very big... -There is always a base -Trias' help- The standard would be to always place him on the ground. A black line and a stroke of colour which is sometimes green, sometimes red, grey, etc. -We always sought Cobi's comic side and to be «making fun of ourselves» a bit, which was important -Cobi on horseback also worked. It was diff icult to put him with an animal because he is an animal too. But after all aren't we all animáis? Well, it worked. It was a work done closely with Trias. It was his idea that the bases should always be white as that's very Olympic. There's always a lot of white around Cobi. We tried to make it although it doesn't seem so, that the colour is mínimum. I wanted sailing Cobi to be in a big boat. At other Games the mascot was always huge and the boat tiny. What we have tried to do in all the sports is adapt Cobi more to the horse, boat, weights or all the things he touches, not the opposite, to make it more realistic. Many firms giving their money to COOB want their own Cobi. And l'm delighted; there's a very nice communication and everyone wants to have his own Cobi. There's a Cobi for the Barcelona Tourist Board, and he's a tourist guide -that would be one of Cobi's functions. If he existedWhen someone arrives he would show them around Barcelona. Cobi is ¡n love with his city, he thinks it's great, and he always carries The Holy Family under his arm, as symbol of his city. Then there's Cobi the Cook, Cobi the Doctor -you can see everything Cobi has inside- There's the ColaCao Cobi, the IBM Cobi, the Danone Cobi, the Rank Xerox Cobi...


I work with all the freedom in the world. And ¡t's really true that the image department has given me lots of freedom, lots of «caite blanche». It ¡s also ¡mportant to be able to convince and they were the first in their support for Rank Xerox's product not appearing but simply the action Cobi is always active, he's always doing something, he isn't on IBM's side or on the side of the photocopy machines, he just makes photocopies, he uses computers, he drinks Cola-Cao, he likes Danone. I think it's greatthat a Rank Xerox decides, o.k., we'll do without the machine and we'll have the «kid» making photocopies, that's enough. Then there's the cook, the telephonist, the Panasonic Cobi, then, to put the hat on, the Flex Cobi with «Today I feel Flex». There's also the watchmaker Cobi, the clown and the academic. We make Cobis one after the other. We always try to makethem have a dynamic action, thatthey're cute and that there's always a touch of «fun». Look at Panasonic's «Sunday tripper», in his tracksuit, all excited with his Panasonic filming the children on the beach. The telephone Cobi going out of his mind with the noises he hears on the 'phone -at least that's the way I try to sell it to the National Telephone Co. so that, at least, they know they have a terrible company, that the 'phones sound dreadful and that nothing works. The official poster is a bit the position of welcome, the position of «here we are, come» and the map of Barcelona on the back, of Catalonia, of Spain, the map of Europe, of the Continent and the whole World. It's a bit, as I have said, the home of Cobi. There are also the oceans and all around, all those stars and trash there is in space, all those satellites and suchlike around, which gives itthat dynamism and as if to say «This whole Planet communicates and there are people out there. Even with a telescope they can know about the Olympics». This is some of the environment on the official poster and always with white thanks, I say, to the supertechnician colleague. Before making it I said» Listen, Trias, how...». Well, put the fringe below» following the norm of Román letters, he says. Above we placed the typography, which was with his help too. We had to find a Cobi typographer, which I hadn't thought of. It's a typography that works quite well. He also taught me how to standardise a kind of typography likethat.

The first volume Cobi was also done in cooperation with COOB. I submitted a tiny Cobi, made of clay, and another of synthetic cork, but it was a first model but it looked very like the real one, except for the hands and feet, which I hadn't decided on yet. Of course, he already had the tummy and Cobi has always had that rounded shape. I had always thought of him like that in volume, I saw him tubby but at the same time with very angular features, as if made with a hatchet -as if you get a piece of wood and chop it with a knife or hatchet-. The ears, the pincers of his fingers, and always that Egyptian perspective which is as if someone has punched him and squashed his nose to one side. With respect to Cobi's house in the film, he lives upstairs in the Fabra observatory, in the Tibidabo. He has a telescope, he watches the stars, he has a garden and from up there he controls the whole of Barcelona. As for Petra, the Olympic Games for the Handicapped, what I wanted to make of Petra a character who was also fun and which also aroused feelings of sympathy, because a handicapped Olympic sportsperson does arouse sympathy -like someone you see without legs or arms, you immediately have this feeling. That she should have this dramatic touch. Petra has no arms but she is like many Olympic handicapped I have met who drive cars and are full of good humour and manage perfectly well. Graphically, we tried to make her have a great relationship with Cobi in his world. Petra has long legs, she's very fast on her legs but has no arms and when she practises sport you can see she has no arms and there are dramatic moments because she can't lift weights or can't play tennis or ping-pong. So she wears a special device at the waist or simply stands beside the weights and does not practise because she can't. Other times, she feels solidarity with the blind, or with people in wheelchairs. The fact that the COOB has accepted to make the film ¡s a great satisfaction for me. The film's story is good because it practically never speaks about the Olympic Games.


To end up, all Cobi's world, with Petra's and also Nosi's, which isthe mascot of the Cultural Olympics, form a whole. In the film Cobi's friends all form a gang with the city of Barcelona as its environment: the stadia, the new Barcelona, the Olympic Village. It's Barcelona overflowing with joy where you can see the buildings of the end of the XIX century and beginning of this, where you can see it's a city bursting with energy.

To all this what I have attempted is, with my work, to be able to add just another drop of feeling to this great event which the Fiesta of the Olympic Games can be, which is what they want to sell, but not sell just with sales-talk, but sell because it's true, because it's what we live every day: joy, and a city that truly loves beauty, where lots of things happen, artistically speaking.


Design of the Olympic posters

Enric Satué Designer of one of the official posters

To begin with, without modesty, I shall say that I am convinced that we have made a good poster, a very good poster. I say «we» because the COOB'92 has had a big influence on it. Everyone can remember, because it appeared in the media at the time, that the f irst versión of the posters submitted in the competition was totally or partially rejected, because COOB was not satisfied with the contributions of the artists chosen. Therefore, they were given a second chance, and this poster was chosen from this second option.

one feels deeply identified; at least with regards to me, this is not the case.

This is a poster which, unlike the first one, was not greatly pondered. It appeared, as I said, spontaneously. Because it was the second, because going back to something that had not come out well the first time is usually not very inviting, because there was less time to do it in than the first one...for lots of reasons. 1*11 go back to the beginning. I have considered myself a professional with a relative attitude during these twenty years of work. But it was a kind of work done in the way opposite to what designers usually do, that is, work with practically no method. When this poster won, we corrected all the errors. I thought; «What have we done here?». So, we went backwards checking what we had done, a bit like when we did those sums when we were at school, when there were no computers, anxiously checking if the previous operations were right. This is a process that entertained me a lot. I should also like to say that, in my case, and also from what I gather from my colleagues', in some way what we have brought to this cooperation with the Olympic Games of next year is professionalism but also, especially, enthusiasm. For some time my doctor, who is a well-known specialist, has been lecturing on the risk ¡mplied for the health by practising a sport intensely, and especially sporadically, starting from a certain age. From what I know about Xavier, he's not a great sportsman either. Ñor does Trias seem to be, and the fourth one responsible for the off icial posters, Antoni Tapies, I don't see him jumping, or swimming every morning. This said, so that it is clear we are far from the fanaticism which could be provoked by doing work on something with which

All that was a big risk, especially at the beginning; from the gap between the organisation of these Games and me, it was necessary to work with an image I wasn't sure what end it wasto have. From the viewpoint of a simple citizen, I did not know, and I still don't know, what these Olympic Games of Barcelona will be like. Faced with the necessity of translating them into graphic form, I could wonder if they would be correct and eff icient like those of Munich, delicate and sensitive like those of Seoul, if they would be a show made to delight televiewers like the Los Angeles one, if cold and insipid like Moscow's, etc. It was a real unknown quantity. Certainly, the only sure thing was this feeling of happiness, of excitement, for the fact that at last a city like Barcelona, with so many historical and cultural debts, was recognised the right to organise an Olympic Games. This collective enthusiasm manifested so deeply at the moment of the nomination, brought this first positive element, a high degree of euphoria, of witnessing a spectacle, a fiesta. But not a fiesta programmed bythe media, by televisión, but from the hearts of the people. In this sense, I thought it appropriate to make a poster where man, in the general sense, isthe protagonist, I say in a general way because my poster implies a code in which it can be understood that the arms belong to the winning athletes, but I think you cannot say that the arms can't belong to the people watching the sports event. Also, the poster joins together, one by one, on each of these arms, these hands, the famous code, stable and canonic of the colours of the Olympic rings. In this case, the backward process was also used. Just as, in an abstract way, the Olympic rings symbolise men of different races, here it is the men or arms of the different races which bring to mind, with these colours and this combination, the emblem of the Olympic Games. So, the emblem has passed from being an abstract entity to being an eminently figurative entity. One of my assistants was my daughter. We were thinking of a young poster, which translated this generalised collective euphoria, an euphoria


which would appeal to both the grandparents and the little ones of the family, where it seemed that this play of basic colours was put ¡nto children's hands, with that special way of combining colours which a professional sometimes dares not combine. I asked my daughter and another child to colour in some photocopies with these hands, and then, if you sawthe combinations! Perhaps they did not occur to me but they did to them. The order of the colours was chosen later, thanks to this first work of these two helpers of mine. The unity of these five arms is very clear, very necessary. Now we can start to see it, after having attempted to see if this idea would work, to prepare ourselves to take part at a round table one day like today's, to justify what we have done. We began to see that this emblem of five arms can have such a strong identity that, if divided and left alone, one by one they still have the capacity to bring to mind the idea all five construct. It is important to see how much this image has cinetic capacities. To what extent it is possible to exploitthis image from the audiovisual communication media. The field of applications of this image has been widening. Because one thing is, as I said at the beginning, that it be a good poster, and another that, for ¡t to do the function expected of a good poster, that it be effective. It's not enough for a poster to be good; a poster must also be effective, and there are two types of effectiveness. One is that would come under the obligations and responsibilities of the designer, and another, most important, isthat of the diffusion and exploitation of the poster. To reinforce the idea of the poster, taken as an emblematic image, characteristic of the victors on the track, care has been taken for them not to appear either as men or as women, ñor one sport over another. In the great majority of the Olympic sports, the athletes wear a badge on the body, legs and feet, but rarely on the hands -the hands are generally bare as far as the arm-, so that hands could serve for practically all the sports. But they could also serve for those watching.

A poster like this, vertical, with difficulty can be placed on a surface like that of the Stadia's electronic posters -which are extraordinarily long- In order to adapt itto surfaces for which, in principie, it was not made, a multiplication of posters can be made. Multiplication favoursthis idea of what is called, jokingly, the Olympic Family. By this it being understood that this Olympic Family includes, f irstly, the participants, but then, by extensión, all the crowd of fans and followers which truly make up this enormous Olympic Family. Thus, this poster has also the possibility of being understood infinitely, covering and representing almost one by one, all this great Olympic Family. And in this process of seeing to what point the poster could resist the responsibilities expected of it between now and '92, we shall also think of those thingsthat represent Barcelona, not only rts skyline, but also its creative depth and variety. One of the symbols of Barcelona is Gaudi's architecture and, in this sense, the totemic valué of Gaudi architecture in general. We had the Holy Family present in some way on our poster, placing one photograph over another, therefore our poster is not the Holy Family, ñor does ¡t want to be the Holy Family, but once the poster was made, compared and confirmed later on the Holy Family, we saw that it looked not only quite good, but that it adapts to a certain organicity. We made the same adaption with the work of a few other more representative artists, like Miró and this last piece made for the Escorxador Park, «Woman and bird». Repeating Miró's work several times on our poster we achieved an unedited visión of that statue of the Woman and bird, which is not far from the Holy Family and most of all, neither is it far from our poster. Somebody may say «Well, this poster, these colours...it looks like Miró». We have already said that these are the canonic colours of the Olympic rings, but, yes, combined like this, and placed at this rhythm, and with arms up and down, ¡t can seem Miró, and can also seem Gaudí. In any case, it seems that this mathematical verification gives as result a strongly Barcelonese poster, sufficiently Catalán and, in short, I think that it can serve complementan/ interests with the mascot and the symbol, and with the things still to be made to give more prestige, quality and renown to the Olympic Games'92.


Environmental project for the Olympic Games

Esteve Aguí lo Designer of the envlronment of the Olympic Games

The «look» project of the Olympic Games of Barcelona'92 has its main objective ¡n dressing this sports event and environment where it ¡s to be held with a single and homogeneous image, a ref lection of our city and our culture, attempting to achieve the greatest degree of universal understanding. We see the Olympic Games as a fiesta, a world sports event made singular by the high concentration of people: sportsmen and women, organisers, spectators, media, directors, citizens, etc. All of whom are participants in different ways.

We aim at having these Games, in its general aspect, in its participation, in its elements of colour, in the indication elements, emblematic or not, invented or tied to tradition, remove tensión from the sports. Most of all because, despite our effort, evidently, this fundamental action will be the news that a record has been broken, and the news that very often speaks of historie parallels referring to the sportsmen and women taking part -we all know the tensión felt when following the races of a sportsman who had been punished for using drugs in the previous Olympics-.

When wishing to speak of participating in the expression of the image of the Olympic Games, the seriousness of the manifestation in itself is a little frightening. It is evident that the manifestation is reduced, in a very high percentage, to sports activity. Now, we thought that all this kind of universal movement around a manifestation of thistype required a basically festive treatment, because Bar-celona ¡s a city centre, an environment which receives a special light, which has a special colour, and which makesthe Barcelonese, we who live here, where the Games are to be held, have a particular vital attitude. As I have said before, the fundamental spectacle is sports activity in itself, but it is the multitud and varied participation that gives it the idea of a fiesta. The fiesta of the Olympic Games has to melt in with the environment where it is produced. It must be the Games held in a specific place, it must be the Games that receive the human support and physical support of this city of ours and those who live here. It is evident that fundamentally that is where we must direct our action. Understanding the fiesta in the most traditional and specific way, linked in some way with our culture, we wanted to start with characteristic elements which have always been used and, by the vehicle of abstraction and symbolism, achieve a oneness of image universally comprehensible. This is where the challenge starts, with our intention of having that the elements which, in some way, are significant for us, the elements which historically have served to characterise festive activities, be reflected faithfully and directly and be the support of this wish that the Olympic Games be manifested as a fiesta.

Basically, we have tried to refer to these emblematic elements which are for us a constant presence at fiestas. We have tried to transform them by symbolism into elements having an image, having components which, although not identifiable as such, become festive elements in general, and can be universally understood. We have set aside local folklore. The great danger was using these elements too directly and that would give them an excessively folkloric result. l'm speaking about emblematic elements, because I think it will be those that will give the Games that touch of different fiesta, of our fiesta, and which, in some way, will mark the «/oofc» or the general image of the Games. Our action is also respectful towards what is demanded by the media. We have to deal in a special way with that we cali «competition scenery», because televisión, all the media will be on the look-out for news and that creating emotional tensión, and will give the Games importance. In spite of everything, we are doing our best so that this way of treating the competition scenery be also free, not restricted, and in this line we are trying to remove excessive seriousness and give this atmosphere of fiesta. And in this great help has been given from all the elements of official type, like Cobi or the Olympic symbol designed by Josep Maria Trias, but, of course, we shall still be working on this aspect of festive feeling since we must underline this intention of removing drama from the situation. It is a pity we cannot show images, because the project is still being developed, and the images of


the pre-project are of no use as lots of things have been changed. And lots of things have been changed because the department of image and communication has been very wise, very active and very creative in this sense.

I think that where we are concerned words are superf luous and there ยกs too much parallel explanation. But what we do say is that we have subjected many parts of the general concept to the concept of fiesta, and to be more exact, to the concept of our fiesta.


Design of the censer

Ramón Bigas Designer of the censer

It's the same for me as for Esteve Agulló. I have to explain a project that's not made yet, that's still being developed. However, there ¡s a set of parameters I could begin to talk about, which we have taken as rule for the development of this product.

was situated at the foot of Olympia, the mount where the Greeks situated the home of the gods.

I have to talk to you about a project I had no experience of until now, which is the torch holder. So far, I have designed taxi cabs, trains, engines, lights, telephones, furniture, machines, knives, pencils, computers, shoes, books, motorbikes and ashtrays. But, a censer, never. I must say that I and our firm AD are very excited about this job, since it fits in perfectly with ourteam's philosophy: design and technology. The Olympic censer has a large dose of these two elements. On one hand, its shape must be of great quality and power, bearing in mind utility, precisión and function. On the other, the technological component has great weight as it has to solve the problems and faithfully give the performance we define. When we were given the job, we did not even know what a «censer» was. It's the ñame of the ancient recipients where aromatic herbs and perfumes were placed, incensé, burnt in a concave recipient. These aromas were composed of perfumed herbs, incensé, myrrh and other fragrances. To tackle the design of this artefact we bore in mind the technical problems and a whole set of symbolic and liturgical valúes representing and making up the Olympic spirit. The origins of the Olympic fíame are rooted in mythology, in Greek philosophy, even more deeply than the holding of the Olympic Games itself. The Olympic Games were held to honour Zeus, the god of gods, god of the tempests and carrier of lightning, which is the generator of fire. It was the tradition to light the fíame on the altar of the goddess Era, who symbolised the spirit of the Greek gods. Starting from the Olympic Games the fíame was lit for four years at the city of Olympia, designed as permanent place of the Ancient Games, and which

The fíame was lit by a parabolic mirror which concentrated the sun's rays and ignited a liquid fuel. The contemporary custom of carrying the Olympic fíame with a torch was begun with the Games of the XI Olympics, held in Berlin in 1936. The father of this idea was the Germán, Professor Karl Diem; this image gave spectacularity to the Games and, thus recovering an unifying symbol and has since become representative of all the virtues of the Olympic spirit. The fíame originates at Olympia, where the torch is lit, and runners bring it to Barcelona, along a well laid-out route. Finally, on July 25th 1992, it will make its entrance at the Olympic Stadium. In view of the great symbolic and liturgical valué given to the Olympic fíame in the stadium, preceded by the whole ritual of bringing the original fíame, lit at Olympia, with the Olympic torch, a set of symbolic valúes should be borne ¡n mind which must be translated into the shape of the censer. Speaking about the fíame, and also remembering the great symbolic valué of Olympic fire, we consider that the quality of the fíame is foremost. The fíame must certainly not be either a firework, ñor a rocket, ñor a láser, ñor any other type of fíame than that we understand as a classic fíame. It should have characteristics of quality regarding size, colour, thickness, density, absence of smoke, visibility, etc. The colour must be orange-red, with the fíame like a tongue of fire. In Barcelona, the fíame will be fed with natural gas supplied by Catalana de Gas. As we know, a gas fíame is blueish, which means we have to study a special type of burner permitting us to get the colour we want. At other Games different methods were used to get the colour of the fíame; At the Los Angeles Games, for instance, they got it by throwing talcum powder into the pipes. We are studying the complexity of the burners together with the AD team, the gas company technicians and other foreign companies specialised in burners.


We believe that during the two weeks of the Olympic Games this fíame must be visible not only from inside the stadium but also from the whole city of Barcelona. We are working on the possibility of the fíame leaping three metres from the censer, which would consume 30,000 cubic metres of gas. The censer itself, the support of the Olympic fíame, must have the fíame appear really modern. It should have a classic concept, a Mediterranean spirit, and its appearance should also represent a city that designs for the future. It should have sufficient form and emblematic valúes to distinguish it from all the other censers made for previous Games, and ¡t should be related, even if by contrast, tothe neoclassic spirit of the building of the stadium. The materiaIs we are using at the moment are basically metáis, which must also give an image of solidity and become an object which, right now, we can only describe as Mediterranean. Logically, it will consist of a recipient holding the burners, a support column housing the gas pipes, and the accessories for guaranteeing it lights, with no risk, and keep the Olympic fíame burning night and day. Regarding the location of the censer, at a first analysis we made with the AD team on the environment, we considered a set of factors conditioning it. For the Olympic fíame to be visible from the whole city of Barcelona -we think this is a basic condition-, it should exceed the upper perimeter of the stadium. Considering the view from within the stadium, the censer should be able to be seen by the greatest number of spectators possible, especially from the authorities' tribune, remembering that the moment of lighting will have a strong emotional charge. Therefore, as a first step, we decided that ¡t should be placed above the crown of the stadium, in a space giving a view from the authorities' tribune, at an angle of 180°. We are seeing to it that its situation is in harmony with the building of the stadium seen from inside and outside, and at the same time we consider that the crown of the stadium has a

particular outline, made singular by the tower over the tribune, the roof of the tribune, the structure of the Marathón finish, and the score panels and screens foreseen to be placed there. At a first superficial glance placing the censer's Oiympic fíame in the tower that gives onto the main facade built in 1929 when opting, with hope, for the Olympic 1936, seems natural. This tower has a most singular urban scale as it is visible from many points of the city, but this situation is not valid today as it contradicts the Olympic rules -it is not visible from the Main Tribune, which remains behind it-. For the Mediterranean Games a kind of fountain was installed substituting the Olympic fíame, right above the dock of the Marathón finish. We rejected this place too as it seemed it could turn ¡t into a kind of Wedding Cake. Considering that the Olympic stadium is on the limit of the mínimum capacity the International Olympic Committee requires, and also knowing the problems this has caused, it is not a good idea to instal the censer in zones which interfere with or endanger the occupation of seats. We have also considered the urbanistic hubs of the Olympic Ring, and the urban hubs of Barcelona. All together point to placing the censer at the Marathón finish. Therefore, the proposal is to place the censer on one or other side of the little castle formed by the Marathón finish. Placing it here has the advantage of the good view from the city, and it will also allow a good filmed and photographed visión, as it's always with the sun behind it. Another argument which bears weight is that, at the opening ceremony, it will be framed by scenery designed by Alfred Arribas; the pipe of natural gas also passes in front of the Marathón finish. Lastly, we have only to analyse, and that's what we'll do now, the climatological study of Barcelona made by the National Weather Office, to adapt the censer to conditions of wind, heat, humidity, rain and temperature.


The Olympic Ceremonies

Manuel Huerga i Josep Sol Ovideo Bassat Sports

Manuel Huerga

Josep Sol

I shall very briefly sum up what the work process has been so far, ¡n order to provide information on how an Olympic ceremony is prepared.

What I should like to do is give an account of the plan of ceremonies we have prepared, in order to hear your criticisms and opinions, but of course I cannot do that as the matter is secret and we cannot give any information on the plan of ceremonies.

We were appointed to be in charge of conceiving, producing and carrying out Olympic ceremonies. Evidently, this had never been done in this country and, therefore, the firstthing we bore in mind was that it was necessary to be very prudent when creating the team. Everyone will agree that it is essential to have the experience of one who has already done Olympic ceremonies. In this sense, we had that of the producer of the Los Angeles ceremonies, Mr. Reed Beelch, and his incorporation was decisive for knowing howto plan a work of production of this type. The most ¡mportant thing to remember was that an Olympic ceremony in Barcelona cannot evidently be the same as an Olympic ceremony in Los Angeles or Seoul -to give the most recent examples- for several reasons: Los Angeles is in Hollywood and, therefore, has an experience in the entertainment world we cannot compete with. On the other hand Seoul has a wealth of folklore which is totally unlike ours, and it also has a feeling of anonymity in spectacles which we do not have either. We consider that the difference between Catalonia and, for instance, Seoul and Los Angeles, is perhaps the individuality and large number of artists per square metre existing in this country. Another element to be taken into account is the presence of televisión from the start, we thought that this show was not only for the sixty or seventy thousand spectators who would see it physically in the Stadium, but, at all times, we bore in mind that it would be seen by three thousand five hundred million spectators and therefore, the type of spectacle, the type of rhythm, the type of music, the type of language we used should bear this factor well in mind.

I should like to underline that the ceremonies are not an advertising spot on Spain. Of course, if the ceremony is a world-wide success, it can contribute to creating a happy image of our country because, after all, what we are putting on is a spectacle, a cultural manifestation of the greatest ¡mportance for its repercussion on the media. Advertisers can consider that, when all is said and done, their ceremonies can be an advertisement for Spain, but our aim is that they be the expression of the best our country has to offer in the cultural aspect. And that is what we have done. Our project has already gone beyond the theoretical phase. We competed with other firms and we won with a plan submitted to the COOB and IOC and was approved by both. Right now we are entering the plan's practical phase, that is, we have begun preproduction, with all the stumblingblocks inherent in producing a spectacle in an Olympic stadium at six or eight p.m. In fact the opening ceremony will be at eight in the evening, which is the magic hour in Barcelona, the best time of the day for the most signif icant moment: the moment of the lighting of the fíame.


Sponsoring of the Olympic Games

I suppose that basically the Olympic Games are organised to promote the city of Barcelona throughoutthe world. Evidently, organising an Olympic Games is very expensive; we have a budget, as Organising Committee, of some 140.000 million pesetas and we have to make use of what we can to genérate income to pay for this budget of expenses. Where does the COOB income come from? On one hand, from the sale of the spectacle consisting of the sports events themselves. The Games can be seen live, therefore income comes from the sale of tickets, or it can be seen from your armchair, in which case the income comes from televisión rights. Another very important source of income ¡s the whole matter of sponsors and licenses, which is nothing other than charging for the interest firms have and the products to be connected with the Olympic Games of Barcelona. Why do these firms want to link themselves to the Barcelona Games? Because historically the Games in themselves have been associated with a set of valúes, but also because the Barcelona Games will stamp its own personality on this historie image ofthe Olympic Games. How is the personality ofthe Barcelona Games created? On the one hand, it is created by the personality of the city itself. On the other, by the communication the Organising Committee makes, for which we of the Image and Communication División are responsible. This personality is created by a graphic, visual, written or aural communication, and with symbols: the logo, the mascot, pictograms, the official poster, the official film and a whole set of promotion material. Everything, on one way or another, will be influenced by a concept created by the Image and Communication División ofthe Organising Committee. This link of the Image of firms with the Games is made by the use of symbols. These symbols are the logo and all its development -which are the pictograms-, the mascot, with all its development, and, on the other hand, the slogan, which is «Friends for ever».

Antoni Rossich Director Comercial, COOB'92

The use of these symbols by sponsors is more important than in any other sports event. It should be remembered that the Olympic Games are the only sports competition at which, in the competition área, inside the Stadium, static advertising is forbidden. The Olympic Charter requires that the whole interior ofthe Stadium be free ofthe presence of trade marks. The only marks allowed on the premises are the five rings and the symbols of the Organising Committee. Of course, if there were static advertising, those firms that sponsor the Games would have the right to it, and the public would see it live or by televisión. Since this is not so and these firms want to make known their link with the Games through their own advertising -their usual one-, they need some symbols. They need symbols that are attractive, different and easy to recognise so that when they use them the person receiving the message knows that firm is linked with the Games. What we sell is the possibility of associating oneself to concepts and valúes. On the matter of symbols there is a very important point: we have a concrete thing, which are the symbols, and these symbols must be well protected. We have to keep ownership and this ownership must be well protected. If it were not so, at the moment of sale, we couldn't transfer ownership of anything or the possibility of using anything. We have the copyright ofthe symbols. They are registered here in Spain and in the most important countries, the same as for all kinds of trade marks, and we are adhered to international agreements of trade mark protection. Also important is that we have made an innovation -as far as I know, it had never been donesponsor firms may personalise the symbols. The COOB has made it possible for sponsor firms to créate their own corporative Cobi, so that people can relate the known image ofthe Games' mascot with that company's activity. Very quickly, because ít is something that has been discussed a lot, I shall speak about the commercial plan of the Olympic Games of Barcelona. This commercial plan is based on a set of general principies.


We said that there was to be a limited number of firms cooperating with the Games and which had the right to use our symbols. Exclusivity was given for a category of product, for a territory, and for a specific period of time going from the moment of signing the contract until December 31st 1992, in Spain, and until the day following the closing ceremony of the Barcelona Games, outside Spain. We said also that it was necessary to inform all the important firms of each sector. From a political viewpoint we couldn't run the risk that an important f irm, with the possibility of being a sponsor of the Barcelona Games were not informed and could not have the chance to make its offer.

Sponsors are, basically, firms of consumer products with large investments in the mass media for advertising and promotíon, and the mínimum contribution fixed for sponsors is 600 million pesetas. The category of suppliers was basically for industrial and technical firms. The main interest of these enterprises was to be able to communicate to their potential clients, and by a limited communication -for instance, trade reviews, catalogues or by word of mouth- that their product was being used for the Games. The mínimum contribution for suppliers is 150 million pesetas.

The fourth category ¡s that of sports material, and this a rather special provisión because the We established a mínimum contribution for each validation of the product is done jointly between the Organising Committee and the corresponding category of product, because the size of the federation. It is not possibleto set mínimums in economy in Spain, unfortunately, does not have this category as there are great differences among more than one firm in certain sectors to have the types of producís. A trainíng centre costing sufficient potential to be a sponsor. The fact of hundreds of míllions ¡s not the same as a firm not being able to genérate competition in a specific sector makes them lower their price. That's supplying the networks or the cork used in the pools to sepárate the lañes. why we set mínimums.

The Organising Committee's contribution could be in cash or in kind, with producís or services. If contribution was made with producís or services, thetechnical guarantee of the product prevailed. Our main objective is to organise on fantastic Olympic Games and, therefore, we are not prepared to sacrifice the success of the Games to genérate more resources. That is, when firms are prepared to make a contribution of thistype, COOB's users department must certify that these product comply with the mínimum technical requirements necessary. We established different forms of cooperating with the games; cooperating assocíate, sponsor, supplier, sports material and license. These categories were designed bearing market demands in mind. Associates are the large corporations which cooperate with the Organising Committee in áreas vital for the organísation of the Games and which, from a viewpoint of corporative strategy, want to make it known they are actively involved in the organisation. The mínimum contribution we set, in this case, is 2.500 millíon pesetas.

Lastly, lícense corresponds to the use of our symbols on an anonymous product, on which the maker's ñame does not appear. Evidently, the manufacturer does appear somewhere on the product, because it must appear, but at no time does there appear any sponsoríng link between the licensíng firm and the symbols of Barcelona. It is important that it be a firm guaranteeing a quality and distribution of this product because, evidently, the sale is in direct relationship with the number of outlets where the product in question can be found. The compensations we give to firms cooperating in the Games are different depending on the type of category, however, generally speaking, we give the exclusivity ¡n the category of product, the possibility of using our marks -the logo, the mascot and the ñame-, priority in the purchase of advertising spaces during the broadcasting of the Games on TV, and the fact of being able to take advantage of the law on tax benefits, approved in May 1988. The two main benefits of this law are that 15% of the contribution made to COOB is directly deductible from the company's taxable


amount, and that also 15% of ¡nvestment in advertising, promotion and publicity which the COOB considers helps to promote the Barcelona Games ¡s deductible directly from the company's taxable amount. Lastly, they can avail themselves of the so-called «welcome package», which isthe priority these firms have to buy tickets, to get accommodation in the official hotels, to get accreditation, concessions, etc. From the international aspect it is more complicated because the Olympic Charter in its Rule 53 -or maybe its number 51-, says that when a firm wants to use our symbols in another country, there must first be an agreement with the National Olympic Committee of each country. Everything that is ¡nternational is carried out through a set of programmes, one of which is the «Top Two» for sponsors having world exclusivity. We also have bilateral agreements with the American Olympic Committee, with the Japanese and the French -the first two because they are the most important markets, and France, because of the Winter games, has a special consideration. Then there are all the international extensions of sponsors we have in Spain, who are interested in using our symbols abroad, plus individual agreements with specific firms, for specific countries. The current situation is that we have 119 firms cooperating with the Games: eight cooperating associates, twelve world sponsors, twelve local sponsors, twenty suppliers, fourteen suppliers of sports materials, and fifty-three licensees. The figure collected hitherto is 47.000 million pesetas.

I should like to termínate by saying that the plan's main objective is to genérate resources to fund the Games, the Organising Committee of the Games. But there are also two benef its which are very important for the Organising Committee: - One is the promotion of the Games through the heavy investment in advertising these firms are making to show their cooperation with the Olympic Games of Barcelona. Evidently, this translates into a benef it for the Organising Committee. - Another benefit is that they help to improve the prestige of the Organising Committee. Those of us on the Organising Committee are constantly being questioned, and it is rightly so, but we will not prove we are able to organise an Olympic Games the citizens of Barcelona want, until the Games are over. With these firms' participation, people are a little more confident. They say, «If IBM is in charge of the Games' computers, then they're sure to be a success», because IBM has long proved it knows how to do things, and people think that IBM is not prepared to risk its prestige doing things badly. IBM gives confidence especially regarding data technology, Volkswagen-Audi for transport, Xerox for publications, and so on. People have to think that if all these firms are risking their prestige with the Committee, it must be because it is not doing things so badly.


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Closing lecture

Joan Guitart ¡ Agell Conseller de Cultura, Generalitat de Catalunya

Ladies and Gentlemen: First of all I should like to thank the Centre for Olympic Studies for inviting me to make this closing speech of the International Symposium on the Olympic Games, Communication and Cultural Exchanges.

to underlinethe importance this dimensión of the Games has for the Catalán people, precisely because the cultural fact identifies us as a people, and because, since the advent of democracy and the recovery of our institutions, we Catalans have set the reconstrucción of a country, a language and a culture that had been the object of systematic persecution during the dictatorship as priority objective.

It ¡s a fact that the Olympic Games have become one of the máximum manifestations not only of sports but also cultural, since thanks to Pierre de Fredy, Barón of Coubertin, the Games were reestablished in 1896 in Athens. But the Games are not only for promoting a noble sports competition, but a spirit of brotherhood among peoples. This spirit, the so-called Olympic spirit, is the real idea around these sports events, which become a place of encounter for people and nations from all over the world, and therefore, become an event of incomparable magnitude and importance.

In itself the creation of the Centre for Olympic Studies would be another example of the preoccupation of the Catalans for everything referring to the cultural aspect. But in the same way as the organisation and the Games themselves have evolved along this century, the ways the cultural aspect on the occasion of the Games manifests itself has also evolved.

The cultural aspect is inherent in the spirit of the Games, as it was also at the ancient Games, so as not to fall into the simple cult of the body and thus use Barón de Coubertin, a pedagogue, with a clear sport as a means to edúcate the individual on the vocation to diffuse and promote the spirit of brovalúes of civility and therefore culture. So, the way therhood, and great believer in sport, took the example of the Olympics of the Classic World and re- this cultural aspect manifests itself is ¡mportant, esestablished it in our time. Coubertin made true that pecially if we take into account the mediative possiwhich another countryman of his, the writer Romain bilities and ¡mpact of the media and their scope. Rolland said, «The spirit that arises from the centuries, lasts for centuries.» A spirit is nothing Henee the need to know how our cultural reality otherthan a revaluation of civilisation. manifests itself and, therefore, how it isto be present in the Olympic Games Barcelona'92. If I wanted to speak of the Olympic spirit was because ¡t is precisely this spirit of fraternity among Right from the moment Barcelona, the capital of nations and peoples one must be guided by when Catalonia, obtained the nomination of the Olympic making any consideration on Olympism. If not, our Games, the Government of the Generalitat manicontribution would be poor and even miserable if it fested its interest in the presence of Catalán culture took the Games only as an excuse for holding sports and language during the Games. An effective and or cultural events. not testimonial reality. We think that the Games allow to underline Catalonia's vocation to be present on an international scale and to receive the positive The subject of the symposium, as I see it, is not influxes of other cultures for our country. This is also, at all casual or gratuitous, and clearly respondsto if you allow me to say, one of main tasks of the the will to go deeply into this Olympic spirit. If the Games to be held in Barcelona next year mean a re- Department of Culture of the Generalitat which is that of the interrelation and internationalisation of igniting of the Olympic fíame and another encounthe Catalán culture in two aspeets, the projection of ter of men and women from all over the world, ¡t our culture and its character of being open and should be known how this new encounter will take receptive to what is done in the rest of the world. place in our country. Obviously, therefore, for the magnitude of the event The meeting between men and women at a sports the Games mean, we could not frivolously let it go by and see only its aspect of sports competition. event, is also the meeting of different peoples and cultures. And by saying these last two words I want


I think I am right in saying that, from our public For the Government of the Generalitat and for all Catalansthe effective presence and official nature of responsibilities, both from the organisation itself of the Catalán language at this, Olympic Games is very the Games, as from the Government of the Generalitat, we have the duty and obligation to make this important. citizen and social participation a reality without, of course, imposing directives, that is, facilitating their It is logical that just as in every country that has held the Games, their language has been the official participation. one, so in Catalonia too, the official language should be its own. That's why, despite the main protagonist of the organisation of the Games being the city of Barcelona, the Government of Catalonia has also wanted to Also, signs of ident'rty must be present at the play an active part by cooperating in its development Games but not w'rth the intention of using the from the beginning. Games to give a sample of the characterising features of our nationality and culture. That would be First with the incorporation and institutional contrary to the very essence of the Games as I said at the beginning, and would mean an instrumentation, collaboration in the Cultural Olympics, contributing but in a natural way. That ¡s, like every country which projects as well as human and economic resources. enjoys a normal cultural situation. You know about many of the activities foreseen in the Cultural Olympics programme, such as the great If you allow me, I should like to say a few things more on this point. When I say a normalised culture exhibition devoted to Modernism, a really decisive or manifested naturally, I simply mean that I believe point of our history and our cultural present, worthy of this great anthology, and which the Generalitat it should be the attitude of the organisers of the will complement with two more exhibitions, of equal different ceremonies around the Games (opening importance, devoted to Medieval Art and Contempoand closing ceremonies for instance, which are followed by thousands of millions of people around rary Art, which I shall speak about later on. the world). This behaviour should take into account the effectiveness of the impact, and the image itself For their importance I should also liketo mention of Barcelona and our country, and therefore must the Barcelona Autumn festivals. In 1992, the year of be coherent with its realities, if not it would be the Games, our collaboration with OCSA will confrustrating. tinué with the participation of the Dramatic Centre of the Generalitat in theatre programmes; or else, in When Barcelona received the honour of organising holding local sports festivals. the Games of '92, evidently all the men and women of Barcelona received this honour too, but also, and So, therefore, it is a summing up of what we are this has been demonstrated in all the Olympics of the doing, both regards collaboration with OCSA as ¡n modern age, the honour is extended to the whole Government initiatives and which are divided into country, and more so when the organising city is the two large áreas: capital. So, it is not wrong to say they are an honour and a good thing for Barcelona, I think it is not nec1. Make effective the presence of Catalán cultural essary to say this, but that they are also an honour reality, specifying it, with an effective cultural offer and highly significant for all Catalonia, and for Spain. (of image too, but not only image). Then, it should be remembered howthese Games 2. Guarantee the presence of the Catalán language are deeply lived by our society and, therefore, it is at the Olympic Games. necessary that the whole civil society, and not only the sports one which is a part of it and which on this All of this, of course, in keeping with the general occasion becomesthe flag, must feel really identified principies of action and institutional collaboration and represented. and with a non-interventionist or directive attitude.


1. Make effective the presence of catalán cultural reality with its specification This means offering different cultural activities which give visitors an image of the cultural reality of our country. In this chapter, fortheir importance, I shall speak first of all about the set of 11 exhibitions on medieval art ¡n Catalonia which was the ¡nrtiative of the Department of Culture, conceived for the occasion of the Olympic Games, and which is the complement of the two mentioned before.

will have a great opportunity to learn about the different important moments of our country. Once more, I should like to mention institutional collaboration and also the church's collaboration in carrying out these great projects.

Now l'm going to speak about a very specific sector of our culture which f lows very directly This show shall be varied in theme and carried along with that which is our civil society. l'm going out in different places and comprises a long period to speak to you about popular culture and the in the history of our country. Olympic Games, since I think it is an aspect which has not been deeply studied and which is of great interest to us since the initiatives taken in this field The different áreas chosen for this set of exhibiare not those of the Department of Culture. tions are: - ceramics and decorative arts I see that most áreas of popular culture have -furniture presented projects of participation to COOB and - craftsmanship in precious metáis to the Cultural Olympics. These projects, which - textiles and garments have also been communicated to the Department - coins of Culture of the Generalitat, are ambitious - Incunabula, manuscripts, miniatures projects, and l'm not referring to isolated initia- Medieval sculpture: Romanesque and Gothic tives or small sectors, but to general initiatives - Romanesque painting on wood which span what we cali a whole popular culture, - Gothic painting are now being made and the Department of Culture ¡s following them closely. Then, care was taken in choosing the places for exhibition so that the same place was scenery and l'm speaking about the typical Catalán equipart. In this sense, I shall mention some of the librists, the giants, the freaks, traditional balls and places such as the Tinell Hall and the chapel of dances, demons, «papier maché» figures and Saint Agatha, the Pía Almoina, the Reíais Drassanes, the church of Sant Pau del Camp, Santa Maria bonfires, groups of folk-music, musicians, sardana dancing and so many others as well as festivities del Mar or Gerona Cathedral. and customs difficultto label. I shall not list the pieces or art objects which we The point of speaking about this aspect is only to exhibited but I would like to underline the general make clearthat all these projects of popular character of this set of exhibitions which, with culture connected with the Games, which I have splendid backgrounds, illustrated priceless works referred to, arise from sectors which demónstrate of art of one of the culminating moments of our cultural past as were the Romanesque and Gothic they are highly participative initiatives and representative of the whole world of our popular periods. culture, and, therefore, our civil society. With regards to the contemporary Art show, it is If l'm speaking to you about these projects, it's an exhibition of works by Catalán artists of remainly due to the sensibility and interest the nowned prestige ¡n all f ields -we are lucky in that Department of Culture has for the world of popuwe ha ve so many-. lar culture. But also for its reputation. With this there is a conflux of art, culture, history Recently some statements made by the Mayor and reality of our country, and by it, both our visitors and the people of the country themselves were published on the occasion of the «human


castle» meeting of the decennial festivals of Candela de Valls, according to which these «castles» will be present atthe opening ceremony of the Olympic Games. If this ¡s confirmed, ¡t's certainly good news.

But ¡f we wait for the confirmation of this news to be able to celébrate it, from the Department of Culture we are looking to see how other things of our popular culture could particípate.

2. To guarantee the effective presence and use of the catalán language One of the principal targets of the Government of the Generalitat in connection with the Games, will be to guarantee the presence of the Catalán language, as the language of the country, at the holding of the Games. With regards to this the Department of Culture and COOB'92 back in 1987 started collaboration with the study «Language and the Olympic Games» with the aim of knowing the treatment of languages ¡n previous editions of the Games and thus make a proposal for Barcelona'92 (a study which has already been published). In this same line, on January 29th 1988 an agreement was signed relative to these linguistic matters between the two institutions and also the Autonomous University of Barcelona. A new agreement was signed on April 17th 1989 between COOB'92 and the Department of Culture which will termínate with the conclusión of the Games. I should liketo underline a few features of this latter agreement: - The COOB grants its symbols for the campaigns of linguistic normalisatíon in the área of sport. - The making of dictionaries of Olympic sports and the edition of these sports' rules, with all the correspondent terminologícal work and with the participation of sports specialists of COOB'92. - A programme of exchange with European university students for the training and linguistic perfecting of translators and interpreters. COOB'92 is in charge of coordinatíng the programme, with the General Office of Linguistic Policy providing the didactic materials necessary for these courses. - Accomplishment of agreements regarding the co-official nature of the four languages, both in

COOB'92 publications as in interpre interpretation services. At this moment, and after the last meetings had with COOB representatives, the favourable evolution of this agreement has been proved by both parties. Especially with regards to the use of the four official languages, Catalán, Spanish, French and English in COOB internal and external Communications. Particular valué is placed on the application of the mentioned linguistic criteria in publicatíons, official posters, in the Alcatel programme of information to the media, and other ¡nformation elements. I should líke to mention that 29 sports dictionaries relative to the Olympic and exhibition sports will soon be published. I should also like to remark on and thank COOB's collaboration in the ESPORTTEST campaign for the normalisatíon of Catalán in the sports world, with the cession I mentioned before of the symbols of Barcelona'92 and the contribution of promotional material for those taking part in the activities programmed. I think it is importantto highlightthe good institutional collaboration on the linguistic subject, which materialises into reaching the targets proposed in this agreement and which also reflects, to give an example, on getting linguistic assistants from European university centres, in seven of which 17 courses of Catalán have been given, the plan to divulge information on the language and Catalán reality to the members of the Olympic family, courses on diction for Catalán announcers when necessary and assistance to translators. Then it ¡s necessary to make reference again to the media, since although the use of Catalán on an internal and external level from COOB is guaranteed, and we can congratúlate everyone


on this, there remains a point on which we should like to clarify doubts. That is knowing about the presence of the Catalán language during the Games' most emblematic acts, such as the opening and closing ceremonies, since, needless to say, they are acts which for their media impact could help more effectively to make at least the existence of our language known in the world. Ceremonies which, furthermore, in which we claim not a testimonial presence of Catalán but a worthy one. I have purposely left the communication media which also form part of this symposium to the end because I want to speak specially about this. When I announced the first part of actions I said: «cultural offer is of image too, but not only of image». Why also of image? I think we should not fall into the trap of believing the task the media is to carry out ends up by having our cultural shows appearing only «for show». I do not think it should be like this, but the complete opposite. In fact, one of the reasons we are here today speaking about the cultural dimensión of the Ólympic Games is precisely that of the media.

All of them, the press, radio and, especially, the televisión on the occasion of the Games become a cultural agent of first order. If it were not for the media the transcendence of the country's public image would not be either so great or so effective. For thousands and thousands of people in the world it will most probably be the first time they hear about or see our country the capital of which is Barcelona. Therefore, our image depends on the conjunction of information given on Barcelona and Catatonía. It also depends on the good conditions and informative facilities the professionals of these media have, professionals, who come from all over the world. It's up to us to welcome them, show them our reality, and let the exercise of their professionalism be the best ever at any Games. This is, most surely, one of the best contributions to make the Olympic ideal of peace, dialogue and brotherhood a reality once more, as stimulation for civilisation and cultural exchange. Thank you very much.


R-5105


President of Symposium Excm. Sr. Joan Antoni Samaranch President of International Olympic Committee Sponsors Comisión Interministerial de Ciencia y Tecnología (CICYT). Plan Nacional de Investigación Científica y Desarrollo Tecnológico Programa de Investigación sobre el Deporte. Ajuntament de Barcelona Comité Olímpico Español Diputació de Barcelona Collaborators Consulate General of the United States of America The Hankook libo Direction Miquel de Moragas i Spá Manuel Pares i Maicas Coordination Muriel Ladrón de Guevara i Bardají Susanna Ribas i Gorgas

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Olympic Games, media and cultural exchanges: the experience of the last four summer Olympic Games: i  

This book is a compilation of papers presented at the Symposium on Olympic Games, Communication and Cultural Exchanges: the experience of th...