These photographs ,;~~~~~5>~~~ :_.._ :>y represent some of the - best examples in the black and white category of %the photography contest sponsored by the . Campus Centre <<F&.-... __ . , .x&i;+ ‘-?I*.. 2. _.‘. Board. Prizes were --awarded jn the areas of black and white, colour print, and colour slide“ photography. Almost 300 entries were subm-itted and will be on display.in Room 113 weekdays until Mar. 29 from 9:.00 t6 5:OOin the Cam-
University of Waterloo Waterloo, Ontario volume 16, number 38 f Gday, march 26, 1976
More fulltim& feds .lr . : . .‘.. . . . . . le. . . . .p.3 Societies disgruntled Y. . . . . . . I . . . . .-I .p.7” . kevolth Argentina. . . . :. . . . . . i . .L .p.l I’ Letters begin on . . . . . . . . . : . . . . . . . . .p.19
About Land and Sea. An Exhibition of work by six artists in a variety of media. UW Art Gallery. Hours: MonFri 9-4pm, Sun 2-5pm till April 11. Campus Centre Pub opens 12 noon. M.G.M. from g-lam. 50. cents after 7pm. Play, Strindberg by Fried rich Durrenmatt. Directed by Tom BentleyFisher (of La Ronde). A comedy about a bourgeois marriage tragedy. 8pm Theatre of the Arts. \
Theatre Modern (University
of the Arts Languages
’ Campus Centre Pub opens 7pm. M.G.M. from g-lam. 50 cents admission.
28 7:30 pm
Free Tickets guarantees seat available from: Chaplains, Sr. Jeanette at: , St. Jerome’s College
Play Strindberg by Fried rich Durrenmatt Directed by Tom BentleyFischer (of La Ronde). A comedy about a bourgeois marriage tragedy. 8pm Theatre of the Arts. La Traviata presented by the Canadian Opera Company. In Italian. Admission $5, Students and senior citizens $2.50. 8pm. Humanities Theatre.
Sunday Dance presentation of Student Works from credit and non-credit dance classes and students of the dance program. Discussion of works will follow the performance. Free
IN THE CROWN ROOM
Greek presents Earth”. 124.
Students Association the film “The Salt of the Free admission. 6pm. AL
Group meditation ture for all TM E3-1101.
and advanced lecmeditators. 8pm. ,
Monday Campus Centre Pub opens 12 noon. Disco from g-lam. 25 cents after 9pm. Para-legal assistance offers nonprofessional legal advice. Call 885-0840 or come to CC 106. Hours: 1:30-4:30pm.
Terry Dee’s Rock’n Roll Circus AS
_- Portrait Prices No. 1 No. 2
, No. 3
Jazz & Blues Club. Newport J~z; Festival. Everyone is invited to briq any recordings made live at New Port. 8pm. Kitchener Public Library.
Tuesday Campus Centre Pub opens 12 noon Disco from g-lam. 25 cents afte 9pm. Para-legal assistance offers non professional legal ,advice. Cal 885-6840 or come to CC 106. Hours 1:30-4:30pm and 7-l Opm. Year End Science Society Wine 4 Cheese Party. Wines, cheeses meats and kaisers available. Sci-So< members 40 cents, Others $2.0( Bring an extra 60 cents for a return able deposit on your glass. Prof: welcome. 8pm. MC 5136. CUSD public information meeting 8pm. Kitchener Public Library.
Para-legal assistance offers non, professional legal advice. Calm 885-0840 or come to CC 106. Hours 1:30-4:30pm and 7-l Opm. Chess Club Meeting. Everyone come. 7:30pm. CC135. K-W Association for Children Learning Disabilities Meeting. Water@ Public Library. Gay Coffee
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Para-legal assistance offers non professional legal advice. Cal 885-0840 or come to CC 106. Hours 1:30-4:30pm.
Waterloo Christian Fellowship 4:3Opm-Bi ble study using “Basic Christianity” by John Scott 5:1 Spm-Supper. 6pm-Worship Service. CC 113.
Weekly Forums on the Politica Economy of Canada. Sponsored bl the AIA. 7pm. AL 207. J
Maybe we can’t change the world but we can change this. We’ve got to slow down.
For the best selection of new. and use-d books in town.
got to live.
We have recent novels, westerns, mysteries, comics and -national raphics.
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Campus Centre Pub opens 12 noon Disco from g-lam. 25 cents after 9pm.
And nearly 40% of all drivers involved in fatal accidents were our age.
Ministry of Transportation and Communications
Free Movie: Things to Come: 193: Death of the World Movie. Sponsored by the Campus Centre Board. 10:15pm. Campus Centre Great Hall.
\ It’s a fact. Last year the ‘i6 to 24 age group accounted for more than one-third of all drivers killed on Ontario roads.
Think about it.
ire. so many of Us kll led in car accidents?”
Package Offers (inco10ur)
Wednesday The Film Minamata: A Medical Campus Centre Pub opens 12 noon Triology. This is a powerful film de25 cents afteN picting the nature of the disease re- , Disco from g-lam. 9pm. suiting from mercury poisoning. Sponsored by OPIRG. 3pm. MC Waterloo Jewish Students Associa, 2065. . tion Discussion Group with Rabb Rosenweig. Topics include “Ques La Traviata presented by the Canations Modern Jews Ask’: 50 cent: dian Opera Company. In Italian. Adcovers deli lunch. mission $5, Students and senior citizens $2.50. 8pm. Humanities University Chapel. Sonsored by the Theatre. UW chaplains. 12:30pm. SCH 218K.
PHOTOGRAPHER 350 King St. W., Kitchener,
Downchild .Blues Band
of the Arts.
pirak studio _
871 Victoria St. N. - 744-3511 NO JEANS PLEASE
La Boheme presented by the Candian Opera Company. In English. Admission $5, Students and senior citizens $2.50. 2:30pm. Humanities Theatre.
sci-fi, texts, geog-
Open: Wed 12-5pm Thur 12-5pm Fri 1O-4:30pm & 5:30-Bpm Sat 1l-5pm 12 King St. N. Waterloo (between theatre & hotel)
Student council members voted to create six new paid positions within the student federation at Sunday night’s meeting. Four of the positions will be fieldworkers while the other two will be an executive assistant and a planner-researcher. The plannerresearcher will work on the board of education. The new positions will boost the federation salary and honoraria bill by $13,000. Almost half of the total budget of approximately $282,000 has been allocated for salaries and honoraria. Federation president Shane Roberts told the chevron he did not think this was too large an increase “in face of having seen the number of student problems and issues that, not only couldn’t be finished, but couldn’t be started .” Three of the fieldworkers requested will be used by the federation office to work with stu-
dent societies, according to Roberts. These will be part-time positions ($72.50 for a 20-hour week). Each fieldworker will work with an assigned group of societies. Roberts says these people are not intended toareplace student volunteers but to “bolster them”. “We don’t want people to feel others should handle their problems for them so fieldworkers will research information for the volunteers to use.” Specifically this will mean undertaking such projects as outlining the power structures of the UW bureaucracy according to Roberts 1 The executive assistant will be a full-time position ($145 for a 35hour week) for the summer and will be charged with co-ordinating the student handbook and assisting the executive in various projects, according to a proposal submitted
to council by Roberts. This position will replace that of student handbook editor. During the meeting on Sunday a dispute arose over an item in the board of education budget. The concern was over a salary allocation of $8,880 which had been left from last year’s budget. This amount was the salary which had been paid to Shane Roberts when he was chairman of both the board of external relations and board of education. The present education board chairman Franz Klingender had hoped to use that money for a full time salary for a plannerresearcher; a position for which he hoped to apply. ’ However, external relations board chairman Mike Ura had plans of his own. He had expected to have the services of one of the three federation fieldworkers but discovered otherwise.
Canada’s rank and file union members came out in the greatest show of strength parliament bear. Prime minister Trudeau’s claims that there was no strong opposition to his government’s /aid to rest by an estimated crowd of 32,000 workers from across the country. photo
hill has ever had to wage controls was by nina tymoszewicz
jobs are scarce
It’s going to be hard for students to land themselves summer jobs this year. At least that’s what officials from the government and student groups predicted on Wednesday.
ment “stopped out” claiming . scant resources. And since unemployment will be much higher this summer than in 19x1, many more students won’t bother coming back in fall, Johnston said. In response to this bleak situation, the OSFis asking its member institutions to establish local committees to investigate the job market, hold unemployment forums and forge links between students and labor. The OSF will coordinate the activities of its member campuses and hold protest forums to pressure the gove%nment into setting up make work schemes for students. In addition, the federation will try to lobby the government into scrapping the 10 per cent summer contributions students have to make from their earnings before receiving provincial financial assistance. As for the Ontario government’s “Experience ‘76” program which is designed to produce work for students, Johnston charged the wages offered were “totally insufficient.” He said the government is trying
Paul Johnston of the Ontario Student Federation says the student jobless rate will reach “disaster proportions” this summer and than the could even be “worse 1930’s .” He says the number of unemployed students will be about 25 per cent or around 125,000 out of a 410,000 secondary and postsecondary student population. That’s an eight per cent jump from last year’s unemployment rate which was 17 per cent or 70,000 of the student population, the OSF researcher said. Johnston also said many students will be ineligible for UIC benefits as either they worked on OFY projects last summer or were involved in strikes which started last June. Asked how many students will leave school for financial reasons, the researcher said after the summer of 1971 about 39 per cent of students surveyed by the govem-
to promote the idea that students have only themselves to blame if they’re unemployed. “The truth of the matter is that the unemployment situation is going to be very, very serious this summer.” Meanwhile at UW, student federation president Shane Roberts said the student council has yet to form a summer unemployment committee despite the OSF’s call for one to be set up in early March. The president said he intends to bring the matter up to council this coming Sunday to see whether the unemployment committee will be a creature of council or of the external relations board. Earlier, Jane Harper of the K-W manpower centre for students said 650 students have registered for jobs and about 25 new applicants are coming in daily. She also said there were only 25 jobs posted as of Wednesday and most of these are casual ones. “The summer job situation is going to be hard for students and it’s a matter of being at the right place at the right time to get a job.” . -john
He then asked council to reallocate a part time salary ($3770) from Klingender’s budget ‘for his own fieldworker, which he received. Klingender later told the chevron what he wanted, in effect was a chairman being paid a full time salary. ‘The duties i he said, would include working on course critiques, planning events like the native peoples symposium, and obtaining mdre student influence on hiring committees. Klingender still says he hopes to create a full-time position for at least the summer through a transfer of funds. However, if he must remain with the part-time position available to him- now, he said he will encourage National Union of Students (NUS) liaison officer Ted
Haugen to apply for the position instead . At one point in the interview, Klingender went so far as to say he will withdraw from the board if he is unable to obtain a full-time position. According to Ura the external relations board fieldworker’s duties will be to find volunteer student workers, help community organizations useY university facilities, prevent students and community from becoming isolated from each other; all in the effort to increase students and community power to fight issues like the transit issue. Ura also mentioned he had people in mind for the job. -graham
32)OoO workers protest cutbacks Some 30,000 workers from every corner of Canada demonstrated against the wage control legislation of the Trudeau government on Parliament Hill last Monday. Organized by the Canadian Labor Congress (CLC), the mammoth rally was a show of force by the labor movement but a show of frailty by the labor leadership. The huge turnout, calculated by the CLC to be 32,000, was perhaps the largest ever witnessed at Parliament Hill. Such was the determination of the workers that in Brantford they fought with police to <get onto the United Auto Workers’ train carrying workers to Ottawa from southern Ontario. Others lay on the tracks to prevent the crowded train from leaving without them. The incident occurred when workers from the Budd Automotive plant in Kitchener arrived in Brantford and found that the train chartered by the UAW was full, with several stops yet to make before Ottawa. Police detained several union members after the fight, but did not arrest them. Arriving in Ottawa, however, the workers found a scene of confusion and mismanagement, and a cultivated carnival atmosphere. On Parliament Hill an oompa band played “Roll Out the Barrel” and “Solidarity Forever” in a roll-out-the-barrel style that mocked the sentiment among the thousands of workers against the . wage control legislation. Inside the East Block, CLC boss Joe Morris failed to issue the fighting speech he had planned to rain on Trudeau and his cabinet. Instead, Morris engaged Trudeau in a discussion concerning the fine points of the wage control legislation. Trudeau, the practiced politician, is reported to have
won the debating points. When Morris and several hundred union leaders emerged from the session, he had only a brief speech to give the massed workers. The public address system was inadequate to the job at hand, and most of the demonstators failed to hear anything but Morris’ conclusion: “Thank you for coming. Please go home now.” After a period of confusion most of the demonstrators complied with the request, while the Quebec workers and the National Association of Quebec Students marched back to Hull, where they had rallied earlier in the day before marching to the Hill. The lO,OOO-strong delegation from Quebec included part of the 120,000 Common Front workers who went on strike throughout the province the same day. The Common Front, made up of public and pax-a-public sector workers in the Confederation of National Trade Unions, the Quebec Teachers Union and the Quebec Federation of Labor, is now negotiating for 185,000 workers with the Quebec , government. Despite the confusion, the demonstration was a powerful display of rank-and-file opposition to the wage controls, which Trudeau has declared does not exist. The workers converging on Parliament Hill came from every province of the country, and the Yukon Territory. Placards announcing opposition to the controls from one city or another were a veritable index of place names in Canada. From the UW the AntiImperialist Alliance led a delegation, and several federation council members also joined the protest against the wage controls.
A lack of funds and the good weather were both cited as reasons for the low student turnout at Wednesday’s rally against cutbacks. Only about 100 students showed up at the student federation event which was staged to drum up support for an April 3 demonstration in Toronto against government reductions in education and social services. Mike Ura of the federation credited the meager attendance to the “beautiful spring day” and to a lack of funds in his external relations board budget . The federation spent about $36.50 for 160 posters and 3,000 flyers to publicize the rally. In addition, federation officials and student councillors went classroom-speaking to promote the event. But student councillor John Long said Wednesday that wasn’t enough as the “average student still couldn’t get much of an idea of what’s going on.” And reading the posters wouldn’t help the-student to understand the issues, Long said. “I’m even afraid the student wouldn’t be able to read the posters.” The posters were designed with, yellow and black type on a white background, and to most observers they were hard to see from a distance .
tures: 4 bedroom+, Sunnydale lo&tion, short walk to campus, partially furnished. Rent negotiable. Call: 884-7708.
One pair of bown-filled leather mitts ‘in E.S. lounge. To claim’: phone 742-6572 and describedhei r colour.
Modern sunny room with separate entrance, TV, .and bath. Central ,\ wsaterloo 886-1434. Wanted-Female roommate(s)-1 bedroom. Available in 2 bedroom apartment on Hazel St. Furnished. Verv reasonable rent. Call 885-2428. 4 bedroom ‘semi-furnjshed townhouse to sublet, May-August, swimming pool, $240Lmonth, close to UW, 651 J Albert, 884-6360. Townhouse to sublet, May to Septern-ber, $260/month, 20 mihute walk to U of W, Furnished, F bedrooms, Fwimmjng pool, dryer, beside plaza, call 886-0108.
Personal Pregnant & Distressed? The Birth Control Centre-is an information and referral centre for birth control, V.D., unplanned pregnancy and lsexuality. For .all the alternatives phbne 8851211, ext. 3446,(Rm. 206, Campus Centre)+or for emergency numbers 884-8770. -Are you pregnant? Do you need help? Call BIRTHRIGHT foi confidential concerned assistance. 579-3990 _ Gay Lib Office,‘Campus Centre, Rm. 217C. Open Monday-Thursday 7-IOpm, some afternoons. Counselling and information. Phone 885-1211, ext. 2372. _
To sublet: 1 dedroom apartment, Spring term (May to Au&St) 1976. 5 minute walk from both universities. Only $155/.month (utilities included). Call 884-l 377.
HELP-745-l 16&We care. Crisis intervention and cqnfidential listening td any problem. Weeknights 6pm to ,l2 rhidnight, Friday 5pm to Monday lam.
One person needed to share vegetarian house. Either sex acceptable. Or ,both. $55/month. Phone 744-7496.
Will db light moving with, a small pickup truck. Call Jeff 745-1293.
Montreal Apt.: five rooms furnished including two bedrooms. Available May-August. Phone (514) 271-7758 evenings.
Illustrations, technical drawings, diagrams, and maps; for thesis, papers etc. Phone 744-9218.
YOUDON’THAliE lUbiUlAi@A CAREEROUTOiA SlJMlUIER. JOB. /I
Stereo component system. $200. Turntable, tapedeck (reel to reel), rec@ver, speakers. @II Chris 884’7891 or ext. 3037. One Rollei Super 8c.Good condit‘ion. $80. One Spaiding Elite badminton racquet $10. Ext. 3709.
Once upon a time there Basement cleanout sale of good used bicycles. Such home brandsas was a student whb selected herPeugeot, Raleigh, Gitane, Atala, self out of a summer job. (Oh $.($yig$25 and up. Just call 1no, we’re not just picking on girls. . We’ve seen guys do it, too.) 71 ‘MGB-GT, radiql tires, stereo She wanted to be an architect, rgdio, electric defrost. Best offqr. this kid. So she held OLRfor’ 8864496’after 6pm. . . > a job that had something to do. . Typing with architecture. None came Fast accurate typing.‘ 40, cents d page. IBM Selectric. Located in along t.hatyear, and by the timeLakeshore vi Ilage. Call 884-6913 anyshe decided to settle for sometime. \ thing else, it was too late. All the Will.type essays 6r thpsis for 50 jobs were gone: So was her cents per page. Call Norma Firby first yea& tuition. r 742-9357. Moral: Don’t hold out for the Typing: neat and efficient. Experiimpossible dream. _ enced. Reasonable rates. 884-1025. Who knowsYour Canada Ask for Judy., , s Manpower Centre for ‘Students Typing done in nily home--essays might introduce you to a whole etc. Phone 653-9742. new field. Maybe you’ll like your/ Housing Available. -summerjob so much you’ll Wanted: one female to share-a semiwant to make a career out of it furnished two bedroofn apartment near U of W with other woman, someday. $79/monthly, including utilities. Available May 1st. Phone 884-0241.
May 6 - Aug 31. 4 bedroom older home. .Con<eni&t to shopping. Westmount area near Union. -Fully furnished. Telephone: 742-0603 or ext. 2534. 2 bedroom and basement townhouse, 653-B Albert St., $pqliances: swimming pool, cable, 5 min to U of W by car, near shopping. $215/month, 885-9471. 3 bedroom furnished townhouse requires 2 students to help sublet May-August. Lakeshore village. Rent $260 per month. Phone, 884-9892. 5 minutes from UW. Single $65, Double $55. Upstairs rooms, phone, -and full kitchen use. 139A Columbia *St.’ West. 884-9032 6-7om. . Furnished room in house. Share livingroom, kitchen, and bath with one other. Yard, appliances, utilities. Near Westmount Erb. $80 744-9675. Share furnished apartment in house with yard. Appliances, utilities. Near Westmount Erb. $100 744-9675. ’ Apartment Furnished, university. 884-8000.
tC, sublet for summer. five minute walk from One month free rent,
Babysitting Babysitting-Gait. No weekends or ’ holidays. Live in or out. Mid *AprilSeptember. Call Galt 621-6295. Mother willing to care for infants this summer in’own home (Married students’ apartments) hours flexible; suit your own schedule. For more in- T formation phone 653-4950.
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No. 3 _
.\ chairperson appointed by council, A rift between the federation campus. are the voting members of the and the societies appeared at The societies have their own board. budgets based on a $2-$4 fee stuSunday’s student council meeting. Bradbury also said the cuts in’ The council has requested its dents pay when they register at the the societies’ subsiay was not as seven boards to cut their budgets university. The money is used to e deep as in other parts of the support clubs within the societies, by 12 per cent, but the societies budget. Concert money was refeel this will have an adverse effect and society events. duced by 22 per cent, he said, However, they sometimes apon campus entertainment. while the societies were only facSt. Jerome’s representative, proach the entertainment board to ing a 9.5 per cent reduction. Brian Miatello, brought a letter of help finance some of their events, A theme in council was that the protest to council signed by most such as semi-formals. of the society presidents and associeties don’t do sufficient invesMiatello sees the problem as one tigation before staging events. sociation chairpersons. of centralization. He says the fedThe letter included stronglyeration is cutting back on the Math rep, Selma Sahin, said that worded opposition to the cut in the boards’ budget=0 the societies that it can COP- she didn’t’ think needed the money. entertainment Board’s budget, and trol more of the funds. As a former social director, she called for a 25per-cent increase in Federation treasurer Manny Brykman admits t&at the cuts will was concerned that the board’s its society subsidy fund. money might be abused by the In the letter the societies say increase the federation’s unallosocieties overbudgeting on their they are opposed to an “increased cated fund which council will-be large events, leaving a deficit to be centralization of entertainment ac- able to control. picked up by the board. tivities on this campus”. They He said the society=.subsidy porThe same fear was shared <by claim they are “more attuned to tion of the budget was cut less than Doug Antoine whom the council the particular desires and nuances other areas. And he feels there will ratified as the new board of enterof their constituents ...’ ’ . be no problem for societies in need - Society events are run by volunof more money, if they present a tainment chairperson. Antoine feels the amount in the teers, they say, and warn that this case to council board’s society subsidy is suffilabor supply will “evaporate if the The board’s interim c hairpercient. In an interview he said there board of entertainment enters this son, Nigel Bradbury, told the sphere of activity.” is a danger that the societies will councillors that he had consulted use the board’s subsidy as a slush The charge is also made that the -,with the social directors before proposed centralization exacermaking the cuts and they had a- fund, and he would like to see the societies, when they plan events, bates claims of federation elitism greed with his measures. which have recently been heard on “go in with the attitude that they The six social directors, and the
fed cuts have to do it tight”. . But despite council’s rejection of a demand for an increase in the society subsidy, Miatello is continuing to press his point, and he hopes the presidents will back him. In a statement to the chew-on on Tuesday, he reminded councillors that the money they are allocating belongs to the students and that of all the federation’s boards the one which is of most concern to students is entertainment. In the past year he says it has had a “dismal track record”, and he feels the federation should ‘ ‘reorganize the board which continues to suffer the adverse influence of its autocratic exchairperson, Art Ram”. His statement concluded with C‘. . .if the societies want additional sums of money to organize large social events to appease the desires within their faculties, they should damn well receive such monies”. The only society presidents not to sign the letter to council were Cindy Seibel of arts, and Wayne Halpert of science. Seibelsaid she agreed in principal with the letter, but felt that the <
request for a 25per-cent increase was asking too much, and that in view of the tight financial climate in the universities, the cutback wasn’t unreasonable. Halpert told the chevron he didn’t feel sufficiently informed about the porblem to make a decision. Maitello said he had been unable to contact Halpert before the council meeting. The student councillors worked late into Sunday evening in a fivehour meeting which mainly involved the first draft of the federation’s 1976-77 budget. The proposed budget presented by Brykman would see the federation allocate over $400,000 throughout its organization. It would receive about $150,000 from its boards which have a revenue, such as publications and co-operative services, so that the actual subsidy which will be used to service the campus with money from student fees will be about $250,000. The council will’be going over the figures again at a meeting on Sunday when they hope to agree on a final budget. The chevron will carry full details of the budget next week. -
Unite - to fight University students should or‘ganize themselves and join with community groups against government reductions in education and social services, a student rallydecided informally on Wednesday. - The decision reflected views expressed by speakers from community and student organizations at a rally intended as a.buildup for an April 3 province-wide demonstration against government cutbat ks . However, the event which lasted two hours was sparsely attended despite the classroom speaking and advertising done by student federation officials and councillors during the past week. Federation president Shane Roberts told about 100 students to fight alongside community groups today against provincial cutbacks if they later want public support when the government increases tuition. “If we help these groups now, we’ll get help from these sectors tomorrow when our tuition fees go up.” And the April demonstration at Queen’s Park in Toronto is the right time to join these sectors, Roberts said. The event is organized by the Toronto-based Coalition Against the Cutbacks to protest recent reductions in education and social services. “Individual students have to band together to push for their needs and the needs of other people affected by the cutbacks,” Roberts said. He also said the reductions in government spending are being done by people -who aren’t affected by the consequences, adding that the government is “playing games” with the cutbacks. Moreover, this group is “removed” from the public outcry over the reductions since they’re too busy consolidating their own political power, the student president said. “The Ontario government which is both arrogant and removed from public opinion is treating certain social needs as extras.” Another speaker, Andy Stanley of the University of Toronto graduate student council, said the province should tax corporations
more to raise additional funds for social services; He said the corporate share of government revenue has dropped eight per cent over the past few years. Stanley echoed Roberts’ call for unity with other groups affected by the cutbacks, saying students should fight government _policies together with workers instead of competing for jobs. “Many decisions are being made that aren’t good for students, working people or for the democratic system of the country. We must fight them.” Marion Bryden, an NDP researcher, informed the audience that the minority Progressive Conservative government is banking on a climate of public opinion against provincial spending in implementing the cutbacks . The government chose “spectacular cuts” involving unpopular and vulnerable groups such as senior citizens and post-secondary students to show it meant business, Bryden said.
lim Hunter, a local high school teacher representing the Hospital Coalition, was one of the speakers at the rally against cutbacks held Wednesday in the Campus Centre. Speakers attacked the government for cutting back on essential services while continuing to give generous tax breaks to large corporaiions.
Other speakers at the rally were: Orville Thacker of the K-W labor council; Pam Dale of the Waterloo Woman’s Place and Jim Hunter of the Citizens for Health Care. -john
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or the weather got to some of the campdsturdier lads on Wednesday and they took to jumping over the St. jerome’s organised a competition between the church colleges and the main campus. This conlestant safe/y on terra quite firma and said the next step is Niagara Falls. There was also a tug of war over the water photo by neil docherty proved a chilling experience for the losers. ’ -
Felix Greene films PHOTOGRAPHEdS
Please dress cqsual for sitting 259 KING STREET WEST King & Water Street Across From Kiesges KITdHENER,
The lack of emphasis on com- of Felix Greenes serieS entitled petition in Chinese sports, and life “One Man’s China”, at the Kitchon rural communes in China were ’ ener librarv. The titleof the first film expresthe subjects of two films shown at ses the spirit in which all games are the last meetingof the K-W played in China, and sports are inCanada-China Friendship Society’ deed very popular, amongst on Tuesday evening. Chinese of all ages. Over 50 people viewed Tens of thousands crowd huge Friendship First, Competition Secstadiums to watch soccer matches, ond, and People’s Communes, two basketball, acrobatics and juggling, as well as ping pong tournaments, a game at which the Chinese especially excell. Apart from the lack of emphasis on competition, and a great emphasis on friendly play, another characteristic of Chinese sports is that there are no professional players. All are amateurs who perfect their skills when their work _ day ends, and on week-ends. Teams are often made up of workers from a particular factory or even teachers from schools and universities. One basketball game shown in Friendship First, Competition Second was played by two teams of female factory workers. At half-time they served each other refreshments, and then went into the stands to talk to their fans. Another game which is increasing in popula’rity is ice hockey, though the players themselves say they are not yet very good at it. Recreation is so popular amongst the Chinese that on Sundays, the parks and zoos are always crowded with parents and children. Buddhist temples which are still used by monks have courtyards which are often full of children at play, a favourite game being an adaptation of blind man’s bluff. Following Mao’s eight mile swim across the Yangtze River in 1968 at the age of 73 a great interest grew in swimming. Today in China all youngsters are encouraged to learn to swim, and facilities are numerous. Swimming pools are often found in the well-equipped sports institutes which have been built all over the country. The one in Peking has an enormous pool with windows beneath the water level so that instructors can view the swimmers’ progress. The Chinese people are also very fond of theatre, and have developed their own dance-drama based on their revolutionary experiences. Classical forms of combat such as the fast, precisely coordinated sword fight have been adapted to revolutionary themes. Young boys and girls can learn the “Sword Play” from Peking Opera in their spare time. Another favourite form of recre-
ation is film watching. Documentary films about events in new China are very popular, an example being “Red Flag Canal”, which chronicles the building of one hundred miles of canals, tunnels and viaducts by the peasants of a poorly irrigated area. As Greene himself says in the film, the Chinese people “play hard and work hard, but always in the spirit of friendship first, competition second.” The second film showed the great advances made since 1949 in the area of agricultural organization, and the result of these advances, which primarily has been that no-one in China today goes to bed wondering where tomorrow’s food will come from. Green visited many communes during his travels in China and was most struck with the efficiency and co-operation which characterized rural life. He explained that each village is organized into what is called a productive team. These teams are further linked to form a production brigade. The grouping of several brigades forms a people’s commune . The organization of these cornmunes has radically transformed the face of China. Peasants are now reaping harvests on land that was once totally barren. They have created fields by literally pulling down mountains, and terracing the sides of hills. The bulk of the work is done by hand, yet with amazing speed. One such commune is Tachai,’ which has turned an area characterized by abject poverty, and extremely low productivity into a model of agricultural organization held up as an example all over China. To deal with the problem of irrigation which for centuries plagued the rural areas, tens of thousands of dams have been built throughout the country. These dams ensure that every commune is serviced by locally produced hydro-electric power. And at harvest time, the communes have no worries about markets, since the state buys the produce at a fixed price. Greene was especially surprised by prices in China. He states that they have not increased for 16 years, and some have even come down. There is no inflation in China. Greene saw that the starvation and wretchedness which existed before liberation is a thing of the past for China’s 600 million peasants. /
The pub with no money A pub debt, which at first glance hovers around $80,000, could be paid off within three years, former federation treasurer, Dan Sautner, explained to student council on Sunday. From his presentation to council and an interview with the chevron on Wednesday, the pub debt seems to be as follows: $53,000 is owed to the university for initial investment in capital equipment. Of that Sautner thinks about $7,000 has already been paid through an amortization scheme. $12,060 will come from the revenue the federation receives for managing the campus shop. And $5,000 will come from the profits which the university made from the pub operation last year.
(Last year while the federation awaited a licence the pub operation was split, with the federation in charge of the door money and entertainment, while the university was in charge of the bar. It was agreed that when the federation took full control the university would hand over the profits.) - That will leave about $28,000 to be paid back on the initial capital investment Sautner explained, which is quite normal and will be handled by a bank loan. He estimates that the pub will show a $12,000 profit next year and so will be able to clear its debt in three years. The campus watering-hole, however, has also incurred an operating deficit of about $27,000.
Students fight dismissal
This occurred because while the federation had, to pay bands, and people to collect money at the door, the only revenue it received was the admission charge. Former student president, John Shortall, explained to the chevron last November, that because of late statements from the university on the bar takings, the federation had little idea about how big a hole it was digging itself into. Sautner was also critical of the administration. He considers the declared profit of $5,000 which will be given to the federation, an exceptionally low figure. But Sautner feels the operating deficit can be handled by $20,000 which remains unallocated in the current budget, and from $7,000 which he estimates will be left in the various board budgets at the end of this fiscal year. These figures, however are only estimates , Sautner stressed and won’t be confirmed until the books are audited in June. e Federation business manager, Peter Yates, said he couldn’t comment on how the deficit would be handled until after the audit. -Ineil
Rich to pay A meeting to organize a Make the Rich Group in Pay Kitchener-Waterloo will be held Saturday at 1 p.m. in Room 2083 in the Psychology building. The meeting, sponsored by the Anti-Imperialist Alliance, will bring together students, workers and political activists to discuss the organization of a campaign “to make the rich pay for their economic crisis,” says a leaflet announcing the meeting. Hardial Bains, Chairman of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) will address the meeting.
Top brass at the University were grilled on Tuesday by 40 members of a human relations class taught by Marsha Forest and the students weren’t pleased with the answers. The students, enrolled in HR 100 for the winter term, confronted Burt Matthews, Jay Minas, and Arthur Wiener, seeking a “logical explanation” for Wiener~‘s contract renewal, which followed the non-renewal of Marsha Forest’s contract. Considering Forest’s superior teaching qualifications, the number of her publications, and the popularity of her classes, opposed to Wiener’s weakness on all of these counts, there is no justification for letting her go, students said. (Forest has had experience as a program director in the School of Education at the University of Massachusetts; as an assistant professor at McGill University; as a consultant to the Montreal Oral School for the Deaf; as an assistant profes’sor and program director in a teachers college; and as a teacher in a New York school for the deaf. Wiener came to UW from graduate school. Forest attracts more students to her courses than Wiener, and has 15 publications as opposed to Wiener’s one). To the students’ amusement, both Matthews and Minas insisted that the non-renewal was not politically motivated. Matthews was at first vague when asked by students for the reason of the non-renewal, telling them to “ask the management committee”. When pressed, however, he said she was let go “because it was appropriate”. Asked who it was appropriate to\he said, ‘ ‘to the management committee”. When confronted with the superiority of Forest’s scholarly work, he told students “that/s your opinion”. He insiqted that Wiener’s academic qualifications far outstrip those ,of Forest in “the judgement of the management committee and those who know”. Minas also placed his faith in the management committee, telling students that it is “extremely difficult to find an academic committee as good”. He would not say what criteria were used however, to judge the qualifications. The students, wanting to judge for themselves, went to Wiener and asked for his vitae, which he has refused to make public. Again, the reception was brisque. Wiener refused to release his vitae or answer questions, and declaring that he could be no more informative than Matthews or Minas, walked away. +hris
The charges were- laid after Jeffery Forest and Larry Hannant were arrested at Wilfrid Laurier University Nov. 20, while the two were selling People’s Canada
ONE ‘. PLEASE
The Scheffelera is probably the most popu- ‘0 lar tropical houseplant because of its tolerance to adverse conditions and green beauty. The plant is native to Australia and New Guinea and is sometimes called an Australian umbrella tree. Its leaves are a glossy green and are on a stem coming from a central point forming an almost complete umbrella shape. The plant can be purchased from six inches to eight feet. It likes light to semi-shady window out of direct sun. Scheffeleras need re-potting about every other year to keep them growing, switching always to a slightly larger pot. The plant should be kept moist but not soggy. It is best to let the plant become almost dry and water thoroughly rather than a daily dribble. The leaves will droop and eventuallyd rop off. If you over water or have poor drainage, the leaves should be misted thouroughly once a month and wiped off to remove dust that may have collected. More frequent misting will aid in humidity. Propogate from cuttings.
OF A SERIES CLIP AND SAVE
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A UW professor and a graduate stu&nt will appear in Waterloo court Monday to stand trial on charges of trespass, assault and ‘causing a disturbance by shouting.
Daily News, a communist newspaper. Forest and , Hannant have pleaded not guilty to the charges and stated at their last court appearance that they intend to defend themselves against an attempt to prevent the distribution of ideas on a university campus.The court session begins at 10 a.m.
. / requires applicants half-time position Campus. Day 7976 meant that the UW campus was invaded by hundreds of scurrying high school students here to be sold on the benefits of a UW education. After a//, more @arm bodies mean more money in the university’s coffers. These twd~candidates are pausing to study the terrain and get their bearings before moving on to the next attraction. / photo by jim carter
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-True reform cannot come from within the system
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Electoral activity at the municiition. It was felt that civic activistsHow an MCM administration would act at that point would repal level for those committed to needed to.be aware of this or risk veal the true nature of the movesocial reform is valid but contains being co-opted into the very syslimitations due to the way decitem they set out to attack. ment. The two MCM’ers said they sions are made in our society. Electoral activity, however, is looked forward to the time when they would be impeded by the enThis was a key observation not a dead end. Reform candidates trenched interests, for at that point made at the symposium on urban can bring issues out into the-open they could return to the local disaffairs in Canada held here at this which otherwise wouldn’t be disand explain to the cussed. Such things as decent and trict councils campus last weekend. citizens why under capitalism only Urban reform movements, land inexpensive housing, free transuse and planning, social services, port and health services as well as a-certain amount of reform is possible. urban environmental problems and de-centralized community control community organizing were topics could be described as public proposals which are likely discussed by the participants. rights. And just as important, it to MCM arouse opposition are the Local citizens and students as well could be shown by these candimunicipalization of land, free pubas community activists from varidates why such rights were conlic transportation, the substitution ous Canadian cities attended. trary to the needs of capitalism. of an income tax on corporations The problems. of urban life, it Arnold Bennett and Henry and individuals in the place of the was felt, are not simply the results Mimer, ’ activists from the present regressive property tax as of poor planning and misguided Montreal Citizens Movement, diswell as their initiation of neighcivic administrators. Cities change cussed the potential of urban polibourhood councils. and develop in line with the needs of tics in comparison to other forms Similar ends are sought by the the broader economic system. It is of political activity. Both feel that Movement for Municipal Reform, the developers, the industrialists, it is possible to organize and politia Toronto-based citizen’s movethe heads of the banks and insurcize people more successfully ment which was formed late last ance companies which effect the around problems which they face year. Two representatives from distribution of services, the price daily than around those broader that group, Alderman Dan Heap of housing and the way in which yet decisive problems of imand community organizer Marie decisions are made at city hall. perialism and U.S. control of our Murphy attended the conference. s economy. Donald Gutstein, author of Vancouver Inc. and community orWhen demands concerning For Heap, political activity at ganizer in-Vancouver4 in a lecture housing, transportation and other ~ the urban level had severe limitations but was justified on a number given on Saturday, stressed that social services are connected to British-Columbia is a “company capitalism, such demands move of counts. By raising issues, one is province” dominated by a few beyond being simply “reformist”. able to open up public debate and resource-based companies, many Such demands, potentially, can reveal the polarity of interests of which are U.S. owned. It is this call into question the system as a within the city. It is possible to small group of companies which politicize people more readily by whole. dominates the province-‘s economy Bennett said that a MCM vicorganizing them around specific and which dictates the pattern of tory in the civic elections in issues affecting their. neighbourlife in Vancouver. A few largeMontreal in two years time is hood than around the broader soscale developers such as Daon, ’ likely. Formed in 1974, the MCM cial issues. Through this organizDawson and Genstar and the took 30 per cent of the vote, in losing it is possible to reveal to people banks with which they are allied ing to Drapeau’s Civic Party in the the restrictions of political activity profit from this pattern. election held that year. The at the municipaI level and, accordGiven that a similar situation exMCM’s Zrn is the creation of disingly, where the real locus of ists in every other urban center in trict councils in the local conpower lies. Canada, it was agreed that it stituencies. Theoretically, the citiAccording to Murphy, in a wasn’t enough to simply elect a zens, through these councils, workshop on Urban Reform “reform” council. Attempts at any would make the decisions concernMovements, community organiz- . ing the distribution of services in ing in the neighbourhood substantial reform would meet around strong resistance from business5 the city. specific issues is an essential preterests and other levels of governBoth Bennett and Milner aclude to any real citizens movement ment . Such has been the fate of all knowledge that strong opposition concerned with real social change. NDP provincial governments in to most of the reforms which they Without that prior activity, politihope to initiate would come from this country. cians become isolated from the soReal political power, it was ag- the business community in cial base and any demands they Montreal and from the provincial may make at city hall become holreed, does not come simply through electoral victory. A city administration in Quebec City low demands for they are not being backed by the people. council committed to real urban which acts in the interests of that reform will always be in the opposbusiness community. 4oug ward
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Education on silver screens is likely to become an increasing fea; ture of research in UW’s libraries. In an effort to save space and money head librarian, Murray Shepherd, hopes to increase the use of micro media over the next few years. The main forms of micro media are 100 ft. rolls or cartridges of 35 mm film, and 3x5 up to 5x8 inch microfiche. The film lends itself to continuous publications, such as newspapers, and enables the user to scan through several weeks worth of print without turning a page. The microfiche (french for “small card”) is a transparent sheet of microfilm, often contain-
ing as many as 300 tiny images. This form is suited to monograph reproduction, since each of the images may be the page of a book and the user, by following a grid on the reader, can focus on one page at a time. The library will be using the microforms mainly for its serial storage. Newspapers after two weeks on the shelf will be discarded and their printed word preserved on film. The storage copy of ‘Time’ will be on fiche; and expensive bound volumes of academic journals will, in many cases no longer be necessary. The full extent of the library’s move into microforms, Shepherd said in a recent interview, will not
be known until the assessment of its serials has been completed. Due to financial stringency the library is assessing its serial subscriptions and will be making some quite drastic cuts. There are 27,000 reels of microfilm and over 40,000 fiche cards in the library’s current stock. AS the collection grows the library will be adding to its reading facilities. There are four fiche readers on order, and two reader-printers, which can also produce a copy of the material under their lenses. These will boost the library’s readers to about 30, said Shepherd. The use of microfilms offer certain advantages to the librar,y. When you consider that all 773,747
Nor are -all the advantages words of the bible can be reproduced on a piece of film 5 cenmonetary, Shepherd explained. maintain perishable tirneters square the saving in space ’ Microforms material like old newspapers is obvious. Long rows of steel shelving converted into small filing whose brittle pages would be more drawers could obviate the need for likely to disintegrate in the researadding a couple of floors to the libchers hand than render knowledge rary tower. of the past. Also the 1639 monogBut there are other hard cash raph collection which the library has on microfiche could never savings to be gained. Bound volumes of academic ‘journals cost have bee-n viewed by UW students about $6 each, whereas $5 to $11 but for the microphotography first developed by the English insfruworth of microfilm could include six volumes. ment maker, John Benjamin And the four bound volumes Dancer in 1839. which used to list all the publicaA recent development in microtions available in the library at a technology is Computer-Output cost of $4,000 can be replaced by Microfilm (COM). This allows four fiche at a tenth of the price microfilm to be produced from librarian Bruce MacNeil, told the computer tape. So when publicachevron. tions ,are produced by computer typesetting, the tape, which when fed into a wonderful machine gives birth to long rows of print, can also be used to spawn a roll of film. This eliminates the need for . faculty that all librarians are supphotographing the publication and I_ port ‘staff and not academics, the so for about 70 per cent less the professional librarians would hope library can receive a magazine that time would overcome such with a fiche attached instead of feelings of discrimination or of buying two copies. second class status. Though there are many benefits to be reaped by microforms, there “Academic status for librarians has always been some consumer could eventually become accepted resistance because people prefer by all faculty. Librarians are preto read a book than stare at a pared to move toward academic screen. But Shepherd stressed that status slowly enough so as not to he intends to make micro study as precipitate a negative response comfortable as possible. from faculty.” Renovations of the’ third floor of The faculty association would the arts library are scheduled for assume responsibility for negotiatMay and by September it is hoped ing salaries and a career progress the micro reading room will feaplan on behalf of librarians, the reture some more modern equipport says. ment, more writing space with the In addition, the association readers, more assistants, and indiwould negotiate with the administvidual lighting. ration an extension of academic Looking to the future, Shepherd freedom to librarians similar to thinks the next generation of stuthat presently enjoyed by faculty dents may well add portable fiche members. ’ readers to their educational accesThe librarians will also want the , sories. So with, a fiche reader the association to negotiate regulasize of a briefcase the day may tions so they can take study leaves . well come, he projects, when a as part of their new “academic student will be able to curl up with status”. a good fiche.
Librarians to jo-in faculty- group t The university’s professional librarians can now join the UW fa’ culty association, members of the association decided on Wednesday. The motion passed despite some opposition from professors who felt librarians weren’t academics and thus shouldn’t belong to a faculty association. @hers, however, agreed with the content of a report drafted by physics professor Jim Brandon and English teacher Rota Lister , which called for the admittance of librarians into the association.
One dissenting teacher said he didn’t feel librarians fulfilled “analogous roles” when compared to faculty members. He added that the aspirations of librarians aren’t necessarily going to be “coincidental” with professors. The teacher said they, the professional librarians, work in the library rather than fulfilling teaching functions in library science. Another professor disagreed with this view, saying the university librarian is indispensable to the betterment of academic ‘ ‘The ideal university scholarship.
Only three Math Society positions were decided in recent elections and they were all acclaimed. Gary Prudence is the new president with Kevin Willis filling the vice president’s spot. John Long takes over as treasurer. The rest of the posidons will be filled in a by-election in Sep. tember, according to Long. He added the lack of candidates was probably due partly to apathy but the heavy workload in math also had much to do with it. He also said Prudence was, a popular ca,ndidate as a result of his work as vice president and this was probably a reason for so little , competition for the position. -graham
librarian is a scholar librarian.” He pointed out that the world’s greatest libraries are headed by “authentic” scholars and this degree of scholarship is comparable to that of faculty members. The teacher also said that if the, association rejected their membership, it will come as a “slap in the face” to librarians since it would be viewed as a slight on their academic ability. English teacher Jim Stone said he supported the librarians“ bid for membership since there was nothing in the constitution of the association which barred their admittance. The constitution defines a scholar as someone who is involved in teaching and/or research, and the librarians are researchers, Stone said. Tom Eadie, a spokesman for the librarians, said the analogies between teachers and librarians are “certainly strong enough’ ‘to war: rant membership .in the association. . The association report says: “In view of possible feelings by some
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Does Argentr’na stumble toward \
‘he military coup in Argentina on Wednesday which ousted Iresident Isabel feron will probably go down as the most lnticipated in history. And the article below, written by freeante journalist Christopher Knowles for Liberation dagazine, depicts the conflicts in the Argentinian society lnd the reasons behind the inevitability of military intervenion.
3UENOS AIRES-In his last days, Juan Domingo Peron vas fond of saying with his grand’ smile: “Mi unico heredYO es el Pueblo” -“ My only heir is the People.” Now nearly a year and a half since his death, 25 million Argentines are still far from receiving their inheritance., nstead, they find themselves perpetually on the brink of a ‘ast vaa,uum of power which Perox seemingly intentionlly, left. Together with the psychopathic death-squad killings, the growing number of spectacular guerrilla actions, the contant threat of national bankruptcy, and the erratic behaviur of Latin America’s first female president, it is the cramble to fill this power vacuum and the continuing disntegration of the Peronist movement which have highlghted the past few months of crisis here.’ The crisis reached new heights between May and Sepember when two major, unsuccessful attempts were made o grab power. One was led by the now infamous right-wing mystic Jose -,opez Rega, the Rasputin-like private secretary of both ‘residents Peron. He made his move to take over the count-y during June and July and ended up in ignominious, if ilded, exile in Madrid. The second attempt, headed by another political advenurer, a 47-year old army colonel named Vicente Damasco, aused a serious split within the military before his ambitius plans to resuscitate the Peronist government along orporativist lines were trashed by hardline military oppo- , lents. That crisis paralyzed Argentina throughout August and brought the nation closer to a military coup than it had been n four years. The failure of these bold attempts to end the ongoing mconomic chaos and the political instability is significant. Yhey demonstrate the high level of discord which divides he ruling groups in Argentina and reveals their inability to or-m a government which can confront the growing prob:ms. In addition to this pervasive crisis within then bourgeoisie nd the military, there are strikingly apparent symptoms of mrest and of intensive reorganization within the working lass and the left generally. With the floundering and disinegration of the Peronist movement, which had-undeniably t iven the working class a sense of its strength and ability to rganize , alternative expressions of class consciousness nd organization are manifesting themselves. Without doubt, Argentines have had more than their hare of troubles and disappointments; and yet no end is in ight. Their disillusionment with the return of Peron was lredictable given their almost deliberate naivete. They ave learned many lessons. What is becoming clear is that the conditions for reolutionary change seem to be growing with each succesive disappointment and each ill-conceived solution. While both men failed, the crises provoked by Lopez :ega and Damasco, though unphotogenic newswise and nresolved politically, were power struggles which inolved large and important sectors of Argentine society -the military, small, large, or foreign industrial interests, 2bor, the agricultural sector, and the Church. Isabel Peron’s government is a shell of what it was when 0 per cent of the nation voted for it two years ago. It has nly survived this long because no alternative government as been agreed upon. * In 1973, it represented the most broadly based governnent in Argentine history. It was actively supported by the lational bourgeoisie, wooed by Peron’s promise that local ndus\try would receive priority over omnivorous foreign apital; by the working class, once again struggling to get a air share of the nation’s wealth; by foreign business,-asured that Peron would pacify the country and make it safe or profitable investment; by the military, hoping to imrove its deteriorated image by returning the country, reJctantly, to constitutional rule; and even by part of the /Marxist left and the guerrilla groups, feeling triumphant in ‘eron’s return and expecting an end to the relentless militry repression. Everyone desired the return of Peronism if only because t meant the return to constitutional government. Peron’s iandate, of course, was impossible to fulftil and soon beame a testament to his masterful duplicity and to the wish~1 thinking of the Argentine people. Today, with the crisis continuing unabated, the search 3r the winning combination weighs heavily on everyone’s rind. In the meantime, the governments are makeshift and he existing enfeebled bourgeois rule has encouraged the rowth of revolutionary struggle on many fronts. Argentina is one of the most politically sophisticated ountries of the Western Hemisphere; and as it tests the arious possibilities of civilian and military rule and fails, ,-
the alternatives to violent revolution are being progressively exhausted. However, the actual transition to .a pre-revolutionary, not to mention revolutionary, situation is not going to happen overnight. A little background, focusing especially on the Peronist phenomenon, might indicate the direction the effort will take.
What is Peronism?
Since his return to power was the key event in Argentina in 1973, the death of Juan Peron and his wife’s assumption of the Presidency are indisputably the key events to occur in 1974. Peron’s death marked the end to the enduring left-wing Peronist illusion that Peron had returned from his l&year exile to help build an Argentina Socialista. The truth is that his third Presidency saw Peron move unflinchingly ato the right, deliberately favoring the interests of the national bourgeoisie over those of the working class, his traditional base of support. In his first Presidency (1946-1952) Peron and his charismatic wife, Eva Duarte, organized the strongest tradeunion system in the Third World. It was centered in the Central Workers’ Confederation (CGT), which had been a weak confederation headed by the Communist and Socialist parties. As Peron methodically gained hegemony over the entire workers’ movement and attached it to the state, the Marxist-oriented leadership was discredited, outflanked 9 and soon came to be considered a heretical doctrine di’ rectly opposed by Peronism. The ideological conflict between Peronism and Marxism revolves around the concept of class struggle, which the Marxists see as an inevitable and necessary element of revolutionary change. The Peronists, on the other hand, maintain that labor interests and capital interests can be reconciled through the mediation of a powerful state, thus avoiding class conflict . Eva was hailed by the Peronist left as a revolutionary. She demonstrated a militant concern for the neglected and politically marginal working class. When the going got rough, she urged Peron, the more moderate and conciliatory of the two, to arm the workers in order to defend the gains they were enjoying for the first time in Argentine history. Her premature death in 1952 at the age of 33 symbolized the end of the good years of Peronism. Her death came at the same time that Argentina”s international trade position --. was worsening. Peron, who came to power after World War II when Argentina was especially rich from feeding war-torn Europe, had used the monetary reserves to nationalize foreign-owned industries, to pay off the foreign debt, and to raise substantially the working class’ standard of living through redistribution of profits. But by 1952, Europe was producing its own food again; and Peron’s five-year plan was going sour with lots of state
funds badly invested and the gold reserves running out. This critical situation accentuated his drift to the right, increasingly alienating his working class- support whose real wage began to shrink again. This provoked his overthrow in 1955. Peron loudly boasted that he had invented a third and . independent position for Argentina. But in real terms, Peronism at its most pluralistic and dynamic, meant little more than capitalism tempered by a balance between organized labor and organized business, in addition to the rather important variation of the redistribution of capital profits to the working class through the CGT bureaucracy. But this effort to achieve social justice through redistribution, while maintaining the growth of private capitalism, is only possible given two unstable conditions: first, that the state have plenty of revenue coming in from a favorable international trade position (75 per cent of which comes from exportation of agricultural products, especially meat and cereals); and second, that national private industry be making large profit margins. These two conditions, which existed when Peron came to power in 1946 and, to a lesser extent when he returned to power in 1973, deteriorated tremendously shortly afterwards, in part aggravated by the world market situalion thrown off balance by the end of the Korean and Vietnam wars. The capitalist recession has completely disrupted the unstable markets of Argentina, now facing widespread bankruptcy because of the high cost of importation of industrial products. In short, redistribution of profits has been effectively cancelled; the real wage is declining rapidly. During Peron’s l&year exile, Argentina witnessed a continuation of the economic crisis which a succession of half a dozen governments failed to resolve. Today the crisis is approaching its peak, with Argentina virtually bankrupt and economically stagnant. After 1955, the Peronist movement was outlawed by his successors; even to utter Peron’s name was strictly illegal. To relieve the economic crisis the military repressed the workers’ movement and tried to tame the CGT. Successive governments opened up the economy to intensive foreign investment which moved in on local industry. This takeover by foreign capital ultimately alienated the national bourgeoisie-an important factor in bringing about Peron’s return. The ,agrarian sector, though controlled by very concentrated corporative interests, remained untouched, as has always been the case. . Peron, through the CGT, continued to pull strings from ‘ Madrid. But after two frustrated attempts to return to Argentina, the aging leader began to lose control of his movement. A CGT leader, Augustin Vandor, who was ’ eventually assassinated with Peron’s tacit approval, began to pursue a policy of collaboration with military, business, and foreign interests. continued
Through this collaboration, the CGT bureaucracy retained its power and organization in exchange for controlling working class unrest. Nevertheless, militant unions throughout the nation defied the national leadership and carried out aggressive anti-government strikes of their own. The Vandorista plan of “Peronism without Peron,” based on a military-union pact, forced Peron to rely increasingly on the radicalized elements of the Peronist left, soon to be dominated by the Peronist youth who were best organized in the military-political group called the Montoneros. The left, including much of the Marxist left, rallied around the banner of Peron’s return and their ranks swelled. It was the leftist Peronist resistance and mobilization which sufficiently alarmed the military tind the ruling classes to decide to negotiate Peron’s return, “the last hope against communist revolution” as they put it in a special report to David Rockefeller in November, 1972. Peron in exile promised to make room for everyone in his plot to retake power. Though personalist interpretations of history are limited, it is important to recognize how many diverse interest groups clustered around his charming image. Through sheer double talk, he broadened his support from a small sector of unionized labor to include over half the nation: Peronists left and right; the middle class, tired of blundering military rule; and even the U.S. State Department, alarmed by the volatile precedent in neighboring Chile. Peron, not eager to return himself, made an oldguard advisor named Hector Campora his Presidential designate. Campora, whose two sons were Montonero leaders, became President in Mach 1973 with 49 per cent of the vote. His inauguration was attended by Salvador Al- lende and Cuban President Qsvaldo Dorticos, setting the tenor of his leftist administration. The Peronist chant became “Peron, Evita, la patria socialis ta. ’ ’ The Argentine left, though it sensed that everything had come too easily, was euphoric with their sense of triumph. The humiliated military slunk back to the barracks to wait. Campora opened up Argentina’s foreign policy and trade with socialist block nations, broke the trade barrier with Cuba, and announced a giddily ambitious three-year plan of economic development which promised to bring mountains of prosperity. to an Argentina Potencia. But vested interests got nervous with-the leftist zeal of the government and worried that it might get out of hand: Peron was supposed to stem the tide of revolution, not foment it. Peron himself, upset by the left-Peronist dominated populism of the Campora regime, ordered his _ designate to resign and announced his own candidacy, with Isabel as his Vice-President, for a September 1973 election. Long the boogeyman of the Argentine-middle class, object of the most imaginative fears and hatred, he returned like a prodigal son-repentant, mellowed, more bourgeois than any of his former bourgeois enemies, a counter-revolutionary despite - the clear mandate for radical change. Peron was responsible for the routing of the left from the government and for instigating repressive policies: persecution of the militant unions defiant of the CGT bureaucracy; the federal takeoverof six left-leaning provincial governments ; the restructuring of the traditionally leftist universities by openlyfascist ideologues; the shutdown of over a dozen daily newspapers and magazines; and the establishment of a state of siege and an all-out war - against the guerrilla groups like the Marxist People’s Revolutionary Army (ERP) and the Montoneros, which had played such important roles in the resistance against the military dictatorships and resolved to return underground 3 have subsequently to reform the resistance against Isabel’s regime. Days before he died, Peron publicly repudiated the left-wing of his movement.
Isabel and Lopez Rega The purge of the left was the first trauma suffered by the Peronist movement. In the continuing crisis after Peron’s death, the movement shrank &nd divided further. The confusion permitted the takeover by what has come to be called el Lopezreguismo.
Right-wing Peronists, with tacit support from the military, the /middle class, and foreign interests, strained to return to Peronism sin Peron, changing the catch phrase to Isabel es Peron .,Isabel, who had been selected as Peron’s sole political heir primarily as a symbol of his on-going spirit, was never really to have any say in making policy decisions; the support she threw behind her favorites, however, could occasionally prove crucial. Peronism as a multi-class movement was always a bit of a political zoo and is often, incorrectly, said to be basically a brand of fascism. But it would be equally wrong to maintain the fascists did not enjoy a privileged and protected portion within the movement; and on various occasions Peron himself readily resorted to barefaced fascist methods. Indeed, an insidious strain of arrogant nationalism, of personalism, of racism, of anticommunism, and anti=semitism has always been manifest in Peronism. -
In all fairness, it should be acknowledged that these attitudes are not uncommon in Argentine political life as a whole. However, the popular myth --of Peronism-the ideal of social and economic justice for working people through the paternalistic guidance of El Gran Lider-can hardly be called fascist. In actuality, the CGT, controlled by the corrupt leadership of the burocracia sindical (the CGT has much in common with North American AFL-CIO and many of its leaders have been trained directly by the AFL-CIO) has done its best to crush independent militancy in the rank and fde and has striven to integrate labor into the exploitative consumer-oriented Argentine economy. Any surplus wealth which has filtered down to the working class is supposed to be spent on consumer-oriented “light industry.” Much of that industry is indirectly controlled from abroad and does little to advance Argentina. -The virulent strain of fascism, heretofore latent, was soon to find its agent. In 1965, 34-year old Isabel Peron was sent to Argentina by her husband to organize an election campaign against Augustin Vandor who was threatening Peron’s hegemony in the CGT. During- her successful visit, she met an expoliceman and-bodyguard named Jose Lopez Rega who, for reasons still unclear, returned with her to Madrid. Lopez Rega, a man of blunt fascistic ideology, then began his ten year climb to fame. By 1975, Peron’s death, the worsening economic situation, and his proximity to Isabel gave this mediocre but bold gray eminence the opportunity to gamble for absolute power in Argentina. , Without any base r\f popular support, he aggressively and methodically increased his power as Presidential Secretary and Minister of Social Welfare (both positions originally granted him by Peron) by placing his men, all hardline rightwingers, into the ministries of defense, propaganda, education, the federal police, and the army. pages and occupations of factories in protest of the He even named his son-in-law, Raul Lastiri, SeRodrigazo. Within a week, the coordinadoras had nate President and head of the Peronist party. It effectively paralyzed industry throughout the nawas Lopez Rega, as Peron’s closest advisor, who tion. . orchestrated the repression of the left and it was This rank-and-file pressure forced the CGT to Lopez Rega himself who masterminded the Argencontinue wage negotiations regardless of the ceiltine Anti-Communist Alliance death. squids which ings. Soon new contracts were being signed with have slaughtered hundreds of leftist sympathizers. management which involved intricate systems of The moderate right, lacking a coherent strategy of pensions and benefits for overtime, sickness, pregits own, allowed the Lopezregrristas to consolidate nancy and family bonuses, seniority and vacation, power within Isabel’s cabinet. __ etc. and represented wage hikes from 75 to 150 per But a serious split within the Peronist right-wing cent. Since these pacts were presented to the labor slowed the progress of his feign of terror. After the ministry for ratification, it was obvious a showpurge of the left, Peronism was still divided betdown was inevitable. ween the Peronist politicians, controlling most of On June 27, after three week3 of stalemate, the the key government posts, and the bureaucracy of government’s Plaza de Mayo, where Peron and the CGT, headed by Casildo Herreras of the textile Evita had traditionally addressed the descamisados union, and Lorenzo Miguel and Victorio Calabro, (l), was spontaneously fille-d by thousands of indusboth of the powerful metalworkers’ union. trial and office workers, all calling for the heads of Calabro is also governor of Buenos Aires ProLopez Rega and Rodrigo. vince, a job akin to the governorship of New York This was the first manifestation of the resentment State. After Peron’s death the CGT, resentful of its and hatred for Lopez Rega’s politics; Miguel and relatively limited power, began to pressure for Herreras were forced to return from Europe. -In more labor participation within the government, order to confront Lopez Rega, a 4%hour general and especially in regard to economic decisions. strike was announced. The Peronist politicians, rallying behind Lopez Lopez Rega, indisputably the most powerful man Rega and Isabel, moved to defend their position and in the government, had hoped that the illegal work intiated a campaign designed to discredit and break stoppages, which, according to the press, were the uppity CGT. Lopez Rega willingly became the costing the country 66 million dollars a day, and the hatchet man for right-wing Peronist politicians, as impressive strength of the militant coordinadoras well as for sectors of the military that wanted once (2) would scare the military enough to insure its and for all a tough line against communism. Busisupport of his hardline decision to take over the ness interests that wanted to crush the CGT also CGT and smash the general strike with force. backed el Lopezreguismo, if only tacitly. He was wrong. His men in the military were not By last June, Lopez Rega had what he consistrong enough to swing the vast majority of officers who were delighting in the spectacle of Peronist dered sufficient support to make hiS big move: he named Celestino Rodrigo, an electrical engineer disintegration and the spread of subversion. Lopez Rega was told that it would be better for him to give with mystical propensities similar to his own, as Minister of the Economy. I in to the CGT and take the next plane out of the Rodrigo then announced a crash program decountry. signed to stabilize the economy by choking the ’ Within another week of last-ditch efforts to surworking class and the CGT. After a series of drastic vive, which included virtually holding Isabel hoseconomic measures (for example, halving the value tage in the Presidential residence, the of the peso through devaluation; doubling and triplLopezreguistas were out, the wage contracts ing the costs of transportation, utilities, and serratified, and the CGT triumphant. vices; and removing price controls from consumer On July, 19, after his bodyguard was disarmed by goods) the government announced a 38 per cent the Presidential guards, Lopez Rega was put on a (later 50 per cent) ceiling on the wage increases plane to Brazil, leaving Isabel behind in a state of being bargained for collectively by the CGT unions nervous collapse which eventually forced her to after more than a year of frozen wages. leave in September for 32 days. Her return to exThe Lopezregutsta attack not only affected the ecutive powers in October has been a gross spectareal wage of the factory worker, it also cut deeply cle of incapacity. She is kept locked in the back into salaried and ‘professional wurkers. Facing a room like the nation’s crazy aunt. cost-of-living rise of over 200 per cent, the Colonel Damasco’s adventure government-imposed ceiling was out of the quesThe power struggle continued. Colonel tion for the CGT whose response was to continue with collective bargaining for new contracts union Damasco, a dapper little man who came to Peron’s by union. Lorenzo Miguel and Casildo Herr-eras attention while serving as a Presidential aide in 1973, was made his liaison responsible for contactconveniently slipped out of the country. The retreat of the CGT leadership was met with ing many groups, including the dissident Montoneros, to negotiate the alliances and deals which an upsurge of rank-and-file militancy. In an effort to are the lifeblood of Peronism. The Colonel kept upform another parallel CGT de Zos Argentinos, the Peronist left, together with the Marxist Party his contacts after Peron’s death. (PST), the Trotskyite Workers’ Politics (PO), and When Lopez Rega met his demise, Damasco the ERP and Montoneros, formed a network of stepped forward as the architect of a new governcoordinating committees in the industrial belts ment based on a corporativist-style alliance between triumphant Peronist labor and the military. around Buenos Aires, La Plata, Rosario, Santa Fe, and Cordoba. ’ Labor-military collaboration had .been Vandor’s The crisis permitted the rapid spread of these idea before and is still held by largely Vandorista coordinadoras which called for illegal work stopCGT leaders like Lorenzo Miguel.
On becoming thl Interior Minister, 1 ence in the army h government with which could redi! growing isolation. He was able tl Cafiero, one of the , good repute, to t: Economy Minister the groups which government: Cafie cial advisor to Li union, a Catholic economist posses: America and Euro It was Cafiero w with the confident threat of Peron’s Argentina’s $1.0 bi a and October, rece efeller sources. It combination had fj Still, it was a anti-Peronist senti *armed forces. Whe luctantly handed 1 Campora, he assu tegrate more quick his military die tatc Although it was strate disunity, th middle over the ql tion in the govemr The anti-Peroni? demanded that Da service or resign hi they want the presl the fate of a corm] At first, the split ary allies which i Chief General NJ Corps Command Damasco and his g ela group ideologic manner and mome participate in politi Damasco had an rally support for t’ more attractive to classes than a milil Rega before him, j and wheeling and 1 back off. He also had the his favor. Inflation Rodrigazo, was ou set in which was 1 alarming rate. The ERP and h, actions against the days during mid-A political violence w downtown Cordob ionism, and numer such as the dynami guerrilla attacks w the golpistas into 2 Videla, who stc Damasco’s group,
tion. In a final attempt to save his government, Damasco called on the CGT, one of his chief supporters, to order another general strike to break the stalemate with Videla. The CGT, remembering the crucial neutrality of the military during its battle with Lopez Rega decided against a show of force in support of a colonel who had so many generals against him. Lorenzo Miguel decided to protect his long-term interests by remaining neutral. The sentiment within the army turned against Damasco. On August 26, he resigned from the military along with four top generals who had backed him; and by September_ he fell from his key position as Interior Minister. L General Videla took over as Army Chief and in his first address to the nation, emphasized the military’s iron-fisted determination to eliminate subversion. But the determination of the military could not conceal the very serious crisis within its own ranks and within the government: a second attempt to reorganize the ruling groups had failed and been replaced by resolute brute forv Everyone knew that more wishful thinking was involved when Isabel first took sick leave in September and moderate Peronist Italo Luder took over the reins of government promising to straighten everything out. It is conceivable that a government under Luder’s caretakership with Videla’s military presence in the background will make it to the elections in 1977. This will depend a great deal on what kind of pressure the left can bring to bear in the months ahead.
in the government as oped to use his inflund to create a civilian ilitary participation jwer and reduce the e men like Antonio uard Peronists still in he impossible job of s background reveals rested in Damasco’s doris t Peronis t , finanguel’s metalworkers’ st, and an orthodox contacts with North 31. :ed David Rockefeller ninimizing the radical 972 and renegotiated ;n debt in September :y mostly from Rockmany that the magic :d up. 1s gamble, given the le very conservative Alejandro Lanusse re‘residency to Hector ‘eronism would disinr than in opposition to was correct. e moment to demonorces split down the Damasco’s participaled by Jorge Videla, ;er retire from active al post. In no way did nilitary mixed up with ibund government. bamasco and his militit-my Commander in 2ne and First Army il Albert0 Caceres. It differ from the Vidnerely differed on the :h the military would rhis was enough. in which promised to nent. This was much middle and working Damasco, like Lopez t with sufficient bluff could force Videla to F the national crisis in hart due to the drastic I, and a recession had unemployment at an stepped up guerrilla d the military. In ten people were killed in led ERP’s takeover of Zentre of militant uns by the Montoneros, avy destroyer. These designed to provoke sn the golpistas and n Damasco’s resigna-
The objective conditions for revolution are difficult to measure and evaluate accurately. Any claim that Argentina has entered a prerevolutionary period should be based on an analysis of the relative-strengths of the revolutionary and anti-revolutionary forces, the degree of economic development, and other more or less concrete information. The strength of the ruling groups (in Argentina, the bourgeoisie in the broad sense) is readily evident: the bourgeoisie represents the tradition, official, and public sources of power. Yet the index of stability and strength is distorted by government propaganda and misleading and obfuscating misinformation on all levels of communication. In fact, the sophisticated Peronist propaganda machinery has been producing information so contrary to reality that even the most illiterate-slum dweller has ceased to be taken in by it. The credibility gap grows as the government’s grasp on power slips. In the Lopez Rega-Damasco episodes, the military tried to maintain its public image of eternal and iron-fisted unity. In the end it was unable to cover up the glaring reality of its factionalism. The disarray of the Argentine ruling groups has become obvious to the world. But to what extent are these conflicts secondaTy to their potential unity in the face of the threat of popular advances? On the other hand, the, strength of the popular forces, of the revolutionary potential in Argentina, is even more difficult to ascertain because its legitimate and public channels of expression have been repressed by those in power. The working class at this point is limited to rallies, strikes, illegal guerrilla actions, and a very limited clandestine press to express and organize itself. The weakness, isolation, and disunity of the bourgeoisie is a condition for revolution only when the revolutionary sectors, themselves are unified, strong, and theoretically prepared by able leadership based in the working class. At the moment, these conditions warrant no more than cautious optimism for Argentina’s future. One of the chief advantages of Peronism, from the point of view of the bourgeoisie, was its ability‘ to channel the energy of the working class into ‘state-controlled mechanisms like the CGT. That process ultimately strengthened the state, that is, the bourgeoisie. It is no wonder that thoughtful members of the bourgeoisie saw Peronism as preferable to a military dictatorship. It is only-to the e.xtent that the popular classes understand this profound fraud that they can achieve an awareness of their long term interests., which include the possibility of proletarian culture and values. It must be understood that merely correcting the excesses of Lopezreguismo does not alter fundament-ally the exploitative nature of Peronism and its intrinsic limitations for the working class. Presently the quasi-religious hold which Peronism exercises over the popular masses is loosening. Peron is more often than not cursed for the recent harvest of disillusionment which he so merrily sowed amongst the people. As the standard of Qving plummets and the country flounders, the demystification of Peronism accelerates. Unfortunately this loosening is a process which must go on even within the most advanced sectors of the Peronist left, which, outnumbering all the Marxist groups put together, has had much difficulty in trying to re-orient itself and the Peronist masses away from the orthodoxy which Per-on set down.
The Montoneros-who still insist that they are the “authentic” Peronists, if only through emphasizing the ideas of Eva Peron over those of her husband--exemplify this problem. Divided between those whose ideological roots are in rightwing Catholic nationalism and those whose roots are-in the Marxist left, they are a microcosm of the broader Peronist movement which suffers from the same ideological confusion. However, over the past two years, their nationalist, anti-imperialist stance has grown increasingry revolutionary, their analysis of the situation oriented with Marxist understanding, and they have become the rallying point for the different fronts of the Peronist left. Aside from organizing the trade union-oriented coordinadoras in urban industrial areas, the Montoneros form the backbone of the newly created Authentic Peronist Party. The Authentic Party, cautiously building itself semi-clandestinely, is pressuring for elections to’return “popular government” to Argentina. The party is organized by leftist Peronist politicians who were senators and governors during the Campora I period. Because of their guerrilla orientation, they see their natural allies in the Marxist left, especially in other armed organizations such as the ERP and the militant trade unions. In recent months, the ideological gap which existed between the ERP and the Montoneros has been disappearing, mostly due to the pressing immediacy of their common tasks: to give new leadership and organization to the Peronist and nonPeronist masses. While the ERP, however, insists on the formation of a broad working class political front aimed at long-term revolutionary struggle, the Montoneros have a more flexible attitude towards cross-class alliances. For the moment, at any rate, the two groups are increasingly compatible. , The constant hostility of the Authentic Party towards the police and the military has often bordered on sheer terrorism, costing the lives of inno-. cent people-something which has worked against their interests. In October, the Montoneros demonstrated their tremendous capacity for military organization in a frustrated attack on a military base in the northern province of Formosa. Though they lost eleven persons in the elaborately planned attack, the military estimated that nearly five hundred persons had participated directly and logistically and concluded that the guerrilla was now the number one threat to national security. The problems within the Marxist left are quite complex. Separated from the Peronist masses, its struggle is not only to make the revolution but also to win back the allegiance of the working class lost in the 40’s (when the Communists and Socialists made an electoral alliance with conservative parties against Peron whom they believed to be a fasciststyle dictator). PC and PST have tried to stay on the good side of the Peronist government and have integrated themselves into the center-left muddle of small parties, which presently favor a progressive, civilianmilitary government. Like the PC’s throughout the world, the Argentine PC is well-organized, if only for popular front and propaganda activities. Consistently, the PC is fearful of making a move which will drive it underground- with what it considers “unsavory” company like the ERP and the Montoneros, now both illegal. An anomaly of the Argentine left is the Maoistoriented Revolutionary Communist Party fPCR) whose line reflects the practical difficulties of exporting Maoism to a nation like Argentina. The PCR, whose nationally known figure is Rene Salamanca, outlawed head of the powerful auto workers’ union in Cordoba, has opted for support of Isabel’s government on the grounds that it is Third World-oriented, at least, and is threatened by a coup either by North American-oriented military-sectors or by real or imagined Soviet-oriented military men. The PCR has not participated in any antigovernment demonstrations even though many of its militants have been persecuted by the police or murdered by the AAA. Other parties, such as the Trotskyist Workers’ Politics (PO), the ERP (which has a political branch called the Workers’ Revolutionary Party (PRT), sectors of the PST and a number of smaller groups and independent Marxist-Leninists are increasingly active in the Montonero-dominated coordinadoras and by themselves control important unions or factories or coordinadoras which represent different industrial areas. Considering the few indices available for measuring development of revolutionary capacity in the working -class, it’s clear, nevertheless, that rapid progress is being made. Provoked in part by growing unemployment due to the recession which has topped off the economic crisis, the number of wildcat strikes over the past six months has increased tremendously -it was more than triple the number in the previous six months and several times that of 1974.
is no unemployment
tina. Though many of the unions received wage increases of up to 150 per cent, the majority of workers belong to less powerful unions and find their real wage dropping daily. Between May and September, inflation rose at the rate of 1 per cent a day, or a total of 150 per cent, gobbling up even those wage increases won by the unions. The minimum monthly wage of 5,000 pesos is in reality worth around $40. The repression of this grassroots organizing has been extreme, if not effective. Over two hundred union organizers have been murdered in the last year alone. Three thousand political prisoners are in jail without being formally charged. All militant unions must maintain their organizations completely underground. Demonstrations and marches are immediately broken up by the military or specially trained police forces. In many pIants, especially foreign-owned ones such as the huge Ford Motor plant outside Buenos Aires, the shop floors are literally crawling with armed guards supplied by the government security forces. A subject of long debate has been the role of guerrilla strategy. Argentina & a tremendously violent nation. The bourgeoisie has never hesitated to use brutal force in confronting “leftist subversion” and the people have learned to protect themselves. The CGT, for example, possess arsenals and such a high degree of organization which make even the military think twice before messing with them. Unfortunately the armed men of the CGT are generally thugs and bodyguards hired to protect little more than the mafia-oriented interests of the burocracia
Due largely to the long Peronist exile and resistance, the Argentine left possesses the largest, best organized and most durable guerrilla groups in Latin America. The two central groups, the ERP and the Montoneros, possess awesome experience and sophisticated weaponry which, for the most part, has been financed, albeit reluctantly, by multi-national corporations. Over the past three years, these twogroups have received nearly 90 million dollars in ransom money: the Argentina-based multi-national Bunge and Born paid a world-record $60 million and, two years ago, Exxon paid the ERP $14.2 million for the release of _. one executive. The primary drawback of a guerrilla movement is its elitist stance as a self-contained paramilitary organization not springing directly out of the needs of a mass movement. The ERP, however, has survived five years of fierce repression to the extent that it has overcome its isolation and elitism. It has joined the popular, grassroots factory _ struggle and recruits -its militants from the working class as well as from the university-educated petit bourgeoisie. Its long-term plan of creating a sophisticated “people’s army” has been tempered by the harsh reality of repression and an awareness for the immediate grassroots needs of the struggle. In the northern sugar-producing province of Tucuman, the Guevarist-oriented ERP has demonstrated striking success in winning the rural population to its side. Since last February, the Argentine army has sent thousands of special troops to Tucuman in an effort to destroy the ERP cells who are training and fighting in the mountainous areas. They claim to have killed over 150 guerrillas so far, despite their earlier claim that there was no more than- a hundred in the area. (ERP, on the other hand, says it has lost less than 10 persons and maintains that the alleged 150 dead guerrillas were either captured and later executed in jail elsewhere in the country or had nothing to do with ERP. They also have 2 helicopters and surface-to-air missiles to use against the -military.) The persistence of the guerrilla activity indicates the extent of the support and ‘probable direct participation of the local people. The problem at hand is how to unite the guerrilla, groups with the mass proletarian struggle so that they are synonymous and symbiotic. In point of fact, the militant unions’ and-political parties, no matter how broadly supported, are easy targets for repression if they do not possess armed organizations to guarantee the survival of their militants. And without the backing of a broad-based popular resistance, the guerrilla can be isolated and wiped out regardless of its sophistication or organization. literally means “shirtless ones,“a phrase invented by Evita to describe her workingclass following.
are like the cordones sprang up around Santiago, Chile, the year preceding the Pinochetazo or which are forming in Portugal now. They are coordinating committees of militant workers connected by factory or unions which plan revolutionary organization of the industrial “iones in preparation for wildcat strikes in defense of wage contracts, against layoffs or firings, or aggression by the military or police to break up a strike or a demonstration or whatever sort of repression. In Argentina, around the cities of Buenos Aires, La Plata, Rosario, Santa Fe, and Cordoba, these coordinadoras are organizing rapidly generally under the leadership of the Montoneros, but everyone is involved in them.
(2)-Cooidinadoras industrales which
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The China of -I. today , China Eileen Blazer,
Day by Day Hsu-Balzer, and-Francis
What is life like in China today? Until recently few Easterners had any direct knowledge. During the past several years, however, more and more people have been visiting China and returning to report on their experiences. China Day by Day is the result of one such visit to China. It differs in that it marks the return to China of a mawho had been born and lived in pre-revolutionary China, together with his American-born daughter and son-in-law. The contrasts which Francis Hsu is thus able to draw between the old and the new Chinas are one thing which gives the book added interest. The book opens with an intro-
MONTY PYTHON IN THE HOD ’ GRAIL Fri-Su n 7&
Mar 26-28 9 Pm l ooooooooo
A CLOCKWORK ORANGE March 31-April / Wed-Sat 8 Pm
duction titled “How to Understand China”. It is”an overview by Francis Hsu of Chinese history and culture, concentrating on those characteristics which make the Chinese culture different from Western’culture. Hsu looks briefly at the events leading up to’the Chinese revolution and then in greater detail at the results of that revolution. ’ Although industrialization is still lagging, ‘ ‘China’s economic progress during the-last two decades must be regarded as astonishing. Epidemics and starvation, common in China before, are no more. China may no longer be described as ‘ The Land of Famine’. ” Hsu also points out the importance in China of Mao’s concept “serve the people” and of study sessions and self criticism. “The link between everyday conduct and higher principles is so much a part of Chinese consciousness today that an appeal to these principles can usually resolve interpersonal difficulties . ’ ’
Following the introduction, fie text is by Eileen Hsu-Balzer. It i’s in many regards a sort of travelogue of China, reporting on what she heard and saw without impressing her point of view. The text is split into several parts, corresponding to the course of theirjourney: Prelude, City Life, Cityscape, and Communes. Complementing the text are a large number of black and white photographs taken by her husband, Richard Balzer. These photos are quite possibly the most interesting part of this book, for they graphically depict just what life in China today is really like. They are primarily photographs of people 6t work or at play and the large majority of them are candid. So if you want some interesting reading that will give you a chance to learn in a simple and enjoyable way how people live today in China, I strongly recommend China Day by Day. It’s worth it just for the pictures. -henry
I listened to his latest effort, SANDMAN What’s happened to Harry Nils- , Nilsson Sandman, a few days ago. son? Precious were those hours of Finally the pains of listening to it vegging out to the sweet silly again and writing a review must be sounds of Nilsson Sc’hmilsson. But suffered. No one likes to write a oooooooooooooooooe what ever happened to that Nilsbad review. admission $2.00 son? One is first impressed when perusing the album cover. Names such as Ringo Starr, Joe Cocker, .Leon Russell jump _.out and- devour zz one’s attention while others remain quietly in the background Klaus Voorman, Doug Dillard. Looks quite impressive so far. A beautiful painting by bass player Klaus Voorman is reproduced on the inside of the album jacket. If one wants to get into it he/she/it can find, a great deal of symbolism common to this picture and the lyrics of the album. The first words to be heard are, “Deep down in my soul I hate rock and roll” followed by “and I don’t like the way them drummers beat on their drums. ” At least it’s good to see Ringo has a sense of Model 2325 the most powerful humour. (Hmmm, wonder if he’s going to play drums when the Beareceiver in the world-! (125 waltts tles get back together this year.) RMS per. ch. and full built-in “I’ll Take a Tango” expresses DOLBY noise reduction system) Nilsson’s current view of rock and roll (or does it?) It’s/a fairly simple song as far as tangoes go. Nothing STOREHOURS impressive though. ?‘his is .followed by a monotonTues., Thurs. 11-7, Fri. 11-9, Sat. 1 O-6 ous song “Something True”, which is based on a slowdull drum 14 Queen’s Square, (Gait) Carntmdge Phone 623-6648 a beat. ‘fHowever, all is not lost. The saxaphone work in “Pretty Soon There’ll Be Nothing Left For continued on page 15 NILSSON
NIGliT#AWKS AT THE DINER Torn Waits Tom Waits is WEA’s candidate superstar of 1976 in the “instant contest”. He’s in against some pretty stiff competition, most notably Bruce Springsteen (Columbia) and Patti Smith (Capitol). The object of this contest seems’ to be to see how much money a company can pour into a massive advertising campaign to promote new talent to replace the not-sonew talent still left over from the Joni ‘Sixties (i.e. Bob Dylan, Mitchell and the ex-Beatles). The talent from the ‘Sixties seem to be winning out sales-wise even if Bob Dylan hasn’t been seen on the cover of Time or Newswekk lately. Enough of this foolishness in trying to understand record companies’ marketing and advertising campaigns. After all aren9 t the Bay City Rollers supposed to be the new Beatles? This review is about Tom Waits, yet another in the line of “new Dylans” to be foisted upon the public in the past few years. \ Actually, any comparison between Waits and Dylan is totally unwarranted, for Tom Waits is a totally unique singer/poetThe concept of his newest album Nighthawks at the Diner, is rather unusual also. $33
is quite nicely done Everybody” and the rest of the musicians catch the beat part way through. Not bad, but again it ftils into the tango category. “The Ivy Cove&d Walls” is by far the strongest song on the album. It is like an old college song, no music but an excellent choir boy effect. The comments between ihe lines of this song are so incredibly subtle! “We used to share an ivy leager look/ but we lost it with the chemicals that we took/ now the Good Books in the librarv look better every day/ and the dean and all his bribery took our faith in Him away.: .” A quick splice into a very lazy song follows and everyone is mellowed out. Nilsson’s cracking voice explains “Why I Did Not Go To Work Today.” If the recording studio was his place of work I wish he really had not gone that day. It’s a very poor song. A flip of the album and we’re right into a most dreadful piece of vinyl; it can’t possibly be called a song. “The Flying Saucer” story takes place in a bar. One could almost suspect Nilsson plants tape recorders in bars to get his writing material. It’s repulsive ! “How To Write a Song” is a very lively, funny piece of music. The banjo, played by Doug Dillard, sets the fast pace. It’s a simple s,ong and like the rest of the album, I’m sure, it’s just a joke. Well, the album is almost over and anyone who hasn’t been detecting Nilsson’s joke is either too vegged out or isn’t listening. I can just picture Nilsson sitting on some beach, living off the earnings from Sandman, bottle of wine in his hand, laughing at the fools who bought copies of this album. What a joke! All he has to do is get drunk etc. in a recording studio for maybe a week at a time, invite a few big names over, tape the -whole thing, piece together some of the almost musical moments call it an album, produce a million and see how many people he can play the joke on. My advice? Skip this one. -p.d.loot
Lines like “all those double-knit This is Waits’s third album, rewith gin and corded “live in the studio” before strangers a small audience last July. The advermouth/and recycled stories in vantage of recording this way is the naugahyde booths/with the platinum #blondes and tobacco that sound reproduction is much brunettes/I’ll be drinkin’ to forget better than would be had in a bar or coffeehouse, where a true Waits you, lite another cigarette” are “live album” would be recorded. very amusing pieces of as much a part of the This doesn’t really make much of a Americana, American reality as any Bicentendifference, because unfess you read the fine print on the jaket nial Minute. “‘Putnam County” is you wouldn’t know it was rean amazingly accurate portrait of corded in a studio. A true “small Smalltown U.S.A. club” atmosphere prevails on this The enclosed lyric sheet is a al bum. very useful item because this is This is a two-record set, featurone album you get nothing out of ing over an hour and a quarter of unless you sit down and make the Waits’s material. This is probably effort to listen to it. the major criticism to be made of the album, it is simply much too I confess that this album is not long to endure in one sitting. one that I play very much. but that The problem here stems from doesn’t lessen my respect for his the fact that Waits does not sing talent. If a record is something you his songs in a conventional sense, listen to other than as background he mumbles them in a tone of noise, if you really enjoy a pervoice not unlike a half-drunken sonal involvement with an artist? mutter. He accompanies himself then you’ll enjoy Nightlnawks at the ori piano for most cuts, and plays Diner very much. acoustic guitar on two others. The Listening to Tom Waits with band backing him up is a jazz-style lyric sheet in hand is not unlike quartet consisting of Mike Melvoin reading a long series of Doones(electric piano), Pete Christlieb bury cartoons: both are tastefully (tenor sax), Jim Hughart (upright humourous American satire. You bass), and Bill Goodwin (drums). get used to his cement-mixer voice They are very proficient musiafter a while, and like all good cians, and their instrumental fills , poetry you find it a little more interesting the more you listen to it. provide some much-needed relief Tom Waits just might be a truly from Waits’s lengthy monologues. major talent of the ‘Seventies. Waits is a poet reciting his lines to a musical background,, and only --&even threndyle occasionally does he break into hi.s sing-song voice. From a musical standpoint it is clear that this is no party album. ’ The real saving-grace of this All the rock ‘n roll tieaks on album is Waits’s lyrical tales of campus will be anxious to hear what goes on in life between the MGM. That’s the band in the pub hours of midnight and seveg a.m. all this week. Good lyrics alone don’t make an MGM comes from the Minasalbum interesting, let alone great, Gendel-Mair combination which but Tom Waits is a definite exceporiginated a few years back from tion. Atticus. If you enjoyed their music His use of language and imagthen, you will probably like it now, similies and cry , especially though their music now is mostly metaphors, is just incredible! At original, and so the band has an first his lyrics strike the listener as entirely new sound (as loud as amusing, but on subsequent listenever). ings one realizes that not only are This is the last week for live his lyri& hilarious biting satire, music as disco takes over until the but very truthful social commenbeginningof the new term. tarv. _-
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The Great Canadian r-ace .Have you heard about the Great Canadian Race? On June 19 a race more wild and wacky than any one of those ever entered by Penelope Pitstop will begin from Toronto’s CNE grounds. Eight days later the Great Canadian Race will terminate at Man and His World in Montreal. “The objectives of the race are to create harmony and goodwill among individuals, companies and countries; to generate a source of revenue for various ch&-itable foundations and amateur athletic organizations; to provide an outlet for the care free, adventurous spirit that lurks within the breast of every person.” Last week when Valdy ‘performed at the University of Guelph he wore a Great Canadian Race t-shirt. When asked if he is entering the race, he proudly admitted ’ yes, but he’ll be racing from Montreal to Toronto in an effort to provide musical entertainment for the contestants. Three classes of entrants will be J allowed-non-motorized,
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ely on the ‘basis of a written presentation. Those wishing to enter in this manner are asked to forward drawings, photos, written description, etc .” Contestants will be participating from all over the world for fun and prizes. Even without the prizes it sounds like a lot of fun. Anyone wishing further information is asked to write to The Great Canadian Race, 199 Richmond St. W., Toronto, M5V 2S5. -p.d.
Mike Lanigan (left) and Bob Legge run neck and neck (after making a wrong turn off page 77) on the first lap of the men’s open. This was the most exciting race of the day as competition was very keen. photo
by harry strothard
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Ring road relays -The third annual Bruce Wa,lker Ring Road Relays were held last Saturday a-t the University of Guelph’s Ring Road. This event was held to honour the memory of “Brunce” Walker, a Kinesiology graduate and member of Waterloo’s cross countrv and track and field OUAA champiofiship teams of several years ago. _ “Brunce” was killed in a car accident the summer after he graduated. The relays are conducted annually by his friends, who would like to thank all of the volunteers, who helped make the races a success, for their kind assistance. This year, due to money donated by the Men’s Intercollegiate Council through the efforts of Wally Delahey, a trophy was presented to- the winning teams. This trophy contains Bruce Walker’s honour plaque, donated by his family, and will go on display in the University’s trophy case. The following four races were conducted: open womens 4 by 1.1 mi., high school men’s 4 by 2.2 mi., open men’s 4 by 3.3 ml., and t_he master’s 4 by 3.3 mi. Over one hundred runners: from across Southern Ontario were present at the meet. In fact, the meet had a record number of entrants in both the women’s and high school
events. The relays were sponsored ll’he master’s race (runners over by the Wellington County Flying 40 yrs. old) run with the open Cowboys and the University of men’s race, was won by the only Waterloo’s and Guelph’s track and team entered, the Waterloo “Y” field teams. team of Jack Read, Alex WharThe first event of the blustery wood, Doug Wolfe, and Bruce but mild day was the women’s Wallace. Jack had the fastest leg relay. (22:25) while Bruce Gas second The team of Jane Wright, Kim (22:32) for the 3.3 mile course. Smith, Jane Groves, and Maureen The six team men’sX,,open relay McDermott. of Ancaster C. I. was was the most exciting of the day. the winning team. Maureen ran the The event was won by the Toronto second fastest leg of the event only Olympic Club of Bob Legge, Peter one second slower than Kathy Timm, Brian Armstrong, and Bob Leeder of Bluevale Collegiate, Moore but not without a fight from Waterloo, whose team finished the Flying Cowboys. third. The seco%d place team was Mike Lanigan, the lead runner the Etobicoke Huskies from Tofor the Cowboys and member of ronto. The third fastest woman would the Warrior track team, ran the fastest leg of the day, an excellent have been Sandra Brush of Bur18:38, to put the Cowboys into the lington except for a misunderlead. standing at the final turn. Her team pulled up to fourth spot but could However, Peter Pimm of TOC have placed as high as second expassed Nigel Strothard, a former cept for the mistake. Waterloo athlete and close friend The high school event was a of Bruce Walker’s, to take over tight trace between Hamilton C.I. first spot. * and Martingrove C.I. The MartinTed Mckeigan, a Warrior rungrove team took the early lead bener, and Dave Northey, a former cause of Tom Wansbourgh’s exWarrior, both tried to regain the cellent run of 12:29 which was the lead from’ TOC but were unable to, fastest for the day. H.owever, despite fine runs of 19:07 and Hamilton’s anchor runner, Paul - 19:24, respectively. The second Morrison, with the second fastest fastest time was run by Bob Moore time of the day pulled his team into of TOC (18:43) while Jerry Bouma first to take the gold medallions. of the University of Guelph was Lambton high school was thiISd in third (1850) along with his team. the fourteen team event. -gord robertson -
Sandra Brush of Burlington had a 25 yard lead on up to the final turn of her lap, but the marshal there missed the turn. This cost her team a chance for a in fourth place.
the next runner cotiing misdirected her and she medaE as they ended up
photo by harry strothard
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photo by harry strothard
Mardi Gras rugby tourney Eight members of the Waterloo Warrior R.F.C. travelled by van to the Southwestern Louisiana rugby tournament in Hammond, Louisiana paying for the trip themselves.
This rugby tournament is one of the largest in the world, with 64 mens teams, 10 womens teams, and 12 playing fields. Each team was guaranteed 4 games but most of the players
picked up extra games with other teams. The players who went were Ken Brown, Frank Eastan, Steve Dibert, Dave Dyer, Jon Issacs, Mark Pinquet, Steve Weber and Frank Zinzer. Additional players to fill up the 15 man team were picked up at the tournament. Although the tea-m did not win all their matches, they did play some good games against the St. Louis Rascals, Rice University, -Waterloo Chippers: Topeka and Iowa State.\ Nick The other Canadian teams at the Rinche, Chappie Dahmer tournament were the University of -Elmira: Butch Martin, Bob Ertel Western Ontario and MacDonald -University of Waterloo: Howie College from‘ Montreal. Green, Bill Mahoney This is a good tournament and The elimination games will begin at 9:OO am and will run until next year with a full team and approxiniately5 pm. The champtraining the Warriors could do ionship game will then take place . well. The fact that most of the Ameriat 5:30 pm. The awards will be presented can teams are in mid-season is difafter the championship game at the Xcult to overcome especially since reception held at the St. Agatha the Warrior R.F.C.‘s season has Community Centre. been over some 4 months. The tour also included a side trip All proceeds will go to minor to New Orleans for the final days sports in the Ki,tchener-Waterloo area. /of the Mardi Gras.
Oldtimers’hockgy The Waterloo Chippers Athletic Club is holding their 2nd annual Oldtimers Hockey Tournament for the Carling O’Keefe awards on Saturday March 27th from 8:30am to 7:OOpm; The tournament will take place at the Albert McCormick Arena. Admission for adults is $1 .OO while children can get in for free. The competing teams and some of the well known players are: -Kitchener: last years champions Ott Heller, Dutch Reibel -Guelph: Len Gaudette, Ken Bodentistel
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liner notes. I do hope that this isn’t indicative of the average chevrosaurs’ visual capability. Come on, c hevrosaurs , get your collecfive, ass into gear. If your writers can’t manage to produce their own record reviews, at least show, the class that any high-school newspaper has and acknowledge your sources.
Wasting‘~ trees _ Other than producing the best disguised advertising flyer in the K-W area, your paper is an unwarranted sacrifice of Canadian I trees. 4th year
John Lee Biology
We are disappointed that you used a full sheet of paper for only three lines. However, if you are truly concerned about the conservation of Canadian trees, we suggest you investigate the multi-national paper monopolies which operate in this country. (“Destroying public land with public money,” chevron, feb. 13176) We are also sorry if the ads upset you. We don’t like them either but they are necessary to defray thecost of the paper to the federation. (By the way, we saved paper by typing this on the bottom of your letter.) -iettitor
Instead of worrying about colonialism in Angola or facism in Portugal the chevron ought to concern itself with sexism on its own back page. I found the March 19 ad for Pizza Delight (a pretty girl and the legend “Love at first taste”) blatantly offensive and sexist. Why .accept such advertising? Shelly
Plagiarised revievvp Imagine my shock, chevrosaurs, when I discovered that your music “reviewer” had plagiarized his review of Steely Dan’s “Can’t Buy a Thrill” word for word from the liner notes on the dust cover of the album. As thoughit isn’t bad enough that he/she copied it and did not acknowledge it, he/she even managed to forget to copy a few words; it doesn’t say much for your “writer” if he can’t even copy something and get it right. I’d be interested in knowing whether or not your “reviewer” even understands the words he copied verbatim from the jacket. I find it rather odd that a “journalistic” organ like your own, which is unalterably opposed to large corporations, would publish as a record review a bit of.writing which was commissioned and no doubt wholeheartedly approved by the people in charge of ABC-Dunhill Records (a large conglomerate). I like the record, but didn’t it strike you as odd that there was never any reference to the album which was not utterly ecstatic and highly complimentary (I mean, every album has its faults)? And didn’t it strike you that the review is about five years ,out of date? Just for the record, the “review” which appeared in last Friday’s chevron was written not by Dan Steele (the person who plagiarized the article obviously misinterpreted the last line of the liner notes, which reads “Dan Steele. Outre Daniel. STEELY DAN. It’s growing to have something to do with the actual author) but by Tristan Fabriani, whose name appears on the “Can’t dust cover a good threeBuy a Thrill” quarters of an inch from the corner of the
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I’ve kept quiet long enough! Now I’m finally letting off steam about the ‘parking facilities at this university. As my first class each day is in the Math and Computer building, I try to park in lot M, (behind the PAC.) However, unless I’m here before 8:15 in the morning, I can’t get into this lot. This leaves lot N to park in, (across from the Administration building.) Now, unless you’re here before 9:00 a.m. for a 9:30 class, and how many people are?, you will find a ‘ ‘FiTLL” sign at Lot N. This leaves two alternatives, to park in the Village parking lot and run the risk of getting your car towed away, for a nice fee; or take a cross country hike from Lot 0, (Optometry building lot), to the Math and Computer building. It’s not that I mind the walking, but it’s a ten minute delay in getting to class. Also, how would you feel if you were a visitor to this campus, and could not find a parking lot within one or two miles of the building you’re looking for? So what’s the solution to this parking madness? How about leaving Lots M,N, and B for those who pay a quarter, and leave the other lots for keyholders? Or to quote a kiosk attendant, “We need 1,000 more parking spaces here !” So let’s build them ! Tim Bradich,
No thesis in rebuttal I would like Prof. Webber to clear up some salient points in her letter entitled “Bourgeois Ideology”. I had trouble finding a thesis in her rebuttal of Tim Grant’s article. She dismissed Mr. Grant’s in 10 words or less and then went off on a
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James Hodges regular honors math Renison College
The fact that a “piagiarized” review made it into the chevron points out the dire need for someone more sophisticated in entertainment to come down and assume responsibiiity for that section of the paper. Mostly we’ve just been taking the reviews people hand in, copy editing them and laying them out. Since receiving your letter we have been trying to determine who handed in the review in question, but so far have only found out that it wasn’t the person we thought it was. One consolation is that the record was not obtained through the chevron, but apologies to ail you Steely Dan fans and if one (or more) of you wants to come down to insure that it doesn’t happen again, we’ll be overjoyed. The, same goes for the sports section. -iettitor
tangent, dashing back in her summation (?) to say that Mr. Grant’s article was “the frothing of charlatans and mystifiers . . .; She ‘is astute enough to sav that Mr. Grant’s article is a theory or group of theories. Doesn’t she realize that Marx and Hegel are also theorists? In physics, Newtons theories have been superseded by a new set of explanations called Quantum Theory. Any scientist will admit that no matter how good the Quantum Theory is, it is still a theory, capable of being superseded. Do you mean to say that Hegel and Marx are the truth; that by reading Dialects and Nature and Capital,’ Mr. Grant would know? I emphatically agree that “to live, people must work”. In relation to the population of Canada, just who are the “people”? They are not the bourgeoisie, or the monopoly capitalists, according to Prof. Webber. She says that those two groups have an ideology that is “anti-people, anti-working class”. One is led to the conclusion that the working class are the “people” of Canada but that would be an oversight. \ She says that the “New York billionaire financiers are impoverishing the working class, and the people of Canada”; the work ing class must also be excluded from the people of Canada. Prof. Webber, the conjunction “and” is used to join two distinct things together. Whatever the similarity, the implication is that they are not the same. At this point, it may be concluded that the “people of Canada” are those left after the monopoly capitalists, bourgeoisie and working class have been subtracted from the total population. Who does that leave? Children, the aged, the. infirm, the non-workers and the non-paid workers. Are you serious? You can’t be ! Your letter must be a satire on logic. The question of money as capital is an interesting one. “The money that begets money” statement seems to be a good one but you didn’t develop your argument along logical lines. You admit that the working class is capable of saving money because it is in excess of its basic needs. Are they not capable of taking those savings and buying land for development the way the “enemies of the people” ‘are sometimes apt to do? In what way, beyond degree, does the worker’s summer cabin differ from the” “ yachts , international holidays, gourmet foods, etc.” of the middle class? Are they not all luxury goods, used for leisure time activities. Do not the worker’s “savings” or profit from labour have just as good a chance of becoming capital if the worker abstains from spending on luxury goods and diverts it into, for example, land*development? Is’ the difference between capital and money noh more a question of use than degree? You also said that “upward mobility into the ruling class is a sociological fiction”. That type of statement is more characteristic of the feudal system than the twentieth century. Modern thinkers tend to laugh at that type of statement. In conclusion, Prof. Webbec, in my opinion your letter is an unscholarly, bigoted collection of .half-truths and illogic. Mr. Grant presented his-argument in a dignified, logical manner-you were content with a confusing, half-baked smear job that is more
allied to propaganda
than intelligent John
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7:30 -a.m. 12:35 a.m. .
500 p.m. Father Norm Choate CR., 884-4256 Father Bob Liddy CR. 884.90863 or 884-8110
Notre Dame Chapel
Bastardized Marx&h John Rose’s letter to feedback (Chevron, , March 19, 1976) is a stunning testament to how Marxologists bastardise Marxism by using the teaching and writings of Karl Marx as dogma, by doing no investigation of concrete conditions here and now,, by taking quotations out of context after reading a couple of books-in short, by doing everything that Marx warned would turn his theory into its opposite. For starters, our scholar, Mr. Rose, has no better contribution to make to the revolutionary movement in Canada than to mount a vain campaign to pick holes in the use of Marxist analysis to oppose and expose a ludicrous petit bourgeois “socialist” demand-wages for schoolwork. Instead of lending his scholarly talents and great wisdom of Marxism to attack petit bourgeois socialism on this campus, he’d prefer to attack the attackers. May- I remind him that he is not alone in waving the red flag to oppose the red flag. And, of course, like all Marxist theoreticians who don’t- understand that theory comes from social practice to serve social practice, he goes off half-cocked and gets everything wrong. All his arduous study for his intellectual amusement obviously overlooked a few of the Marxist classics such as Critique of the Gotha R,ogramme (p.8) where he would find that “labour and the land are the source of all wealth” as I stated in my letter. My error was in the use of the word “land” by which I meant “nature” or “soil” the terms used bv Marx to describe the natural environment -land, air, water, etc. Mr. Rose might also check into Capital, Vol. I, Chapter I, Section 2, paragraph 8, where Marx makes the point oft-repeated in his work that “capitalist production. . .develops technology, and the combining together of various processes into a social whole, only by sapping the original sources of all wealth-the labourer”. (My emphasis,
soil and the Capital, Vol. I,
Moscow, undated reproduction of the text of the Englishedition of 1887, edited by Engels, p. 474475). The issue 4s not only that what I said is entirely in concert with findings and writings of Marx, but, more significantly, that the slightest amount of investigation would prove this view to be correct. For without raw materials, to what would human labour power be applied to produce wealth? Why Mr. Rose bothers to distinguish between constant and variable capital has nothing to do with anything I said and therefore I can only be impressed that he understands the distinction and felt compelled to throw it in for good measure. Mr. Rose displays his fundamentally non-Marxist approach when he fails to make a distinction between wealth and value. This shows itself in his computation that continued
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own. Since before entering on the process, his own labour has already been alienated from himself by the sale of his labour-power, has been appropriated by the capital ist and incorporated with capital, it must, during the process, be realised in a product that does not belongto him. Since the processof production is also the process by which the capitalist consumes labour-power, the product of the labourer is incessantly converted, not only into commodities, but int,o capital, into value that sucks up the value-creating power, into means of subsistance that buy the person of the labourer into means of production that command the producers. The labourer there\ fore constantly produces material, objective wealth,‘.but in the form of capital, of an alien power that dominates and exploits him; and the capitalist as constantly produces labourpower, but in the form of a subjective source of wealth, separated from the objects in a‘nd by which it can alone be realised; in short he produces the labourer, but as a wagelabourer. This incessant reproduction, this perpetuation of the labourer, is the sine qua non of capitalist production.”
“constant capital is a primary source of exchange value”, which, of course is completely wrong and would be a palatable idea only to a non-Marxist who refuses to recognize that human labour power is the primary source of all value and exchange value and that constant capital is merely that portion of capital expended on raw materials, means of production, etc. Constant capital -gets its value from past human labour power embodied in it. Were we to follow our armchair Marxist’s “analysis” we would have to conelude that the increase in exchange value which has accompanied imperiabsm came about as a consequence of a technology which invented and produced itself. Now, that’s what I call respect for human power! It is true that wages can be accumulated by a tiny minority of workers, some of whom have become bourgeoisie (Capital, Vol. I, Chapter III, Section 3a, paragraphs 3 and 6) but capital cannot arise in the fist place from accumulated wages because wages are pas-’ sible only when society is already divided into capitalist and wage labourer. (Capital, Vol. I, Chapter IV, paragraphs 1,2,3). The biggest laugh here is that Mr. Rose should even bother to raise this in view of the current rate of exploitation of human labour power where the accumulation of wages sufficient to enter the bourgeoisie is not exactly a noticeable trend-in the working class. What Mr. Rose shows momf all is that without social practice under the leadership of a communist party (in Canada, the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist)) Marxism will surely be perverted into Marxology and the Marxologists will stumble about with their faces buried in the backside of the revolutionary movement. For myself, its onto Parliament Hill tomorrow; for Mr. Rose it’s no doubt back to the books to see how best to distort Marx against the rising tide of the resistance movement in Canada. Marlene
.- ve you read Capital? John Rose, have you read Capital? You claim, pretentiously, that Marx does not say that land and labour are the source of all wealth:Tsk, Tsk, you silly boy. On page 50, chapter one, while Marx is discussing the use-value of commodities he just happens to say “The use-values, coat, linen etc., i.e., the bodies of commodities, are combinations of two elements-matter and labour. If we take away the useful labour expended upon them, a material substratum is always left, which is furnished by Nature without the help of man. The latter can work only as Nature does, that is by changing the form of matter. Nay more, in this work of , changing the form he is constantly helped by natural forces. We see, then that labour is not the only source of material wealth, of use-values produced by labour. As William Petty puts it, labour is its father and the earth its mother.” and further, on page 475, while discussing the development of machinery and modern industry, Marx concludes the section by saying, “Capitalist production, therefore, develops technology, and the combining together of various processes into a social whole, only by sapping the original sources of all wealth-the soil and the labourer. ’ ’ There are many other quotes discussing the sources of wealth, the elements of wealth and so on but let mequote a paragraph from page 535, on simple reproduction, ,wherein Marx is discussing the transformation of wealth into capital. “But that which at first was but a starting point, becomes, blthe mere continuity of the process, by simple reproduction, the peculiar result, constantly renewed and perpetuated, of capital ist production. On the one hand, the process of -production incessantly converts material wealth into capital, into means of creating morewealth and meansofenjoyment for the capitalist. On the other hand, the labourer, on quitting the process is what he was on entering it, a source of wealth, but devoid of all means of making that wealth his
Dear John, you make a fool of yourself on the fn4t ques /tion by suggesting that wealth and value are one and the same, a thesis that any Marxist would reject as quickly as Marx did. On your second point, Marx does show how money is transformed into capital and he also shows how labour transforms material into capital, But he does not say that the “accumulation of wages for the purchase of commodities to sustain life” i.e. necessities, is labour creating capital. That process is part of the merchant amassing capital from the commercial exploitation of the workers. The next point is that the worker may save money but does he control that money saved once it is in the pension fund. Of course not. Marx, by the way, does not maintain the classical (Ricardo?) assumption that wages are fixed below the level that allows net savings by the working class. Marx never believed that the working class believed in deficit financing, particularly for itself. (joke) For Marx, the wage was the price of labour-power, and it fluctuated considerably \(see chp. XXII), though generally it stays ‘around the level of subsistence (even today, with open eyes you may see two thirds of the people of the world on subsistence level.). The only place where workers in-general actually aquire net savings under capitalism is in the industrialized countries of North America and Europe. And considering the debts of their brethern even in these industrialized nations it is doubtful that the working class as a whole has net savings. (Remember that in Canada, over one third of the people are below the poverty line as established by the government .) John, it seems evident that you have committed academic crimes in your letter. You have misinterpreted what Ms. Webber said, confused definitions of ‘wealth’ and ‘value’ and after having done these two nonsensical things then suggest that Ms. Webber is not familiar with Marx and with contemporary sources. Your attempt to parade your vast and in depth knowledge of Marx, Engels and L. Pasinetti (whoever the hell he is) only results in your picking up a stone to drop it on your own feet. Capital is really a good book, John, I do recommend it to you highly, and hope you enjoy reading it. Rick Degrass Grad History
Stalinist tendencies The so-called Maoists on this campus have consistently argued that they really are interested in building unity with others who share an anti-capitalist perspective. Their practice, however, has been so vociferous towards those who do not agree with their Stalinist tendencies, that any real dialogue let alone joint action has been virtually precluded. Marlene Webber’s letter entitled “Bourgeois Ideology” which was carried in
the March 12th Chevron, is a case in point. Webber’s letter was an outright denunciation of the various ideas contained in an article by Tim Grant on the subject of “wages for schoolwork”. While I can appreciate the importance of vigourously attacking ideas, . theories, strategies and tactics with which one does not agree, the personal tone of this particularattack (which is standard practice on the part of the “Maoists”) is another thing entirely. What reason could there possibly be for trying to portray Grant- as an utterly unprincipled, lazy, morally-bankrupt agent of the * ruling class? Yet this is exactly what Ms Webber attempted to accomplish. Take the followmg excerpts for example. “I reacted to Tim Grant’s feature on wasges for schoolwork with the deepest of disgust for its essence is the ideology of the bourgeoisie”. “ . . . I want to explain a few basic facts to Grant who hasn’t taken the time to study anything because it would, no doubt, be an incursion on his free time”. I‘ . . . or is it really Grant speculating that everyone has his own self-serving motives?” “It is also galling that our puffed-up loafer.. .” “Further, it is only the bourgeoisie and those that serve them who have enough contempt for the working-class to take up slogans of “struggle dgainst work’ ‘. “Grant’s illogic on this question is the frothing of charlatans and mystifiers who clutch at straws to save capitalism from its impending demise. . . But fret not for you can use your theories as currency to become a parasite”.
Now, what has this sort of rhetoric got to do with principled argument and debate? Nothing whatsoever! It does, however, have alot to do with Ms. Webber’s almost religious belief in the absolute infallibility of her own political perspective. She believes, as do her associates in the Anti-Imperialist Alliance, that the truth or at least the means by which one can arrive at “the truth” (Marxism-Leninism-Mao TseTung-Thought) has already been discovered and all that remains to do is to implement the theory through political organization and action. Those who happen to disagree, either with the theory or Webber’s interpretation of it (and consequently her praxis) are labelled charlatans who dre consciously trying to mystify the people to save capitalism so that they can become parasites. This manner of debate is a strange way’ indeed to build uni,ty. When criticism degenerates into outright denunciation, all hope of persuasion, let alone joint activity becomes an impossibility. There are many things, I am sure that Ms Webber is capable of contributing to principled political debate. However,. the extreme sectarianism inherent in both the form and the content of her political praxis (and the AIA’s) has the effect of isolating her from potential supporters. -* If the “Maoists” spent less time exorcising devils and more time trying to establish common ground among those who share an anti-capitalist perspective, some positive results might flow from their considerable energy. However, considering their history on this campus, one would have serious doubts as to the willingness of the Maoists to drop their pretentious, priest-like, “guardian-of-thefaith” attitude vis a vis the rest of the left.. Terry ,
Moore History 4
Dogma tic nia terialism Over the last year the University of Waterhas regularly carried articles and letters which reflect a political line that is called Marxism-Leninsm by those who ,accept and proselytize -it. To those who do not accept the line or the self-righteous slandering that goes with it, it loo Chevron
is more accurate to call it a pseudo-Maoist version of some Marxist and Leninist notions taken out of their historical context, and ritualized into sectarian theories and mechanical tactics. It is important to know that this line and the related dogmatic behaviour is quickly being discredited across Canada and that other Marxian, Leninist & socialist tendencies are developing as alternatives to it. Some of these newer tendencies have the potential of becoming equally sectarian and counter-productive so I am not going to idealize them as being the definite negation of the alienated and alienating MarxistLeninist politics we have witnessed on this campus and throughout Canada since the decline of the movements of the 1960’s. Some have argued that it is a waste of time to struggle against the pseudo-Maoist line here or elsewhere. This is a convincing view because what. the local Marxist-Leninists call investigation is usually nothing more than polemics and rigid deductions from the writings of Marx, Engels, Lenin (mostly Sta-lin and Mao), treated as scriptures. And we know that you can never refute a metaphysician who believes he or she has their finger . on first principles. I think, however, that the confused and misleading nature of the pseudo-Maoist ‘ ‘vanguard” needs to be refuted, by argumerit, not counter-slander. Otherwise) a number of people who are inclined to stereotype leftist politics will not have the opportunity to enter the debate about or struggle against educational, scientific and technological practices and theories that conflict with the global needs of the human race. I have no doubt that the pseudo-Maoist line will disappear when the struggle against economic exploitation and cultural oppression (including authoritarianism in the workplace, schoolplace, home, etc) becomes a collective,unified struggle and socialism is no longer in the hands of a handful of pseudo-Leninist, Trotskyist and Maoist sects. The petty bourgeois nature of the ideology of these sects-of their dogmatic metaphysics and their unprincipled, manipulative, opportunistic and devisive practices will become abundantly clear under such conditions. What these groups would like to call their world historical, class consciousness, will be exposed as a primitive; schizophrenic Marxism-Leninism-an attempt to pass off an infantile, autistic classification of the world into “we” and “they” converts and enemies, as being, .the class struggle of workers against capitalists. I do not wish to appeal to a counterdeterminism (I am not a d,eterminist) to show the superficial nature of the MarxismLeninism we have been exposed to on this campus. Rather I want to respond to one recent typical example of the line and hope that others will take the time to expose further, predictable examples in the future. (The vulgar evolutionary materialism of Marlene Webber (chevron, Mar. 12) should be exposed, for example.) ‘The final negation of this line‘ will not come from a regression to privately held views and often liberally motivated practices (the Federation elections?) which give the dogmatists further fuel for their autistic, conspiratorial worldview. Is The Heisenberg A Fascist Plot?
In the Mar. 5th Chevron Henry Crapo stated that science is “being corrupted” and “perverted” under imperialism. And he called for scientists to “hammer away_ at pseudo-science”. On the surface this is commendable rhetoric but it is not at all clear what is the concrete makeup of his pure science. Crapo seems to believe that calling science “materialist” and pseudo-science “idealist” is an adequate “scientific investigation” of the issue to conclude that objective idealism is now the ideology of fascism. Futhermore, he asserts that there is a pseudo-scientific conspiracy under imperialism pushing the uncertainty principle, black holes, etc. continued
the c hevrsn
I have a disdain for both subjective and objective idealism in all its forms. Because of the uncritical, rhetorical treatment of the issue of materialism and idealism in science Crapo ignores the possibility that his own pure science may itself be idealistically conceived. Let us investigate this possibility. Did Marx and Lenin Reject Objective Idealism?
Marx clearly stated his belief that the objective absolute idealism of Hegel (where the shiritual world was projected into history) was a superior beginning for revolutionary criticism and action than was a mechanistically conceived dogmatic materialism. What Marx was saying was that historical materialism must be dialectical. It must overcome, at a higher level of analysis and action, the antagonism between the dualistic polarization of idealism and materialism. He saw communist society as the way to overcome this split in our beings. Before WWI and the 1917 Bolshevik insurrection, Lenin accepted a mechanistically conceived materialism or what Crapo called “naive materialism”. This is well documented. One of many possible examples from Lenin’s 1908 Materialism and Empirio-Criticism is his affirmation that “our perceptions- are images of the external world.” Later, because of the social and ideological turmoil brought on by the war and the failure of the proletarian revolution to occur as expected in the more highly developed capitalist countries, Lenin began to fundamentally question his earlier naive (copy theory or naive realist) materialism. He did this mainly through a critical reading of Hegel’s Science of Logic where he realized the need for a critical, dialectical treatment of Marx’s historical materialist analysis of capitalism. This is clearly recorded in Lenin’s Philosophical Notebooks which is there for anyone to investigate. (Part of the difficulty over materialism & idealism in Marxism-Leninism results from Marx’s reliance on the younger Hegel’s Phenomenology of Mind in his historical & economic studies, whereas Lenin’s & Mao’s notion of dialectics is more akin to the older, more abstract (& idealist) Hegel’s Science of Logic. This further complicates the issue but this matter is not central to this critique of dogmatism .) Are Marxist-Leninists To Save Bourgeois
Unfortunately most Marxist-Leninists, especially those tending towards dogmatism (who have been “educated” mainly -on the mental side of the capitalist division of manual and mental labour), have taken the naive materialist rather than the dialectical, historical materialist view as their the&y of knowledge. And simply calling naive materialism “dialectical”, which is what Stalin did; doesn’t make it so. It is not surprising that those with this confused, uninvestigated, orientation (Crap0 and others who call for investigation yet adhere to dogma) become trapped in their own rhetoric. Appealing for the purification of materialist science, and seeing the main problem as being who science serves rather than also looking critically at scientific practices themselves, puts “science” on an ahistorical pinnacle. This is, of course, an idealis tic and bourgeois orientation of knowledge. <What we call science (a somewhat monolithic and limited term) is itself changing along with everything else in the worl’d. The struggle over the ends and means of education, science and tee hnology cannot be resolved through clichks about struggling against pseudo-science and fascism. To be adequately armed to demystify idealist interpretations of quantum or astronomical physics or any field of knowledge people have to overcome their own idealist inclinations. This includes those that ultimately look to exported Chinese ideology rather than a comparative, complete investigation for their own authority. Has Marxism-Leninism To Objective Idealism?
I said above that objective idealism can take many forms. Trying to equate it simplistically with fascism is simply assinine. Using Aristotelean-Stalin&t logic (either/or) a large proportion of the people whom the dogmatists call “the masses’ would themselves become defined as fascist. Actually, if this line were pushed far enough the dogmatists could themselves get labelled fascist. (Their extremism would likely stbp before this happened .) It is noteworthy that some people on campus using the same sort of formal, alienated logic as the dogmatists, have actually recognized this possibility and are calling the pseudo-Maoists fascists. (See letter- in 5 Mar., Chevron.) If we are ever to clear ‘the air for principled debate and organizing we have to see how some versions of Marxism and Leninism have taken a road to objective idealism that is similar to the three stages that Crapo outlines fr-om naive materialism to fascism. 1) The first step (partially taken by Engel’s with his vulgar evolutionary materialism, and completed by Stalin) formalized the so-called laws of dialectical materialism into a catechism of self-evident facts. (We cancall this Marxism empiricism.) 2) The second stage tried to suppress all cognition that did not uphold or abide to the self-evident Marxist facts and laws: This made human consciousness into an enemy of the “workers’ state” rather than an aspect of individual and collective praxis for understanding and changing the social and material world. (We can call t& Sta~inist subjective
3) The third stage is where the categories and metaphysics of this subjective idealism are taken to be the objectively-given external world, and, as such, constitute “Marxist-Leninist science”. It is this stage whichcorresponds to Maoist dogmatism and which many Marxist Leninists within North America today find attractive. Having misinvestigated the past and present of mtiterialist and idealist analysis they are seemingly incapable of realizing that today, as in Marx’s time, objective idealism (once uprighted or “turned on its feet”) can be a good place to begin revolutionary criticism and action. (There are better beginnings in a phenomenological materialism, which does not accent the abstract separation of subjective and objective, but this raises a new set of questions .) Treating everything as fascist that deviates from the irrational attempt to project their subjective idealist monolith on to the social world makes contemporary MarxistLeninist dogmatism ineffective in struggling against real neo-fascist tendencies that can be seen daily in the media, jails, mental hospitals, workplace, supermarkets, government, etc. Labelling everything they dislike as being “fascist” is more than counterproductive. It is irresponsible and quite misleading. I don’t expect this critique to convince the dogmatists of anything. Like others across Canada I’ve-been labelled everything Tom an “agent” and “bourgeois Marxist” to an ‘ ‘anarcho-syndicalist” by them. I’m sure they can dig up some other label fi-om their pseudo-investigations of the scriptures to try to suppress a historical materialist analysis of their “theories” and practices. I also had to give up trying to get some friends who converted to the objective idealism of the Jehovah-Witnesses to reconsider their metaphysics. I am open, however, to a public debate of the problems of Marxism-Leninism in advanced capitalism if it is clear that the dogmatists won’t turn it into infantile (not to be confused with children) theatre or threaten their critics with violence. Mao was after all correct (I try to avoid this term) when he said that antagonisms among the people should be resolved nonviolently. Jim Harding Man-Environment
Well the decision has been made, and the word is out; the contract of Arthur Weiner of Human Relations has been renewed.
Perhaps now, those in doubt as to whether or not the non-renewal of Marsha Forest’s contract was a political firing, will be convinced that it clearly was ! Arthur Weiner who arrived at the University of Waterloo in the same year as Marsha Forest, having had no experience at that time, having subsequently no publications’ and having severe difficulty in attracting students to his lectures (he asked Marsha for help in this area); has been permitted to return while the best of professors are being weeded out. After four years at this university, I enroled last fall in a course taught by Marsha Forest and Marlene Webber. I was stimulated by their enthusiasm, learned from their lectures, was able to apply this knowledge to social practice and thoroughly enjoyed being in their class. As one student clearly stated at the rally held ‘to oppose the political firings’, we didn’t always agree with their ideas but we were free to disagree ! Clearly, the application of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tse-tung thought is so threatening to the university administrators that they have taken the liberty to protect us from such ideas. As a result any illusions that I was under as to the democratic, free-thinking nature of a university have been sufficiently smashed. We have shown how badly we want them to teach us, we have given them excellent evaluations and have rallied together to show our anger at their dismissal-’ but our pleas were to deaf ears and we’ve been slapped down again. I’m wondering how long the. university administrators feel students will take their opressive actions. The only loophole to their action however, is that people may be made to come and go but correct ideas remain and grow among the masses. There are plenty of progressive in@viduals on campus to keep a strong fighting spirit alive, a spirit that will reject the cutbacks, denounce the puppet bureaucrats and continue to provide the ideas that represent the mass of students and which are so threatening to the handful of fascist administrators . Clara
Outraged disgust We, as the teaching assistants of Dr. Marsha Forest, wish to express our outrage and disgust at the renewal of Arthur Wiener’s contract. This clearly exposes the nature of the interests of the administration, and their disregard for the opinion of students. The administration justifies Dr. Forests’ firing on the basis of scholarship which is “not up to the standards the department ought to uphold”, and yet Dr. Forests academic qualifications by far outshine those of Wiener. Wiener in fact will not even make public his academic qualifications. We, as T.A.‘s with Dr. Forest, have been able to witness not only the level of her scholarship, but her tremendous ability to communicate with her students. Dr. Forest not only communicates with students, but she challenges and motivates them as well. Since the idea of academic criteria to be used in the evaluation of faculty has been proven bankrupt, how can the administration attempt to cover up this blatant political firing? We, as students and T.A.‘s of Dr. Forest, demand that parody be given Dr. Forest in the form of a one year contract. Mark Wills Donna Wills Jenn George Chris Jones
Steve Parniak Phil Fernandez Salah Bachir Patti Gilbert
Disgust and amazement This is a letter both of disgust and amazement. It is a reaction to the letters of Rick DeGrass and his brothers and sisters in Mao.
I firm19 believe in the right to express one’s opinion freely and without restriction, yet to me offences and slanders are not part of this right. In my view, calling anybody an “idiotic reactionary” does transgress the limits of decency. One could even put up with the label “reactionary”, since it obviously lost its original meaning long ago-as did the term ‘ ‘fascist”-on this campus by being hurled at anybody who is not Maoist. The epithet “idiotic”, however, is a bit too much, even taking into account who uses it. What I am concerned about is not only that a graduate student would hold it appropriate to write such a letter-rather than denouncing Dr. Wiener and the university administration it sheds light on the author’s state of mind and the rather limited size of his vocabulary-but moreover that the chevron would print such a letter. This is disgusting and does in no way correspond with the rules of responsible editorship. As to the whole issue of political firirigs”, let me make these remarks. I know neither of the professors involved; I have never met Dr. Wiener and Dr. Forest tried to sell me a paper only once. So my judgement is not biased by personal antipathy or sympathies. What I am really amazed at is the political naivetk of the people bewailing the nonrenewal of Dr. Forest’s contract; or should we call it impudence? Let me ask one simple question; would Mao hire a “capitalistic” roader” as university teacher? After all, what kind of a revolutionary is this who is after a state pension? Having read the chevron for the last seven ’ months I would like to close with saying this: I consider myself lucky that being a grad student I have not been forced to contribute financially to this paper and I herewith express my deeply felt pity for those poor undergrads who cannot help doing SO by paying their fees. Wolfgang
Opposing viewpoints We are a group of concerned students who call ourselves the Capitalist Industrial Alliance . We take exception to the fact that the chevron (supposedly a newspaper for all students on campus) has apparently become a spokes-organ for the AIA and those of socialist inclination. We respect and will defend the right of these people to hold their views, however the poor showing of the left-wing candidates in this year’s student elections clearly indicates that the vast majority of students do not hold the same political views. We plan, in the future, to hold regular meetings to review the contents of the chevron and encourage opposing viewpoints when necessary. All interested people will be welcome to join our organization. We object to Henry Crapo’s article “Do scientists serve the people?” Although we appreciate the effort of Dr. Crapo to report on William Lawvere’s talk, it is strewn with obscurities and biased opinion. Statements implying science is corrupted under capitalism are made but scantily supported. How does one account for the tremendous advances of science and mathematics in western societies? Why do Russia and China regularly have crop failures and are forced to buy American and Canadian wheat? What else has come out of China recently besides acupuncture (which is centuries old)? Are visitors permitted to travel freely inside these countries? Many of the advances which will benefit man will arise out of research done by private corporations. A sterling example is KMS Industries’ (USA) tremendous advances in hydrogen fusion research. This private organization has spent $30-million and advanced further than governments (some socialist) who have spent billions trying to harvest this limitless source of power which could solve the energy needs of all mankind. continued
The article further appears to ridicule the idea that knowledge is based on an act of faith. Surely Dr. Crap0 does not believe this since he presumably has faith that mathematics is consistent despite the impossibility of giving a proof of this within the axioms of set theory. A f&th,er comment of questionable relevance is made regarding Mary Hegler Carus’ monetary contribution to the Mathematical Association of America. In fairness it should be pointed out that this donation aided in establishing the Carus Monograph Series whose expressed purpose is to disseminate the finest ideas of pure and applied mathematics. Surely no one objects to knowledge being “disseminated to the people”. Other obscurities to which we welcome clarification are, for example, what suggests that there is a conspiracy to promote socalled idealistvies?; why is it impossible for scientists to serve people by contributing to production?; what are examples of “perversion of science under imperialism”?; if the laws of nature are probabalistic why does it follow that the power of the state is needed to control people?; exactly what quandaries are western scientists still stuck on?; etc., etc. In the interests of brevity we end here, confident that ample opportunity will be provided in the future for further correspondence. Capitalist
Mark S. Smith Epistler for the Industrial Alliance
Federation hack Roberts won’t take kindly to your claim that left-wing candidates did poorly in the election, Mr. Smith. He has long posed as “left-wing”, and was still saying last Friday that he has “nothing against Communism”. If his role as traitor to the student cause is now clear to our readers, you can thank the Fernandez campaign and the Anti-Imperialist Alliance for providing leadership for political change on campus. In an attempt to make your criticism of the paper appear more fair-minded, you say you will defend the rights of the A.I.A. and others to hold theirviews. We ask “where?” and “when?“. Since you failed to rise to this defence during the wave of political firings these past two years, we doubt that your heart is in it. The chevron staff and the paper we produce reflect the present political climate on campus. We on staff vigorously present and defend our views in open discussions, in staff meetings, and in the pages of the paper. The A.I.A. has no special privileges in this regard. The views of the A.I.A. are well represented in our pages because they are doing a lot on campus. Their events this past year have been newsworthy, have been wellattended, and have given rise to considerable discussion, both within and beyond our pages. It is our policy to cover such campus events, and we will continue to do so. We are particularly heartened by the controversy now surrounding bourgeois ideology in science. ‘We urge you to enter this debate, and to express your own views. As for your criticism of the Lawvere article, Lawvere’s talk concerned those corruptions of science taking place now in the age of imperialism, as distinct from earlier stages of capitalism. His criticism was directed against pseudo-science in both heartlands of imperialism: the U.S. and U.S.S.R. Yes, crop failures are plaguing the Soviet economy. But China has already become a net exporter of food. She buys wheat in order to export an even larger production of rice. In China, scientific education, research and technology are highly integrated with one another, and are advancing on all fronts. There is no need to give details at this point, because “Science in China” was the subject of an International Students ’ Association
meeting this past Wednesday, which you will have had an opportunity to attend. Interest in KMS Fusion Ihc, has centered on the dogfight between them and the federal Energy Resources Development Administration, forpatents on laser fusion processes. Keith Brueckner, who as chief scientist for KMS applied for those patents, was a consultant to the magnetic confinement fusion programme of the Atomic Energy Commission, and had apparently been called upon to evaluate some fusion plans involving lasers. Each of his 24 patent claims is still being considered by the government. Their recent detente, including the passing of some money, does nothing to upset the picture. Such a situation, in which various parties contend for monopoly control and profits, stands in clear contrast to the cooperative climate for scientific work in China. I do not operate on “faith that mathematics is consistent”. We have relatively good axiomatizations for theories describing certain ranges of behavior of more or less clearly defined families of real objects and processes. We have methods for showing when two such theories are equivalent; when significant differences emerge, we can choose one theory over another on the basis of practical experience. Any clear challenge to the internal consistency of a branch of mathematics would be welcomed, as an opportunity for new clarification and scientific advance. Lawvere used the Carus Monograph Series as a case in point in his lecture precisely because it is well-known, and was originally funded by a scheme which tradeda pseudo-scientific presidential address for a few thousand dollars in cash. Other examples of conspiracy included the funding of a lecture series at Yale University, and the machinations of a leading Italian mathematician on behalf of the revisionist party. Do not underestimate the difficulties facing Canadian scientific workers who wish to serve the people under conditions set by U.S. imperialism. U.S. branch plants have no interest in funding research in Canada. Where scientists and mathematicians are employed, it is often not in the best interests of the people. For instance, most graduate mathematicians are employed to maximize profits for finance capital (banks and insurance companies), to keep tabs on people throughcomputer installations, and in statistical branches of the civil service-all nonproductive enterprises. If you are still casting about for more examples of the perversion of science under imperialism, think of the development of napalm, of “advances” in chemical and biological warfare, drug therapies and pain threshold research, racist genetics, theories of energy exhaustion and doom. Whether or not the laws of nature are probabalistic, the power of the state is not “needed” to control people. Only the bourgeoisie think this, and they will be overthrown. ’ / Henry Crap0
Although Salah Bachir purports to teach the chevron?s readers the “true nature of Zionism” (“Racism in Zion”, March 5), his article is an example of a distortion of truth that is an insult to the intelligence of any one who has ever studied the history of the Israeli-Arab conflict. Let me point out some of the facts. Zionism is the national liberation movement of the Jewish people. Its objective is to secure to the Jews the elementary right of self determination enjoyed by every nation on earth-the right to be master of its own fate in its own sovereign state, not as a persecuted minority in exile as has been the case for the Jews in the last two millenniums. It aims at establishing a free, democratic and just society (the dominant current in Zionism understands this as socialism), which will redeem the nation by reviving its connections with the historical homeland. The British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Arthur James Balfour and
Prime Minister David Lloyd George brought about the Balfour Declaration in 1917 (Bachir’s highly biased word “concocted” harly shows his objective search of the “truth”) in recognition of the moral debt of western civilization towards the people it had wronged so much in past history. The declaration speaks of not prejudicing the civil and religious fights of the (87%, not 92%) non-Jewish communities in Palestine (not “protection”, as Bachir falsely quotes) and does not mention their political rights for the simple reason that in 1917, as before, these communities did not regard themselves as constituting a nation, nor was there any other political claim to the land of Israel (Palestine) besides that of its historical owners, the Jewish people, who had never given up this claim and have based all of their national life on their connection to the land. The foremost of the Arab national leaders at the time, KingHussein of the Hejaz, recognized this when he wrote in 1918: “We saw the Jews...streaming to Palestine from Russia, Germany, Austria, Spain, America.. .The cause of causes could not escape those who had the gift of deeper insight: they knew that the country was for its original sons, for all their differences, a sacred and beloved homeland” (George Antonius, “The Arab Awakening”, Hamish Hamilton, London, p. 269). His son, Emir Feisal, Chief Arab Delegate to the Paris Peace Conference endorsed the Balfour declaration and recognized Palestine as a separate Jewish entity in his agreement with Dr. Weizmann of January 3, 1919. The League of Nations recognized the right of the Jews to rebuild their national home in Palestine, putting it as the key feature of the preamble to the Palestine Mandate entrusted to Britain on July 24,1922 and imposed on her the obligation to facilitate in its establishment . The British did not deny the Palestinian Arabs their right of self determination. On the contrary, they severed 8O%of the area of mandated Palestine to form the Emirate of Transjordan under Abdullah. The Palestinian Arabs had taken absolutely no part at all in the Arab revolt against the Turks under T.E. Lawrence during WW 1. This revolt has acquired the romantic aura of a major military operation to aid General Allenby. This myth was propagated by Lawrence himself, as he confessed to his friend Colonel Richard Meinertzhagen (‘ ‘Middle East Diary”, Cressent Press, London, 1959). In reality the revolt was nothing more than a series of insignificant guerilla attacks. Between 1936 and 1939, as well as in 1920, 1921, and 1929, the Arabs of Palestine resorted to the most brutal campaigns of terror and murder against the Jews (Bachir calls it “rose in arms” .) The Jews kept to a policy of self restraint and did not answer in kind. In fact, they have always tried in vain to come to terms with the Arabs. What brought about the end of the 1936-1939 riots was not the legitimate British attempts to put it down by force, but the proclamation of the infamous White Paper of 1939 barring the Jewishpeople, barbarically oppressed by Hitler at the time, the right to find refuge in their homeland or to purchase land there. The British policy of appeasement towards the Arabs even increased during and after W’VV2, when they closed the gates of Palestine to the wretched Jewish refugees of Nazi holocaust, who were denied entry to most western states. In 1947 the UN General Assembly resolved to partition further Palestine west of the Jordan into a Jewish and an Arab state (Bachir does not forget to enclose the words “Jewish state” by quotes, a subtle suggestion of a puppet state, or better still a logical impossibility). The Jews accepted this in spite of the ridiculous frontier proposed, but the Palestine Arabs refused the Jewish right of self determination even in the smallest part of the land of Israel and started a terror campaign against the Jews. When the British Mandate terminated on May 15, 1948 and Israel was proclaimed, appealing for peace with the, Arabs, the Palestinian Arabs failed to establish the Arab state. Instead, some of them left their homes, inspired by their leaders, in order to
help the armies of seven Arab states that invaded Palestine to destroy Israel. Bachir’s estimates of the balance of power between the combatants are ridiculous. The Arabs had a fantastic advantage in British trained manpower and equipment, including airplanes, tanks and artillery, mostly British supplied, while the Jews had only a handful of men armed with light weapons hidden from the British army. The Jews won the War of Independence because they were better motivated to fight for their homeland, and because they had nowhere else to go from there, but to be driven into the sea. The Arab state in Palestine was never established, although most of its area was conquered by Transjordan and Egypt. The poor Arab refugees were not allowed to settle among their Arab brothers, as have every other kind of refugees in world history. They were deliberately kept in miserable camps, to keep the flames of hatred burning. In contrast, Israel has taken in entire Jewish communities from Arab countries, persecuted and robbed by their neighbours and totalling more than the Palestinian Arab refugees, as well as over a million of refugees and immigrants from other countries. The labels of colonialism and racism attributed to Zionism by the UN and Bachir are the extreme in hypocrisy and lie. To use them means that words cease to have any meaning. If Zionism is a “colonial” movement, where is the colonizing country in whose service the “colonizers” exploit the ’ land and its indigenous people? Is it Poland? Or Russia? Or France? If Zionism is “racist”, what is the ruling race? It certainly cannot be the Jewish people. Every anthropologist will tell you that the Jewish people is not a race. Jews bear the racial characteristics of whatever country their ancestors happened to reside in. What binds Jews together is common history, language, religion and aspirations; they are a people, a nation, not a race. Unlike the situation of many other peoples, faith occupies a central role in the Jewish national consciousness. This is why it has an important part in Israel, the state of the Jews, as the state religion; but that does not make Israel a racist state. On the contrary, Israel is one of the world’s most egalitarian societies, ensuring complete equality of sociaf”and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex. It guarantees freedom of religion, consciousness, language, education and culture. The only right currently denied to most of the Arab Israelis is to serve in the army. This is understandable in view of the constant attempts to annihilate Israel by the Arab states. In a similar situation during WW2 Canadians and Americans of Japanese origin were detained in concentration camps. It surely takes the greatest cynicism and impudence to call Israel a “racist colonial” state, The claim that to be a Zionist is to be a fascist, collaborating with the Nazis or an antisemite does not deserve one word of dispute. The reader can find interesting facts, however, about the active part taken by the Palestinian Arab leader Haj Amin El Husseini in the Nazi Final Solution of the Jewish problem. These and other facts can be found, for example, in “Cross Roads to Israel” by the pro-Arab author Christopher Sykes (Collins, London 1965). I hope the chevron will print this answer to Bachir ifit is interested in a two-sided debate and not in an indoctrination of its readers with Arab propaganda alone. Uri Peled Combinatorics and Optimization
Owen Liebman, in reacting to my book review of Zionism is Racism, sets out to mystify and confuse the facts by making up his own historical events and distorting what I said in the review. He begins with the view that peace is “of no concern to the author”. Let us look at the kind of “peace” the state of Israel desires and Liebman upholds. continued
Israel’s idea of peace has been expansion to “safe and defensive boundaries”, which, to David Ben Gurion, meant“‘from the Nile or, to Moshe Dayan, to the Euphrates”; “beyond Jordan, perhaps to Lebanon, and perhaps to central Syria as well” (London Times, June 25, .1969, quoted in Zionism is Racism).
Israel’s idea of peace is reflected by Golda Meir’s statement of 1970 that there is no such thing as a Palestinian. It is also reflected by the “virtual system of apartheid” for Palestinians who remained in their homeland. This is outlined by Knesset member Yacov Hozzan, who said: “The .,military government has isolated the Arab population through its discrimination against them in a variety of fields, and by the way it has treated them as second class citizens.” (Zionism is Racism, pg. 7) The Arabs within Israel have been denied the freedom-of movement or of residence. They are forbid’ den to dwell, rent, or be employed on 90 percent of the agricultural land. Peace will not come to the Middle East until the rights of all those affected by Zionism are restored. Point number two, concerning-the illustrations accompanying the book review. I did not place the illustrations in, but any one can see there the expansion of Israel from 1948 to the present. Indeed, my only regret is that a map of pre-1948 was not put in, for it would have shown no “Israeli” territory whatsoever! Point number three. Liebman declares “there can be no doubt of the British ownership of Palestine and the legitimacy of the Balfour declaration”. No doubt in whose mind? This type of argument would have jusof Indochina, or tified U.S. “ownership” British “ownership” of South Africa. Is it anywhere in Liebman’s racist logic that the people of a land have the right to selfdetermination? Point number four. Liebman’s claims that “when it became evident that the British would defeat the Turks, the Palestinians joined in”. This is a denial of the continuous struggle of the Arab people (Jews, Moslems and Christians, etc.) against the Turkish occupation. They joined with the allies to defeat the Turks for which the allies- promised complete independence. A promise as such was not made to those who joined in after the . apparent victory! Point number five: Says Liebman: “the area of Jordan is 37,737 sq. mi. ; the area alloted to the Arabs in the 1948 partition was 4348 sq. mi. ; Israel was allocated 5763 sq. mi. In other words Israel was given an area equivalent to less than 12 percent of the area of Palestine.” What Liebman dosen’t mention is that Jordan became a separate country before 1948, and has been ever since. Out of the area of Palestine, then, Palestinians rec’eived 4348 sq. mi., while Israel received 5763 sq. mi. And Liebman asserts that Israel only received 12 percent of the area of Palestine ! The state of Israel was allocated 57 percent of Palestine, and after 1948 occupied 78 percent of the territory of Palestine. Point number six: “The committee whic\h decided on the actual details of the partition was an eleven-nation committee which did not include any of the ‘Big Powers’.” Another strange historical incident invented by Liebman. “On November 29, 1947, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution for the partition of Palestine into Arab and Jewis h’states , under pressure from the United States, which Forrestal, then a member of the Truman cabinet, described as bordering on scandal.” (Zionism is Racism, pg. 5. Also see the Forrestal Diaries, W. Milles ed. N.Y. Viking Press pg. 363). Point number seven: Concerning the “fact” that the surrounding Arab nations were responsible for the refugee problem by encouraging them to leave. Our author has resorted to the same lies and myths to which Zionist propaganda resorts. The U.N. mediator, Count Bernadotte of Sweden, made the following statement: “The exodus of the Palestinian Arabs resulted from panic created by the fighting in their communities by rumours concerning real or alleged acts of terrorism, or expulsion. ’ ’ (Zionism is Racism pg. 6) This fighting and the terrorist acts
‘were perpetrated by such gangster bands as the Stern and Hagannah, who also distributed propaganda which included “news” of the spread of contagious diseases such as cholera. They also threatened and urged the people to leave. Count Bernadgtte continues : ‘ ‘It would be an offence against the principles of elemental justice if these innocent victims of the conflict were denied the right to return to their homes,while Jewish immigrants flow into Palestine, and indeed, at least offer the threat of permanent replacement of the Arab refugees who have been rooted in the land for centuries.” Zionists ignore this mediation report, because their leaders at the time assassinated this mediator. Point number eight: “It is the’;first time I have ‘heard about the tremendous manpower superiority which Israel has over its enemies, which enables it to win its war of independence .” I suggest to our apologist for this racist and fascist regime that he not read reports that only come out of Israel. John Glubb, in his book, Soldier with the Arabs, reports that the “invading Arab armies” had a force of 21,000 whereas Israeli forces were estimated at 65,000. Liebman does not deny this with any ,figures: it is merely “humourous” to him, and it is “the first time” he has heard it! Point number nine: “I feel it incumbent on myself to point out that these weapons wele purchased, not donated”. This is typical of the statements made and not substantiated whatsoever. The book review stated that the Israeli forces were merely armed with British weapons. So to disprove the statement he pulls another “fact” out of the sky. The book (Zionism is Racism) states that the British forces had “handed over most of their arms” to the Israeliforces. This point is well documented in the book for all those who can read! Point number 10: “The article goes on to state that Israel initiated three wars of aggression. I am not sure which three wars the author has in mind, for the Suez crisis of 1956 and Yom Kypur war of ,1973 were both indisputably started by the Arabs.” First, my apologies for stating that Israel initiated only three wars of aggression. I should have said four. The four I refer to are the 1948 war, the 1956 war, the 1967 war and the October war of 1975. By its very existence on Arab territory and by its continued suppression of the Palestinian people it has provoked all wars against it. Point number eleven: “The statement that ‘Zionism and Anti-Semitism’ are one and the same is too assinine to warrant discussion.” Liebman dismisses the quotes of leading Zionists without any discussion. What are you afraid of, Mr. Liebman? Could it be the truth? Add these quotes to the others from leading Zionists: “The assumption that Anti-Semitism makes sense and that it can be put to constructive uses, this is at once the subtlest, most daring, and most optimistic to, be found in political conception Zionism . . . What is new in Herzl- js that assuming. . . that Anti-Semitism is rational, he boldly turned this idea outward into the international arena” (Zionism is Racism: Quoted from A. Herzberg’s The Zionist Idea, 1966, pg. 49). Again, Zionism and Anti-Semitism are based on the same premises: a) that racism is natural and eternal b) the fiction of an international Jewish “race nation” c) the idea that people of Jewish backgrounds are aliens in their homeland and therefore should get out and go to Israel. Point number eleven: “The allegations of Zionist ‘collaboration with the Nazis is the most regretable, and certainly the biggest of the many . .. big lies of which this article is composed. ’ ’ In the article, I only made allegations of collaborations. Now I shall elaborate on the dealings between the two. On April 17, 1961 Newsweek reported “ . . .Eichmann’s first Gestapo assignment was to keep watch on Zionist immigration into British mandated territory of Palestine. Here, incredibly, Eichmann and various Zionist leaders worked together”. The sacrifice of 800,000 Hungarian Jews by the Zionists is well documented and the
.atrocities that Zionists committed in WWII against the Jewish people will not be forgotten ! “In obedience to Hitler’s directive,” recalled Eichmann years later, “I now concentrated on negotiations with the Jewish political officials in Budapest. . . among them Dr. Rudolf Kastner, authorized representative of the Zionist movement. . . He agreed to help the Jews from resisting deportation (to the gas chambers of Auschwitz) and even keep order in the collection camps if I would close my eyes and let a few
hundred or a few thousand Jews emigrate illegally to Palestine” (Zionism is Racism, pg. 36 Quoted from Life magazine, Nov. 28, d and Dec. 5, 1960). 4 Point number twelve: “The author mentions the fiction of an international Jewish - race nation. Since he considers. the Jews fictitious, I am somewhat curious to what he considers fact.” This is a perfect example of how Zionists twist the truth! I never said that the Jews are fictitious ! I said the fiction of an international Jewish race nation; what I consider fact is that such a “race nation” does not exist! Canadian Jews are Canadians and each Jew is a member of his or her own homeland, and not of any other “race nation”.
STAN LEY Continuing
Point number thirteen?: “The P.L.O. manifesto,clearly calls for the expulsion of the Jews &om the State”. Here our Zionist has outdone himself with this gross lie, which incidentally he throws out without proof. Here is a quote from Yassar Arafat, chairman of the PLO, from his 1974 speech to the U.N.: “ I proclaim before you that when we speak of our common hopes for the Palestinians of tomorrow we include in our perspective all Jews now living in Palestine who choose to live with us there in peace, and without discrimination.” (Zionism is Racism pg. 22).
This type of reasoning and concoction of historical events by Liebman is characteristic of this racist movement and its ardent followers ! One suggestion to our Zionist is that he read up on this subject and to stop pulling ideas out of the air. A further suggestion is to order the pamphlet Zionism is Racism from the National Publications Centre, Box 727, Adelaide Stn., Toronto. It is $1.25, and all you could lose would be your support for the racist and fascist state of Israel! Salah
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“Haul c0ul.b You DO69 ARE You A TWEC? CIiRB YOU A ROGUE? &qAVE you NO CoNSc~eNCB No MORAL FlW& ? No TWUGHT f=OR THE OWER CHAQ?
yember: Canadian university press (CUP). The chevron is typeset by mem- bers of the workers’ union of dumont press graphix (CNTU) and published by the federation of students incorporated, university of Waterloo. Content is the sole responsibility of the chevron editorial staff. Offices are located in the campus centre; (519) 8851660, or university local 2331. Odds and ends after a week in which the single most important happening was the labor demo in Ottawa against the state’s wage controls. over 32,000 workers and friends turned up to confront the government’s crypto-fascist onslaught on those who have to work to live. back to Waterloo our student council spent part of a meeting and a day in the week to discuss a h,ost of jobs for summer. guess who will get these jobs. well if you’re slightly attuned to student politics you’ll know the jobs will go to our student leaders. production this issue: myles kesten, neil‘docherty, graham gee, Christopher jones, Sylvia hauck hannigan, diane ritza, larry hannant, dave anjo, jim carter, harry strothard, ernst von bezold, Steve mcmullum, nina tymoszewicz, henry hess and carlos lamarca.
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