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vote in Quebec in the next election. have a single But he has the kind of federalism that is emerging towards a cent/-al state, a strong central state. Canada need it as Canadians, as we need needs that; you one central state in Quebec.” Claude Charron, Separatist, PQ lVlNA .a

“I also like Trudeau as a Canadian because Trudeau is running the politics that english Canada should have. J-=le wants the power at one place. I have But we have chosen different same position. the places. He has chosen Ottawa and he has been elected for this. I have chosen Quebec. Of course he cannot say that he is for centralism because he wouldn’t

volume

11 number.22

UNIVERSITY

OF WATER.LOO,

Waterloo,

Ontario

tuesday

20 October

1970

War measures Anticipating the need for widespread education and discussion on the current political crisis in, Quebec, the federation of students last night called for an extraordinary general meeting of the student body to be held tonight, tuesday, in the campus center. The meeting will get under way at 7:30. Speaking to the student council, federation president Larry Burko said the federation was not in any position to take a stand on the issue and that the general meeting will give direction to the student council. He saw the meeting being asked to approve three basic demands to be forwarded to the federal government in Ottawa. They include : l retraction of the war measures act, l release of all persons arrest-

Students

ed under the act and @ withdrawal of media censorsip. Responding to questions from the chevron Burko insisted there were important contradictions apparent in the federal government’s use of power to squelch dissent and that these contradictions should be discussed by the whole student body. Also in a statement released monday, the newly-formed committee for the defence of civil liberties-composed of university of Waterloo students and facultycalled for a rally in the campus center to coincide with the student council’s 7: 30 general meeting. Challenging the government to prove a real state of emergency exists, spokesmen for the group expressed the opinion that students and faculty should serious-

plan

OTTAWA (CUP) - Reaction to the Trudeau government’s implementation of the war measures act to deal withthe front de liberation du quebec spread across the country friday. In Regina, about 2,000 students gathered on the campus of the university of Saskatchewan to discuss the surprise federal action. In a meeting that lasted more than two hours about 50 people spoke against the government’s actions. Students who attended-the meeting said about 80 per cent of the people attending the meeting were opposed to the government’s decree. At least one third were solidly backing the FLQ though ‘Text oj’ the committee for the dqfeke of civil liberties on page three. there were many hostile to the Front. Almost everyone speaking held the government responsibwfor the police rule now prevailing throughout the country. No motions or resolutions were passed at the meeting. In Calgary about 300 students converged on the downtown mall to protest the war measures act and the government’s stand on the FLQ. About six speakers, mostly university students, presented their views on the government’s action and there was further discussion before the demonstration broke up. The more active pro-FLQ demonstrators led Yippie marches, the singing of the national anthem and sign carrying. One sign was seized and burned by a prominent member of the Young Liberals. The sign had been in support of the FLQ A rally in downtown Vancouver, organized by members of the Vancouver liberation front, sat-

stdces

urday protested the Jericho Hostel bust-up thursday night and the invocation of the war measures act. Demonstrations have been planned in Ottawa sunday, Toronto, sunday and monday and groups are meeting in most other Canadian cities to plan demonstrations this week. Campus councils and newspapers are also meeting to plan special editions of newspapers, tech-ins and possible strike actions against the Trudeau government’s actions.

ly consider a general strike and boycott of classes to express opposition to the government’s suspension of civil liberties. The group says the federal government’s action in proclaiming the war measures act is designed to stifle the dissemination of information to english speaking Canadians. They claim the government is counting on english Canada’s blind acceptance that an emergency exists and that the government had no choice in its possible action. Committee members stated the government’s claim of unanimity in Quebec over its position is a false claim, and that they hope the tuesday night student rally will formulate a set of demands to be cabled to the Ottawa regime. Off-campus groups are also organizing rallies and meetings to be held in downtown Kitchener. The new democratic youth organization (NDY > and the local young socialists have planned separate, but coinciding public meetings for speakers’ corner tonight at 7 : 30. Local NDY organizer Paul Wyman stated the government is not just smashing the FLQ, but all dissenting opinion. He called for the release of political prisoners and repeal of the war measures act. Aside from their speakers’ corner demonstration, the young socialists plan an 11: 30 campus center rally this morning and a 4: 30 meeting this afternoon at Waterloo Lutheran.

Demonstration feds to hinge new law OTTAWA (Staff) - Various left wing groups demonstrated against the war measures emergency act this weekend. The act proclaimed by prime minister Pierre Trudeau early friday morning gave police sweeping powers. Members of the new democratic youth and the young socialists, demonstrating on the steps of parliament hill, demanded the immediate withdrawal of the act which in effect suspended the civil liberties of every Canadian. The group of demonstrators listened to speeches condemning the legislation by Robin Matthews, the americanization of canadian universities critic and by a member of Quebec Press. About three thousand people were on the hill for the sunday demonstration, but most were waiting for the prime minister to emerge. He had called an emergency cabinet meeting after the body of Quebec labor minister Pierre La Porte was found. After Trudeau had left parliament hill, the crowd dwindled to about 700, most of who gathered

around the speakers at the antiwar measures act rally. “Canadians have been so brainwashed that they don’t realize that this act takes away their civil liberties, their right to freedom v to dissent and makes them susceptible to arrest for no specific reason at all.” This statement, by a Carleton student who claimed to have never demonstrated before was indicative of the tone set by the protestors. The gathering soon turned into a shouting match between the few opposing and the many supporting Trudeau’s move to crush the federation de liberation du quebec. Several times speakers,- pointing out the complete unnecessity of the new measures, were drowned out by supporters singing 0 Canada. The crowd was shortly dispersed by the RCMP. Both the opposers and the supporters went away, neither really understanding nor trying to understand what the other side was saying.


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by Jim Harding

Sep&Ithi7

Canada

in

During this crisis we seem to be losing sight of the general conditions across Canada as a whole. And ‘we seem to be stereotyping separatism as solely a Quebec fact. The atlantic provinces have been the source of a strong separatist movement throughout the

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I ‘,

nexa ti.on with Manitoba. The member, received more of the consider what the aftermath of prairies, especially since the french Canadian popular vote the military occupation of Quebec wheat crisis and inflationarythan the liberal party (33 percent will be. Because many Quebec poverty there, have seen a septo 24 bercent). This could ~tiot people, many of them federalists, artist sentiment forming within happen elsewhere in Canada. could see that the war tieasures the past few years. , But many of the same problems act might precipitate even more . that exist in a more severe way severe conditions in Quebec they In some ways British Columbia in Quebec (e.g. unemployment) originally opposed, and still op” began a separatist process when exist across Canada. The lanpose (Trudeau’s own extremism). Bennett blackmailed the federal guage issue is, of course, an I realize that there is a strong governrrient, into signing the important exception, but even tendency to try to reduce this Columbia river; t &pea tyi : ” To add language, $.,issues are developing crisis to the actions of the FLQ. to this list, the native- populaelsewhere. The sgcalled “third But it takes two or more sides tion, which is now larger than force” ethnic groups on the praito have this kind of fight. And, the farm owning popylation in ries have themselves begun to in the interests of all Canadians, Canada, is a growing source of organize for special rights on all positions must be scrutinized a separatist sentiment. 1 critically. CBC radio and tv. The stand taken by The breakdown of Confederathe Trudeau cabinet is, in fact, The .vital question is whether tion is clearly not something that obscuring the root causes of septhe arbittiary use of state power has happened over night. A simaratism and political disintegrais a progressive, let alone a demoplistic polarization, on a french tion across all of Canada,’ and, separatism versus an english cratic response to Quebec sepmore vital, is having the effect federalist line does not and can-? ara’tism. And, for those who say of polarizing Canadians in a way not acknowledge the above tenthe war measure’s act is solely that tends to ignore the severe to the FLQ, please dencies. Nor can it give us the a response social- problems existing ii all necessary understanding of the explain why most people arrestCanada’s regions. ed and detained were people, enpolitical disintegration of Canada. At a time when violence is on gaged in opposition activities withOne root cause of this disintethe increase internationally and in Quebec that were electoral, gration is the growing regional nationally what is needed is more, union, media, etc., not terrorism? disparity across Canada. Then, not less freedom among the popThis hard-line approach of the there are the mounting urban ulation. There is no gimmick state has not been exclusive to problems that cannot be dealt that can allow the survival of Quebec. Injunctions against with intelligently or democrathumanity and dignity for all hustrikers have grown this. last ically with the present Constituman beings, everywhere. year, with the fishermen of BC tion (which provides many powers The creation of a police state and Nova Scotia, and cogstructo the federal government that in the face of the breakdown of tion korkers in french and enare needed by the cities, where Confederation only ensures that glish Canada, receiving severe the vast majority of Canadians the necessary changes to create repression. If the logic oi the live ) . a society that meets human needs federal cabinet is generalized to Also, and likely most fundamenwill not be undertaken. This is all of Canada, and it is in all of tal, economic decisions affecting not the time for polarized hysteria Canada that theke is political Canadians are increasingly being or irrational moralisms, but disintegration, then groups organmade by .multi-natiorlal corpora: a time ‘foq deep reflection about * izing. to alleviate the problems of tions headquartered in the USA, the social change@ that arti $ewith, the consequence that the regional. and income disparities. quired to provide all peopl@ in ,across Canada may find themOttawa Government has been unall parts of Canada with real, declared unlawful. For able to take effective measures to selves freedom and self-determination, _ alleviate social problems in example, is the state going to exand a quality of living that is determinate red’ power groups Canada. serving for people in the 20th Certainly the separatist sen ti- across Canada as their response century. to the growing militancy among ment has not developed in the reJames Harding is a faculty memgions of english Canada to the Indians and Metis? In considering the implications _ber with-the’ school of integrated extent that it has in Quebec. The studies. > of the war measures act we must parti quebecois, one must ‘re-

past 100 years. (In Nova Scotia a separitist-like party won proVincial elections up until 1896. ) There have been recurring separatist movements in northern Ontario, looking at Queen’s Park as the government of southern Ontario, and even calling for an-

win track

The track and field Warriors captured their third consecutive championship last Saturday at McMaster. Rookie coach Mike Houston fielded a strong track squad and a field team that made up what it lacked in quantity with quality to win going away from their strongest rivals Western and McMaster.

use of power

and I

_ 578-0290

Quebec

presse

ditorial.

minister, has publicly declared Already, yesterday, in Hull, that the government was astonishsome sadists wished undoubtedly ed because the people of ‘Quebec’ to justify the prophecies of Truhave not, vehemently condemndeau: a young woman was mutied en masse the action of the lated by some manics. SupposedFLQ. ly in the name of the FLQ. The- government of Ottawa is one thing is clear, the FLQ is not a threat to the people. It is a apprehensive about the attitude of Quebec and the people of th,reat to the representatives of quebec. the powers who control Quebec. Must we therefore cut short There is quite a . difference bethat part of the population which tween people and power. agrees with the FLQ manifesto? In order to prove this, one need We must vehemently protest the only look where the military have war act and the ,arrival of the . installed- the&selves in Montreal. army and political repression. - There is little military presence The sec&d stage of the operain the french east end and there tion begun by Ottawa was brainis a very great deal of activity in Westmount. It is the minority waghing. Peter Trudeau made the first move on Friday night of owners wh’o must be protected. The army is not in- Quebec to when he spoke on radio and t&eJim Robinson, a U of W stuvision. He wanted to strike fear protect the people. It is in Quebec 1 dent who participated this suminto the population and did so. to protect the owners. As the mer in a pollution research proIn fact he was terrifying. After world knows such protection was ject at Caltech, which was totally the violence of arms and the viabegun by Trudeau and Bourassa. student-directed will discuss lence of soldiers was born the Consecluently we must resist with students the possibilities of violence of lies. _ -the repression that is striking such projects on this campus on Quietly, as if speaking to the everywhere in Quebec. And we wed. in SSc 221, at 3:00 pm. must resist it by using every people confidentially, Trudeau Dr: David Woqd, a Caltech told them that the future victims passive means imaginable. We Dean whd assists’ the students, therefore agree with those citiof the terrorists might well be when asked, will also be there. zens who are launching an appeal the director of a credit bureau, Such student research on soca farmer, or a child:‘:_And even for passive resistance. ially relevant problems leads to It is up ‘to the popular move“vous ou moi”. students learning the real nature Trudeau consciously told lies. ments, the citizens committe&, of a problem in its societal conWe’ cannot ignore the you or me, all the associations and labour text , developing confidence in it was the tone of a fiery demaorganizations to organize a unitheir abilities, and assuming refied, common resistance to .this gogue. Between “you” and “me” sponsibility to help solve it. there is’power. repression. Repression is on the march. Political repression. The list of citizens arrested, of whom Gerald Godin, member of the editorial staff of QuebecPresse, is one, reveals the type of operation being completed. We have no news of those citizens who have been incarcerated. We do not even have official confirmation of their arrests. The population is completely in the dark. In these situations, panic 1-sto be feared. Jean> Marchand, the federal

2’ 346

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I stud MONTREAL (CUP( - Support is mounting here for le front de liberation du Quebec (FLQ ) after a mass meeting held Thursday (Oct. 15) which drew over 5,000 supporters. Those attending the meeting were young workers, unemployed youth and quebecois students. Well known FLQ members Pierre Vallieres and Charles Gagnon, as well as Quebec labour leader Michel Chartrand spoke at the meeting to running applause from the audience. All those who spoke at the meeting have since been arrested and arrests in quebec -of FLQ, sympathizers totalled between 300 to 600 by midnight friday, as army action continued in the largest policing operation Canada has ever seen. Vallieres was recently released from prison after serving four years on charges of manslaughter in connection with a 1966 bombing in which one person was killed. He told the people at the meeting that “we cannot afford to encourage the police to take reprisals against us. We must be solid. ’ ’ Michel Chartrand, president of the montreal council of the Quebec-based confederation of national trade unions emphasized the need for unity in the wake of FLQ actions. “The unity of the people is the only possible means of advancing the interests of the people. Quebec is a country which has the same technological level and scientific capacities as any other part of the world, but it is only now that we can work towards a society rooted in a pqpular conscience,” he said. Charles Gagnon analyzed the significance of the FLQ actions on the current Quebec political situation. “No matter what the result of the negotiations between the lawyers of the government and the FLQ is, a victory will have been won. This is truly the beginning of a movement which will advance the rights of the people of Quebec. ” FLQ lawyer Robert Lemieux received a tumultuous welcome from the crowd at the meeting as he stepped before the microphones raising a clenched-f is t salute. He emphasized the support the FLQ demands were receiving from labour groups, part 1 quebecois leaders and even students. “When these people declare themselves in favour of the liberation of 23 political prisoners in exchange for Laporte and Cross, thqn I say that this is the

real voice said.

of

nts mo

democracy,”

he

Student support for the FLQ crystallized thursday afternoon when faculty and students at l’universite du quebec declared a strike and occupied the university’s administration building. The U of Q action was followed by strikes at the ecole de beaux arts and cegep vieux montreal, as well as the arts and social s,ciences faculty at universite de montreal. Other CEGEPS held meetings on f riday general {Oct. 16) to decide on what action they would take. There now on Ottawa, students

are at least 6.000 students strike in Montreal. In 300 university of Ottawa have declared their in-

tention to start strike action monday. The main objective of the student strike is to arouse others to the cause of the FLQ. Students handed out leaflets on friday urging people to support the front. The pamphlet -- urged “don’t be an unconscious collaborator of the enemies of the Quebecois . .. mutiny. We will conquer. ” Vallieres, Gagnon and Lemieux visited universities and CEGEQS in Montreal all day Thursday urging students to “get out of your schools and mobilize. ” Students at U of Q handed out statements outlining operation debrayage, a full-scale strike proposal for solidarity with the FLQ.

CM/ liberties This is the statement

released

day by the Waterloo for the defence of civil

mon-

committee liberties.

A government which invokes emergency measures such as the suspension of the civil liberties of its citizens must justify that a real state of emergency exists. Most english Canadians are not aware and have not been made aware that a large body of opinion within Quebec drawn from various sectors of Quebec society has been opposing the “hard line” (intransigent) measures of the federal and now provincial governments in the present crisis. This body of opinion which has been growing during the past week in Quebec, the region most effected by the present crisis, has attempted to express alternative solutions which they feel are more attuned to the realities of Quebec. Among these groups and individuals are: Claude Ryan publisher of Le Devoir and co chairman of the recently formed committee for an independent Canada, L Yves Charbonneau president of the 70,000 member Quebec teachers federation, Louis Laberge pres of the 250,000 member Quebec federation of labour (CLC ), Rene Levesque president of the parti Quebecois, front d’action politique (FRAP) a coalition of union, political action committees and local community organization which is presenting a slate of 29 candidates in the forthcoming Montreal civic election, and Montreal central council of the confederation of national trade unions, various student groups in

-the

photo-cell,

montreai

must

the high school community colleges and universities of Quebec. The above individuals and groups expressed a common concern that the hard line taken by the federal authorities was inappropriate to Quebec conditions and they called for ensuring the safe return of James Cross and Pierre Laporte by granting the immediate release of the 23 prisoners demanded by the FLQ. The above facts suggest a much different picture than that which has generally been projected and transmitted to english Canadians. It is obvious that opinion and reaction to the recent events has been far from a single and unanimous one within Quebec itself. At the very time when the views of these individuals and groups favouring an a lterna tive solution to drastic measures has been growing the federal and provincial governments have defined the

The statement read in part: “It is time that we break the climate of panic that the mass media has imposed on us and that we informed the people of the real meaning of the FLQ action. “The FLQ’s actions are violent, but those of the government are even more so...we have irresponsible governments who are concerned with protecting their interests as the privileged . . . the soldiers are not here to defend us. They only defend the buildings of high finance and the rich remain the rich exploiters.. .” Proposals for direct actionL include : 8 A general schools in Quebec

b

strike

in

all

e Establishment of an information center to inform people of the current situation @Distribution of the FLQ manifesto e Distribution of the operation debrayage proposals to soldiers stationed in Montreal. Support of the FLQ objectives has already been voiced by the front d’action politique, a montreal-based political party currently contesting the civic leadership of Jean Drapeau, the confederation of national trade unions- and the McGill university faculty union. The cntu has a membership of about 60,000 ‘FRAP has about 1,000 members and the faculty union has membership of about 100.

rese

situation in the extreme and declared a state of emergency. The invocation of the war measures act and the suspension of civil liberties to all intents and purposes silences voices other than the governments. These drastic measures by the federal government rely on the passive acceptance by english Canadians that the federal government’s insis: tence that a state of emergency with no other alternatives possible exists in Quebec. Thus the suspension of fundamental civil liberties such as freedom of speech (and of assembly) would not have been possible without the tacit support of an inadequately informed english Canadian public. We speak out so that the federal government will not be able to assume that unanimity of support which they claim in quebec. We therefore urge Canadians across

the country to make it clear that they seriously question the grounds on which the federal government has justified the suspension of civil liberties in the present situation. We urgently suggest consideration of the following: @ The immediate suspension of the war measures act. * -The immediate release of all persons arrested under the extraordinary authority granted by the war measures act. 0 The cessation of censorship and the restoring of freedom of expression spoken and written. @ A return to serious negotiations to ensure the safe return of Mr. Cross in exchange for the 23 prisoners designated by the FLQ. We encourage the holding of teach-ins, public meetings and public discussions to show that Canadians will not submit passively to arbitrary measures.

The roots of extremism by Pete Warrian chevron

staff

There have been two extremisms displayed during the present crisis in Canada and Quebec: on the Left, the FLQ and on the Right, the government of P.E. Trudeau. The reaction of most english Canadians has been a confused “It can’t happen here, can it? We don’t have the social conditions in Canada that would produce revolutionaries or a Spiro Agnew!” But we do have political radicalism and we are now under martial law. Why? The old structures and mediations in Canadian society seem to be breaking down. The ease and the musac that constitute the experience of Canadian society for most people dull our perceptions and our understanding of the present situation and the past. The business of government in Canada has always been business. The Montreal-TorontoOttawa elite has traditionally played a middleman role. In political binds they have used economic mediations (dangling the carrot of investment during the Quebec election). In economic binds they have used political I mediations (anti-strike legislation in Ontario). However, in recent years their ability to mediate seems to have been ebbing away as more and more of the control of the economy goes into american hands. As the american imperium intervenes more directly, the Canadian elite as a whole is less able to offer mediation (Bennet deals directly with the US for power, Thatcher for potash).

Hence the federal government’s inability to do anything about the housing crisis, unemplo ymen t and inflation. Lacking economic means, the government’s resort seems to be the escalating use of power itself,. the “bard line” on empio yment, the “hard line” on wages and no w mar’tial law. For, if the arrests made under the war measures act are the measure, it is groups such as FRAP, CSN and CNTU organizing on these economic issues more than FLQ cells that are receiving the brunt of the repression. Lacking economic means and control, the government has been unable to meet the bread and butter demands of these groups, /n the ascent to extremes, therefore, the democratic opposition is being crushed. If the above is true, the future, because it is ominous, needs to be understood by english Canadians. The war measures act has been invoked, giving over all power to the federal executive while removing civil rights. The government even with this power cannot cope with the continuing economic recession which brings it head on into conflict with the growing groups organizing in english Canada around bread and butter issues of wages, welfare, housing and unemployment, and it is exactly these groups which have now been put down in Quebec. With the war measures act now invoked until april 30, 197 1, this will be a long winter of dur discon tent. tuesday

20 October

1970 (I 1:22)

347

3

1


th WED. OCT. 21st. 11:30A.M. Drama - “THE CHAIRS” by Eugene Ionesco Theatre of the Absurd in the Theatre of the Arts Free Admission. _~

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n, rock and the revoh by Tom chevron

Smucker staff

At the SDS national convention in june 1969 the written statement of one of the factions there was titled with a line from Bob Dylan’s Subterranean homesick blues:

“You don’t need a weatherman to tell which way the wind blows” and sub(con? )sequently this group who now control the national off ice of SDS (and is currently the most flambouyant of all the factions 1 is called Weathermen. At this point in history of the movement, everyone, from White Panthers to socialist scholars, is talking about relating to the white working class, one way or another, and it was interesting to me that one of the leading factions in the movement would title their explanation of how to do this with a line from Dylan’s first rock and roll top forty hit. There has been a history of connections, separations, identities and anxieties between Bob Dylan and the political people. It began in the early to middle sixties, when he was king of the topical protest song. Then he went rock, and at the time, many considered that selling out. As the concept of folk-rock, acid-rock, etc. got assimilated he then came ‘out with John Wesley Harding, which seemed a return to the discredited folk-song simplistic world-view. And recently at a time when many liberals and radicals were waiting for a revolutionary-rock album from the number-one prophet, he comes out with Nashville skyline. It’s about love. There is no anger in it. It’s cast in the reactionary, Wallace-forpresident, traditionally repressed cultural form of country music.

from

song to movement

So it was interesting to me, at this time, that a leading faction of the largest white radical organization would choose a line from a song that at one time was considered the final symbol of Bob Dylan’s degeneracy and co-optation. And from a type of music embodying certain attitudes that Dylan himself is no longer associated with. In the early sixties, due to many factors. I don’t exactly understand, having something to do with post-WWII America, the breakdown of the socializing forces of schooling, affluence, the cold war and the beginnings of the black revolt as a vital semi-alternative, some white kids began listening to black music on the radio and/or eventually their own derivative thereof-rock and roll; and participating in what was then called the civil rights movements, Along with this, because of the paranoia created by the anti-communism and conformity of the cold war, the more selfconscious aspects of this protest among whites, in an attempt to identify with the people, but not with America found its solution in folk music. Remember? Folkies liked the folk but not the masses. This form of music reached its limits, being based on a tradition that had essentially ended, or was judged ended when it became electriciti-mass-media ; and this milieu of people began to see that its protest could not be embodied by the black protest.. .

from folk to present This is when Dylan left folk music, sort of, when the english, using american decadence and black idioms to express their alienation were able. to return our culture to us as a slightly more hip semicultural alternative to the civil-rightsaltruistic-fold-music-purist bag. Dylan picked up on this in several forms, and it is interesting to note that it is at this point that his language becomes allegorical to the point of being incomprehensible. Because it seems to me now that the

whole world, which is decadent or dying today, was always based on a complex agreement with reality. The pop world was maintained at a distance from the real world that it commented on (although it was always close enough to comment, unlike the consciously isolated folk music world). Pop people, which we all were then to some extent, viewed themselves as representations of bits and pieces of the middle-class corruption they had abandoned, or the victims of the corruption they identified with. Thus it was necessary for Dylan to use so many images in his work that weren’t literal, because he was helping create that world which never existed except as the struggle of our imagination, for a brief while, to separate itself from its middle-class origins. After the original realization of morality and altruism of folk music, and the collapse of that alternative forever with the advent of black power, the next step was the acceptance of chaosHighway 6 I revisited, including its bitter put-down and delineation of outsiders (mr Jones) and its evil chortle towards the girl who thought she could avoid the chaos and didn’t--like a rolling stone. But after the acceptance of the rootlessness, there is nowhere to go but masquerade and mind games. White kids had learned that they weren’t black, but that didn’t mean they wanted to go back. So you had rock and the constellation of cultural forms around it. And the slow acceptance of many political people to the idea of rock as a revolutionary art form, youth culture as a revolutionary life style, the creation of an alternative culture-community, which unfortunately could not survive.

today’s

lesson

That is today’s lesson. Politically, economically you can talk about the impossibility for liberation as long as everyone is forced to tie into that corrupt whorehouse of economic relations we have called capitalism. You can talk about the totality of the oppression eaused by the system, and about the connection between the consciousness and economic arrangements between (and over) people. Anecdote-wise, you can point out how pot is still illegal, Nixon president, good people in jail, and how the war goes on regardless of how people fell. And point out all the pricks and big-time egos with long hair, tripping, grooving... And looking at Dylan you can see how after Highway 61 revisited, Blond on blond (a two record set) appeared as the ultimate achievement, a formal commentary on the detached, exotic world that was being created then (partially by the record itself) -but how the existante of that worid was limited by its angry origins and detached attitude. Of course it wasn’t exactly clear, you know. And so when Dylan finally released an album after his long disappearance, in that long ago time when people were still wondering who could top Sgt. Pepper, and rock as art, it was surprising that his record was so acoustic, so folksy, so subdued and really so anguished. To me John Wesley Harding shows Dylan trying to struggle out of the straight-jacket created by his earlier records, and all of our earlier culturalpolitical attitudes.

alternative

culture

The straight-jacket was this: a conception of an alternative culture and attitude without any real base, once the graft to the black movement was removed-based on a youth put-down of an outside world that could only last as long as the child-adult division could be maintained. In other words, what do you do when

you have kids? A culture that was itself, after Sgt. Pepper, either becoming a new establishment and aristocracy, or changing direction. And particularly the, case of Dylan, an attitude heavy on selfrighteousness and individualism to the point of chaos. Old Dylan songs, always praised for their frankness were also almost always about the intrigues and dangers of sexual relationships. An attitude that could not sustain itself for life. (Take a tip from one who tri-i-i-i-i-ied). The straight-jacket for the movement was similar. The conception of the movement as a set of people with alternative ideas could only go so far before it realized that its success depended on its incorporation into the majority <of americans, not on its opposition to them. Its anger at America and americans could only pay off for a while. Ultimately that approach would mean its repression at the hands of the majority, or its disintegration at its lack of growth.

result-manifesto The straight-jacket manifested itself in the following ways: 1) Bob Dylan’s motorcycle crash and disappearance ; 2) lots of crummy, over-produced art-rock records and art-rock concepts; 3) a general decline of enthusiasm about rock; 4) the movement understanding that it must become a white working class movement to succeed ; 5) the disintegration of SDS into factions with different understandings of how this must be done. The agony of the movement at this point is Dylan’s agony, although each takes place in different spheres. On John Wesley Harding he goes through it, trying to disconnect the half-false distinctions made on his earlier records, “There must be some way out of here”, dig? Arriving at new definitions of his relationship to landlords, folk myths and women. I think people don’t understand Dear landlord, which is not an accommodation with the landlord, but an explanation of the necessary relationship, Earlier Dylan, (and earlier me, and earlier you) was more excited by the realization that landlords were bad. He’s arriving at the point of pitying the, poor immigrant way beyond the original morally ironic statement of separation from good-guy-immigrants in With god on our side.

And to me it’s no mistake that at the end of the album there are two slightly C&W songs, both about love. Because the problems of sustaining your. self involves the problem of sustaining yourself with people, sexually maybe most significantly, and sustaining yourself too with the people. And the only popular musical form that exists as some form of expression of current people’s culture in America is country and western music. Folk music as we knew it in Greenwich Village night clubs was the expression of aristocratic proprole culture, as the movement once was. Rock has become then, when it transcends its teenager reality, the expression of a semi-elitist alternative culture (dig Woodstock). Country music, although identifiable with a specific poor- WASP ethnic framework, in fact seems to be the one non-middle-class musical form that speaks for working people. And incidentally, it flows in and out of the history of rock and vice versa, as a musical influence. Remember Don and Phil, Conway, Jerry Lee and Brenda? Country artists all.

contradictions The

cultural

and problems idea

of sustaining

Bob

Dylan’s career and the future of rock and roll beyond teenagerism in country music contains contradictions and problems. It’s a very traditional form in many ways. And it’s the form that bears the brunt of a lot of middle-class scorn. But that is the only place to go man, and beyond the disintegration of SDS and the difference in Dylan’s albums there is only one hope of sustaining the continuity of either. And that is dissppearing into America, which is the beginning of a scary trip. But I think Nashville skyline has already shown a few things. First of all, the fact that the number one hip-rockpoet goes to honky Nashville to record, and recorded his first duet on his own album ever with johnny cash, has automatically made Nashville, country music, and Johnny Cash human to a whole milieu that would have thought otherwise last year. This has neither made Johnny Cash a hippie nor Bob Dylan a country and western artist, but I think it has lent a new respectability to both. On the level of pop-symbolism-stargossip Dylan has concretely exhibited a shift of sensibilities. The fact that his first TV appearance (and first public appearance in a while) was on Cash’s show in Nashville, and the fact that he was so modest, to one point some people mistook it for incompetence, demonstrates on a celebrity level the correct approach to take towards relating to the masses, as they say. The fact that his first live appearance was at the Isle of Wight, England’s transatlantic Woodstock, also shows, however, that an interest in country and western music does not make millions of alienated middle-class kids or the forces that created them disappear.

Nashville Some

skyline observations

about

Nashville

skyline:

It’s the first album on which Dylan sings with continuous affection about sex, and about women. On it his formerly frank, paranoid visions of insane social and sexual relationships are replaced completely with positive or at least light-hearted ones. On it love seems to be presented as the reward for work. The question of how are you going to earn your bread if you aren’t going to work on Maggie’s farm no more is reformullated. And work is mentioned for the first as an actual fact of life. And so on. There is a time, frequently after a Dylan album when people wonder whether he has sold out. Then they decide that’ the album really is good, and decide that he knows where it’s at musically but wonder whether they have sold out for liking it. Or whether they should worry. And then a long time later it all fits into place. Well, it isn’t a long time later yet, and I think Dylan is so good he can never be totally understood until a long time later and I’m not going to try now. I think one thing this article can do is show how Dylan’s political significance is as great as ever although the startling manifestations of this significance aren’t all apparent now. And if there are no “political” songs in the old sense, that in itself is political. We are beyond the point now where rhetoric comes frorn singers. That was back when Dylan and Baez, and Peter, Paul and Mary led the march on Washington. Going back now we won’t be led by singers. Marching to the seat of power with a petition is different than thinking about seizing power. But that won’t be done either if we don’t understand our own music, and our own prophets. Bob Dylan is one. Is Johnny Cash another? B

tuesday

20 October

1970 (I I-22)

349

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1759. AFTER A long seige which destroyed much of Quebec and nelghcrops , boring towns, farms and the british army led by Wolfe defeated the french imperial army under Moncalm. Quebec City surrendered-l: 760, Montreal of paris. colony.

falls in Quebec

1763. By becomes

1810. AFTER A long series of disputes with the lower canadlan assembly, governor James Craig dissolves the assembly, suspends the constitution and orders the troops into the major c/ties. Three leading french polltlcal figures, Pierre Bedard, F-X Blanchet and F-J-P Taschereau, as the printer of the french-language newspaper Le Canadlen were jailed. Bedard was held wtthout bail for 12 months In 181 I Craig was removed by colon/al authorities and returned home in disgrace

1837. IN RESPONSE TO the refusal of british authorities to allow responsible government,. the french population led by L-J Papineau begin to form guerilla organizations. On november 26, british authorities order the arrest of 26 printipal leaders then attacked rebel positlons. In a series of pitched battles at SaintCharles, Saint-Denis and Saint-Eustache a dozen soldiers were killed and over a !-lundred wounded. The patrlo tes suffered heavy losses and the leadership’ retreated to US territory from where they carried out raids for the next 18 months. The britlsh burned several villages in reprisal (Saint-Charles Saint-Eustache among others), and Saint-Benolt and numerous prisoners suffered The constitution heavy sentences was suspended and remained so until the union of 184 1 came into effect as a device aimed at submerging the French-Canadians

1914- 18. USING THE war measures act passed in 19 14, close control was kept upon Quebec as Conscription was forced upon the French Canadians Easter Weekend 19 18, however, saw a series of riots against police and military brutality. On april first soldiers machine-gunned civilians causing four civilian deaths, over one hundred wounded and 58 arrested. Habeus corpus was suspended by the government. April 13, a coroner’s Jury declared that the persons killed on that occasion were innocent and demanded pensions for their dependents.

1970.

Labor, academics

the treaty a british

OLLOWING AN extraordinary meeting held friday evening in Quebec City, the executives of the three union federations in Quebec-the confederation of national trade unions, the Quebec, teachers’ corporation, and the Quebec federation of labour-denounce the attitude of the Bourassa government which for no apparent or justifiable reason changed its position from one day to the next from a position which we believed to be reasonable to an inexplicable attitude of Jotal submission to federal power. The federations, which had endorsed the position taken last wednesday by a group of Quebec citizens, including the officers of the three federations, which approved the intention of the Bourassa government to negotiate an exchange between the FLQ hostages and the political prisoners, cannot comprehend that with no explanation or apparent reason, the Bourassa

F

The folio wing opinion originally titled “A call for passive resistance to all Quebecois”, appeared in the october 18 edition of Quebec Presse. Among others, it was signed by the folio wing concerned Quebec citizens Paul Belanger, professor of political science at Lava1 university, Fernand Dumont, chairman of Laval’s institute of human sciences, Raymond Laliberte, past-president of the Quebec teachers’ corporation, Guy Rocher, a professor of sociology at the university of Montreal, and novelist Jacques Godbout.

ESTERDAY, WE WERE greatly concerned, today we are scandalisY ed! The Quebec government has abdicated to the desire of the federal government to unleash a repression. We had believed that the Quebec government would agree to negotiate in good faith in order to cut short the escalation of violence. We hoped that the Quebec government would take the initiative to find solutions appropriate to a problem particular to. Quebec. Suddenly, our government removed any hope the people might have had for a rapid and peaceful solution, and opted instead for a solution of force that the federal government never stopped trying to provoke by its action and its words. Under the pretext of maintaining law and order, the two governments believed that any negotiation was a confession of weakness, and opened the door to a blackmail that would never end. The two governments refused to hear of all those who warned them

avocation.

6

350 the Chevron

What

plea for justice

government decided to terminate negotiations and request the federal government to put Quebec under a military yoke. The three federations feel compelled to denounce the regime of force imposed by the Trudeau government, seconded by the request of a panic-stricken Bourassa government, thus removing the civil responsibility of the citizens of Quebec and setting up what is in effect an extremely rigid military regime such as might be found in a banana republic ruled by some military junta. We, as representatives of the union federations and of the citizens of Quebec, deplore what apL pears to us to be a plot between the governments of Quebec and Ottawa to make the rest of the country and the whole world believe that anarchy, chaos and insurrection reign in Quebec at the precise time when the citizens of Quebec were beginning to give

is needed above all is to break up the tension that reigns and break the vicious circle of violence. Now we are faced with two violences. We reject both of them. The federal government has assumed all power, has suspended a large part of civil liberties imprisioned hundreds of citizens and taken in hand the destiny of Quebec. With the use of the powers which the war measures act grants, one can s_eriously question whether -it will be possible from now on to consider fundamental reforms which would have prevented the present catastrophe if they have been carried through before this. We refuse to give in to this new violence. We refuse to be boxed in in the only space still allowed by the Trudeau government, that of guns-from which ever direction they are pointed. Capitalism exists in Quebec. It controls our economy, it speaks English, it lives in New York, and its lackeys are in Toronto and Montreal. In our society, as in many others, political power is largely subordinated to economic power. When election funds don’t do the trick anymore, Brinks is called in and we’re told to keep quiet so we won’t scare investors. The circle is closed. Economic power, political poiver; economic power. Results : A few areas more less developed, the rest underdeveloped : that produces thousands of people on welfare all over the place, thousands of unemployed who are offered nothing more than retraining, a Cabano here, a Golden Eagle refinery there. ‘reforms’, the federal government calls them; in fact they are new privileges given to foreign companies to enable them to better exploit Quebec’s resources and its cheap leabour of native francophones. Think of Control Data: the little jobs for Quebec, the big jobs for Toronto, the big salaries for Toronto, the little salaries for Quebec. The so-called ‘democratic’ government of Ottawa pays more than 40 percent of the cost to get this project off the ground ; $23 million. Of our money.

\

positive proof that a real democracy is viable in Quebec. Quebec’s union movements are greatly concerned by this suppression of civil liberties which threatens democracy much more than terrorism. The two governments know very well that there are many more social evils to correct than there is anarchy to repress. At the same time, we deplore the radical method used by the FLQ, and we ask, as proof of their good faith, the release of the hostages. Given the urgency of the situation, the executives of the three federations ,have decided to bring together in an extraordinary plenary meeting the supreme authority of their orgariizations to decide between their annual meetings what courses of action are to be taken to save democracy in Quebec. This meeting will take place Wednesday, October 21, in Quebec City.

It happens that justice in Quebec isn’t embarrassed to sentence’ to prison and fine workers 2 million dollars for wanting to organize a union. Remember Murdochville. It happens Jhat strikes go on forever, and provoke the despair of workers. Remember La Grenade, Seven-Up, Lapalme. It happens that Montreal taxi drivers are exploited for years by the ‘protected’ competition of Murray Hill. It happens that the protection of health (free enterprise medicine) the distribution of drugs (pharniaceutical monopolies-great sources of election funds), the housing problem (fiefdom of land speculation: but what about capital gains?), it happens that all these things are constant of malaise that must be corrected without bombs. And without guns too. Bill 63 happens. But nothing happens to the system and to the electoral map. We cannot yield to others-whoever they may be-the direction of our own social, economic, politic& and especially, police problems Ottawa has taken charge of everything. The so-called democratic government of Bourassa is a private’s government. The general is in Ottawa. The general’s soldiers are in Quebec now. But Quebecois must not give in. Neither to the blackmail of the machine gun, nor to despair. We refuse to give in. to the desire of those who want to lead us into an escalation of violence in which we would be losers. We appeal for passive resistance from the population. We must resist fear. We must resist oppression. We must support one another, well beyond the means used to reach our common objectives. We must call on what is most generous and strong in each of us. May any members of political parties still sensitive to democratic values, freedom, may all Quebecois unite in a new solidarity.


police measures to prevent s-ocialchange by John

Conclusion: The average income of male anglophone wage and salary earners in Quebec is 41 percent higher than that of francophones. The social and economic conflicts generated by the present political and economic system in Canada are beginning to shake loose all kinds of movements and groups among the people in all parts of Canada. The effects of that same system on Quebec, with growing intensity over a longer period of time, have given birth to a whole range of political and social responses. These movements in Quebec have developed over the last ten years in almost every sector of Quebec society: in the slums of Montreal and Quebec city, among trade unionists, students, teachers, and most recently among the people in the outlying regions such as the Gaspe and Abitibi where annual incomes average less than 1,000 dollars. Part of this development of political and social movements of people grappling with day-to-day problems of work, language, welfare and schooling has been a tremendous cultural flowering-in literature, the arts, theatre and film. These various movements have grown out of the concrete social and economic problems caused by the economic system of Canada. The programes and activities of these movements have changed over time as they have increased their understanding of what needs to be changed through experience with the present system. The trade union movement, traditionally exclusively concerned with wages, has increasingly carried the struggle for social change to the roots of the present political and economic system by challenging the

Huot

Q

UEBEC IS PART OF the political and &onomic system of Canada, and so Quebecois are grappling with many of the same problems as Canadians in other regions-economic stagnation, inflation and a large-scale lack of jobs. At the same time, the large majority of the people in Quebec are french-speaking and part of a distinctive culture and historical experience as a people since their ancestors first settled the St. Lawrence valley in the 1600’s and 1700’s. As part of the. present political and economic system of Canada, Quebec’s economic and social development runs head on into many of the same problems that are hitting working people and students all over Canada. With the second largest population and the second most industrialized economy among the ,regions of Canada, Quebec has been faced for a long time with the same social and economic conflicts that other regions in Canada are just beginning to experience acutely.

Acute

unemployment

Quebecois refer bitterly to the fact that Quebec has held the championship in unemployment in Canada for too long. From 1958-1968, average unemployme@ in Z Quebec was 7.3 percent, compared with 3.9 percent in Ontario. In the last fifteen years, the number of unemployed workers in Quebec has ranged from 20 percent to 40 percent more than Canada as a whole, and from 50 to 100 percent more than Ontario. . Today, with unemployment rising rapidly everywhere in Canada, Quebec still leads with 8.9 percent unemployed as compared to 4.4 percent in Ontario. One in eleven people in the Quebec work force is out of a job. Although Quebec has just a little more than onequarter the total work force in Canada, it has 41 percent of the unemployed. Young people are especially hard hit-42 percent of Quebec’s unemployed are under

power of corporations and businessmen to make the important political and economic decisions that affect economic development, wages, schooling and hospital and health care.

Similarly, community organizations that originally sprung up in working class districts in Quebec’s cities to fight urban redevelopment schemes that deprived them of housing have formed an alliance with the trade union movement to win political power in city hall, so they can make their own decisions about their own communities instead of fighting city hall decisions. People in the outlying regions, such as Cabano in the Gaspe, who started by participating in government redevelopment programes and still found it impossible to stop the government’s give-away programes of natural resources to corporations, found that the only way to make the government move was by physically stopping companies from cutting wood or building plants until problems of jobs and wages had been settled.

25.

Minority

decision-making

As a people with a distinctive culture, language and historical experience, the situation of Quebecois within their own territory is characterized by the fact that although anglophones make up only about 13 percent of the population, they hold most of the decision-making positions in the economy, and consequently most of the high-income and status positions. ‘This dominance of anglophones in the economy is the result of the fact that english-Canadian and american interests control all the important sectors of the economy: banking and finance, manufacturing,-and the resource industries. It is estimated that 50 large industrial corporations control 75 percent of industrial (including mining) production in Quebec; only three of these are controlled by local Quebecois capital. So, despite the fact that 62 percent of the work force in Montreal is francophone, only 37 percent of salaried personnel in large manufacturing corporations earning more than $5,000 is francophone. And most of those were not far above the $5,000 level-just 17 percent of jobs paying more than $15,000 was held by francophones.

From

the democratic

Dr. Henri

opposition

Bellemarre,

health

clinic,

Jean

Roy,

medical

to Drapeau.

direct&

of

St.

Jacques

community

Montreal, candidate

of

front

d’Acrion

politique

in

city

coming

ection;

Louis Beaulieu, Albert Dufour,

From

other

Marcel Robert

St.

Henri

FRAP

workers’committee,

community

Gaetars Tremblay

Miclkel eration

Trois-Rivieres

community

manager,

family

& Julien

Tourigny

ers

organization,

budgeting

association,

Quebec

-

eastern

quebec

develop-

Union

Chartrand,

Florent

national

president trade

Ai~dette,

Opposition.. of

unions

executive

Montreal /6.7,000

director,

central

council,

confed-

members),, Montreal

construction

work-

er5 ’ union,.

Jean-Pierre

From

the Arts: Miron,

poet

and

leader

for

the

defense

of

political

prison-

in Quebec,.

Pauline Julien, than teuse, Jean Desy, comedian; Michel Garneau, poet.

L;twyers:

the Trade of

Pierre Vallieres, Point de Mire Ronald Labelle, photoqrapher for Perspectives; Colette Duheime, reporter Journal de Montreal; Jean Gagnon, Point de Mire; Serge Pallascio, reporter on RadioCanada, Rene Mailhot, reporter on Radio-Canada. Gaston

t office,.

From

white

This convergence has broadened the support for the independence movement and pushed it towards programes of radical change, thus posing a serious chal-

From

groups..

City,

men

to speak

People such as students and intellectuals who .started by demanding bilingualism to ensure that french would be spoken in Quebec discovered that bilingualism in Quebec meant that francophones learn to speak english.

organizer.

democratic

Desjardins, Bilodeau,

el-

Learn

Robert Lemieux, defender Claude Samson, defender Pierre Cloutier, defender Jacques Lagace, counsellor Jean

Potvin,

CNTU,

St.

Jerome;

Parti

the University.’

Charles Prevost, professor’s union, universite de Montreal; Andre ‘Belanger & Andre Beaudry, student newspaper, Ronald Monette & Michel Dube, universite d’Otta wa, Jacques Masse, universite du Quebec, political science Pierre Taddeo, universlte de Montreal, law student.

From

the Media.

beraId

Godin,

journalist

for

Quebec-Presse;

I

Hull,

student,

Baptise

of political of

students

of political of

the

prisoners and prisoners citizen’s

in Quebec,

other

lenge to the Montreal and and the federal government.

Toronto

big

business

elite

The seriousness of this democratic challenge and the broadly-based popular support for radical change first exploded into the english-Canadian consciousness during the spectacular rise of the Parti Quebecois last april. The Montreal and Toronto business elite and the federal government blew their cool by staging the Royal Trust withdrawal of funds from Montreal to Toronto a few days before the election, and by circulating* falsified figures of taxes collected in Quebec and federal spending in Quebec. This campaign of terrorizing the Quebec people might have scared off some of the more affluent PQ , sympathizers, but it couldn’t stop the PQ from winning more than 30% of the francophone vote and six seats in solid working-class districts of Montreal. The fact that the Quebec Bourassa liberal party formed the government with just 24 .percent of the francophone vote and the remaining 20 percent of the Liberal vote from anglophones after a campaign of terror and manipulation of public opinion, caused countless Quebecois to question the possibility of effecting serious change-even with the support of the people-within the present electoral system.

Increasing

militant

y

It is this movement as a whole-the increasing militancy of workers who refuse government rationalizations for unemployment and wage- restrictions, the’ expansion of the trade union movement to include struggle for political power for the majority of the people, the transformation of very localized community organinto disciplined mass organizations capable izations of posing a serious challenge to the rule of Drapeau in Montreal, and the politicization of large numbers of which is the target of the masstudents and teacherssive crack-down in Quebec by federal and provincial authorities.

Active members of every one of the democratic opposition movements in Quebec have been thrown in jail for an indefinite period during the last few days; including : l members and candidates of the front d’action politique, the coalition of trade union political action committees and community organizations in Montreal who are contesting the Montreal civic elections; l staff of community projects, including the medical director of the St. Jacques community health clinic in Montreal, the director of the Montreal family planning center, and members of a family budgeting * service ; l members of the Parti Quebecois all over Quebec ; l university faculty, students and staff, including the secretary of the union of professors at the university of Montreal; l trade unionists active in the summer confrontation between the construction unions and the government; l trade un.ionists active in building political action committees in cities and towns throughout Quebec; l newspapermen, CBC reporters and producers; l Gaston Miron, winner of Quebec’s highest literary award this year; l Pauline Julien, chanteuse known around the world for her singing songs of Quebec’s new spirit of freedom. This extremist response by the federal government, opposed in vain by a united front of all the significant democratic opposition forces in Quebec cannot achieve its goal of eliiininating this popular challenge to the present system in the short or long run. In the short run, it would have to build hundreds of jails to hold thousands of people who are part of this democratic opposition which is challenging the Drapeaus, Bourassas, Trudeaus and Royal Trusts which now control Quebec. In the long run, they would have to make the radical changes in the political and economic system these movements are working towards if they were to permanently remove the social and econoniic conflicts that have generated these popular movements. The lesson of history is that it will be the movements rooted among the people that will carry through these changes.

youth, in Quebec,

committee

in

the

Saint

quarter.

Quebecois:

)

Dr. Gerard Claveau, member of SSJB and PQ, Pierre Lavoie, student, member of PO, Roger Lavoie and Urbain Lavoie, members of PQ, Dr. Gerard Claveau, member of PO, Rosaire Girard, grocer, member of PQ, Gilles Morin, member of PO, Gilles Toupin, member of PO, Blaise Daignault, member of PO.

John Huot is a university of Waterloo Canadian history who has spent four the literature of the radical left in Quebec.

tuesday

20 october

MA student years analysing

797Q (7 7:22)

357

in

7


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Students as well have come out in support of the FLQ. Student strikes are occuring throyghout the province, both in highschools and universities.

10 King S. Waterloo STUDENT

those interrorists.

It should be noted that Le De- I Devoir is not in favor of a separate Quebec, nor does it support the parti quebecois. Parti Quebecois is in favor of the 23 political prisoners’ release for the two who were kidnapped. They point out that the problems in Quebe’c are best solved in, and not outside the province. FRAP-a coalition of political action commities and community organizations which is presenting a slate of candidates for the Montreal municipal elections does have a strong popular base. A week last Saturday they did not condemn the kidnappers but stated rather that “the violence

GRAND

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The reactiori of the anglo-saxon business community to the FLQ kidnappings has seemed to voice the demand that the government kill one of the 23 political prisoners every day until both Cross and Laporte are released. Premier Bennet of BC has stated the government should not stand for blackmail and must do what is necessary to get -rid of ‘this type of person’. The Globe and Mail-a stronghold of english Canadian conservatism-has ‘come out against the FLQ calling them “gangsters”. The Globe then proceeds to quote from the laws concerning treason and sedition. What it seems they are implying is that the FLQ should have no freedom of speech because it is anti-Canadian. Even the CBC is twisting the news slightly. When Bourassa proposed in a fairly soft line his willingness to negotiate, CBC commentaries claimed he put out a hard line announcing unanimity with the federal government. According to John Huot, a university of Waterloo MA student who has translated and analysed radical french Canadian literature

8

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rates

He

by Mel Rotman chevron

seditious for four years, it is not the frenchspeaking population of Quebec w,ho oppose the FLQ either as a group or what they stand for. Rather, he says, it is the en’glish Canadian in Montrea,l and around Canada who voices the most opposition. Montreal’s Le Devoir, pointed out that police and mil-

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The priest of‘ a local catholic church did not appreciate the kind o.fSf‘evon the purt of’man-enviromnmt students to distribute birth control infhwzation in his cluwch.

kmment Some man-environment students are undertaking an assignment‘ to determine public reaction to the population problem for their M-E 190 course. Qne of them here recalls in dragnet fashion how they confronted a catholic church with their opinion.

ifs di

ACCOMPLISHMENTS:

We (be-

ing the participants) found the following startling results ; @People involved in a shock experiment which they don’t understand will immediately become violent and later repent by faking agreement with the outside op4, Ponents.

At 11:OQ a.m. sunday October Arthur, Ted, Pasquale, Julian and Jim assembled at Tony’s apartment. At 11:30 Tony, Julian, and Ted left to attend the mass at St. Francis as the plants. At 11: 45 a.m. Arthur with camera, Julian and Pat with birth control handbooks were positioned around the church. When the mass was over Pat and Julian began handing out the books. They were immediately verbally abused, ‘ . ..yeah I’d like to wipe the floor with them... ‘, ‘...left wing radicals..:’ The priest himself appeared and we have it on photographic record that he was going to hit Pasquale. He gave Pasquale quite a tonque lashing and threatened to call the‘police to make good his demands. The following are quotes from the priest as said to Arthur, Julian and Ted; ‘ . . .you’re damn right I’m pissed off. .. .’ , ‘ . ..get the hell out of here...‘, ‘Why did you raise this shit, to rub our noses in it and ‘make us look stupid...’ , ‘... we have more important things to do in church than to worry about the population problem.. . ’ ‘. ..don’t report anything I’ve said so I can get into a position of power to change these things in the church. ’ We left the church grounds peacefully and returned to Tony’s apartment where we decided to call CKCO to give us press coverage of the events. The news broadcast played over the air 6 times on sunday.

aThe Roman Catholics of that church are the most bloodthirsty mob we have ever seen and they were all for violence on the front steps of their church on Sabbath. @Birth control can not be the answer because the people are too ignorant and violent to be changed even in our own literate society,

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work abroad As in the previous six years, the Canadian-german academic exchange association will sponsor another summer program in Germany from May 1971 to the beginning of September. Students (both under-graduates and graduates) are expected to either work in a position previously arranged for them by the german government, enrol full-time in a program of studies, or have definite travel plans. Those interested must be in possession of a CGAEA membership card obtainable for 1.25 dollars in ML 313 before November 15.

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1970 (1 l:22)

353

9


ven athletes can act on oppression ESPITE THE ESCALATIONS in activism on the Berkeley campus since the free speech movement in 1964, one group-the Cal jocks-has remained steadfastly isolated from the student movement. Until recently, the athletic-department was able to proclaim proudly that theirs was the one remaining bastion of patriotism at Berkeley ; and they always looked the other way when their football stars became involved in demonstrations as goon squads beating up lef t-wingers. The athletic department staff is physically, as well as politically, removed from the campus community. On the walls of the elevator that takes you up to their offices on the fourth floor of the Cal student office building are the slogans you would expect to find: “Free Bobby’ ’ ; “Riot on! “; “Judge Hoffman Is a Geritol Freak. ” But when you step out onto the fourth floor, it’s like suddenly entering a 1950 movie set. The first thing you see is a line-up of photographs of formidablelooking Golden Bear Gridiron Greats. Then there are the coaches. With one or two exceptions, they are cut uniformly from the John Wayne mold-open-faced and square of jaw-and you can tell by looking at them that they pride themselves on their firm handshakes. Head football coach Ray Willsey, for instance, still believes that everyone on campus is concerned about Cal’s chances of making it to the Rose Bowl. And Paul Brechler, the athletic director, is trying hard to stop referring to Cal’s black athletes as “colored boys,” although he sometimes slips up. Talking to a group of students at the school of education ,last year, Brechler responded to a question from a black graduate student about why he seemed so found of one particular black football player. “I like John because he’s always laughing and grinning, ” Brechler told the startled student, “and that’s the kind of colored boy I like.” Not surprisingly, it was before an athletic boosters’ banquet composed of this kind of man that Thomas Foran was given a standing ovation when he attacked members of the Chi.cago Eight as being a “bunch of freaking fags.” T WAS IN THIS ATMOSPHERE that I began teaching a course in the school of education last quarter. The course was titled, “Intercollegiate athletics and higher education: a socio-psychological evaluation,” and because it allowed jocks to articulate latent dissatisfaction, it quickly became something of a cause celebre. Because they already regarded me as the worst kind of turncoat-a jock who had gone over to the radical cause-the Cal athletic department was suspicious from the beginning, especially when it became clear that an important purpose of the course was to explore the myths about athletes that the department worked full-time to create. Approximately 400 students, over 100 of whom were athletes, had enrolled in the course by the second week. During the first lecture, I discussed my involvement in athletics and politics and told the class that afiough I could not be impartial myself, I would try to examine significant issues in the athletic world by opening the class to whoever cared to attend, including members of the athletic department. I invited guest lecturers ranging from Harry Edwards and pro football’s recently retired radical Dave Meggyesy, to conservative spokesmen in the athletic world such as Payton Jordan, 1968 US Olympic track and field coach, and California state superintendent of public instruction (and unsuccessful 1968 senatorial candidate). Max Rafferty, once a highly successful high school football coach who still gives speeches on the character-building value of athletics. Jordan and Rafferty;-along with Cal’s football coach Ray Willsey (who said he was too busy recruiting high school football prospects), turned down my invitation, and therefore the tone of the course was given by liberal/ radicals who spoke of the corruption in the world of athletes and. of the measures needed to humanize it. by Jack Scott

Implications

of being jocks

One of the most significant aspects of the course was that an environment was created in which athletes could begin to examine the role they were forced to play and the implications of being “jocks. ” We discussed the effect their participation in sports had on their personal development and on society. The course was very emotional at times, especially because many of the athletes were beginning for the first time to question what was happening to them. The racism that is rampant in athletics was examined throughout the course, and for the first time many of the white athletes began to come to terms with the problems their black teammates encounter. Toward the end of the quarter I realized that many athletes had changed their attitudes toward their own involvement in sports and toward the role of athletics within the university. But 1,did not know if these changes would ever be reflected in their behavior. I was still pondering the impact of the course when Nixon announced he had sent US troops into Cambodia. Within a few days the campus was topsy-turvy in a fury of anti-war activity, and on may 11, students, employees and faculty members jammed into manmoth Harmon gymnasium for a mass rally. Over 10,000 people-the largest crowd ever to fill the gym-turned out. The bleachers were packed tightly and people were sitting on the basketball court, in the press box, and standing in the aisles. Hundreds of people were outside, unable to get in because of the overflow crowd. The meeting began with speeches by Tom Hayden and John Turner, a member of the campus black student union. It then settled down to a discussion and finally a vote on the course of action the university community should take in response to the national and international turmoil created by the Nixon administration.

Doesn’t

anything

affect

them?

During the rally three Cal athletes wearing their letterman jackets were seated near me in the balcony of the ---m. When they got up and walked out after the third or fourth speech, I heard the person next to me say, “Well, I guess it’s time for practice. What’s wrong with those guys ? Doesn’t anything affect them?” His friend whispered to him to be quiet, obviously fearing the jocks might come over and beat up on them. I imagine that these sentiments were echoed throughout the crowd, since well over a hundred other Cal athletes were leaving the rally at about the same time. But people should have noticed the change in the athletes’ appearance. Despite the objection of the athletic director and some coaches, many of those leaving the meeting had long hair and beards or mustaches and were wearing strike buttons and black armbands. Nor were they going to practice; rather, they were on their way to a general meeting of all athletes to discuss what action they as a group could take against the government’s southeast Asia policy. This was one day when athletic business did not take place as usual. HIS MEETING WAS FIRST suggested by Randy myth, a sports columnist for the school newsaper, The Daily Californian. Randy, an allamerican football player in junior college and later a university, of California record-holder in track and field, is a graduate student and was an unofficial assistanl in the course I had taught. He was regularly involved in radical activities on campus and during last year’s people’s park struggle he was arrested for assaulting a police officer. -His long hair and political activism constantly got him in trouble with his coaches while he was competing, and now most coaches refuse to talk to him. From his extensive contaCt with Cal athletes, Randy felt they were ready to take some kind of stand against the war if they could just be gotten together in a group. He arranged a preliminary meeting between myself, the Daily Californian sports editor and five

or six Cal athletes who he knew were strongly opposed to the war. Given the climate on campuses throughout the country, we all agreed that it was the ideal time to attempt to get Cal athletes to take the first steps that would lead to involvement in the student movement. The meeting was announced in the sports pages of the school paper and the sports editor helped to stimulate interest by running interviews with prominent Cal athletes who were angered and upset by the cambodian invasion. Much to everyone’s amazement, including those of us who organized the meeting, over 150 athletes, along with a worried athletic director and a few coaches, showed up.

No business

as usual

Once it became clear that the overwhelming majority of athletes present was opposed to the war, the meeting turned to a discussion of how they could best express their dissent. They agreed with the campus sentiment that “business should not go on as usual,” but were divided on the question of whether or not to continue practicing and competing. Those opposed to competing felt that since athletics was the most visible part of the university, the’ only way they could show that business was not as usual with them was by refusing to compete, devoting the time normally spent on athletics to anti-war activities. They also felt that their willingness to .give up athletics temporarily would emphasize the seriousness of their committment. Others argued that they should capitalize on their visibility by continuing to compete but making their position known by wearing symbols of protest on their uniforms. There were other suggestions that the group sign petitions and issue public statements in opposition to the war. Paul Brechler, the athletic director, also spoke out, but from a different viewpoint. “I’ve been in a couple of wars,” he said, “and nobody likes war, but I wouldn’t want to see you mix up college athletics with the war. The question of whether or not to compete’ was a difficult one for the whole group to handle, since not all sports were currently involved in competition. For instance, the basketball players, whose season was over, felt they had no right to vote on whether or not the track athletes should compete for the rest of their season. The athletes therefore broke up into groups according to their sport and debated what action to take as a team. After about half an hour of debate, the meeting reconvened. Steve Sawin, a student who had never before been ,involved in any form of protest activity, served as the spokesman for the football team. Sawin told the group that the football team had decided to skip the rest of spring practice and involve themselves in some type of anti-war activity. He also added that the football players would attempt to protect any striking athlete from possible reprisals. The wrestling team voted to boycott the national AAU wrestling championships, and all other teams (except the baseball team) issued statements condemning the war and asking for withdrawal of all US troops from southeast Asia. The track and field and tennis teams, which were to compete in Los Angeles over the weekend, indicated they would use black armbands, clenched fists and other symbols of protest while competing. AUL BRECHLER, WHO admits he would not have taken the athletic director’s job a few years ago if he had known what it was going to be like at Cal, talked with me after the meeting. “I- just don’t know what is going on. If this issue is settled, there will just be another one in the fall.” I asked him how he felt about the possibility of Cal athletes wearing symbols of protest while competing. “We have a hundred-year-old tradition of what is the standard Cal uniform,” he told me, “and I’d be personally embarrassed if the boys wore black armbands or black Adapted Ramparts,

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legbands or anything iike that. I can’t see what it will accomplish. The next thing you know, they’ll want to wear shirts saying ‘Blake’s Bakery.’ ” He did emphasize that athletes have the right to speak out as individuals, but that their protest should in no way enter the sports world. Television crews, photographers and sportswriters crowded into a small conference room in the athletic department the following afternoon to attend a press conference called by the athletes. Ray Willsey, the head football coach, sat at a table, flanked by two football players and three other prominent Cal athletes. Willsey was there in his capacity as assistant athletic director, since Brechler had left Berkeley that morning to attend a meeting in Los Angeles. The football players announced that they had decided to resume practicing after having a number of meetings with Coach Wiilsey since the previous afternoon. Willsey did not directly threaten the football players at these meetings. He stressed the importance of spring practice and then simply asked them individually to explain to the coaching staff their reasons for watiting to skip the final five days of spring ball. Regrettably-though quite understandably-most of the football players were not able to tell Coach Willsey that they were more concerned about the war than about spring football practice. They well know what the consequences would be with regard to their football careers under Willsey if they ever made such a statement.

Myth

of “apolitical”

But they,

sports

along with the athletes

from

all the other

Their acts were not isolated, but were part of the simmering revolt that increasingly characterizes college athletics throughout the country: Scores of college athletes have joined the student movement, not as fellow travelers temporarily caught up in the emotional momentum of anti-war activity, but as committed strugglers alongside their fellow students. At the 36th annual Heptagonal track and field championships. at Yale .this spring, the captains and representatives of the eight ivy league schools in the tenschool games association issued such a strong political statement shortly before the meet was to begin that the army and navy teams withdrew, only moments before the first event. The statement not only condemned the war but spoke out against “the repression of the Black Panther party and people of radical disposition in general.” They further declared, “As athletes and track men, we understand that our sport is not and must never become a hideout from our basic responsibilities as human beings. ” This statement was issued by those athletes who chose to compete, but 45 other top ivy league track athletes, including Harvard’s star miler, Royce Shaw, registered their protest by boycotting the meet entirely. Even if the coaches and athletic departments throughout the country cannot understand the tremors shaking the sports world, the implications of those tremors have not escaped the nation’s number-one sports fan in Washington, D.C. During the height of the protest against Cambodia, a spokesman’ for the Nixon administration commented, “Once we heard that the athletes and porn-porn girls had joined the demonstrations, we knew we were in trouble.”

Cal teams, did issue the following statement signed by the united athletes of the university of California:

majority of California athletes, We, the overwhelming find that we can no longer live in the so-called “apoliwhich has permeated the athletic tical atmosphere” community. We find it necessary now to voice our opposition to president Nixon’s oppresive policies at home and abroad. We condemn United States activity in southeast Asia and call for a unilateral withdrawal of all United States forces in southeast Asia. Furthermore, we call for a reconstitution of american universities as centers against the war.

Whatever fire the football players had lost was made up for by the remarks of Bob McLennon, captain of the track and field team, and Mike Mullan of the tennis team. The bearded McLennon, who is active in student government, told the press that the Nixon-ordered invasion of Cambodia was a betrayal of the trust the American people had placed in the president. He spoke in support of efforts being made to reconstitute the university as a center for anti-war activities and emphasized, “The university will not return to normal until the war is ended.” Mullan, speaking for the tennis team, condemned “the genocidal war in southeast Asia” and said that the tennis players would wear shirts with anit-‘war slogans in place of their regular uniforms in a match scheduled for that weekend in Los Angeles.

T

HIS OUTBURST AT CAL has calmed down now, but things have not returned to normal. They probably never will. Berkeley athletes struck another blow at the stereotype of the dumb, crew-cut mumbling jock.

,

. thechevmn ‘member: Canadian university press (CUP) and underground press syndicate (UPS). subscriber: liberatton news service (LNS) and chevron International news service (GINS). the chevron is a ‘newsfeature tabloid published offset fifty-two times a year (1970-7 1) on tuesdays and fridays by the federation of students, incorporated university of Waterloo. Content is the responsibility of the chevron staff, independent of the federation and the university administration.offices in the kamPus center; phone (519) 578-7070 or university local 3443; telex 0295 - 748. clrculatlon.

10,500 (tuesdays) 13,000 (fndays) Alex Smith, edltor The very worst that can be said for political assassinations of course, is the inevitable deluge of hack journalists who insist on eliciting all sorts of gooey “I’m shocked,” “It’s tragic,” “Our first sympathy must of course be the family...” Remarks like these-repeated over and over and over and over are quite simply, nauseous. Like the murder to which they are referring, they are made solely for the purpose of eventual political gain. Also incredible was the sensational approach of the CBC toward coverage. of the kidnappings; whereas CTV presented calm, well-documented yet consice reports, the CBC harangued endlessly, tying up its announcers in a flurry of missed cues and a bevy of mechanical failures. Turning to other matters, we have been requested by the jock department to include the following in the masthead: “: . . Gord McLellan pulling the Warriors to win with sensational punt returns as he did all the major scoring himself, with not much offense by the rest of the team.” Point of interest: how many of you would rather read five pages of football than five pages of Quebec? Be honest, now. We thought so. Just don’t hold youi breath. Thought for the week: Justifiable violence. Think about it. production assistant: Al Lukach ko coordinators: Bob Epp & Bill Sheldon (news), Tom Purdy & Peter Wilkinson (photo) Ross Bell (entertainment), Bryan Anderson (sports), rats (features) Bumping back from Ottawa after a four hour ride, only to spend another six hours at the paper, Le have: eleanor hyodo, peter witkinson, kathy dorschner and even lukachko himself who says Ottawa is lovely at this time of year. And hanging around the office struggling out various lines we have: peter warrian, leo johnson, jim harding, john huot, meg edelman, gord moore, paul lawson, dianne caron, tom certain, mel rotman, dave cubberley, Colin hamer, renato ciolfi and a whole bunch we have forgetten because their pages were finished last friday, and the crew from On the line-which will look surprisingly like the chevron this issue, or is it vice-versa. Vive Quebec (?) Fill the blank and get arrested by Pete and Boys.

tuesday

20 October

7970 (7 7:22)

355

11


Students’council By-Election A by-election is called to fill the following vacancies on council for the remainder of the 1970-71 term: eng: 1 seat arts: 1 seat science: 1 seat math, reg. 1 seat environ. studies: 1 seat ( ~0-0~) Nominations are extended to Monday October Election will take place monday, november 9.

26.

Nomination forms may be picked up from Helga Petz in the federation office (campus center room 235) and should be returned to that office by-5: 00 p.m. October 26. _ Chief Returning Officer Federation of Students

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“I also like Trudeau as a Canadian because Trudeau