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Tea Gutović, Ina Reić Ercegovac: Osobne značajke i životni ciljevi grupe obožavatelja Cellogirls

Nadezhda K. Radina, Mariia V. Koskina: Internal Colonization and the Phenomenon of Moscow-phobia in Russian Province Regions

Elena Okladnikova, Levon Kandaryan: Sacred Landscape in Modern

UDK 316.334:316.4 ISSN 1846-5226

Russia’s Cultural and Historical Policy Through the Eyes of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region Residents

Časopis za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu

Arta Basha-Jakupi, Violeta Nushi: International Aid Community, its Presence in the Post-conflict Reconstruction and Impact on Urban Legacy – Case Study of Prishtina

U ovom broju pišu:

Tea Gutović, Ina Reić Ercegovac, Nadezhda K. Radina, Mariia V. Koskina, Elena Okladnikova, Levon Kandaryan, Arta Basha-Jakupi, Violeta Nushi

Sociologija i prostor, 55 (2017) 209 (3): 251–336

Sociologija i prostor, godina 55., broj 209 (3), str. 251–336, Zagreb, rujan–prosinac 2017.

209 (3)


Sociologija i prostor – Časopis za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja Sociology and Space – Journal for Spatial and Socio-Cultural Development Studies

Učestalost izlaženja (godišnje: 3) – Frequency (annually: 3) Izdavač – Publisher Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb, Amruševa 11/II, P.O. Box 280, HR-10001 Zagreb, Hrvatska – Croatia Tel. (++385 01) 4810-264, 4922925, 4922-926; Fax (++385 01) 4810-263; E-mail: idiz@idi.hr

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Opća obavijest autorima SOCIOLOGIJA I PROSTOR – četveromjesečnik za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja objavljuje samo znanstvene radove iz sociologije prostora (urbane i ruralne sociologije) i srodnih znanstvenih područja koja proučavaju selo, grad, prostor (urbanizma, arhitekture, socijalne geografije, demografije, urbane ekonomije, urbane antropologije, socijalne ekologije, urbane ekologije i dr.). Opseg rukopisa – računajući bilješke, literaturu, tablice, grafičke priloge i sažetak – ne smije prelaziti 27 kartica, od kojih na svakoj može biti najviše 1.800 slovnih mjesta. Rukopisu se prilažu dva sažetka, opsega do 250 riječi, na hrvatskom i engleskom jeziku, a iza sažetka navodi se popis najvažnijih ključnih riječi (najviše 8), odnosno ključni standardni pojmovi kojima se u rukopisu imenuju rabljeni teorijski pristupi, metodologija, iskustveni rezultati ili pravac promišljanja. Iznimno, specijalne bibliografije mogu biti opsega do 100 stranica, recenzija knjige i časopisa do devet (9), a prikaz knjige, monografije, bibliografije ili časopisa do pet (5) stranica. Rukopisi se upućuju na adresu: e-mail: sip@idi.hr, svircic@idi.hr Glavna i odgovorna urednica SOCIOLOGIJA I PROSTOR Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu, Amruševa 8/III., p.p. 280, HR-10001 Zagreb, Hrvatska tel. (++385 01) 4922-925 i 4922-926, fax (++385 01) 4810-263 Podnošenje rukopisa podrazumijeva prijenos prava na objavljivanje, na zaštitu autorstva, te dozvole ili uskrate njegovog reproduciranja, u cijelosti ili u dijelovima, isključivo na Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu.

General Information to Authors

Prevoditeljica na engleski jezik – English translation

SOCIOLOGIJA I PROSTOR (SOCIOLOGY AND SPACE) – Quarterly Journal for Spatial and Socio-Cultural Development Studies publishes only scientific papers dealing with the sociology of space (both urban and rural) and related disciplines (urbanism, architecture, social geography, demography, urban economics, urban anthroplogy, social ecology, etc.).

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Volume of the manuscript – including notes, list of references used, tables, graphics and abstract – mustn’t exceed 27 pages, each of them having no more then 1.800 character places. The manuscript must be supplemented with two summaries, each of them up to 250 words, in Croatian and in English. After the text of abstracts give the key word list (no more than eight), key standard terms used in the manuscript to describe your theoretical approach, methodology, empirical results, or the line of reasoning. Exceptionally, special bibliographies can have up to 100 pages, peer-reviews of the books and journals up to nine (9), and surveys of the books, monographs, bibliographies or journals up to five (5) pages. The articles might be send to the following address: e-mail: sip@idi.hr, svircic@idi.hr Editor-in-chief SOCIOLOGIJA I PROSTOR (SOCIOLOGY AND SPACE) Institute for Social Research in Zagreb, Amruševa 8/III., P.O. Box 280, HR-10001 Zagreb, Croatia Phone (++385 1) 4922-925, 4922926 and 4810-264, fax (++385 1) 4810-263 Submission of the manuscript give the Institute for Social Research in Zagreb exclusive right to publish, to copyright, and to allow or deny reproduction of it, in whole or in part.

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Copyright © 2017 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – All rights reserved Radovi objavljeni u časopisu Sociologija i prostor referiraju se u sljedećim međunarodnim sekundarnim publikacijama The articles published in Sociologija i prostor (Sociology and Space) are indexed or abstracted in the following international secondary publications – SCOPUS – SocINDEX (EBSCO) – CSA SOCIOLOGICAL ABSTRACTS – CSA WORLDWIDE POLITICAL SCIENCE ABSTRACTS – CSA SOCIAL SERVICES ABSTRACT (SELECTIVE)


Časopis za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja Godina 55. Zagreb, rujan-prosinac 2017. Broj 209 (3) str. 251-336

Sadržaj Članci Tea Gutović, Ina Reić Ercegovac: Osobne značajke i životni ciljevi grupe obožavatelja Cellogirls......................................................................................................................253 Nadezhda K. Radina, Mariia V. Koskina: Internal Colonization and the Phenomenon of Moscow-phobia in Russian Province Regions......................................................271 Elena Okladnikova, Levon Kandaryan: Sacred Landscape in Modern Russia’s Cultural and Historical Policy Through the Eyes of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region Residents......................................................................................297 Arta Basha-Jakupi, Violeta Nushi: International Aid Community, its Presence in the Post-conflict Reconstruction and Impact on Urban Legacy – Case Study of Prishtina.................................................................................................................315 Recenzije i prikazi

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Anita Skelin: O jeziku i identitetima hrvatskih adolescenata (Lana Peternel)........................333

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Journal for Spatial and Socio-Cultural Development Studies Volume 55 Zagreb, September-December 2017 Number 209 (3) pp. 251-336

Contents Articles Tea Gutović, Ina Reić Ercegovac: Personal Characteristics and Life Goals of “Cellogirls“ Fan Group...................................................................................................................253 Nadezhda K. Radina, Mariia V. Koskina: Internal Colonization and the Phenomenon of Moscow-phobia in Russian Province Regions......................................................271 Elena Okladnikova, Levon Kandaryan: Sacred Landscape in Modern Russia’s Cultural and Historical Policy Through the Eyes of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region Residents......................................................................................297 Arta Basha-Jakupi, Violeta Nushi: International Aid Community, its Presence in the Post-conflict Reconstruction and Impact on Urban Legacy – Case Study of Prishtina.................................................................................................................315 Reviews and presentations

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Anita Skelin: About the Language and Identities of Croatian Adolescents (Lana Peternel).............................................................................................................333

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DOI 10.5673/sip.55.3.1 UDK 159.9:78.073 Izvorni znanstveni rad

Osobne značajke i životni ciljevi grupe obožavatelja Cellogirls Tea Gutović Sveučilište u Zagrebu, Filozofski fakultet, Hrvatska e-mail: tgutovic@gmail.com

Ina Reić Ercegovac Sveučilište u Splitu, Filozofski fakultet, Katedra za psihologiju, Hrvatska e-mail: inareic@ffst.hr SAŽETAK Pojam obožavatelja i njihovih grupa nije jednostavan predmet analize i istraživanja. Nužno ga je smjestiti u društveni i kulturni kontekst kako bi se adekvatno shvatile i proučile njegove karakteristike, kako pojedinaca tako i grupa obožavatelja sa svim njihovim načelima, aktivnostima i uobičajenim ponašanjima. U ovom je radu predstavljeno istraživanje nekih značajki obožavatelja instrumentalnog dua 2CELLOS, provedeno na uzorku od 188 sudionika iz cijeloga svijeta. Primijenjena je online inačica anketnog upitnika, koji se sastojao od pitanja zatvorenog tipa kojima su se prikupili podaci o relevantnim sociodemografskim obilježjima sudionika, te skraćene verzije skale za ispitivanje važnosti životnih ciljeva. Rezultati su pokazali kako skupina obožavatelja nije homogena prema svojim sociodemografskim obilježjima, iako većinu čine žene mlađe životne dobi, višeg stupnja obrazovanja, heteroseksualne orijentacije, bez jasnih političkih afiniteta, s nekim oblikom glazbenog obrazovanja i iskustva. Što se tiče važnosti životnih ciljeva, sudionici su najvažnijima procijenili ciljeve intimnosti i postignuća.

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Ključne riječi: obožavatelji, 2CELLOS, Cellogirls, sociodemografske značajke, glazba, životni ciljevi.

Copyright © 2017 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

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Sociologija i prostor, 55 (2017) 209 (3): 253-269

1. Uvod

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Termin „obožavatelj“ pojavljuje se u sportskom kontekstu krajem 19. stoljeća u SADu, a danas većina može predočiti što on podrazumijeva, kao i koja su obilježja pojedinaca koji pripadaju određenoj grupi obožavatelja (engl. fandom1) (Cavicchi, 1998.; Hills, 2002.). Sukladno jednom od shvaćanja etimologije termina, koje riječ fan povezuje s riječju fanatic pridajući joj tako povijesno utemeljenu konotaciju i povezujući je s pridjevima kao što su „pomahnitali“ ili „opsjednuti“, suvremenog se obožavatelja opisuje pojmom opsesije usmjerene prema nekoj zvijezdi, filmu, seriji, pjevaču ili bendu, takav obožavatelj zna mnogo izravnih citata predmeta svog obožavanja i vrlo ih često koristi (Cavicchi, 1998.; Hills, 2002.; Duffett, 2013.), odnosno obožavatelji su najvidljiviji pojedinci unutar masovne publike (Lewis, 1992.; Perkins, 2012.). Dakle fenomen suvremenog obožavatelja unutar teorije o moći i otporu Joshue Meyrowitza predstavlja prijelaz iz pasivne publike, gdje je bio objekt manipulacije, prema aktivnom, kreativnom i otpornom pripadniku društva (Meyrowitz, 2008., prema Popović, 2011.). Autori Abercrombie i Longhurst smještaju pojam obožavatelja unutar spektra pojmova kao što su pripadnik kulta i entuzijast, pri čemu se ta tri pojma razlikuju samo prema specijalizaciji interesa, društvenoj organiziranosti i materijalnoj produktivnosti. Ostali autori poput Tullocha i Jenkinsa ignoriraju pojam kulta, te pojam obožavatelja uspoređuju s pojmom sljedbenika, pri čemu potonji ipak ne preuzima društveni identitet onog što slijedi (Abercrombie i Longhurst, 1998., prema Hills, 2002.; Tulloch i Jenkins, 1995., prema Hills, 2002.). Jenkins također procjenjuje obožavatelje prema intenzitetu emocionalne i intelektualne uključenosti (Jenkins, 1992., prema Cavicchi, 1998.), dok Brooker i Brooker ne smatraju nužnim da se svi pojedinci koji cijene neku osobu ili nečiji rad nužno definiraju kao obožavatelji, te ističu distinkciju između pojmova obožavatelja i predanog obožavatelja (engl. cult fan), koji je ipak više usmjeren prema grupi obožavatelja i njezinim aktivnostima od ,,običnog“ obožavatelja (Brooker i Brooker, 1996., prema Hills, 2002.). Obožavatelje je moguće definirati i u odnosu na tržište, pa su tako obožavatelji i njihovo ponašanje dio neprekidne, emocionalno karakterizirane potrošnje popularne kulture unutar kapitalističkog društva (Longhurst, 2007.; Grossberg, 2006.).

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Nadalje, riječ obožavatelj u literaturi se vrlo rijetko pojavljuje u jednini, dakle pojmu obožavatelja od samog se početka daje kolektivni karakter. Ipak, Jenson razlikuje dva tipa obožavatelja, koji se javljaju kao kritički odgovor na suvremenu svakodnevnicu: opsjednutog pojedinca i histeričnu masu (Jenson, 1992.). Psihološka određenja obožavatelja tek se kratko osvrću na razvoj individualnog obožavanja kao ponašanja koje proizlazi iz neizbježnog kontakta s medijima. Prema psihologu Jibu Fowlesu pojedinci ,,puštaju zvijezde i slavne u najdublja područja uma kako bi utjecali na njihove emocije. Dopuštaju im pristup njima samima kao što ne dopuštaju nikom drugom oko sebe i upravo zbog te povezanosti divljenje često prelazi u imitaciju životnog stila“ (Fowles, 1992., prema Cavicchi, 1998.:41). Dakle obožavatelji se uvijek

1

Riječ je prvi puta uprotrebljena 1903. godine, a nastala je spajanjem engleske riječi fan (obožavatelj) i sufiksa - dom. Osim u kontekstu grupe obožavatelja koristi se i kao skupna imenica za sve aktivnosti i tipična ponašanja obožavatelja (Oxford Dictionary, 2006.).


T. Gutović, I. Reić Ercegovac: Osobne značajke i životni ciljevi grupe obožavatelja Cellogirls

definiraju u odnosu na zvijezde, tj. nekoga ili nešto poznato, oni su zapravo društveni odgovor na postojanje zvijezda. U medijima prožetom svijetu utjecaji poznatih osoba i medijski sadržaji postaju uzori velikom broju pojedinaca koji se s njima uključuju u ,,umjetne društvene odnose“ (Caughey, 1978., prema Jenson, 1992.:11). Takvi odnosi mogu, nažalost, poprimiti i zastrašujuće razmjere te rezultirati tragedijom, primjerice kada obožavatelj ubije slavnu osobu s kojom je razvio upravo takvu vrstu odnosa. Obožavatelj kao opsjednuti pojedinac uglavnom odgovara profilu usamljene osobe koja je konstruirala odnos s osobom ili predmetom svog obožavanja te na temelju tog odnosa djeluje.

Kako bismo objasnili koncept životnih ciljeva korišten u ovom istraživanju, potrebno ga je razdvojiti od pojma ciljeva, koji se najčešće definiraju kao unutarnji prikaz željenih ishoda, događaja ili procesa koji vode ponašanje, misli i djelovanje pojedinca te životu daju smisao i strukturu (Austin i Vancouver, 1996.; Emmons, 1986., prema Tucak Junaković, 2015.). Za razliku od nekih jednostavnih, svakodnevnih ciljeva, koncept životnih ciljeva označava ključnu orijentacijsku točku u životima pojedinaca (Pöhlmann i Brunstein, 1997., prema Tucak Junaković, 2015.). Prema njima se ponašanje pojedinca usmjerava i sukladno njima on razvija vlastiti identitet (Emmons, 1986.). U ovom je istraživanju korištena skraćena verzija skale životnih ciljeva autora Pöhlmanna i Brunsteina, koji životne ciljeve konceptualiziraju kroz dvije općeljudske tendencije, djelovanje (engl. agency) i zajedništvo (engl. community) (Pöhlmann i Brunstein, 1997.). Dakle u slučaju ovog istraživanja životni ciljevi povezani s ljudskom tendencijom djelovanja bili bi ciljevi moći i ciljevi postignuća, dok na zajedništvo upućuju ciljevi altruizma i intimnosti. S obzirom na to da su životni ciljevi izrazito povezani s osjećajem dobrobiti (Tucak Junaković, 2015.), njihovo

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Nasuprot usamljenom pojedincu, u kulturi obožavatelja javljaju se histerične mase, uglavnom adolescenata, koje dominiraju unutar sporta ili glazbene industrije. Fiske ih smatra sklonima kulturi niske kvalitete (Fiske, 2002.). Medijska prezentacija, ali i sami tekstovi, primjerice, rock ili metal glazbe stvaraju počevši od 1950-ih godina temelje nastajanju histerične, glasne, vrišteće mase koja se poistovjećuje s glazbom koju sluša (Jenson, 1992.). Fandom, odnosno grupu obožavatelja i njihove karakteristike, možemo promatrati u kontekstu glazbenog interkulturalizma, koji je u svom izvornom značenju koncept koji polazi od pluraliteta kultura i njihove jednakopravnosti, ali i aktivnog suodnosa, pri čemu upravo dimenzija dijaloga među kulturama daje interkulturalizmu otvorenost i društvenu dimenziju dodira (Previšić, 1994.). Stoga je uputno poimati suvremenu glazbu kao jedan od elemenata unutar konstrukcije društvenog kapitala, kao način na koji pojedinac seže van individualnog identiteta i oblikuje novi, zajednički, stvarajući pritom osjećaj pripadnosti određenoj zajednici, oblikujući zajednički identitet (Wright, 2012.). Taj kolektivni karakter prisutan je i u oblikovanju internetskih zajednica te interakcije unutar njih, pri čemu već postojeći obožavatelji rado dočekuju nove, uključuju ih u svoje aktivnosti i svakodnevnicu (Duffett, 2013.). Nadalje, Finnegan ističe važnost predanosti ljudi glazbi ili glazbeniku prilikom konstrukcije individualnog i grupnog identiteta, dočim se Crafts i suradnici usmjeravaju na aspekt emocionalne uključenosti pojedinaca u glazbeni žanr ili glazbenika kojeg slušaju i slijede, koji doprinosi izgradnji osjećaja sebstva i odnosa s drugima (Finnegan, 1989.; Crafts i sur., 1993., prema Cavicchi, 1998.).

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Sociologija i prostor, 55 (2017) 209 (3): 253-269

dovođenje u vezu s osobnim značajkama pripadnika grupe obožavatelja Cellogirls u ovom istraživanju ima za svrhu potpunu, objektivnu i subjektivnu karakterizaciju te društvene grupe, kako na psihološkoj razini pojedinca tako i na društvenoj razini u kontekstu multikulturalizma.

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Internet je danas prva asocijacija vezana za grupe obožavatelja i fandom općenito. Osim što pruža pristup velikom broju informacija u vrlo kratkom vremenu, omogućuje i dijeljenje ideja među istomišljenicima. Upravo su glazbeni obožavatelji oni koji su još od samih početaka digitalnih medija i interneta brisali granice kultura i država i širili glazbu na globalnoj razini (Baym, 2007.; Perkins, 2012.). Prve virtualne zajednice obožavatelja koje nisu povezane s televizijskim sadržajima pojavljuju se još kasnih 1970-ih i ranih 1980-ih u obliku grupnih pisama i Usenet foruma, a kreiraju ih obožavatelji glazbene grupe R.E.M. S povećanjem broja članova zajednica seli s grupnih mailing lista na forumske rasprave, a samim tim povećava se njezina dostupnost široj javnosti te potreba stalnih članova za traženjem veće doze privatnosti. Glazbeni obožavatelji ujedno su i jedan od glavnih razloga stvaranja prvih društvenih mreža 2000. godine. Osim što omogućavaju komunikaciju glazbenik – obožavatelj, društvene mreže postaju medij međusobnog povezivanja obožavatelja sličnih ili istih glazbenih interesa, a računi i internetski algoritmi omogućuju oblikovanje zajednica temeljenih na preferiranom glazbenom žanru, pristup brojnim informacijama o pojedincima s kojima se dijeli glazbeni interes te u konačnici ostvarivanje prisnih, prijateljskih i gotovo obiteljskih odnosa na temelju istovjetne ljubavi prema glazbi (Baym, 2007.). Prisutnost i razvoj tehnologije obožavateljske prakse ubrzava, a njihove interakcije umnožava, zahvaljujući mogućem prijenosu gotovo ili u potpunosti uživo svih aktivnosti vezanih za predmet obožavanja, upoznavanja, odlaske na koncerte i slično (Bennett, 2012.). Stoga online grupe obožavatelja u pravom su smislu društvene grupe pojedinaca s ustaljenom strukturom, organizacijom, normama i aktivnostima, koje postaju zanimljiv izvor informacija i oblikuju brojna suvremena istraživačka pitanja. Te su zajednice konstruirane prema principu ,,umreženog individualizma“, koji povezuje pojedince željne pripadanja nekoj grupi, iskazane zainteresiranosti za ostale njezine pripadnike, poistovjećivanja s njima i sudjelovanja u aktivnostima, odnosno riječ je o zajednicama visoke afektivne važnosti za pojedinca koje prerastaju geografska određenja pripadanja nekoj društvenoj grupi (Wellman, 2001., prema Baym, 2007.).

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Svijet fandoma uključuje nekoliko temeljnih aktivnosti i specifičnih pojmova. Pripadanje nekom fandomu vidljivo je unutar identifikacije pojedinaca s konstruiranim imenima grupa obožavatelja. Primjerice obožavatelji franšize Harry Potter nazvali su se Potterheads, obožavatelji Zvjezdanih staza Trekkies, u glazbenom svijetu ističu se obožavatelji Lady Gage – Little monsters, Justina Biebera – Beliebers, Taylor Swift – Swifties te britanskog benda One Direction – Directioners i brojni drugi. Svaka grupa, uz ime uglavnom stvoreno izvedenicom od imena osobe ili sadržaja koji se prati, posjeduje i specifičan simbol. Shvaćanje fandoma kao društvene prakse najbolje se očituje kroz produkciju raznih tekstova, pjesama i ostalih artefakata koji djeluju kao medij oko kojeg se zajednica obožavatelja okuplja i o kojem diskutira. Navedeni predmeti ili tekstovi predstavljaju za obožavatelje objekt identitetskog poistovjećivanja sa zajednicom i razvijaju osjećaj pripadnosti određenom fandomu (Popović, 2011.).


T. Gutović, I. Reić Ercegovac: Osobne značajke i životni ciljevi grupe obožavatelja Cellogirls

Cilj provedenog istraživanja bio je istražiti osnovne značajke obožavatelja dua 2CELLOS, i to njihove socijalne značajke (radni i obrazovni status, visinu primanja, bračni status, broj djece i sl.) te životne ciljeve, kao i utvrditi odnos životnih ciljeva i društvenih značajki obožavatelja. S obzirom na to da grupe obožavatelja tvore specifičnu društvenu, u slučaju ovog istraživanja, globalnu grupu, odnos njihovih životnih ciljeva te njihovih društvenih značajki smješten je u kontekst kulture, globalizacije i multikulturalizma. Dakle očekuje se kako će pojedinci – obožavatelji, okupljeni oko ovog specifičnog, ne-žanrovskog tipa glazbe, pripadajući različitim kulturama te društvenim miljeima ipak dijeliti specifične životne ciljeve, koji su ih doveli u međusobni odnos i izgradili potrebu za pripadanjem grupi obožavatelja. U istraživanje se krenulo od pretpostavke kako su obožavatelji uglavnom mlađe životne dobi, ženskog spola, izvan bračnih/partnerskih zajednica te bez djece. Kada je riječ o glazbenom obrazovanju i preferencijama, pretpostavili smo da obožavatelji nemaju glazbeno obrazovanje, a kao preferirane glazbene žanrove očekivali smo mainstream-popularne izričaje i umjetničku glazbu. Kada je riječ o domenama životnih ciljeva, pretpostavili smo da će s obzirom na očekivanu dobnu strukturu uzorka ciljevi intimnosti biti dominantni, kao i da će ciljevi postignuća i moći biti manje izraženi. S obzirom na odnos životnih ciljeva i sociodemografskih značajki obožavatelja pretpostavljena je viša izraženost ciljeva intimnosti kod mlađih sudionika, kao i viša izraženost ciljeva moći i postignuća kod sudionika s višim primanjima te višim razinama obrazovanja. Naime, prema poznatim razvojnim teorijama, primjerice Eriksonovoj teoriji psihosocijalnog razvoja (Erikson, 1980.) ili teoriji razvojnih zadataka (Havighurst, 1972.), razdoblje mlađe odrasle dobi obilježeno je intimnošću bilo kao psihosocijalnom razvojnom krizom ili kao jednim od nekoliko razvojnih zadataka. Nadalje, istraživanja koja su se bavila rodnim razlikama u izraženosti pojedinih motiva ili vrijednosti kod pojedinaca uputila su na jasne rodne razlike, pri čemu su kod muškaraca izraženiji motivi postignuća i moći, a kod žena povezanosti i intimnosti (Denzinger i sur., 2016.), odnosno žene u odnosu na muškarce manje vrednuju moć i postignuće (Schwartz i Rubel, 2005.). Navedene su pretpostavke proizašle iz pregleda literaturnih izvora na temu grupa obožavatelja, ali i iz konkretnog naziva koji si je ova grupa obožavatelja sama odabrala. Naime konkretno ime Cellogirls implicira kako je riječ uglavnom o ženskim osobama, mlađe životne dobi, izvan bračnih/partnerskih zajednica te bez djece. Nadalje, pretpostavka o preferiranim glazbenim žanrovima utemeljena je na tipu glazbe koji duo 2CELLOS najčešće i izvodi i sukladno kojem se i promovira, a to je upravo spoj rock i

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Hrvatski violončelistički duo 2CELLOS, koji popularnost duguje suvremenim društvenim promjenama i tehnološkim naprecima unutar glazbenoga svijeta, svojom je glazbom prevladao granice različitih svjetskih kultura te utjecao na stvaranje svjetske zajednice obožavatelja, koja prema svojim sociokulturnim obilježjima oblikuje nove oblike supkultura. Te različite, virtualne, online, Facebook i Twitter grupe obožavatelja, koji su sami sebe nazvali Cellogirls, primjer su društvene grupe s postavljenom društvenom strukturom, prividnom hijerarhijom, ulogama, normama i vrijednostima, svojevrsno društvo u malom koje povezuje upravo naklonjenost tom hrvatskom duu. Takvu grupu obožavatelja, kao dio potkulturnog kapitala, karakterizira visoka interaktivnost i obostrani utjecaj, kako glazbe na njezino djelovanje tako i obožavatelja na glazbenu industriju. Obožavatelji djeluju u ulozi najistaknutijih potrošača glazbe kao robe, izgrađujući unutar toga odnosa vlastite identitete i značenja svakodnevnice.

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popularne glazbe s klasičnim notama. U medijskim istupima članovi dua uvijek ističu kako je jedan od njihovih ciljeva glazbom prevladati razlike među žanrovima i objediniti obožavatelje više različitih glazbenih izričaja.

2. Metoda istraživanja 2.1. Uzorak i postupak istraživanja U istraživanju je sudjelovalo ukupno 188 sudionika iz 37 različitih zemalja svijeta (Novi Zeland, Australija, Tajland, Malezija, Libanon, Japan, Izrael, Armenija, Meksiko, Čile, Brazil, Argentina, SAD, Kanada, Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo, Turska, Švedska, Španjolska, Srbija, Slovenija, Rusija, Rumunjska, Portugal, Poljska, Njemačka, Norveška, Malta, Makedonija, Mađarska, Italija, Francuska, Estonija, Češka, Bugarska, Belgija, Austrija i Hrvatska). S obzirom na raspršenost globalnog uzorka, korištena je online inačica anketnog upitnika konstruiranog za potrebe ovog istraživanja. Sudionici su uzorkovani svojevrsnom online inačicom snowball metode uzorkovanja, pri čemu je poveznica za online anketu dijeljena unutar zatvorenih Facebook grupa obožavatelja. Cilj je bio prikupiti osnovne sociodemografske podatke, podatke o glazbenim navikama te kategorizirati životne ciljeve grupe obožavatelja dua 2CELLOS. U uzorku je bilo 92,02% žena i 7,98% muškaraca, što je s obzirom na vrstu obožavatelja bilo i očekivano. Uzorak sudionika podijeljen je prema razvojnim značajkama dobnih skupina na tri dijela, kasne adolescente (do 21 godinu starosti), mlađu odraslu dob (do 45 godina) te odraslu i stariju dob (više od 46 godina), pri čemu je udio sudionika do 21 godinu starosti iznosio 23,94%, od 22 do 45 godina 53,72%, a starijih od 46 godina bilo je 22,34%. Istraživanje je provedeno u razdoblju od rujna 2015. do kraja travnja 2016. godine, tijekom kojeg je anketa bila dostupna na internetskoj stranici SurveyMonkey.com. Prikupljeni podaci analizirani su primjenom statističke aplikacije STATISTICA12.

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2.2. Instrument istraživanja

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Anketni upitnik, izrađen na engleskom jeziku zbog strukture uzorka, sastojao se od dvaju dijelova. Prvi je dio uključivao 18 pitanja zatvorenog tipa kojima su prikupljeni podaci o relevantnim sociodemografskim značajkama sudionika (spol, dob, zemlja, bračni status, broj djece, razina obrazovanja, radni status, visina i izvor prihoda, religijska pripadnost, glazbeno obrazovanje). Sva su pitanja u prvom dijelu upitnika bila zatvorena, s unaprijed ponuđenim odgovorima, pri čemu je zadatak sudionika bio odabrati jednu od ponuđenih mogućnosti. Drugi dio upitnika bila je Skraćena verzija upitnika važnosti životnih ciljeva (Tucak Junaković, 2008.), koja predstavlja adaptaciju Upitnika životnih ciljeva autora Pöhlmanna i Brunsteina (1997.). Upitnik se sastoji od 16 životnih ciljeva, koji se odnose na četiri domene životnih ciljeva: ciljeve intimnosti, altruizma, moći i dostignuća. Zadatak je sudionika bio procijeniti koliko im je važno postići svaki od 16 ciljeva na skali Likertova tipa od pet stupnjeva, gdje 1 znači „uopće mi nije važno“, a 5 znači „vrlo mi je važno“. Provedena eksploratorna


T. Gutović, I. Reić Ercegovac: Osobne značajke i životni ciljevi grupe obožavatelja Cellogirls

faktorska analiza metodom glavnih komponenata uz varimax normaliziranu rotaciju potvrdila je četverofaktorsku strukturu te su formirani ukupni rezultati za četiri podskale, odnosno četiri domene životnih ciljeva. Koeficijenti pouzdanosti iznosili su Cronbach α = ,78 za podskalu altruizma, Cronbach α = ,80 za ciljeve moći, Cronbach α = ,81 za ciljeve intimnosti te Cronbach α = ,84 za ciljeve dostignuća.

3. Rezultati U tablici 1. prikazani su podaci prikupljeni dijelom upitnika koji se odnosi na sociodemografske značajke sudionika.

Varijabla seksualna orijentacija

bračni status

broj djece

Obrazovanje

radni status

visina primanja

kategorije heteroseksualna homoseksualna biseksualna ostalo samci u romantičnoj vezi u (izvan)bračnoj zajednici u kohabitaciji razvedeni udovci/udovice ostalo nijedno jedno ostalo osnovno srednjoškolsko visoko (prvostupnici ili magistri) doktorat ostalo još se školuje stalno zaposleni povremeno zaposleni samostalna djelatnost (samozaposleni) nezaposleni/mirovina u mirovini ostalo do 100 USD mjesečno od 101do 500 USD mjesečno od 501 do 1000 USD mjesečno od 1001 do 2000 USD mjesečno od 2001 do 3000 USD mjesečno od 3001 do 5000 USD mjesečno preko 5000 USD mjesečno ostalo

% sudionika 91,53 2,12 4,76 1,59 49,47 9,57 26,60 5,32 6,91 1,59 0,54 60,32 38,10 1,58 2,54 30,16 59,26 4,23 3,70 34,92 31,22 8,47 13,23 3,70 3,70 4,75 22,75 16,40 14,29 15,87 8,47 11.64 6,88 3,70

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Tablica 1. Sociodemografske značajke sudionika istraživanja

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Varijabla glavni izvor prihoda

religijska pripadnost

politička orijentacija

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glazbeno obrazovanje

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kategorije roditelji i/ili skrbnici stipendija vlastiti rad (plaća) primanja partnera nasljedstvo mirovina ostalo kršćani ateisti ili ne pripadaju nijednoj vjeri islam budizam ostali liberalna konzervativna centar nikakvo opredjeljenje ostalo nema nikakvo samouki privatna poduka osnovna ili srednja glazbena škola akademska glazbena naobrazba ostalo

% sudionika 25,40 6,88 48,68 10,58 1,06 3,17 4,23 57,67 30,68 4,23 3,17 4,25 19,58 9,52 11,64 55,56 3,70 36,51 12,70 26,98 12,70 2,65 7,94

Glazbeni ukus sudionika procijenjen je na temelju njihovih odabira glazbenih žanrova, pri čemu je ponuđeno ukupno 16 glazbenih žanrova, sukladno popisu glazbenih žanrova s internetske stranice MusicGenres, te je sudionicima ostavljena mogućnost otvorenog odgovora ukoliko preferirani žanr nije ponuđen. Preferencije glazbenih žanrova koji su bili najčešće odabrani prikazane su na slici 1. Vidljivo je da se većina sudionika opredijelila za rock, klasičnu i popularnu glazbu, dok su ostali žanrovi odabirani sa značajno manjom učestalošću. Ovdje je bitno istaknuti kako je glazba koja je oblikovala grupu obožavatelja proučavanu u ovom istraživanju specifična upravo zbog žanrovske nepripadnosti. Ipak, riječ je o fenomenu koji objedinjuje često teorijski suprotstavljene klasičnu i popularnu glazbu, te stvara novu, svjetsku glazbu bez žanrovske podjele. Kada je riječ o posjećivanju glazbenih koncerata, manje od deset koncerata u životu posjetilo je 27,51% sudionika, 11 – 20 koncerata 26,46% sudionika, 21 – 50 koncerata 25,4% sudionika, a ostali (20,63%) su posjetili preko 50 koncerata. Učestalost posjećivanja koncerata dua 2CELLOS manja je nego što bi se očekivalo: 48,15% sudionika nije bilo ni na jednom njihovom koncertu, 41,27% sudionika posjetilo je 1 – 2 koncerta, 7,94% 3 – 5 koncerata, a 2,12% sudionika posjetilo je 6 – 15 njihovih koncerata.


Gutović, I.koncertu, Reić Ercegovac: Osobne značajke i životnijeciljevi obožavatelja Cellogirls jednom T. njihovom 41,27% sudionika posjetilo 1 – grupe 2 koncerta, 7,94% 3 – 5

koncerata, a 2,12% sudionika posjetilo je 6 – 15 njihovih koncerata. Slika 1. Glazbene preferencije sudionika

Na slici 2. prikazani su odgovori sudionika na pitanje o posjedovanju profila i koSlika 1. Glazbene preferencije rištenju različitih društvenih mreža. Pri tome se sudionika od sudionika tražilo da označe sve društvene mreže kojima se koriste (uslijed čega je ukupni postotak odgovora veći Može sesuzaključiti je Facebook i dalje najpopularnija društvena mreža, Na od slici100). 2. prikazani odgovori da sudionika na pitanje o posjedovanju profila i korištenju odabralo je nešto manje od 90% sudionika, slijede Twitter, koji koristi nešto više različitih društvenih mreža. Pri tome se od sudionika tražilo da označe sve društvene mreže od 60% sudionika, te Instagram, koji je odabralo nešto manje od 50% sudionika. Kada kojima se koriste čegai jepodijele ukupni postotak odgovora veći od 100). Može se zaključiti se zbroje svi (uslijed odgovori s brojem sudionika, rezultati pokazuju da svaki imai profil na prosječno društvena oko tri društvene mreže. je nešto manje od 90% da sudionik je Facebook dalje najpopularnija mreža, odabralo sudionika, slijede Twitter, koji koristi nešto više od 60% sudionika, te Instagram, koji je Slika 2. Udio sudionika koji imaju profilsudionika. i aktivno koriste mreže odabralo nešto manje od 50% Kadadruštvene se zbroje svi odgovori i podijele s brojem

sudionika, rezultati pokazuju da svaki sudionik ima profil na prosječno oko tri društvene

12

Slika 2. Udio sudionika koji imaju profil i aktivno koriste društvene mreže Na slici 3. prikazani su odgovori sudionika na Upitniku životnih ciljeva, odnosno ukupni prosječni rezultati sudionika za četiri domene ciljeva. Vidljivo je da su sudionici postigli

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mreže.

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Na sliciSlika 3. prikazani su odgovori sudionika na Upitniku životnihmreže ciljeva, odnosno 2. Udio sudionika koji imaju profil i aktivno koriste društvene ukupni prosječni rezultati sudionika za četiri domene ciljeva. Vidljivo je da su sudinajviši rezultat na domeni i domeni postignuća, nešto niži Naonici slici postigli 3. prikazani su odgovori sudionika na intimnosti Upitniku životnih ciljeva, odnosno ukupni rezultat ostvaren je za domenu altruizma, a sudionici su najmanje važnim procijenili prosječni rezultati sudionika za četiri domene ciljeva. Vidljivo je da su sudionici postigli ostvarivanje ciljeva moći. najviši rezultat na domeni intimnosti i domeni postignuća, nešto niži rezultat ostvaren je za Slika 3. altruizma, a sudionici su najmanje važnim procijenili ostvarivanje ciljeva moći. domenu Izraženost domena životnih ciljeva obožavatelja

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Kako bi se ispitale u domenama životnih s obzirom na neke sociSlika 3.razlike Izraženost domena životnih ciljevaciljeva obožavatelja odemografske značajke (bračni status, radni status), provedeno je nekoliko jednosmjernih analiza varijance. Pri tome su pojedine kategorije nezavisnih varijabli spojene budući da je u nekim kategorijama bio suviše mali broj sudionika, te13ne bi bilo opravdano raditi takve usporedbe. Stoga su, kada je riječ o bračnom statusu, uspoređeni životni ciljevi među onima u bračnoj/izvanbračnoj zajednici, samcima te razvedenima/udovcima. Kada je riječ o radnom statusu, uspoređeni su rezultati sudionika koji se još školuju (studenata), zaposlenih i nezaposlenih.

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Jednosmjerne analize varijance provedene na rezultatima domena životnih ciljeva s bračnim statusom kao nezavisnom varijablom pokazale su da postoje značajne razlike u domenama intimnosti (F = 3,87; df = 2,185; p = ,022) i moći (F=3,71; df = 2,185; p = ,026), dok u ostalim dvjema domenama nije utvrđen značajan efekt bračnog statusa (Fpostignuće = 0,46; df = 2,185; p = ,633; Faltruizam = 1,011; df = 2,185; p = ,366). Naknadna je analiza razlika po skupinama za domenu intimnosti pokazala da se značajno razlikuju sudionici u bračnoj/izvanbračnoj zajednici od onih razvedenih (Scheffe test, p < ,05) te samci u odnosu na razvedene/udovce (Scheffe test, p < ,05). Pri tome je najviši rezultat na intimnosti u skupini sudionika koji su u bračnoj/ izvanbračnoj zajednici (M = 4,42), potom u skupini samaca (M = 4,16) te u skupini razvedenih/udovaca (M = 3,96). Za domenu moći naknadna je analiza pokazala da se značajno razlikuju samo samci i razvedeni (Scheffe test, p < ,05). Najviši je rezultat utvrđen u skupini samaca (M = 2,94), potom u skupini sudionika koji su u bračnoj/


T. Gutović, I. Reić Ercegovac: Osobne značajke i životni ciljevi grupe obožavatelja Cellogirls

izvanbračnoj zajednici (M = 2,78), a najniži rezultat u skupini razvedenih/udovaca (M = 2,32). Nadalje, jednosmjerne analize varijance provedene na rezultatima domena životnih ciljeva s radnim statusom kao nezavisnom varijablom pokazale su da postoje značajne razlike u domenama moći (F = 10,91; df = 2,185; p = ,000) i postignuća (F = 3,23; df = 2,185; p = ,042), dok u ostalim dvjema domenama nije utvrđen značajan efekt radnog statusa (Fintimnost = 0,02; df = 2,185; p = ,981; Faltruizam = 1,834; df = 2,185; p = ,162). Naknadna je analiza po skupinama za domenu moći pokazala da se sve skupine međusobno značajno razlikuju (Scheffe test, p < ,05), pri čemu je najviši rezultat utvrđen u skupini sudionika koji se još školuju, odnosno studenata (M = 3,17), zatim u skupini zaposlenih (M = 2,69) te u skupini nezaposlenih/umirovljenih (M = 2,27). Za domenu postignuća naknadna je analiza pokazala da postoji značajna razlika između studenata / onih koji se još školuju i nezaposlenih (Scheffe test, p < ,05) te između zaposlenih i nezaposlenih sudionika (Scheffe test, p < ,05). Pri tome su viši rezultati utvrđeni u skupini studenata (M = 4,28) i zaposlenih (M = 4,27), a značajno niži u skupini nezaposlenih/umirovljenih (M = 3,82). Konačno, jednosmjerne analize varijance provedene na rezultatima domena životnih ciljeva s političkim opredjeljenjem kao nezavisnom varijablom pokazale su značajnu razliku jedino u domeni postignuća (F = 3,04; df = 3,184; p = ,03), dok u ostalima nije utvrđena značajna razlika s obzirom na političko opredjeljenje (Fintimnost = 0,36; df = 3,184; p = ,777; Faltruizam = 2,347; df = 3,184; p = ,069; Fmoć = 0,76; df = 3,184; p = ,518). U domeni postignuća najniži su rezultat postigli sudionici koji su naveli konzervativno političko opredjeljenje (M = 3,78), dok između ostalih nije bilo značajne razlike (Mliberalni = 4,34; Mcentar = 4,40; Mbez opredjeljenja = 4,26). Odnos između ostalih sociodemografskih varijabli i izraženosti domena životnih ciljeva izračunat je pomoću odgovarajućih koeficijenata korelacije, koji su prikazani u tablici 2. Tablica 2. Koeficijenti korelacija između osnovnih sociodemografskih varijabli i izraženosti životnih ciljeva obožavatelja 2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

1. dob 2. broj djece

,51**

1,00

,14

,11

1,00

4. prihodi

,59**

,40**

,21**

1,00

5. intimnost

-,03

,04

-,01

,05

1,00

-,26**

-,14

,05

-,09

,36**

1,00

7. postignuće

-,07

-,11

,08

,16*

,58**

,45**

1,00

8. altruizam

-,08

,02

,00

,10

,61**

,37**

,58**

3. razina obrazovanja

6. moć

8.

1,00

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

1. 1,00

*p < ,05; **p < ,01

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Sociologija i prostor, 55 (2017) 209 (3): 253-269

Iz tablice 2. vidljivo je da postoji značajna povezanost između izraženosti svih životnih ciljeva, pri čemu je najviša povezanost utvrđena između altruizma i intimnosti (r = ,61; p < ,01), što je i očekivano budući da se tu radi o ciljevima zajedništva (Tucak Junaković, 2008.). Kada je riječ o povezanosti osnovnih sociodemografskih varijabli i životnih ciljeva, pokazalo se da mlađi obožavatelji imaju izraženiji cilj moći (r = -,26; p < ,01), kao i da je onima s višim prihodima važnije postignuće kao domena životnih ciljeva (r = ,16; p < ,05). Ostale sociodemografske varijable nisu se pokazale povezanima s izraženošću životnih ciljeva obožavatelja.

4. Rasprava

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Postoje stereotipi o obožavateljima određenih glazbenih izvođača ili žanrova. Primjerice obožavatelji rap glazbe obično se percipiraju kao opasni za druge, a obožavatelji heavy metal glazbe kao skloni autodestruktivnim ponašanjima (Fried, 2003.). Tako se i u ovo istraživanje krenulo od pretpostavke da su obožavatelji dua 2CELLOS uglavnom mlađe osobe ženskog spola izvan bračnih i/ili partnerskih zajednica, bez djece i bez glazbenog obrazovanja. Stoga je cilj provedenog istraživanja bio ispitati obilježja obožavatelja dua 2CELLOS, i to njihove socijalne značajke (radni i obrazovni status, visinu primanja, bračni status, broj djece i sl.) te izraženost životnih ciljeva. Rezultati su pokazali da su obožavatelji uglavnom mlađi sudionici, premda je udio starijih od 46 godina čak 22,34%, što pokazuje da obožavatelji nisu isključivo dio mlađe populacije. Nadalje, obožavatelji su podjednako samci kao i oni u partnerskim zajednicama, a većina nema djecu ili ima najviše jedno dijete. Prema obrazovnom i radnom statusu većina obožavatelja ima neki oblik visokog obrazovanja te su uglavnom zaposleni ili se još uvijek školuju. Zanimljivo je da je većina sudionika bez političkog opredjeljenja, a s obzirom na religijsku orijentaciju nešto manje od trećine izjasnili su se kao ateisti, dok je najviše bilo pripadnika kršćanske zajednice.

264

Suprotno očekivanjima, većina obožavatelja ima neki oblik glazbenog obrazovanja, a samo jedna trećina sudionika navela je da nema nikakvo glazbeno obrazovanje. Kada je riječ o glazbenom ukusu, većina sudionika preferira rock glazbu i klasičnu glazbu, što je, kada se promotri opus instrumentalnog dua 2CELLOS, zapravo i logično. Naime članovi benda visoko su obrazovani klasični glazbenici, s diplomama prestižnih europskih glazbenih akademija. Svoju su pak globalnu popularnost stekli 2011. godine objavljivanjem videa s čelističkom obradom pjesme Michaela Jacksona Smooth Criminal na YouTubeu. Od tih početaka jedno od temeljnih obilježja njihovog glazbenog opusa spajanje je rock, pop i klasične glazbe, primjerice pjesme Iron Maidena The Trooper s djelom William Tell Overture Gioachina Rossinija ili pak Beethovenove Pete simfonije s pjesmom Whole Lotta Love britanskog benda Led Zeppelin. Stoga je moguće zaključiti da su glazbene preferencije sudionika u skladu s glazbenim žanrovima koje 2CELLOS na poseban način i izvodi. Ono što iznenađuje relativno je slaba posjećenost koncerata dua 2CELLOS, budući da gotovo polovina sudionika nije nikada bila na njihovom koncertu, većina ostalih na jednom ili dvama koncertima, a tek je 10% sudionika bilo na više od dvaju koncerata. S obzirom na to da njihova globalna popularnost traje već više od pet godina te da održavaju koncerte na svim kontinentima, može se zaključiti kako posjećivanje koncerata nije jedna od važnijih


T. Gutović, I. Reić Ercegovac: Osobne značajke i životni ciljevi grupe obožavatelja Cellogirls

Među domenama životnih ciljeva sudionici su u prosjeku ciljeve zajedništva (intimnost i altruizam) procijenili važnima, prema vrlo važnima (Cintimnost = 4,5; Caltruizam = 4,0; na skali od 1 do 5), dok su ciljeve djelovanja (moć i postignuće) u prosjeku procijenili osrednje važnima, iako je razlika između ciljeva moći i postignuća značajna (Cmoć = 2,75; Cposti= 4,25 na skali od 1 do 5). Obožavatelji se osrednje slažu u procjenama važnosti gnuće životnih ciljeva (Kendallov koeficijent slaganja = ,48). Intimnost kao najistaknutiji među ciljevima u skladu je s poimanjem obožavatelja kao pojedinaca koji pokušavaju zadovoljiti svoju potrebu za intimnošću odnosima s predmetom ili predmetima obožavanja (Wang, 2016.) ili pak pojedincima s kojima se povezuju u svrhu zajedničkog obožavanja poznate osobe, zvijezde, grupe izvođača i drugih. To bi značilo da pojedinci koji se smatraju obožavateljima ne uspijevaju u stvarnome životu realizirati zadovoljavajuće socijalne odnose kroz koje ili u kojima bi uspješno zadovoljavali potrebu za intimnošću i povezanošću. Ostvarenje intimnosti očito im je vrlo važno, pa je moguće da sudjelujući u grupnom obožavanju dua 2CELLOS na određeni način ostvaruju i taj cilj. Zanimljivo je primijetiti kako je potreba za intimnošću izraženija u skupini sudionika koji su u bračnoj/izvanbračnoj zajednici nego kod samaca. Navedeno potvrđuje tezu Hortona i Wohla (1956.), prema kojoj obožavatelji osobno kreirajući karakteristike poznate osobe, zvijezde koju obožavaju, ostvaruju s njome parasocijalni odnos kako bi na-

2

Hashtag označava riječ ispred koje se piše znak # (ljestve, engl. hash mark) koja služi za isticanje ključne riječi ili fraze na društvenim mrežama. Upotreba hashtagova omogućuje pretraživanje svih objava na društvenim mrežama koje su upotrijebile istu oznaku (Dictionary, 2016.).

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

aktivnosti i tipičnih ponašanja obožavatelja. Popularnost glazbenih izvođača danas je više nego ikad vezana uz digitalne medije, a ne živu glazbu. U doba ovisnosti o medijima celebrityji su uzori ili modeli svojim fanovima koji su s njima u umjetnim socijalnim relacijama (Caughey, 1978.). U tom kontekstu Jenson navodi i tzv. patološki fandom, koji ustvari predstavlja pokušaj psihološke kompenzacije. Riječ je o pokušaju nadomještanja unutarnjih nedostataka te traženju identiteta, povezanosti i smisla putem obožavanja poznatih osoba i grupne lojalnosti (Jenson, 1992.). Takvi obožavatelji, navodi autorica, imaju krhko samopoštovanje, slabe ili nepostojeće socijalne odnose te dosadan stvarni život. Odlasci na koncerte ili filmske festivale i televizijske konvencije gdje je moguć ,,stvaran“ kontakt s idolima tek su usputne i rjeđe aktivnosti od već navedenih u virtualnom svijetu. No dijeljenje sadržaja, retweetanje objava drugih osoba o svom idolu, slanje izravnih poruka idolima, lajkanje stranica na Facebooku, praćenje osobnih profila zvijezda na Instagramu, pisanje blogova i sudjelovanje u diskusijama na Tumblru o najnovijim događajima u serijama, životima glumaca ili pjevača, kreiranje vlastitih fotografija ili kolaža s fotografijama iz omiljenih serija, filmova ili bendova, pisanje fanfiction priča, odabir i aktivno pripadanje grupi koja podržava određeni ljubavni par u filmu ili seriji (engl. shipping), korištenje popularnih hashtagova2 kako bi se povećala interaktivnost i postigao trending određene teme na Twitteru predstavlja aktivnosti koje danas postaju dio svakodnevice obožavatelja. Tome u prilog idu i podaci iz ovoga istraživanja, koji pokazuju da obožavatelji prosječno aktivno koriste barem tri društvene mreže, dok s druge strane rijetko posjećuju koncerte svojih glazbenih idola.

265


Sociologija i prostor, 55 (2017) 209 (3): 253-269

domjestili nedostatak potrebnih karakteristika kod bliskih osoba s kojima ostvaruju stvarne socijalne interakcije (Horton i Wohl, 1956., prema Wang, 2016.). Potreba za pripadanjem grupi, koja se očituje kroz izraženu potrebu za ostvarivanjem intimnosti, u ovom je istraživanju popraćena izraženom potrebom mlađih sudionika za ostvarivanjem moći i postignuća. S obzirom na sve veću ulogu medija, a time i glazbe, u socijalizaciji pojedinaca, očite su sve češće identifikacije mladih s glazbom koju slušaju i s izvođačima koji je izvode. Obožavatelji koji se i dalje školuju, odnosno studenti, ističući potrebu za moći i postignućem očito se još uvijek ne identificiraju samo kao obožavatelji, odnosno ne prihvaćaju preuzimanje opće neprihvatljivog kulturnog identiteta izgrađenog na nečem tako trivijalnom kao što je film, serija, slavna osoba ili glazbena zvijezda (Hills, 2002.). Također, u mlađoj je dobi češće shvaćanje zvijezda, u ovom slučaju članova dua 2CELLOS, kao životnih uzora koji mladima svojom pričom o uspjehu postavljaju jasne ciljeve samoostvarenja, ambicioznosti, ostvarivanja snova i u konačnici ostvarivanja moći u svojoj poslovnoj domeni, odnosno glazbi. Navedeno potvrđuje rezultate etnografije Frasera i Browna, prema kojima obožavatelji ne samo da prate objekte svog obožavanja već i preuzimaju njihove životne norme i vrijednosti, što rezultira promjenama u osobnostima i identitetu obožavatelja (Fraser i Brown, 2002., prema Click i sur., 2013.). Ukoliko uzmemo u obzir kako među sudionicima istraživanja prevladavaju žene, ne iznenađuje činjenica kako one konzervativnog političkog opredjeljenja pokazuju najmanje izraženu želju za postignućem. Navedeno možemo opravdati tradicionalnim i patrijarhalnim shvaćanjem društva iz te političke perspektive, prema kojoj je muškarac dominantno taj koji ostvaruje postignuće u financijskom i poslovnom smislu, dok su žene više orijentirane na sfere intimnosti, odnosno osnivanje i vođenje obitelji.

5. Zaključak

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Grupe obožavatelja u pravom su smislu društvene grupe pojedinaca s ustaljenom strukturom, organizacijom, normama i aktivnostima, koje postaju zanimljiv izvor informacija i oblikuju brojna suvremena istraživačka pitanja. Konstruirane su po principu ,,umreženog individualizma“ te povezuju pojedince željne grupne pripadnosti, kreirajući zajednice visoke afektivne važnosti bez obzira na prostorno-geografsko pripadanje identiteta pojedinca (Wellman, 2001., prema Baym, 2007.).

266

Rezultati ovoga istraživanja pokazali su kako su obožavatelji dua 2CELLOS relativno heterogena skupina, iako prevladavaju osobe ženskog spola, mlađe dobi, s nekim oblikom glazbenog obrazovanja, bez političkih preferencija, viših razina obrazovanja i osrednjih prihoda. Ciljevi intimnosti, postignuća i altruizma visoko su im i podjednako važni. Kada je riječ o tipičnim ponašanjima, treba istaknuti kako je posjećivanje koncerata zapravo slabo zastupljeno, a rezultati impliciraju kako su glavni vidovi obožavateljskih ponašanja preneseni dominantno na internet, odnosno društvene mreže. Prikazanom visokom potrebom za ostvarivanjem intimnosti ta grupa obožavatelja potvrđuje teorije o obožavateljima kao pojedincima koji sa slavnom osobom koju prate, pa makar samo i preko društvenih mreža i interneta, teže ostvariti prisan odnos i emocionalnu povezanost. Također, specifične poruke o uspjehu,


T. Gutović, I. Reić Ercegovac: Osobne značajke i životni ciljevi grupe obožavatelja Cellogirls

marljivosti, trudu i zalaganju, koje u gotovo svim javnim nastupima i intervjuima ističu članovi dua 2CELLOS, zasigurno su uvjetovale visoku važnost postignuća i altruizma u životima članova grupe njihovih obožavatelja. S obzirom na to da je riječ uglavnom o pojedincima mlađe životne dobi, jasno je kako glazbenici kao što su njih dvojica, koji svoj globalni uspjeh i slavu duguju isključivo vlastitoj marljivosti i inovativnosti, postaju uzor pri izgradnji identiteta i uspjeha, odnosno nit vodilja u samoostvarenju svojih obožavatelja.

1. Austin, J. T. and Vancouver, J. B. (1996). Goal constructs in psychology: Structure, process, and content. Psychological Bulletin, 120 (3): 338-375. 2. Baym, N. K. (2007). The new shape of online community: The example of Swedish independent music fandom. The First Monday, 12 (8). http://firstmonday.org/article/view/1978/1853. (Pregledano 30.5.2016.) 3. Bennett, L. (2012). Patterns of listening through social media: online fan engagement with the live music experience. Social Semiotics, 22 (5): 545-557. 4. Cavicchi, D. (1998). Tramps Like Us. Music & Meaning Among Springsteen Fans. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press. 5. Click, M. A.; Lee, H. and Wilson Holladay, H. (2013). Making Monsters: Lady Gaga, Fan Identification, and Social Media. Popular Music and Society, 36 (3): 360379. www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/03007766.2013.798546. (Pregledano 13.12.2016.) 6. Dictionary (2016). Hashtag. http://www.dictionary.com/browse/hashtag. (Pregledano 13.12.2016.) 7. Denzinger, F.; Backes, S.; Job, V.; Brandstätter, V. (2016). Age and gender differences in implicit motives. Journal of Research in Personality, 65: 52-61. 8. Duffett, M. (2013). Introduction: Directions in Music Fan Research: Undiscovered Territories and Hard Problems. Popular Music and Society, 36 (3): 299-304. 9. Emmons, R. A. (1986). Personal strivings: an approach to personality and subjective well-being. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 51: 1058-1068. 10. Erikson, E. H. (1980). Identity and the life cycle. New York: Norton. 11. Fiske, J. (2002). Popularna kultura. Beograd: Clio. 12. Fried, C. B. (2003). Stereotypes of Music Fans: Are Rap and Heavy Metal Fans a Danger to Themselves or Others? Journal of Media Psychology, 8 (3): 1-27. 13. Grossberg, L. (2006). Is There a Fan in the House? The affective sensibility of fandom, in: Marshall, P. D. (Ed.). The Celebrity Culture Reader. New York: Routledge, 196-222. 14. Havighurst, R. (1972). Developmental Tasks and Education. New York: David McKay. 15. Hills, M. (2002). Fan Cultures. London and New York: Routledge. 16. Jenson, J. (1992). Fandom as Pathology: The Consequences of Characterization, in: Lewis, L. A. (Ed.). Adoring Audiences: Fan Culture and Popular Media. London and New York: Routledge, 9-29. 17. Lewis, L. A. (1992). Introduction, in: Lewis, L. A. (Ed.). Adoring Audiences: Fan Culture and Popular Media. London and New York: Routledge, 1-6.

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Izvorni znanstveni rad

Tea Gutović University of Zagreb, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Croatia e-mail: tgutovic@gmail.com Ina Reić Ercegovac University of Split, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Department of Psychology, Croatia e-mail: inareic@ffst.hr

Personal Characteristics and Life Goals of “Cellogirls“ Fan Group Abstract It is not easy to research and analyse the concept of fans and fan groups. In order to adequately comprehend and study their characteristics, principles, activities and behaviour patterns, both the social and cultural context are essential. This paper presents the results of research on some characteristics of 2CELLOS fans that was conducted on the sample of 188 respondents from all over the world. The data about relevant socio-demographic characteristics were collected by using an online questionnaire which consisted of close-ended questions; a shorter version of the scale for testing the importance of life goals was also applied. The survey results show that the 2CELLOS fan group is not homogeneous in its sociodemographic characteristics, although most members are young heterosexual women with a higher level of education, no clear political commitment and some kind of music education and experience. As for life goals, intimacy and achievement rank highest.

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Key words: fans, 2CELLOS, Cellogirls, socio-demographic characteristics, music, life goals.

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DOI 10.5673/sip.55.3.2 UDK 316.334.52(470):316.7 Izvorni znanstveni rad

Internal Colonization and the Phenomenon of Moscow-phobia in Russian Province Regions1 Nadezhda K. Radina National Research University Higher School of Economics, Department of Social Sciences, Nizhny Novgorod, Russia e-mail: rasv@yandex.ru

Mariia V. Koskina State University of New York at Binghamton, Department of History, Binghamton, USA e-mail: mariakoskina00@gmail.com ABSTRACT The article presents the results of investigation of the social phenomenon of Moscow-phobia based on empirical data that include 881 interviews taken in the Nizhny Novgorod region in 2002 and 2014. The analysis of Moscow-phobia builds on Alexander Etkind’s thesis that internal colonization reproduces cultural distance. The findings are explained in the context of two theories of internal colonization, Marxist and post-colonial. Earlier, Rossman described five concepts of Moscow-phobia based on territorial economic inequalities and the political hegemony of the center. This study complements the list with the new forms, as the participants express their anxiety centered on the cultural distance and the domination of province.

Key words: internal colonization, Moscow-phobia, capital, city, territorial inequality.

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This study (research grant № 14-03-00617 “Regional Identity in the Conditions of Social and Economic Changes (Nizhny Novgorod case 2002 – 2014)”) supported by the Russian Foundation for Humanities 2014/2015. Copyright © 2017 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

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Thus, the central argument of this article is that contemporary Russia incorporates both trends (decolonization and reproduction of internal colonialism) in the relationship between the “center” (the capital) and the “periphery” (the regions).

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1. Introduction The studies that claim to produce “knowledge about the city”, regardless of the subject area (architecture, geography, sociology, etc.), are usually done on the basis of specific cities. Thanks to these studies, many already well-known cities have gained special fame in academia. Among the most famous cities represented in urban studies are Paris (Harvey, 2003), Los Angeles (Davis, 2006), San Francisco (Etbington, 2001), London (Onega and Stotesbury, 2002), St. Petersburg (Vakser, 2006; Rubl, 2002) and others. Researchers more often focus on touristic, renowned cities and capitals. Moreover, the researchers have analyzed and described particular capitals in such detail, that they started to overshadow other cities and even the image of the whole country (Rossman, 2013). Nevertheless, the subject of metropolitan area is extremely important for urban planning, since capitals refer to the “special class of cities” (Campbell, 2013). This article features the results of a study that reveals ambiguous relations between the capital (Moscow) and non-capital Russian cities as viewed by the residents of peripheral Russian regions. The interpretation of this phenomena relies on the theory of internal colonization which acquires peculiar characteristics based on Russian material (Gouldner, 1978; Rodoman, 1996; Etkind et al., 2012). The paper starts with the description of the key theoretical ideas that were used to translate empirical facts into scientific interpretations. The studied ambiguous relations of the residents of Russian peripheral regions towards the capital were identified empirically and defined as “Moscow-phobia” (a phenomenon commonly known in Russia largely from mass media discourse). The phenomenon of Moscowphobia was theorized in the context of colonial relations. Next, the program of empirical research and the discussion of its results will be presented. In conclusion, the phenomenon of Moscow-phobia will be inscribed into the conceptual space of internal colonization in the context of scientific discussions about the national specifics of relations between the center and the regions.

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2. Theoretical Field

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2.1. “Center – Periphery” Construct The most general concept that is essential for the analysis of relations between regions is the relationship between the center and the regions. The dichotomous “center-regions” construct constitutes a number of research programs in area studies, although in some concepts and theories it is complicated by the weakening of the dichotomy and by the addition of various semi-peripheral areas to analysis (Wallerstein, 2004).


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The scholarship of relations between the center and the periphery engendered some traditions that allow us to classify concepts and theories about center-peripheral relations in a certain way. Available theories can be divided into universal and specialized. Universal theories, such as the Eisenstadt’s typology describing two types of center-peripheral systems (Eisenstadt, 1981), are relevant for the analysis of the problems between unions, countries, and between territories within one country. Specialized theories explain territorial relations, for instance exclusively on the geopolitical level, such as the concept of peripheral capitalism (Bowles, 1989; Prebisch, 1992), or focus on the characteristics of interaction among local territories within a larger entity, like the theory of internal colonization (Blauner, 1972; Gramsci, 1957; Hechter, 1975 et al.). Spaces and territories are objectively differentiated; they have different parameters, functions and properties. Relations between the central territories (the “center”) and marginal territories (the “periphery”) make up the field of interdisciplinary interest and are studied at the intersection of the disciplines such as geography, economics, politics.

The most famous theoretical paradigms in the study of “center-periphery” relations, as a rule, are classified as follows: • concepts and theories that take into account the historical dimension of “centerperiphery” relations (for example, the theory offered by Rokkan and Urwin who studied the historical-geographical process of state building in Europe) (Rokkan and Urwin, 1996); • concepts and theories that focus on the analysis of territorial management functions (for example, Hartshorne’s concept of regional management in a state) (Hartshorne, 1950)), including the models and concepts employed for analysis of relations between capitals and regions (Taylor, Catalano, Walker, 2002); • concepts and theories that involve socio-economic aspects of center-region relations (for example, Friedmann’s theory of a technologically advanced center and a backward, underdeveloped marginal territories with retarded modernization) (Friedmann, 1966). The paradigms oriented to socio-economic analysis of the development in the center and other territories include the theory of internal colonization. This theory explains the causes of territorial inequality, as well as the social consequences of territorial hierarchies (Hechter, 1975).

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The “centrality” of a territory is secured by the concentration in it of a significant amount of resources for development (labor, economic, social, managerial, information, intellectual, organizational). The center becomes the main generator of production capacities, innovative ideas and other social benefits, market and entrepreneurial activity, information and communications, etc. According to traditional conceptions, the periphery is characterized by catching-up way of development and mainly low dynamics of managerial processes, remaining on subordinate, auxiliary and serving roles.

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2.2. Theoretic Coordinates of Internal Colonization In Russian historiography, the term “internal colonization” is closely related to the name of the historian Kliuchevskii. The latter used the thesis of a philosopher Soloviev on the history of Russia as a country that is constantly being colonized: the colonization area is expanding along with the state territory (Kliuchevskii, 1956). According to established definitions, colonization is a historical process of territorial accession characterized by the growth of state population, while colonialism is the ideological design and rationale for relations of dominance among theories (Etkind, Uffelmann, Kukulin, 2013). When analyzing various aspects of internal colonization in the context of colonial relations, researchers identify hierarchies of territories, relations of domination, subordination and exploitation, and then, they try to define the identified relations of exploitation. Marxian traditions of the late nineteenth century shed light on the relations of economic inequality between the center and the colonized (peripheral) regions making the conclusion about economic exploitation of peripheral regions as a key characteristic of colonial relations in the process of internal colonization.

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V. Lenin formulated one of the most famous versions of Russian internal colonialism that was essentially economic (Lenin, 1971). According to this version, in imperialist power, even the proletariat of the metropole, is subsidized by the proletariat of exploited colonies. In connection with Marxist traditions, internal colonialism is generally defined through economic terms and through political terms of hierarchy and inequality, as an economic exploitation of periphery or province by the “center”. This exploitation in its turn is described in terms of economic, political and cultural dependence (Vagin, 1997).

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Gramsci (1957) followed the Marxian approach examining internal colonization (through the example of Northern and Southern Italy) and economic determination of the cultural sphere (hegemony) and political sphere (domination) of peripheral regions. At the same time, neo-Marxism reinterprets traditional schemes for analysis of internal colonization, paying special attention to cultural transmission (Habermas, 2004). The current theoretical scope of the phenomenon of internal colonization is quite dense and diverse. Nevertheless, it is not the economic, but the cultural factor that becomes decisive in the theories of internal colonization of the second half of the twentieth century. In his analysis of internal colonialism in the United States, Blauner regarded African American population as an exploited group. Here, the components of colonial relations presupposed the compulsory imposition of dominant culture by colonialists (their importation into the metropole as slaves), attempts by the dominant culture to change and control indigenous culture, political domination, economic exploitation, and ideology that justified the authority of the dominant group (Blauner, 1972).


N. K. Radina, M. V. Koskina: Internal Colonization and the Phenomenon of...

Hechter developed his concept of internal colonization with reliance on the culture studies theory (Hechter, 1975:22-34). In his interpretation, the economic dependence of the periphery on the center is supported with legal, political and military measures. The overall economic inequality between the core and the periphery is determined by cultural differences. With internal colonialism understood this way, the development of the territory is determined not by socio-structural or economic processes, but by the state control over the distribution of resources. In modern studies, the conceptual apparatus of internal colonialism is used in discussions around the problems stemming from the relations between the “golden billion” and the rest of the world (Walls, 2008; Calvert, 2001; Netzloff, 2003). The emphasis on culture in recent studies of internal colonization can be explained by the practice of “postcolonial view” on colonial relations. Postcolonial theory, which took shape in the late twentieth century (Fanon, 2008; Said, 1994, 1998, 2003; Spivak, 1998, 2006), highlighted the cultural and ideological dimensions leading to the understanding of colonialism as a “system of discursive exercise of power” (Fisher-Tine, 2010; Ashcroft et al., 1995). The key markers of postcolonial studies approach include the actual denial of possibility of universal truths and stable epistemological foundations, as well as the recognition of linguistic conception of reality and the inevitable relativity of all knowledge. Among the most common interests in postcolonial research, are the experiences of “silenced”, insufficiently represented or unrepresented cultural groups, whose history was associated with political, social, cultural and psychological suppression and thus generated controversy. The emphasis on the complex interaction between the culture of a colonizer and the culture of the colonized, that can take a variety of forms, from assimilation to transculturation, is essential for postcolonial theory.

2.3. Theory of Internal Colonization in Russian Studies

Looking at the culture of Russian cities from the historical perspective, an art critic, media theorist and philosopher Boris Grois discovered the phenomenon of self-colonization. Grois points out to the divergence between the city of Saint-Petersburg, a kind of a European colony on Russian territory, and the rest of the country, the cultural gap between the elites and the peasanty, that resulted from Peter the Great’s efforts to emulate the Western model of modernization (Grois, 1993:358). Grois argues that such internal colonization of Russia by its own people, the progressive intelligentsia that seemed to be rather foreign, immunized the empire against the “real” European colonization. Interestingly, at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century another Western idea, the Marxism, gained popularity in Russia and spread from the largest cities. According to Clark, in the 1930-s,

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The idea of internal colonization has appeared in a number of works in Russian Studies.

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the Soviet officials promoted then the cultural “cult of Moscow” as a “paradigm of the Soviet beauty”; against the background of central planning of economy and the newly developed system of collectivized agriculture Moscow established itself as a metropole, the center of economic planning and cultural production in Russia (Clark, 2011). Gouldner linked the internal colonization with Stalinism arguing that during the revolution, Russian society was represented mainly by peasants, while the Communist party was isolated and elite, claiming to represent a small group of proletariats (Gouldner, 1978). It was the politics of internal colonialism that engendered collectivization. The peasants were the majority; they resisted the Soviet policies and denied the new Bolshevik culture. Thus, Stalin needed to discriminate against the peasants, making them the lowest class. Gouldner calls peasants the Russian Indians, and the Russian village – a reservation.

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Etkind proposed another theory of internal colonialism in the Russian Empire focusing on cultural hegemony and political domination of the “center” (Etkind, 2011). In his research, Etkind paid considerable attention to constructed and reproduced cultural differences and cultural identity in the context of internal colonialism in the Russian Empire. According to him, all forms of domination, maintenance of inequality, and exploitation of the colonized are possible only when a huge cultural gap divides the elites from the common people. The question remains open however, how relevant is the phenomenon of internal colonization described by Etkind regarding the Russian Empire for relationships between Moscow and the “Russian province” today?

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Said (1994) analyzed the construction of the “colonized other” in Orientalism and Culture and Imperialism where he repeated in various forms the same idea. While exploring and reflecting on the relationship between the colonizers and the dominated colonized subjects, the colonizer is not simply creating a way to understand the relations between unequal communicators, but also reconstructs the meanings of cultural practices. Therefore, the theories about the history and culture of oppressed nations may be challenged by these same nations. The concept of “middle ground” was offered to explain the relations between various colonized groups, as it describes the process of understanding between the oppressed (White, 2011). Finally, the study of anti-colonial resistance now includes not only open forms of protest, but the countless forms of rejection, escape, evasion, fraud, passive response (some authors consider any speech acts of the colonized a form of resistance) (Steinman, 2016). In terms of the relations between the Russian regions (Zubarevich, 2010), the idea of the resistance to the reproduction of imperial colonial practices helps to explain the phenomenon of the Moscow-phobia that is insufficiently studied, but rather typical for the post-Soviet space (Rossman, 2013). Rossman was one of the first to use the concept of the Moscow-phobia in his academic and publicist works; following his lead we will refer to this phenomenon as either rational or irrational fear or dislike of Moscow. As a rule, the aversion towards the colonizers is described on material


N. K. Radina, M. V. Koskina: Internal Colonization and the Phenomenon of...

of non-European “barbarians” and “savages”, backward and uncivilized peoples (Davidson, 2007:60-75). The interpretation of center-periphery relations in Russia in terms of the colonial relationship however, allows us to consider the Moscowphobia as “the other” a marker of colonialism in imperial space. Rossman identified the following forms of negative attitudes of provincial Russians towards Moscow and the Muscovites (five concepts of the phobia of Moscow) (Rossman, 2014): • the concept of “parasitic capital” (Moscow is perceived as a city that takes advantage of the whole country, living at the expense of other regions); • the concept of an alienated “state within a state” (Moscow is perceived as an isolated capital, unfamiliar with national problems; according to the VTsIOM opinion poll, 75% of Russian citizens “do not like” the Muscovites and attribute to them perverse moral qualities; many Russians have never been to the capital because of the low economic standard of living in the province); • the concept of Moscow as a Western cosmopolitan power representing the Western “comprador” capitalism2; • the concept of Moscow as a city characterized by the blasphemous demonstrative consumption of Russian elites; • the concept of Moscow as a drain that pulls in economic, as well as human resources from the surrounding regions, depleting these regions. According to Rossman, the rejection of the center’s hegemony is articulated particularly in some ethnically Russian regions, rather than in ethnic autonomies. Rossman ranks the regions that are partly integrated into trans-national economy (Kaliningrad, Vladivostok, Murmansk, Astrakhan), as well as some of the poorest Russian regions adjacent to Moscow, as the most “anti-Moscow”.

In order to analyze the Moscow-phobia as an indicator, a sign or a marker of imperial nature of relations between Russian regions, we need to highlight the “concepts” of the phobia typical for provincial Russians unfamiliar with philosophical debates, abstract reviews of (post)colonial studies, or the imperial status of modern Russia. First, we need to determine the role of economic and cultural factors in the intentions and narratives of anti-colonial resistance.

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Under the comprador capitalism, the sale of natural resources is the basic most profitable kind of economic activity. See: Igor Bestuzhev-Lada, 2007. Ochen uzh kratkaia istoriia chelovechestva s drevneishikh vremen do nashikh dnei i dazhe neskolko dolshe. Moskva.

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Rossman’s interpretation of the Moscow-phobia (later in the text referred to as “classic” Moscow-phobia) as a narrative of anti-colonial resistance gravitates towards the Marxist theory of internal colonization, because all five concepts in one way or another are based on the consideration of economic factors. The otherness of the capital (perhaps its cultural otherness in particular) manifests only in the concept of an alienated state within a state.

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3. Research Design As a rule, sociologists analyze the attitudes about Moscow through the survey with direct questionnaire; this method is often criticized in the social sciences (Presniakova, 2006; Rossman, 2011). The phenomenon of the Moscow-phobia in this study however, was revealed accidentally. The main purpose of the research was to analyze the changing regional identity in the Russian province in the context of socioeconomic development of the region3. Regional identity was studied by means of a set of various techniques and methods; the symbolic component of regional identity was reconstructed through projective interviewing (simulation of an open-ended situation) (Burlachuk, 1989). The interviewer recreated the situation of “train car conversations” that involved respondents and their fellow passengers from other Russian provincial cities, from Moscow and from abroad. Interview instructions were based on the principle of free expression, the idea of “Story Telling Techniques”. They read as follows: “Imagine that you are taking a train and talking with a fellow passenger from another non-capital city. Please, tell your companion about the place where you live, about your “small homeland”. After the respondent finished the story for a fellow-passenger about his or her place of residence, the interviewer changed the context: “Imagine that your companion got off the train at the nearest station. Now you are talking to another passenger; he or she is from Moscow. Now, please, tell the Muscovite about your city”. The third version of the story, according to the instructions, was designated for a foreign fellow passenger: “Imagine ....” All the stories (told to all of the three passengers) were recorder and then analyzed (Radina, 2016).

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This method of obtaining empirical material is inductive (from empiricism to the theory) and is characteristic of qualitative methodology (Denzin, 2000). Its main advantage is the sensitivity to all manifestations of the empirical field, without the elimination of empiricism (all empirics is analyzed, regardless of whether it is relevant or not to the hypotheses and initial theories).

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The “psychology” of this technique lies in the projective nature of the stories. Imagining an encounter with various fellow travelers (provincials, Muscovites and foreign3

Political scientists define the territorial identity as “embeddedness of the characteristics and meanings on which the awareness of belonging to the territory is based, in the system of selfidentifications of an individual”. It is also defined as “a set of symbolic and ideological systems and meanings associated with the process of interpretation of the regional peculiarity through which the uniqueness of the region acquires the tangible features is the form of images, symbols and myths shared by the members of the regional community”. See: Irina Semenenko, (ed.), Identichnost kak kategoriia politicheskoi nauki: slovar terminov i ponjatii. Tom 1. ed. I. Semenenko (Moskva, 2011), 144 – 145.


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ers), the respondents included in their stories social stereotypes and communicative patterns that reflected their attitudes towards the given social groups and territories. Every story was recorded and later transcribed (typed on a computer) for the subsequent analysis. In 2001-2002, we interviewed in total 515 people of different age groups, different levels of education (from incomplete high school to higher education), who lived in small towns of the Nizhnii Novgorod region and in the city of Nizhnii Novgorod (25% - young people under 30 years, 35% - from 31 to 60 years, and 40% - over 60 years; 49% women and 51% men; 20% - residents of Nizhnii Novgorod, 80% - residents of small cities in the Nizhnii Novgorod region). In 20142015, we interviewed 366 people altogether (30% - young people under 30 years, 58% - from 31 to 60 years, and 12% - older than 60 years; 63% women and 37% men; 27.5% residents of Nizhnii Novgorod , 72.5% - residents of small towns and urban-type settlements)4. In 2001-2002, the study was funded by city entrepreneurs and conducted in the course of the Nizhny Novgorod governor elections (business leaders requested an independent analysis of the voters’ mood). The study of 2014, which provided an opportunity to compare the characteristics of social structure and the perceptions of the city among the local residents, was supported by the Russian Scientific Foundation. Thus, 881 people from 16 small, medium, and large cities of the Nizhnii Novgorod region and from the city of Nizhnii Novgorod itself took part in the study.

After the transcription and analysis of collected stories, we discovered that the stories about one’s “small homeland” told an imaginary Muscovite have peculiar properties and meanings, as the overwhelming majority of the respondents gave their opinions about the life and the society of Moscow rather than simply telling their companions about their hometown in accordance with the conditions of the interview.

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Nizhnii Novgorod is a Russian city with more than a million residents. It is the industrial center located just over 400 kilometers east of Moscow. In the Soviet times, the city was called Gorky; until 1991 it was closed for foreign visitors. The Nizhnii Novgorod region does not border the Moscow region.

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In 2001-2002 as in 2014-2015, the interviewees for the first stage of the study were selected according to the principle of random sample. After numbers of respondents reached 300, we resorted to the quota sampling technique. As a result, both samples included diverse population groups, yet they did not reflect in detail and in perfect proportions the totality of the inhabitants of the region under study. It should be noted as well, that empirical data for this study came in two separate sets with the time interval more than 10 years. This approach is not typical for applied research in political science in Russia. Nevertheless, it is often used in the social sciences when, on the one hand, the study focuses on the dynamics of some social phenomenon or process, and on the other hand, the standard longitudinal study is quite problematic.

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Importantly, during the projective interviewing the respondent is not guided towards any “correct” answer. The story about one’s hometown (“small homeland”) based on the respondent’s own experiences and woes. The answers reflected the real attitude of the respondent about imaginary fellow passenger. In fact, many respondents referred directly to their own experiences of visiting Moscow or interacting with a Muscovite. A story designed for provincial companion revealed the most significant topics in the context of the development of the region assigned by the author. After interlocutors switched to a Muscovite and a foreigner, the structure and content of the story could change, for example: Resident of the regional town Bor, male, 31 y. o., professional secondary education. Story for a fellow passenger from the province: “I am proud of my city. Nizhnii stands on the hills at the confluence of the great rivers of the Oka and the Volga. Thanks to good leadership, our city opened its borders after the Soviet stagnation. The rivers facilitated intensive communication. Our fair is thriving and this is all thanks to the favorable geographical position. The forests are beautiful. The Kremlin is our pride; how many centuries it stands! We are hoping that we will have soon a Palace of Sports and a circus. There are mushrooms, berries, animals.” Story for a muscovite: “Muscovites have nothing to be proud of. When I served in the army, we had a few Muscovites and I could not stand them! I would always put them in place like this: We have GAZ in Nizhnii [Gorky Automobile Factory], and our cars are everywhere. And the automobile glass, I used to say, is manufactured for the whole country at our glass factory. And they were asked: “So, where is this Bor? What is this Bor after all?” And I picked up the first available glass, turned it upside down, pointing at the bottom marked with “Bor” (because they also make glasses at our factory) and said: “this is my Bor; I live there and I am proud of it””.

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Story of a foreigner: “I served in the military in the East (Armenia, Afghanistan, etc.). I remember that when I was arriving home to Nizhnii by train, I had tears in my eyes: I was so homesick. In the East, we ate so much fruit, and saw the sea. Still, I was looking out of the window at the approaching Nizhnii thinking that there was nothing better. However good it had been abroad, the homeland still pulled me back. Such a bitter feeling of attraction”.

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For colonial mind, there is no greater distance than between the colony and the metropole, so the Moscow-phobia revealed itself spontaneously during the study, as soon as the interviewee joined into conversation with a Muscovite (Etkind, 2011). It contrasted against the background of more positive topics and subjects, designated for a fellow passenger from the province. Although Nizhnii Novgorod is a busy, densely populated, and expansive city itself, as well as the administrative center managing the whole region, the antipathy of the respondents was directed exclusively to the city of Moscow. It is safe to assume that both the residents of Nizhnii Novgorod and of its subordinate regional towns participating in the study resent the privileged status of the capital and its unfair treatment of Russia’s provincial cities.


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In this study on the Russian province, we follow Davidson, who studied the aversion of non-European peoples towards the colonizers (Davidson, 2007:60-75). Moscow-phobia is considered here a marker of colonial relations between the Russian capital and the regions. We discuss only those stories that the respondents designated for Muscovite, for this article concentrates on the attitudes of provincial Russians towards Moscow and the Muscovites in “colonial coordinates”. Further, we analyze the phenomenon of spontaneous phobia of Moscow as a form of colonial relations in the context of different concepts of internal colonialism in order to see which concept is predominantly shared by “provincial public consciousness” today.

4. Results of the Study 4.1. Story for a Muscovite: “Classic Moscow-phobia” According to Rossman Analysis of all the stories told to an imaginary Muscovite showed that some of them illustrate the concepts of the Moscow-phobia offered by Rossman5. The concept of a parasitic capital that lives at the expense of the rest of the country is vividly described in the stories from 2001-2002. “We supply for the Muscovites. They “eat” our labor. Here we produce and they take it away. Earlier, when we went there [to Moscow] for groceries, we were even buying our own produce there. We supply Moscow with produce. But they take a big share for the budget. Moscow does not contribute to the state budget, however” (male, over 60 y. o., incomplete secondary education, town Balakhna, 2002).

“Moscow is a parasite city. Muscovites have always profited from the regions such as ours, who used to give to Moscow the lion’s share of their profits. If you isolate Moscow, it will not be able to provide for itself: it is just a consumer. Our region is self-sufficient. No wonder they called it “a pocket of Russia” since ancient times. Now, when local authorities decide everything (there is no dictatorship of the center), the Nizhnii Novgorod region will become even more progressive” (male, 30 to 60 y.o, higher education, town Bor, 2001).

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Further in the text we will refer to these concepts simply as the “classic Moscow-phobia”.

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It is remarkable that the respondents were friendly and sincere when they engaged in the conversation with a passenger from the province. The switch of interlocutors flipped the content and the tone of stories. Some of the respondents refused to communicate with the Muscovites altogether (both in 2001-2002 and in 2014-2015).

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As a rule, the concept of Moscow as an alienated “state within a state” was based on the opposition of economies in the capital and in the regions. The respondents described a difficult economic situation of the regions. “What do I tell him [a Muscovite]? They have all the conditions. Their salaries are much higher, and they still do not like it. Once I spoke to a sales-woman from Moscow; she gets 4-5 thousand rubles, and she does not like it: not enough for restaurants, cafes. I would tell a Muscovite about our life. He would be surprised, that the salary here is 300-500 rubles. In the best case, 700 rubles. If we were getting 1,5 thousand rubles, it would be possible to get along. The land helps us: it was and it will be feeding us” (male, older than 60, secondary education, town Arzamas, 2002). Economic inequality lays the foundation for the construction of negative attitudes during social interaction. “I would not talk with the Muscovites. They have a very high self-esteem. There exist only Muscovites, and all the rest are plebeians for them. We always disliked the Muscovites, so when one wrestler from Moscow lost here, we were so happy and proud of our fighter” (male, 30 to 60 y. o., professional secondary education, town Vyksa, 2014). The concept of alienated Moscow in the Russian province is multifaceted. The respondents understand that the province is also strange for the residents of the capital: “You can lure a Muscovite to come here only with moonshine ...” (male, older than 60, incomplete secondary education, town Arzamas, 2002).

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The Muscovites allegedly bring to the regions the comprador capitalism that destroys the hopes of provincial respondents for a better future.

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“The Muscovites are buying all our businesses: bankrupt them, suck everything out of them, reduce the wages. There is no order. They are the owners. They are all drug addicts. Everyone has a private jet and they live in the Maldives. They have big business in America. They don’t care about our factories; they have purchased them in order to launder money. They have built a new shop to produce kitchen knives, but the output is very small - (...) it does not pay off; it is just a show. The administration goes there almost every week on a tour and they take schoolchildren there, too. In general, there is nothing good about this shop (...), how many millions they “invested” and put in their pockets?!” (male, less than 30 y. o., higher education, town Vacha, 2015). The Moscow-phobia as a sign of opposition to political elites living in the capital transforms into the rejection of Moscow as a “foreign city” incapable of taking care of the regions.


N. K. Radina, M. V. Koskina: Internal Colonization and the Phenomenon of...

“Of course, Nizhnii Novgorod region is better than Moscow. Only bosses live there. They have long forgotten about us. And here live ordinary people. Everything is quiet and peaceful. I know that the people here will always help me and support me. I gave up hoping for Moscow long ago. You cannot expect anything good from them” (female, over 60 y. o., secondary education, town Zavolzhye, 2002). Ordinary provincial Russians use clichés to describe Moscow as a city of blasphemous demonstrative consumption of the Russian elite (“Muscovites are fattening”). The details in the stories show that the abundance is described quite primitively (as plenty of sausage and vegetable oil). “Moscow always lived better than any other city in the country. When the sausage in your shops was getting rotten, we did not even have butter. Nevertheless, our region is getting richer now and we’ll show the Muscovites! In the distant future though” (male, less than 30 y. o., secondary education, town Bor, 2001). The concept of a “drain” or a “vacuum” that pulls into the capital the residents of nearby regions is linked not only to economic, but also to the psychological causes. From the point of view of the narrators the people who chase the easier life move to Moscow; the real “working people” stay in the province. “Every Muscovite is familiar with the life of a village, as almost all of them migrated from the countryside. They started giving themselves airs. My relatives moved there, they like it, but they always come for vacation to the countryside. They have to pay for vegetables and fruits, while we are growing everything ourselves. I do not need this Moscow” (male, 30 to 60 y. o., higher education, town Sergach, 2002).

“Our people, workers from Zavolzhye, come to Moscow to build housing for you. They work at the dirtiest plants. The Muscovites value themselves more than us. The authorities are in Moscow and so they invite to come there for some kind of slavery” (male, 30 to 60 y. o., secondary education, town Zavolzhye, 2002). In 2014-2015, the negative attitudes towards Moscow as a drain weaken in intensity. In later years, migration to Moscow is perceived as a forced measure because of the deteriorating socio-economic situation in the region (migration not only to Moscow but to the more prosperous regions in general). Thus, the forms and concepts of the Moscow-phobia proposed by Rossman as analytical tools, despite their complexity and layering, reveal themselves on the

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Some respondents acknowledged that moving to Moscow does not make one automatically richer. Slavery rather than prosperity awaits the provincials in Moscow.

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level of everyday thinking in the Russian province. The stories were not confined exclusively to the forms of the “classic Moscow-phobia” (Rossman) however. In the narratives addressed to the Muscovites, we discovered other forms of confrontation between the capital and the province.

4.2. Other Forms of the Moscow-phobia Another form of the phobia of Moscow refers to a positive self-presentation, the construction of a positive identity of the region against the background of the negative attitude towards the capital. “I don’t like your city; it has few millions inhabitants. It has so many officials and they do not care about an individual. We live better: we have a better ecology. We relax and relieve stress outdoors. You have some advantages: the shows. And we have only amateur performances; if they are funded, they will get better” (male, over 60 y. o., secondary education, town Zavolzhye, 2001). The positive image of the province is constructed in opposition to the negative image of Moscow as an ecologically and psychologically disadvantaged region. “I would compare a Muscovite with a rabbit gradually dying from bondage and its own sewage in a cage. This rabbit needs our freedom. Here is a forest, clean water and the air, in fact, is also clean. Zhukovka, where I live, is located on the outskirts of the city. It is very close to the forest. You get out, pick some mushrooms, and then you are home. Then, there is a pond nearby with fresh fish. People come and say, “Lucky you are, Peter!” And I think so myself. I have all the comforts in the apartment, and there is a real nature just around the corner. I can walk to work. At my age, it’s very important” (male, older than 60, higher education, town Vyksa, 2002).

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Ecological and psychological preferences allow the residents in the provincial cities to build optimistic plans for the future.

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“Of course, Moscow is a big city and it has many advantages. Nevertheless, such small towns as Balakhna have their own pros. First, these towns have much better environmental conditions compared to Moscow. I enjoy living in our city because at any time you are free to go into your own garden, to work there, to relax in nature. In Moscow, it is not possible. The residents of Balakhna are certainly not economically prosperous as the Muscovites, but they are much softer, more friendly. It is easier to communicate with us (the people of Balakhna). Our city is still developing, still growing. I’ve lived here since 1972 and I am aware of the pace of the progress. I think in the future there will be even more pros” (male, less than 30 y. o., professional secondary education, town Balakhna, 2002).


N. K. Radina, M. V. Koskina: Internal Colonization and the Phenomenon of...

Subjectively painful comparison with the capital and social inequality persisting in the provincial picture of the world support this form of the Moscow-phobia from 2001 to 2015. The positive identity of provincial residents in this case is based on the contrasts. “I would not say anything else about my city, but I would like to add that we are not giving up. We are trying to live decently, no worse than the Muscovites. We will never go to the capital in any price. It is better to live in a private house with a plot than among the stones” (female, 30 to 60 y. o., secondary education, town Semenov, 2015). Perception of Moscow as a “state within a state” allows the provincial Russians to consider themselves “salt of the earth” and the “real Russia”. “We can hardly understand each other, because all our life we have been closer to land. It makes our life easier, simpler; it makes us warm. The land gives us its benefits, its riches. Have you ever seen a real live cow? A horse? I remember how a little foal scared me once when I was a child. He stood in a shed behind a fence near his mother-horse, and was invisible. I wanted to peek behind the fence; he looked out at the same time. We met face to face and both got scared! We are still finding ancient coins from seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth centuries on our plot” (female, over 60 y. o., secondary education, town Gorodets, 2002). In the following case, the regional identity is based on the belief that Russia will do just fine without Moscow.

The residents of the regional cities construct a protective boundary between the “alien” Muscovites and “our” provincials. Now, not the Muscovites disregard the provincials, but rather the provincials themselves “monetize” their own provincial hospitality as if they have borrowed the skills to commercialize social relations from the metropolitan residents. “There is nothing to do for a Muscovite in Nizhnii Novgorod. Therefore, I will not tell anything else here. Thank you for understanding. However, if you decide to come, I will make a tour for you around the Avtozavod [car plant] neighborhood for extra fee” (male, 30 to 60 y. o., higher education, city Nizhnii Novgorod, 2014).

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“Our city is one hundred times better. I have been to Moscow; I did not like either the people, or the city. Moscow is not Russia. Russia will do without Moscow; Moscow will not do without cities such as Zavolzhye. Moving to big cities means going the easiest way” (female, 30 to 60 y. o., professional secondary education, town Zavolzhye, 2002).

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4.3. Positive or Neutral Attitude Towards the Center Not all the stories told to fellow travelers from Moscow were clearly negative. The content of the “positive” stories was constructed through comparison of one’s native city with Moscow as well. This comparison was not in favor of Moscow. The stories retain the traditional content but pass through emotional revaluation. In such cases, the narrators in conversation with a Muscovite could show interest in the capital’s resident or even feel sorry for him or her. “Actually, I feel sorry for the Muscovites. They are very busy; they have no time to communicate with each other. They spent so much time to commute! And it takes me just five minutes to get to my garage and ten minutes to get to work. Our town is quiet and living a measured life” (male, over 60 y. o., professional secondary education, town Arzamas, 2002). Two topics dominate in content: the ecology and the psychology of the province. The provincial lifestyle is presented as a key feature of the special recreational area designated for metropolitan residents. “It is so good to get outside early in the morning here. You just want to “drink” this air, not like in a big city. If you go to the bank of the Volga, you can feel that it smells like water and you do not want to leave. The town is very quiet, it may seem like it is in a desert for a person from a big city. Here you can relieve the stress and calm down. Each house has a garden. The sight of the gardens comforts your gaze and you do not want to move away from the window. Now, they are renovating the churches. In the churches your soul is taking rest” (female, over 60 y. o., secondary education, town Balakhna, 2002).

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The acceptance of the provincial way of life, reconsideration of the positive aspects of “backward” territories with relatively favorable economic conditions allow the respondents to deconstruct the Moscow-phobia turning it into a generally positive attitude towards the capital.

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“I love and respect Moscow. I went to Moscow to buy groceries; now we have everything here. It is quiet and peaceful here and it is noisy in Moscow. I would not like to live there. I am happy that I live here. Here live my grandchildren, my son; everybody is close” (male, older than 60, professional secondary education, town Zavolzhye, 2001). The economic stability in the region and tourism development allowed the respondents to consider the Muscovites as potential visitors. “I love Nizhnii Novgorod! This city, my hometown, is small compared with Moscow. Here I was born, started my studies and made a bunch of friends. I adore this city and I do not know why. Although this city is not the capital, it is the most beautiful and wonderful for me. It is impossible to disregard it and drive past this city” (male, less than 30 y. o., secondary education, city Nizhnii Novgorod, 2014).


N. K. Radina, M. V. Koskina: Internal Colonization and the Phenomenon of...

In case when a respondent considered the region in the context of tourism development, the story for a Muscovite turned into a kind of an informal advertisement. Then, the positive regional identity was formulated in the context of tourism communication through the perception of the region as a tourist attraction. “We have a lot of tourists coming from Moscow and the adjacent areas to shop for Khokhloma [wood painting handicraft] products. My uncle who lives in Moscow have been here and has bought many different items to give to his relatives-in-law” (female, less than 30 y. o., professional secondary education, town Semenov, 2015).

4.4. Dynamics of Transformation of Attitudes Towards the Center (2001/2002 – 2014/2015) A little more than a third of all the stories told to a fellow traveler from Moscow in 2001-2002, 2014-2015, did not touch the comparison the capital with the A little more and than ainthird of all the stories told to a fellow traveler from of Moscow in 2001province. Therefore, these narrators did not practice the Moscow-phobia in any of its versions (Figure 1).

2002, and in 2014-2015, did not touch the comparison of the capital with the province. Therefore, these narrators did not practice the Moscow-phobia in any of its versions (Figure 1). Figure 1. Topics of the stories about “small homeland” told to a Muscovite (%) 40

35 30 25 20 15 10

0

Love for Moscow

Beyond Comparisons

Ecology and Province: Classic New MoscowPsychology of Tourism and Moscow-phobia phobia the province Recreation for the Muscovite 2001-2002

2014-2015

The stories about and“small psychology oftold thetoprovince told Figure 1. Topics of theecology stories about homeland” a Muscovite (%)during our study

to an imaginary Muscovite fit well into the colonial narrative. The narrators clearly articulated the cultural distance, and often, the relations of domination, between Moscow and the province. They recognized the economic and political priority of The stories about ecology and of theand province told duringresources our study of to the an colothe capital emphasizing the psychology special natural psychological nizedMuscovite province. stories, thenarrative. provincial described asthe valuable imaginary fit In wellthese into the colonial Theterritory narratorswas clearly articulated and unique, although subordinate to the center. cultural distance, and often, the relations of domination, between Moscow and the province. They recognized the economic and political priority of the capital emphasizing the special natural and psychological resources of the colonized province. In these stories, the provincial territory was described as valuable and unique, although subordinate to the center. A small proportion of the stories focused on the market and even servile relationship between

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5

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A small proportion of the stories focused on the market and even servile relationship between the province and the capital. The respondents told their imaginary companions about their love for Moscow (less than 1%) and invited the Muscovites to their city as tourists and holidaymakers (see the sections “Love for Moscow” and “Province: Tourism and Recreation”). Another proportion of the stories (about a quarter in 2001-2002 and every tenth story in 2014-2015) illustrated the concepts of the phobia of Moscow described by Rossman. These stories concentrated mainly on economic inequality and economic region. domination It is reasonableofto the attribute themover to thethe Marxist version Russian internal the to the capital region. It isofreasonable to colonialism, attribute them version of Russian internal colonialism, the one that focuses on economic one thatMarxist focuses on economic exploitation. exploitation. The culture-centric version of the stories told a Muscovite included a “new phobia of

The culture-centric versionhyperpositive of the stories a Muscovite included a “new Moscow” focusing on a hypertrophied localtold identity. The residents contraposed their phobia of Moscow” focusing on a hypertrophied hyperpositive local identity. The residents contraposed their hometowns to Moscow as the cities that are “not worse”, or even 2002, there justthe fewcapital. of suchInstories; in 2014-2015, the stories focusing on thestories; positivein 2014betterwere than 2001-2002, there were just few of such 2015, the storiesalmost focusing on the positive provincialism constituted almost one-fifth provincialism constituted one-fifth of the whole sample. of the whole sample.

hometowns to Moscow as the cities that are “not worse”, or even better than the capital. In 2001-

During the studied period, the “classic Moscow-phobia” based on the respondents’ reflection

During the studied period, the “classic Moscow-phobia” on the on respondents’ on economic inequality, somewhat recedes and is supplanted by the new based forms oriented the

reflection on economic inequality, somewhat recedes and is supplanted by the new forms oriented on the articulation of cultural differences as well as the positive pothe provincial population. sitioning of the region on the part of the provincial population. articulation of cultural differences as well as the positive positioning of the region on the part of

As for the classic form of the Moscow-phobia, in 2001-2002 as in 2014-2015, the concept

As for the classic form of the Moscow-phobia, in 2001-2002 as in 2014-2015, the con-

of an alienated within a state” turned out toa be the most comprehensible and the most claimed cept of“state an alienated “state within state” turned out to be the most comprehensible

andupthe in traveler makingfrom upMoscow the stories for a 2). fellow traveler from Moscow in making the most stories claimed for a fellow (see Figure (see Figure 2).

Figure 2. The Moscow-phobia according to Rossmann in the stories about the “small homeland” (%) 80

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70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

Comprador Capitalism

State within a State

Parasitic Capital City of Blasphemous Drain for Regional Consumption Resourses

2001-2002

2014-2015

288 Figure 2. The Moscow-phobia according to Rossmann in the stories about the “small homeland” (%)


N. K. Radina, M. V. Koskina: Internal Colonization and the Phenomenon of...

The concept of the parasitic capital was more typical for the stories collected in 2001-2002. Theconcept concept of the parasitic capital was more typical the storiesand collected in The of comprador capitalism was almost equally popularfor in 2001-2002 in 2014-2015. 2001-2002. The concept of comprador capitalism was almost equally popular in The conceptand of Moscow as a cityThe of blasphemous elitesofwas more common in the 2001-2002 in 2014-2015. concept ofconsumption Moscow as by a city blasphemous consumption by elites was moreFinally, common in the stories collected in 2001-2002. stories collected in 2001-2002. the concept of Moscow as a drain or a vacuumFinally, that sucks the concept of Moscow as a drain or a vacuum that sucks the resources out of the the resources out of the regions was more common in the stories of 2014-2015. regions was more common in the stories of 2014-2015. In order to find out what forms of the Moscow-phobia are typical for various social groups, In order to find out what forms of the Moscow-phobia are typical for various social we analyzed basic scenarios terms of gender, ageofand level ofage education of their narrators groups, we the analyzed the basicinscenarios in terms gender, and level of education Figure of their (see 3).narrators (see Figure 3). Figure 3. Social groups focusing on the “classic Moscow-phobia” (%) 35 30 25 20 2001-2002

15

2014-2015

10 5 Higher Professional Secondary > 60 years From 30 to < 30 years Education Education Education 60 years

Women

Men

According Figuregroups 3, in 2001-2002, the“classic men participating in the Figureto 3. Social focusing on the Moscow-phobia” (%)study more often than women adhered to the classic Moscow-phobia. However, in 2014-2015, the intensity of the Moscow-phobia declined and the positions of men and women in terms of the negative attitudes towards the capital equalized. According to Figure 3, in 2001-2002, the men participating in the study more often than In 2001-2002, all age groups almost equally shared the features of the Moscowwomen adhered to the classic Moscow-phobia. However, in 2014-2015, the intensity of the phobia. In 2014-2015, negative attitudes towards the Muscovites were more characMoscow-phobia declinedgroup and theparticipating positions of men andstudy. women terms of in the2001-2002, negative attitudes teristic of the younger in the In in addition, the participants with secondary and incomplete secondary education, significantly more towards the capital equalized. frequently adhered to the classic Moscow-phobia. At the same time, the affiliation with male gender group with the group less educated respondents (probably In In 2001-2002, all age and groups almost equallyofshared the features of the Moscow-phobia. also with a lower income) stands out as the most significant characteristics. 2014-2015, negative attitudes towards the Muscovites were more characteristic of the younger Figureparticipating 4 shows the quantitative indicators of social groups whose representatives group in the study. In addition, in 2001-2002, the participants with secondary and focused on the new forms of the Moscow-phobia. incomplete secondary education, significantly more frequently adhered to the classic Moscowphobia. At the same time, the affiliation with male gender group and with the group of less educated respondents (probably also with a lower income) stands out as the most significant characteristics.

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0

289 21


Figure 4 shows the quantitative indicators of social groups whose representatives focused on Sociologija i prostor, 55 (2017) 209 (3): 271-296

the new forms of the Moscow-phobia.

Figure 4. Social groups focusing on the new Moscow- phobia (%) 35 30 25

20 2001-2002

15

2014-2015

10 5 0Figure 4. Social groups focusing on the new Moscow- phobia (%) Higher Professional Secondary > 60 years From 30 to < 30 years Women Education Education Education 60 years

Men

In 2014-2015, mengroups more focusing often than women claimedphobia the priority of their region to Figure 4. Social on the new Moscow(%) Moscow. Age did not prove to be a significant factor for the new Moscow-phobia, although it is possible to consider the tendency towards «maturity» of the respondents in terms of the new forms of the phobia. The level of education on the other 2014-2015, men more oftenthe thannarrators women claimed the priority of theirmore regionfrequently to Moscow. handInwas a significant factor: with higher education presented their region as “no worse” or “even better” than the capital. Age did not prove to be a significant factor for the new Moscow-phobia, although it is possible to

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consider the Moscow-phobia tendency towards "maturity" of the respondents in terms of the new forms of the The new is consistent with the version of the internal colonization ofThe Russia proposed thewas stories that we categorized as the phobia. level of educationby onEtkind. the otherAll hand a significant factor: the narrators with“new higher Moscow-phobia” put forward the reasons why the region is so good; the strengths education more frequently presented their region as “no worse” or “even better” than the capital. of the region were described by appealing to history, culture and the development of the Theregion. new Moscow-phobia is consistent with the version of the internal colonization of Russia

290

proposed by Etkind. weof categorized as the “new Moscow-phobia” In life practice as All welltheasstories at thethat level mental discussions, the two versionsput of forward internalreasons colonialism in parallel and bothto the why the(economic region is soand good;culture-centric) the strengths of literally the regionexisted were described by appealing revealed in empirical forms. In this study, the empirical results testify to the substituhistory, culture and the development of the region. tion of the classic Moscow-phobia based on the reflection on economic inequality of the theasempire withofa mental new culture-centric In territories life practiceinside as well at the level discussions, theform. two versions of internal colonialism (economic and culture-centric) literally existed in parallel and both revealed in

5. Discussions The Theories of Internal Colonialism andclassic empirical forms. Inand thisConclusions. study, the empirical results testify to the substitution of the the Moscow-phobia as it is Practiced: Debates on the “Cultural” and the “Economic”

Moscow-phobia based on the reflection on economic inequality of the territories inside the empire with a new culture-centric form. Etkind argues that Russian colonial history is almost completely neglected in postcolonial studies (Etkind, 2011). Perhaps the problem is not really the specifics of internal colonization, but rather the fact that the colonized side in Russia underwent22 some mutation without generating the texts that would be convenient for researchers.


N. K. Radina, M. V. Koskina: Internal Colonization and the Phenomenon of...

Following Said, we assume that political action creates the knowledge that determines the behavior of the “internal colonizers” and directs the scientific research, creating a vocabulary and a matrix for understanding of “the Russian hinterland”. In the system of knowledge about the Russian province, the postcolonial ideas of “permanent resistance” of the province merge with the colonial idea of the defectiveness of the provincials who refused to migrate to the capital (Pliusnin, 2013). The capital representing the colonial power generates the image of the provincial population. In the eyes of the metropolitan residents, as in the eyes of the Europeans according to Said, provincials are similar to “slaves and monsters” (Said, 1994). The postcolonialisms of Etkind and Said contradict each other, as Said’s colonized people were barbarians for the colonizers, and, according to Etkind, the subjugated people of Russian and other ethnicities were believed to be endowed with higher culture and moral than the elite itself” in the Russian colonial history (Etkind, 2011). Other scholars, such as Liudmila Parts, who analyzed the modern mass culture on the subject of negotiation of “Russianness” between “backward” provinces and the Westernized capital, have recently noted that the province nowadays challenges the right of the center for national authenticity, the right to represent the Russian tradition and moral values (Parts, 2015). When the privilege to characterize the relationships between the colonized territories and the metropole passes to the colonized, the prognostic capabilities of each theory of internal colonialism to describe the reality of colonization become obvious. As a result, the Moscow-phobia that we identified in empirical data of this study breaks into two distinct forms: the classic, rooted in economic inequality, and the post-colonial, centered on the cultural distance and superiority of the province.

We suggest that with the weakening of the economic crisis, colonial relationships between the regions (and how the population perceives them) are reinterpreted and rearticulated in different terms switching from the sphere of economy to the sphere of culture. The temporal distance from the past Soviet experience of central planning of national economy might also be a factor of the citizens’ growing hopes for the local authorities to gain independence from the “imperial” center, to improve the living standards in the province, and let the provincial people take hold of the results of their own labor. Which social groups were more likely to identify and reproduce the narrative of internal colonialism in their stories? Two factors determined the activity of “the heralds of colonial relations”: gender and education. Men more often than women tended to

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The classic Moscow-phobia, its Marxist version, was more likely to occur in the stories collected in 2001-2002 corresponding to the economic plight of many Russian regions from the late 1990s to the early 2000s. In the Nizhnii Novgorod region, it is also associated with the protest activity of the population (Staroverov, 1993). The new Moscow-phobia especially evident in the stories of 2014-2015 follows the thesis of Etkind on the impact of the discourse about the cultural priority of provincial Russia, represented in the Russian literature of the last three centuries (Etkind, 2011).

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use the comparison of areas while reflecting on the places of their residence (they practiced both the classic and the new forms of the Moscow-phobia). The respondents who chose the classic version of the Moscow-phobia more often had an average level of education (secondary education). The respondents with higher education more often made up the stories about “the small homeland” focusing on the cultural superiority over the capital in the context of the new Moscowphobia. Reflecting on the “cultural distance” as an essential feature of Russian internal colonialism, Uffelmann argued that internal colonization is not just a metaphor, but a mechanism for reproduction of cultural distances in the colonized territories (Uffelmann, 2012:53-104). Basing on this statement, the constantly reproduced cultural distances between the regions (under the dominance of the center) testify to the continuation of colonization, to the continuous building of empire. Having analyzed the real and fluid phenomenon of the Moscow-phobia that parallels the practices of colonial self-understanding, we can assume that the contemporary Russia incorporates both trends of decolonization and reproduction of colonialism. The decolonization includes the anti-colonial resistance and the search for new identities as well as the voice by the former subjects to internal colonization. The reproduction of colonialism implies the construction and acceptance of the cultural distances under the recognition of the prerogative of the center to define the truth.

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Izvorni znanstveni rad

Nadezhda K. Radina Visoka škola ekonomije pri Nacionalnom istraživačkom sveučilištu, Odsjek društvenih znanosti, Nižnji Novgorod, Rusija e-mail: rasv@yandex.ru Mariia V. Koskina Državno sveučilište New York u Binghamtonu, Odsjek povijesti, Binghamton, SAD e-mail: mariakoskina00@gmail.com

Unutarnja kolonizacija i fenomen fobije prema Moskvi u ruskoj provinciji Sažetak Članak predstavlja rezultate empirijskog istraživanja društvenog fenomena fobije prema glavnom gradu Moskvi. Provedeno je 2002. i 2014. godine u Nižnjenovgorodskoj oblasti i uključuje 881 intervju. Analiza se naslanja na tezu Aleksandra Etkinda da unutarnja kolonizacija proizvodi kulturnu distancu. Rezultati se tumače u svjetlu dviju teorija unutarnje kolonizacije, marksističke i postkolonijalne. Prethodno je Rossman opisao pet oblika fobije prema Moskvi, koji se temelje na teritorijalnoj ekonomskoj nejednakosti i političkoj hegemoniji centra. Ovo istraživanje proširuje taj popis novim oblicima, temeljem izjava ispitanika da se njihova nelagoda temelji na kulturnoj distanci i dominaciji provincije nad glavnim gradom. Stoga je glavna teza ovoga članka da su u suvremenoj Rusiji istovremeno prisutna oba trenda u odnosu centra (glavnoga grada) i periferije (regija), i dekolonizacija i obnavljanje unutarnje kolonizacije.

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Ključne riječi: unutarnja kolonizacija, fobija prema glavnom gradu Moskvi, glavni grad, teritorijalna nejednakost.

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DOI 10.5673/sip.55.3.3 UDK 316.653:316.7(470) Prethodno priopćenje

Sacred Landscape in Modern Russia’s Cultural and Historical Policy Through the Eyes of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region Residents Elena Okladnikova Herzen State Pedagogical University of Russia, Department of Sociology and Religious Studies, St. Petersburg, Russia e-mail: okladnikova-ea@yandex.ru

Levon Kandaryan

ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to publish the results of the qualitative sociological research carried out among the residents of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region on the possibility of using the marker monuments of their “small homeland” sacred landscape in the creation of Russia’s state cultural policy. The research was done by the method of narrative interview. Based on the typological content analysis of the 179 interview transcripts, i.e. the respondents’ competence level in the volume and depth of historical memory, all survey respondents were classified into three major groups: 1) experts (knowledgeable about the subject of our study), 2) improvisers (respondents who showed interest in the subject of our study but were scarcely competent in historical materials) and 3) ignoramuses (respondents who showed negative or indifferent attitudes to the research of the sacred landscape monuments). As a result, the authors have reached the following conclusions: 1) according to our respondents, the sacred landscape of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region has a high potential for Russia’s cultural policy; 2) as our respondents’ most symbolically and emotionally loaded part of their “small homeland” landscape, the socio-cultural phenomenon of the sacred landscape requires the State’s delicate and careful attention; 3) in our respondents’ opinion, despite its declarations and documents, the State’s cultural policy is, in reality, still mainly focused on the public opinion management from the Soviet era; 4) such ideological orientation excludes the sacred landscape of our respondents’ “small homeland” from the State’s modern cultural policy. Key words: sacred landscape, the cultural policy of the Russian Federation, historical memory, narrative interview, public opinion. Copyright © 2017 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

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Herzen State Pedagogical University of Russia, Department of Sociology and Religious Studies, St. Petersburg, Russia e-mail: 8911969921832@mail.ru

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1. Introduction

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The sacred landscape is an important meaningful part of the socio-cultural field of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region (Okladnikova, 2014). Indigenous tribes, like the Vod, the Izhor, the Veps, the Chuds, and, later, the Slavs and the Finns, were involved in the sacred landscape formation in the Leningrad Region, whilst its formation in the territory of St. Petersburg is associated with Swedes, Russians, Germans, Finns, Italians, the French, etc. Some significant markers of this kind of landscape are the so-called cult revered sites. These sites function as signs referring us to a particular phenomenon that took place in the past. Such sites of historical landscape serve to implement the updating and transferring of socially significant information to future generations. Such signs are, for example, revered stones, springs, sacred trees and groves (many of which served as burial places, as well as departure places for the indigenous population’s calendar cycle rites). Today such cult sites in the Leningrad Region form the “core” of sacred landscapes. The sacred landscape can be defined as the totality of “places” in which man, as the bearer of a historical world outlook and an in-depth historical memory, meets with the sacred. It is the historical memory that transforms a physical geographical landscape into a “living environment” which is permeated with symbolic meanings. These meanings generate the memory of the people who lived in these landscapes. For St. Petersburg, the markers of the sacred landscape are the cult buildings (cathedrals and temples erected in extracted places), legendary places where sacred trees grew, revered boulders (e.g., “The Thunder Storm” which served as a pedestal for “The Bronze Horseman” sculpture), ancient cross stones in urban necropolises, etc. Not only Christian shrines, but also sacred wellsprings, groves, commemorative crosses, revered stones, individual trees, rural cemeteries, chapels, etc. serve as such markers for the residents of the Leningrad Region.

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In modern Russia’s cultural policy, the sacred landscape, together with its marker monuments, is latently inherent only in the ethno-cultural section of the document that reveals the essence of this policy. This document aims at developing and supporting the ethno-cultural diversity and folklore traditions of Russia’s population (Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation, 2017). Nevertheless, according to a recent survey by the Public Opinion Foundation (POF), 81% of Russians believe that the cultural policy development and, accordingly, the significance of the sacred landscape as a historical and cultural phenomenon is an important aspect of the social life of modern Russian society (Poll of POF, 2016). As part of North-Western Russia’s historical landscape, the sacred landscape of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region performs a number of important functions, among them the constructive function. This kind of landscape creates cultural values, thus reuniting the material objects of artifacts, i.e. monuments, and objects of intangible cultural heritage, i.e. myths, tales, legends and skits (in Russian - “bylichki”) created by the inhabitants of these landscapes over the years. Another function of the sacred landscape is the translational one. The sacred landscape transfers historically significant information from generation to generation. The third function of this landscape type is mobilization realized due to the symbolic significance of the objects forming the landscape and these objects’ emotional load with this region’s most important historical events.


E. Okladnikova, L. Kandaryan: Sacred Landscape in Modern Russia’s Cultural and Historical...

The functions of the cultural and cultural-historical policy are as follows: 1) protection (preservation of the sacred landscape’s monuments); 2) popularization of the scientific research of the sacred landscape’s monuments and propagation of their historical significance; 3) assessment and hierarchy establishment of cultural values, phenomena and facts, and 4) control over the entire process of identifying, studying, preserving and propagating Russia’s historical and cultural monuments (Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation, 2017). At the same time, there is little research on the problem of how effectively the State’s modern cultural and historical policy uses the sacred landscape markers of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region. The results obtained in the analysis of the materials collected by the research authors not only contribute to the national science but are also of great interest to foreign researchers due to the fact that: 1) The collection of empirical materials was carried out by qualitative sociological methods. The bases of these methods were developed for sociological data by foreign scientists of the 20th century (C. Geertz, A. Strauss, J. Corbin) and were widely used in cultural anthropology and ethnography by Russian ethnographers over 100 years ago. 3) The results of the processed field materials on the research subject realize a new stage of foreign elaboration in the theory of Political Geography and Political Sociology. This elaboration is going to be based on the materials of the latest socio-cultural studies carried out by the authors of this article on the basis of original empirical materials. 3) These results can be used abroad to study global humanitarian problems and the latest trends in international tourism.

This research aims at analyzing how effectively the Russian cultural policy’s main postulates “operate”. The cultural policy serves to preserve and maintain the historical memory of the modern population of the Nevsky District cultural landscapes, among them the sacred landscapes. In order to achieve the research goal, the following tasks were solved: 1) the authors created a guide including 7 blocks of questions. The first three blocks of questions referred to how respondents see the structure and form of cultural landscapes. The remaining four blocks included questions concerning the symbolic aspects of respondents’ interpretation of these landscapes’ sacredness. 2) During the field study, the authors collected empirical materials (i.e. 5-2-hour interviews) that were later subjected to typological processing. 3) As a result of typologically processing the interview transcripts, the authors of the research revealed some features that characterize the historical memory of the population in the Nevsky District (St. Petersburg and the southern part of the Leningrad Region). 4) The authors carried out a semantic analysis of the depth and volume of the respondents’ historical memory. The results of this semantic analysis allowed for drawing conclusions on the depth and volume of St. Petersburg’s and the Leningrad Region’s population’s historical memory in the context of the work of the State’s cultural policy actors. The authors of the research collected empirical materials by the method of narrative interview. This method substantively identifies the respondents’ collective notions

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2. Materials and Methods

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of events, phenomena and facts of sociological interest ; in other words, everything that allows the researchers to identify the latent forms of social word classification used by respondents in everyday life, as well as to find and describe perception patterns, and assessment of life situations implicit even for the respondents themselves, as well as different options (though not sufficiently studied by sociologists) people use to mark the important elements of man-made sacred landscapes. The above-mentioned potential of the narrative interview method was touched upon in A. Strauss J. Corbin’s (Strauss & Corbin, 1998) and C. Geertz’ (Geertz, 1973:5) works. In addition, the method was empirically applied abroad by the scientists of the Chicago School (Park, 1925:47–62). The processing of the research results was based on a typological methodology, which allows the authors of the research to generalize the empirical data of field studies and the documentary materials (literary sources, sociological, ethnographic and archaeological scientific materials). The typological analysis presupposes the identification of a categorical mechanism. This mechanism not only allows the authors of the research to describe the content of the respondents’ statements but also reveals the symbolic load of these statements. The typological method of processing the empirical research results allowed the authors of this article to get closer to the creation of a so-called grounded theory explaining the existence of certain social phenomena, namely: a historical fact, a historical event or a process (of the formation and transmission of information through various communication channels, among them historical memory).

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The research data was collected in the course of the expedition work with respondents, i.e. residents of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region (N = 179 people) in 2015-2016. Our respondents were residents of the megalopolis (St. Petersburg), as well as residents of 10 settlements in the Leningrad Region, namely: the cities of Pavlovsk, Pushkin, Vsevolozhsk, Luga and Gatchina, the towns of Siverskaya, Mozhaiskoye (Kirgof, Dudegohof) and Seltso, and the villages of Monastyrka and Kotla. These people identified themselves as natives and their residence territory as their “small homeland”. The survey involved respondents of three age groups: (16-29-year-old people: M = 33, F = 55); (30-55-year-old people: M = 14, F = 39); (55<: M = 16, F = 22). A total of 63 men and 116 women took part in the study. The selection of respondents was done by the method of “available cases” and the “snowball” sampling method.

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The respondents’ social representations attest how Russians perceive the efforts of the State’s cultural and historical policy actors, i.e. state authorities of the Russian Federation and public institutions for the preservation and development of all culture branches, all kinds of citizens’ creative activity, and personality development based on the values inherent in the Russian society. In this article, the authors have characterized these notions in general terms. These notions can serve to make judgments on the potential to attract the information about the sacred landscape monuments into the cultural and historical policy, and on the respondents’ perception of the efforts by the State’s cultural policy actors towards preserving these monuments and using their power as tools for forming value orientations for large population groups (the youth, working-age population, pensioners).


E. Okladnikova, L. Kandaryan: Sacred Landscape in Modern Russia’s Cultural and Historical...

As a terrestrial space and living environment of a large (self-preserving and selforganizing) group of people, the sacred landscape is part of a larger socio-cultural formation, namely the cultural landscape. The study of the sacred landscape has become the subject of several sciences, among them archaeology, ethnography, folklore, history, local history, etc. The sacred landscape space is integral and structured at the same time. It contains natural and cultural components and has been comprehended utilitarily, semantically and symbolically. Empirical studies show that sacred landscapes closely adjoin residential and economic zones and sometimes even overlap them. For the traditional and archaic consciousness of Ancient Eurasia’s population, the sacred landscape is the living environment of man-occupied (settlements, funerary valleys, resource lands) and unoccupied (mountain peaks, water spaces, taiga) spaces that are imbued with a special meaning in the consciousness of people inhabiting these spaces (Okladnikova, 2014). According to the authors of the article, the structuring (organization, regulation) of the space by allocating economic, spiritual and sacred activities conducted on the surface of the earth is a managerial, organizing and regulating process. The main components of the sacred landscape of the Prinevsky Krai and, more broadly, the Leningrad Region include cult megalithic complexes (large boulders, large chopped stones, stone ramparts, stone heaps), old trees, sacred groves, sacred springs, ancient stone crosses, lakes, streams, etc. Sacred markers left on the surface of landscapes prove that specific boulders were revered as sacred, i.e. can be considered as objects of worship. These markers include cup-shaped depressions, broken signs (e.g., crosses, runic-like signs) and grooves, which were interpreted by local people as traces (of Virgin Mary, Paraskeva-Pyatnitsa, and other saints), as well as shape peculiarities of these stones, the nature of location in the terrain and ethnographic references to specific landmarks (legends, ‘bylichki’, folklore, myths), etc. Cult stones are attached to medieval settlements, portages, burial grounds (Early Iron Age, Middle Ages), graves, chapels, etc.

The theoretical instruments for the problems touched upon in this article were developed on the basis of the urban studies by the Chicago School of Sociology (Park, 1925:47–62). In the late 1920s, R. Park, a professor at the University of Chicago, formed a research team whose task was to study the social landscapes of the US cities. R. Park’s scientific results changed humanitarians’ perceptions of the structure and system of public relations in a modern city. In its essence, the theory of contemporary public spaces is an elaboration of the studies carried out by R. Park and his team. In France, one of the theoreticians representing the dynamics of public spaces was A. Lefebvre, who introduced the concept of “the right to the city” into scientific circulation. According to A. Lefebvre and his followers (A. Amin, N. Trift), the above-mentioned right presupposes access to resources. The development and creative rethinking of these spaces (both old and those newly created by different

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3. Literature Review

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population groups) were studied by Ch. Tilly, G. Douglas, A. Iveson, and others. In Russia, the historian A. F. Filippov made a great contribution to the research of the history and sociology of public spaces. Public spaces include historical parts of cities. Sociologists discovered that, for example, working zones and recreation zones contribute to the formation of modern citizens’ socio-cultural identity (Sagehi i Wan, 2016; Levy, 2015; Tonkiss, 2016; Wheeler i Beatley, 2014). The sacred landscape is one of public space varieties. It has a number of specific characteristics that distinguish it from the urban or rural landscape. Therefore, it is not surprising that the elaborations of Park-Lefebvre-Filippov provide the keys to understanding the structure, forms and functional characteristics of the sacred landscape.

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After Park and Lefebvre, the comprehension of socio-cultural landscapes, including urban, rural and other varieties of cultural landscapes, was realized in two ways: 1) from the positions of authorities’ political discourse and the population’s attitude towards this discourse (M. Blok, P. Bourdieu, V. L. Kagansky); 2) by studying the sense formation processes of the poetic-aesthetic metaphor of space (A. I. Vvedenin, D. N. Zamyatin, I. I. Mitin); 3) from the standpoint of historic-cultural and archaeological approaches. The authors of this article adhered to the postulates of a symbolic approach towards studying a single variety of socio-cultural landscapes, namely, the sacred landscapes of the Nevsky district (Gary, 2004; Geertz, 1973; Nikolaeva i Kalimullina, 2016).

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At the current level of humanitarian knowledge development, it is impossible to study the peculiarities of sacred landscapes and the attitude of the population inhabiting these landscapes without taking into account the socio-cultural concept of globalization (M. Castells and E. Wallerstein) and the theory of the modern society’s globalization and modernization. This theory is being developed today by Russian scientists both at the micro-level (O. Berdnikova, O. Zaporozhets) and at a broader, environmental level (Goodarzi, 2016; Heidari, 2016; Okladnikova i Popov, 2016; Sagehi i Wan, 2016; Okladnikova, 2016). The environmental approach to the study of cultural landscapes includes theories of the social transformations of vast inhabited spaces. Nineteenth and early twentieth century scientists, M. Weber (Weber’s theory of disenchantment of symbolic social and mental constructs) and P. A. Sorokin (the theory of socio-cultural dynamics) developed the postulates of these theories. The historical and cultural theories that describe the main functions of North-western Russia’s sacred landscapes are especially important in studying the viewpoints of people inhabiting contemporary sacred landscapes. These theories were developed by both foreign (G. Varmer, S. Villerb, T. Beatley) (Wheeler i Beatley, 2014) and domestic (E. A. Okladnikova, V. G. Mizin and others) researchers (Okladnikova, 2014; Klein, 2000; Mizin, 2014, 2015, 2016; Mizin I Muhonen, 2015). This approach to the study of the historical and cultural landscape includes four directions: 1) consideration of this landscape type from the standpoint of perpetuating religious symbols (M. Eliade’s theory of the secular and sacred). 2) historical and archaeological analysis of the objects and artifacts of this landscape type that were developed by the foreign representatives of the French Annales School, J. Le Goff and A. Lefebvre, as well as by American researchers in the field of cultural geography (Rowntree, Cosgrove, 1993; Tilley, 1994, Weightman, 1996). In the domestic science,


E. Okladnikova, L. Kandaryan: Sacred Landscape in Modern Russia’s Cultural and Historical...

this approach was widely used by V. G. Sushkin, A. G. Druzhinin, D. N. Zamyatin, A. I. Vvedenin (cultural and geographical aspect), I. I. Mitin (mythogeographic aspect), R. A. Kabo (socio-geographical aspect), E. A. Okladnikova (historic-cultural aspect). 3) The sacral geographical direction (D. Sopher’s theory of the topography of religions). 4) The geopolitical direction (J. J. Mackinder, A. G. Dugin). The sociological studies of the peculiarities of historical memory that preserves and transmits from generation to generation basic ideas related to the structure, form and meaningfulness (the practices of spiritualizing physical and geographical landscapes) of sacred landscapes, were carried out in the system of sociological theories related to historical memory (Ievlev, 2014; Spivak, 1993; Halemba, 2008; Nikolaeva i Kalimullina, 2016; Rüsen, 2005; Sagehi i Wan, 2016; Tollefson, 2015). In this study, the authors have used a number of theories, among them M. Halbwachs’ theory on the emergence of the concept of historical memory when tradition had disappeared, the theories of historical memory developed by the French historian J. Le Goff, P. Nor, J. Rüsen, and M. Ferro, as well as the theories of historical knowledge and historical memory developed by B. Gene, R.G. Collingwood, and G. Assmann.

The study, the results of which are published in this article, was aimed at researching those aspects of cultural policy, in which the population’s historical memory is used at an instrumental level. To reveal the peculiarities of “historical memory’s” instrumental use by the actors of the cultural policy (including the memory of the structure, form and symbolic meaning of sacred landscapes in the north-west of the Russian Federation), the authors were provided with the theories of symbolic political science, including materials on the formation of language policy (Goundar, 2016a, 2016b; Maharaj, 2015; Nagapetova et al., 2016; Rüsen, 2005; Tollefson, 2015). In this context of the research, the authors took a great interest in E. Hobsbawm’s theory, “the Invention of Tradition”, and its usage by authorities; M. Castell’s theory, “the Power of Identity”, and the political concept of symbolic power introduced by the German political scientist T. Meier. In domestic experiences of studying the representations of the modern population based in the inhabited territories of ancient and modern sacred landscapes, the historical, historical-religious, and historical-political approaches have been applied. In foreign experiences of studying the above-mentioned problems, the historicalphilosophical, historical, as well as sociological approaches are of great importance. The latter (i.e. the sociological approach) was introduced in the first half of the twentieth century by the theorists of the Chicago School of Sociology. Within the framework of this approach, a methodology for the research of inhabited territories, including urban, rural and, later, historical-cultural environments, was developed.

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The authors of this article studied the problems of historical memory based on the postulates of the existing theories on historical memory (Gary, 2004; Goundar, 2016; Hylten-Cavallius, 2016; Rüsen, 2005; Sagehi i Wan, 2016; Tollefson, 2015). In sociological and methodological aspects of the research topic, a great role belongs to E. Tonkin’s works devoted to studying the peculiarities of the social memory construction by different population layers.

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The research of the sacred landscape as a variety of cultural environment (inhabited, spiritually mastered by modern man) eventually acquired a more symbolic and humanitarian character in the domestic science than abroad.

4. Results Sacred landscape markers in the representations of St. Petersburg’s and the Leningrad Region’s inhabitants. The category of socio-cultural space presupposes a number of concepts, which make it a universal sociological category. Sociocultural space includes physical-geographical, political, social, economic, touristic, pedagogical, and sacred spaces. The socio-cultural space, i.e. the socio-cultural landscape of a territory makes up a whole and its component parts are united by mutual values. The socio-cultural landscape and its component part, i.e. the sacred landscape, not only forms certain types of people and styles of people’s behaviour, but also unites people with special feelings for a certain territory. The sacred landscape of a city and countryside is a part of socio-cultural space. The sacred landscape markers (cult shrines, revered places, historical monuments) are important elements of the world model formation. These elements are characterized by space and structure, as well as co-existence and interaction full of deep spiritual meanings.

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Listening to the respondents’ stories and proceeding from the basic symbolic coordinates of the traditional worldview of North-Western Russia’s autochthonous population (Slavic and Finno-Ugric tribes), the authors of the research formed a hypothetical model of the Leningrad Region’s sacred landscape. The heart of this model type is the world tree (the sacred tree: birch, pine, oak). The roots of the tree go into the underworld and the crown stretches into the sky. Beside the world tree, there is a holy spring and a cult megalith. The sacred tree was often venerated in a grove, which is today associated with the concept of “shrine”, i.e. the place of funeral and calendar rituals.

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In the coordinates of this worldview model, the authors compiled the questions of their research guide. The guide included questions about sacred artifacts: megalithic cultic complexes (large boulders, large chopped rocks, stone ramparts, stone heaps) old revered trees, sacred groves, springs, ancient cross-stones, lakes, streams, temple complexes, cemeteries, historical monuments, as well as questions about the processes associated with them (rituals, holidays, folklore). Religious Stones: As objects of the city’s sacred landscapes, the respondents (residents of St. Petersburg) named different historical monuments, among them the city’s famous necropolises (Necropolis of the St. Alexander Nevsky Lavra, the Literature Bridges, the Volkovo Cemetery), archaeological sites located both in the city and beyond its boundaries. As archaeological monuments of the city, our respondents named the Nien Fortress (Nyenskans). When it came to the legends associated with the monuments, our respondents reproduced obscure stories about drowned


E. Okladnikova, L. Kandaryan: Sacred Landscape in Modern Russia’s Cultural and Historical...

women (perhaps, referring to Lisa’s story from P.I. Tchaikovsky’s opera, “The Queen of Spades”). As cult boulders, the respondent townspeople named “The Thunder Stone” and the granite monolith of “The Alexandrian Pillar”. The views of the Leningrad Region’s residents were more diverse. As markers of the sacred landscape, they named some of the major revered boulders, such as “The Sedlovaty Kamen” (village of Luiseño, Kingiseppsky District, the Leningrad Region), “The BesovKamen” (town of Seltso, Volosovsky District, the Leningrad Region), “The Stone Head” (Peterhof, the Sergeevka Park), “The Horse Stone” (Konevets Island), the stone of “ParaskevaPyatnitsa” near the village of Iljussa, as well as the petroglyphs of Lake Onega and the White Sea, and “The Veles Stone” on “The Noise Mountain”. Our respondents from the Leningrad Region told us that some major boulders have been revered as objects of worship since ancient times. Such markers of the sacred landscape are characterized by “somberness”, “somber” features. “We all know well this huge stone in the forest, “The Besov Kamen” (town of Seltso, Volosovsky District, the Leningrad Region). Suddenly and unexpectedly for ourselves, we were not able to find it. We walked and walked around our familiar places... walked all around... but we couldn’t find the stone.” (F, 34 years old) (The author’s archive, 2015). “… This “Sedlovaty Kamen” near the village of Luiseño (Kingiseppsky District, the Leningrad Region) is notorious among the local population. Some local men showed it to me. They told me that when they were drunk they saw some bad things at this stone. They told me not to come here… and not to show this stone to anyone. – What exactly did those men see here? – They did not tell me. All they said was that they were drunk and they saw something bad. They said I had better not go to the stone... That is it...” (F, 70 years old) (The author’s archive, 2015).

Sacred Groves and Trees: As revered trees, the oak tree on the Krestovsky Island was named by the respondent townspeople. Legend has it that it is the very tree, under which Peter the Great rested. They also mentioned the grove on the Old Peterhof Road, where too, they believed, Peter the Great had a rest on his way to Peterhof. Another sacred oak grove was on the Riga River. This is where Izhor women gathered for Ivan Kupala Day, they danced, sang and sacrificed a white cock. According to the legend, Peter the Great liked to stop and rest in the shade of this oak grove (Spivak, 1993). The cult of the sacred tree, in particular, pine and oak trees goes back to the 18th century Finnish population of Ingermanland. Local inhabitants organized archaic rituals around this sacred tree (Spivak, 1993). The respondents of the survey also mentioned the pine tree with a forked trunk. Legend has it that by

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Sacred Springs: The respondent townspeople did not name a single sacred spring, an object of worship inside the city, while the residents of the Leningrad Region mentioned the Spring of St. Panteleimon in the village of Kalozhitsy, the Sacred Spring near the village of Iljussa, and the Sacred Spring in the city of Luga (the legend has it that the spring arose in the place where the body of an innocent murdered girl was brought).

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Peter the Great’s order the foundation stone for the Kunstkammer was laid in the place where this pine tree grew. Among the respondents from the Leningrad Region, there were a few amateur historians. In their interviews, they mentioned the grove in place of the old cemetery on the way to Ust-Luga, on the turn to the village of Kattila. According to the legend, the grave of the “arbui”-priest (soothsayer) might be in this very grove (The author’s archive, 2015). The term “arbui” was introduced in 1534 and goes back to the Novgorod chronicles. According to the data of the etymological dictionary, the word “arbui” comes from the Finnish word “arpoja”, which means soothsayer, predictor (Vasmer’s Etymological Dictionary of Russian, 2016). Below is a typical answer the majority of our respondent townspeople gave to the question on sacred groves and trees:

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“We do not have any groves as such. There are places with ruins of ancient churches. They are sacred for the Finn. Local people do not go there at all… There was a large beautiful brick church in the place of the House of Culture. However, the Soviet authorities demolished it. Now there are only photographs left.” (F, 20 years old) (The author’s archive, 2015).

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Sacred groves are often associated with ancient sacred trees. For example, a sacred oak is located in the forest near the village of Cortino (Kingiseppsky District, the Leningrad Region). If you want to see this tree, you have to go down the forest slope into the thicket. The size of the tree is impressive. The age of the oak tree probably exceeds two hundred years. The local people told us that on the outskirts of the forest there is one more “Sacred Grove” in the fields behind the village of Dobryanitsa (the Leningrad Region). During the conversations with local residents, the authors discovered that they do not consider the grove a sacred place; it is just that the local youth celebrated the Ivan Kupala Day at the grove. Back in the 1970s, the youth of the village used to burn fires and organize night festivities there. According to the residents of Seltso, there is another grove and “a pagan temple” not far from the town (The author’s archive, 2015). Another sacred tree is the birch tree that grew by the old chapel in the village of Iljussa. Even today, Orthodox believers worship the birch tree that grew in the place of the previous one that was felled during the years of fighting religious propaganda. Many of our respondents’ stories about the sacred groves of the Leningrad Region were quite vague. Instead of sacred groves, our respondents living in the Leningrad Region more often named sacred springs they allegedly knew in the territory of Pavlovsk. However, they did not specify exact locations. The respondents often failed to understand our questions about the objects of the sacred landscape in the Leningrad Region. They did not know what “sacred groves” are. They, of course, talked about pagan temples during the interviews. However, their reports were mostly inaccurate and largely descriptive. The answers to our question about sacred groves and the concretization of the answers aroused in the minds of our respondents a great number of unsystematic associations and images: from arguments about gardens and parks of St. Petersburg’s suburb palaces to the Lindulov grove, and obscure references to the name origin of the town of Pupyshevo.


E. Okladnikova, L. Kandaryan: Sacred Landscape in Modern Russia’s Cultural and Historical...

Table 1. The Level of Respondents’ Representations of the Sacred Landscape Monuments of their ‘’Small Homeland’’ Level of competence in the region’s sacred landscape monuments

Respondents Male

Female

Low

51%

50%

Medium

29%

21%

High

20%

29%

Total

100%

100%

The respondents were more aware of cult stones. As objects of the archaic (prePetrine) sacred landscape in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region, sacred springs and sacred groves were the least recognized by our respondents’ consciousness. In general, a half of respondents, both men (51%) and women (50%) of all ages showed a low level of competence in the sacred landscape monuments of their “small homeland”. 29% of men and 21% of women showed an average level of awareness of the topic. 20% men and 29% of women showed a high level of awareness (Table 1). In the course of our research in 2015-2016, the authors of the research discovered a great gap in the historical consciousness of the respondents living in the city and the oblast – a gap between what surrounds them (the natural landscape) and what they actually “see” (the urban historical landscapes, historical monuments, socio-cultural landscape), i.e. between the meanings they generate in relation to our research objects: historical and socio-cultural landscapes.

5. Discussion

During the expedition in 2015-2016, the authors discovered two vivid examples of creating/recreating material values that today become valuable artifacts for the local population. These artifacts function as material accumulators of the sacred landscape. For example, the complex (the Sacred Spring, the Sacred tree and the Sacred Stone) in place of the old chapel near the village of Iljussa and “The Besov Kamen” (town of Seltso). “… This stone (“The BesovKamen”) is located in the forest. I go there with the kids every spring… We have a picnic by the stone; the kids stay up all night… I do not sleep either… My pupils told me they went to the stone on their own in the summer. Unexpectedly for themselves, they could not find the stone… They walked and walked around their familiar places... walked all around... but they could not find the stone. It turns out that the stone does not show up to everybody. Not everybody can see it… Now, many years later, a lot of people

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The sacred landscape in the cultural-historical policy: perspectives of use. In what way do the respondents see the social importance of sacred landscape markers (both urban and rural) in the Leningrad Region? How do they perceive the possibility of using the sacred landscape for the purposes of the State’s cultural policy?

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gather around the stone in summer. They leave so much rubbish all around… Before the perestroika, when I was young my husband and I came here to live and work. Back then, the stone was hard to find. Few people knew the way to the stone…” (F, 43 years old) (The author’s archive, 2015). We found out that a complex of intangible cultural heritage, namely, folk legends, is associated with “The Besov Kamen”. “… There is a legend associated with this stone. Legend has it that there was once a church in this place. Because of people’s bad behaviour, the church turned into a stone…” (Р-т, F, 15 years old) (The author’s archive, 2015). “… There is a tale associated with “The Besov Kamen”. It does not show up to anyone. Only open, honest people can see it – or those who are in need of help…” (F, 16 years old) (The author’s archive, 2015). Judging by the statements of our respondents living in the Leningrad Region, a lot of sacred objects, namely, cult boulders, sacred trees and sacred groves, not only fit organically into the system of local people’s notions of their “small homeland’s” sacred landscape markers, but also practically implement the function of this type of cultural landscape. “… Well, now we go to “The Besov Kamen” on excursions, we take kids to the stone. Many children go there from different regions, different schools… People say the stone will not allow anybody with evil intentions to approach it…” (F, 43 years old) (The author’s archive, 2015).

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In our respondents’ narratives, their representations of sacred springs are associated with female images (ranging from saints and martyrs to drowned women). Another system of association makes a connection between sacred springs and legends about miraculous healings and purifying rituals. A number of sacred springs were revered by autochthons of the Prinevsky District. They were later incorporated by the Christian religion and included in church and monastery architectural complexes.

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The mobilizing function of the sacred landscape (both in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region) is reflected in our respondents’emotions, historical experiences and associations in connection with cult stones, sacred springs, sacred groves and trees. Some of the respondents told us legends about Veles, the god of cattle when they spoke about “The BesovKamen” and “The Horse Stone”. The respondent townspeople spoke about Perun when they referred to “The Thunder Storm”. Today, cult stones, in particular, stones with cup-shaped depressions near the village of Olkhovka (Lake Sukhodolskoye) have become centres of “new” sacred landscapes. Thus, the “cup” complex near the village of Olkhovka, “The BesovKamen” are considered places of contemporary neo-pagan and neo-esoteric practices. The numerous visitors (“informals”, “reenactors”, “esotericists”, “ufologists”, etc.) leave money (coins), cheap jewellery, candles and bread at by the “traced stones”, “cups”. Similarly, new markers were formed by the “informals” in the places of the ancient landscapes that


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had already been forgotten by the local population. These formation processes are described in the modern scientific literature (Broz, 2011: 275, 276; Halemba, 2008; Klein, 2000; Plets et al., 2013).

6. Conclusion

Most of the respondents, both men and women, were “Ignorant”. They showed no interest in the history of their region and the tangible cultural heritage of their “small homeland”. The number of men and women we classify as “Improvisers” is approximately identical. These are the people who used different associations and tried to recall anything about the monuments of their “small homeland’s” tangible cultural heritage. The third group of respondents are “Experts” of the region’s cultural heritage monuments that form the sacred landscape of their “small homeland”. The overwhelming majority of the “Experts” were women (twice exceeding the number of our male respondents) who showed competence in historical information (ranging from awareness of the sacred stone locations to information about the legends, tales, memorates and other folklore traditions related to this cultural heritage). Our respondents named cult stones as the most significant markers of the sacred landscape and sacred springs as the least significant ones. Our respondents did not link the monuments of the sacred landscape with the State’s cultural policy. They did not speak of the State’s efforts towards preserving the above-mentioned cultural objects and propagating their significance. Our respondents believed that the research of the above-mentioned objects is the job of local ethnographers. According to our respondents, like in the Soviet era, the State continues to either smash the objects of cultural heritage as ideologically alien ones or simply ignore them. Just as it was in the Soviet era, the authorities evade responsibility for the preservation of this part of cultural and historical heritage, which is either used for farming or given to the church for the restoration, renovation and use of historical, aesthetic, architectural and museum potential of temples and churches, or to selforganizing religious communities and sects (for example, esotericists). That is why such important markers of the sacred landscape (cult stones, sacred springs, sacred groves and trees) turn out to be in the sphere of mobilization practices of “esoteric”, “neo-pagan” and “ufologist” communities, etc. The actors of the State’s cultural policy are, however, not involved in these practices. The only experience of using

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In summary, the results of this research contribute to modern world science due to the fact that: 1. For the first time, original field data (collected by the method of qualitative sociological research, and scientifically structured and processed by the typological method) has been published; 2. The originality of the materials lies in the fact that this sociological topic was not previously researched in the Nevsky District (St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region); 3. The results of our observations are not known to the world of science. Nevertheless, they cannot but be of interest to the world scientific community as the problems of traditional culture and other related topics of historical memory, preservation of cultural heritage and sacred landscapes is an important trend of modern historic-cultural and socio-cultural research in global human sciences.

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a cult stone (town of Seltso) as a system-forming marker of the “small homeland’s” sacred (historical) landscape was implemented solely on a voluntary basis by one of our respondents, the director of a local secondary school. Our respondents did not speak of any attempt on the part of state authorities to use the very phenomenon of “sacred landscape” in the nationwide integration of the population of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region. The practical significance of this research lies in the fact that the conclusions of the study can serve as recommendations to the actors of the cultural policy of the Russian Federation. The research has shown that the sacred landscape of the “small homeland”, both urban and rural, has a high motivational and integrative potential to be used in the cultural policy of the State. The positive attitude of our respondent “Experts” and “Improvisers” is proof of the effectiveness of attracting emotionally and symbolically loaded monuments that mark this landscape type. The historicalcultural phenomenon itself, due to its specifics “closed”, i.e. “concealed” from “profanes”, requires an exceptionally delicate and careful attitude if used as instruments of the State’s cultural policy. The data of our research can be used in pedagogical practice, for example, as materials for supplementary education programs and for expanding the materials of standard academic courses in general humanities. In addition, the practical output of the study can be used by actors of the tourism industry to expand the opportunities of the tourist business in the north-west of the Russian Federation. This can be done through actively introducing into various tour programs the markers of archaic sacred landscapes, which currently evoke only scientific (archaeological) interest. The research turned out to be very productive. In addition, it paved the way for new research perspectives, namely: 1) perspective for expanding the geography of empirical research and propagating the practice of narrative interviews in the northern regions of the Nevsky District; 2) deeper research of the problems of studying respondents’ on a broader range of issues related both to the cultural and symbolic policy of the State.

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Acknowledgements

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We express our special gratitude to the group of expert respondents: the historian V.G. Mizin, head of “The Silver Ring of Russia” NGO, and N.F. Babkina, founder of the ethnographic museum in the village of Monastyrka. Without the creative and benevolent participation of these people, our research would not have succeeded as a scientific event.


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1. Abbassi, Z. (2017). Cultural Memory / Collective Memory as a way of Resistance to Traumatic memory. International journal of humanities and cultural studies, 3 (1): 36-47. 2. Broz, L. (2011). Spirits, Genes and Walt Disney’s Deer: Creativity in Identity and Archaeology Disputes (Altai, Siberia), in: The archaeological encounter: anthropological perspective. St. Andrews. 3. Gary, R. V. (2004). Menhirs, dolmen and circles of stone: the folklore and magic of sacred stone. New York: Algora Publishing. 4. Geertz, C. (1973). Thick Description: Toward an Interpretative Theory of Culture, in: The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: BasicBooks. 5. Goodarzi, M. (2016). Globalization and City Diplomacy: The Formation of Global Citizen (Possibility or Impossibility). International journal of humanities and cultural studies, 3 (1): 474-487. 6. Goundar, P. A. (2016). Socio-linguistic Outline of Language Policy and Planning (LPP): Reference to LPP in Fiji. International journal of humanities and cultural studies, 3 (2): 688-699. 7. Goundar, P. (2016). Keep your culture. The challenge for South Indians in Fiji, The Fiji Times. http://www.fijitimes.com/story.aspx?id=338105. (Accessed 9 May 2017) 8. Halemba, A. (2008). What does it feel like when your religion moves under your feet? Religion, Earthquakes and National Unity in the Republic of Altai, Russian Federation. Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, Bd. 133, H. 2, P. 283-287, P. 294-297. 9. Heidari, A. (2016). The Impact of Globalization on Futurism and Major Drivers: A Survey. International journal of humanities and cultural studies, 3 (2): 798809. 10. Hylten-Cavallius, S. (2016). Nostalgia for Futures Past: The Politics of Generational Memory. http://www.vanderbilt.edu/rpwcenter/pdfs/HYLTN2.PDF. (Accessed 14 May 2017) 11. Ievlev, N. V. (2014a). Ivans Remembering Ancestors. Architect. 21st century, 1 (50): 72-74. 12. Ievlev, N. V. (2014b). Spiritual Dominants as the Most Important Factor in the Socio-economic Development of the Region. Collection of the materials of the International Scientific-Practical Conference, Kingisepp, April 4, 2014 / 9th Yamburg Readings edited by Professor V.N. Skvortsov, Ultra-Print, St. Petersburg, p. 333. 13. Klein, K. L. (2000). On the Emergence of Memory in Historical Discourse. Representations, 69: 127-150. 14. Levy, J. M. (2015). Contemporary urban planning. London: Routledge. 15. Maharaj, M. (2015). English under the microscope. http://www.fijitimes.com/ story.aspx?id=313561. (Accessed 14 May 2017) 16. Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation. (2017). Fundamentals of the State Cultural Policy. http://mkrf.ru/upload/mkrf/mkdocs2016/OSNOVI-PRINT.NEW. indd.pdf. (Accessed 9 May 2017) 17. Mizin, V. G. I and Muhonen, T. (2015). New field researches and some historical references on stone cairns of Ingermanland. Muinastutkija, 4: 39-53.

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18. Mizin, V. G. (2014). Footprint Stones: Summarizing a Century of Petrosomatoglyphic Study. Time and Mind, 7: 297-308. 19. Mizin, V. G. (2015). Stone Labyrinths of Finnmark and Arctic Russia. Caerdroia, 44: 23-39. 20. Mizin, V. G. (2016). Babylons: toponyms and symbolism of stone labyrinth in Arctic Russia. Time and Mind, 9: 143-158. 21. Nagapetova, A. G.; Novikova, O. S.; Pokhilko, A. D.; Shmatko, A. A.; Vetrov, Y. P. (2016). Social-Historical Transformations in Russia. International journal of humanities and cultural studies, 3: 1439-1444. 22. Nikolaeva, E. and Kalimullina, Y. (2016). Image of the State as a Conceptual Fractal. International journal of humanities and cultural studies, 3: 35-41. 23. Okladnikova, E. (2016). Paleoglobalisation: the symbolism of prosperity and decline in rock art of ancient Eurasia. International Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies. http://www.ijhcs.com/index.php/ijhcs. (Accessed 14 May 2017) 24. Okladnikova, E. A. and Popov, V. A. (2016). Marova A.Globalization and the dynamics of value markers of the “generation’s images” in the narratives of inhabitants of St.-Petersburg and Leningrad region. International Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies. http://www.ijhcs.com/index.php/ijhcs. (Accessed 14 May 2017) 25. Okladnikova, E. A. (2014). Sacred Landscape: Theory and Empirical Research. Moscow: Direct-Media. 26. Park, R. E.; Burgess, E. W. and McKenzie, R. D. (1925). The city. Chicago: University of Chicago Press: 47-62. 27. Plets, G.; Konstantinov, N.; Soenov, V.; Robinsson, E. (2013). Repatriation. Doxa, and Contested Heritages: The Return of the Altai Princess in an International. Anthropology and Archaeology of Eurasia, 52 (2): 74-84, 88-93. 28. Poll of POF. (2016). Opinions of Russians on Cultural Policy. http://fom.ru/ Kultura-i-dosug/12148. (Accessed 9 May 2017) 29. Rüsen, J. (2005). History: narration-interpretation-orientation. London: Berghahn Books. 30. Rüsen, J. (2006). Historical consciousness: Narrative Structure, Moral function, and Ontogenetic Development, in: Theorizing historical consciousness. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 31. Sagehi, G. and Wan, Y. (2016). Role of Public Space on Social Identity. International journal of humanities and cultural studies, 3 (2): 1525-1531. 32. Spivak, D. L. (1993). The Finnish Substrate in Metaphysics of Petersburg, u: Petersburg Readings on the History and Theory of Culture. Metaphysics of Petersburg. Saint Petersburg: Eidlos. 33. Strauss, A. and Corbin, J. (1998). Basics of Qualitative Research: Techniques and Procedures for Developing Grounded Theory (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. 34. The author’s archive. (2015). St. Petersburg. 35. Tollefson, J. W. (2015). Historical-Structural Analysis 13. Research Methods in Language Policy and Planning: A Practical Guide. 36. Tonkiss, F. (2016). Space, the city and social theory: Social relations and urban forms. Cambrige: Polity Press.


E. Okladnikova, L. Kandaryan: Sacred Landscape in Modern Russiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Cultural and Historical...

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37. Vasmerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Etymological Dictionary of Russian, 1964-1973. (2016). http://www. slovorod.ru/etym-vasmer/_pdf/vasmer-etymologic-dict1.pdf. (Accessed 9 May 2017) 38. Wheeler, S. M. and Beatley, T. (2014). Sustainable Urban Development Reader. London: Routledge.

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Prethodno priopćenje

Elena Okladnikova Herzen Državni pedagoški fakultet Sveučilišta u Rusiji, Odsjek sociologije i religijskih znanosti, Sankt Peterburg, Rusija e-mail: okladnikova-ea@yandex.ru Levon Kandaryan Herzen Državni pedagoški fakultet Sveučilišta u Rusiji, Odsjek sociologije i religijskih znanosti, Sankt Peterburg, Rusija e-mail: 8911969921832@mail.ru

Pogled stanovnika Sankt Peterburga i Lenjingradske oblasti na sakralni krajolik i njegovo mjesto u kulturnoj i povijesnoj politici moderne Rusije Sažetak

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Svrha je ovog članka objavljivanje rezultata kvalitativnih socioloških istraživanja provedenih među stanovnicima Sankt Peterburga i Lenjingradske oblasti o mogućnosti korištenja markantnih spomenika zavičajnoga sakralnog krajolika u kreiranju državne kulturne politike. Istraživanje je provedeno metodom pripovjednog intervjua. Na temelju tipološke analize sadržaja 179 transkripata intervjua, tj. razine kompetencije ispitanika u vezi s opsegom i dubinom njihove povijesne memorije, svi ispitanici razvrstani su u tri glavne skupine: 1) eksperti (dobri poznavatelji predmeta istraživanja), 2) improvizatori (ispitanici koji su pokazali zanimanje za predmet studije, ali im je kompetencija nedostatna kada su u pitanju povijesni materijali) i 3) ignoranti (ispitanici koji su pokazali negativne ili indiferentne stavove u vezi istraživanja spomenika sakralnog krajolika). Autori istraživanja došli su do sljedećih zaključaka: 1) prema mišljenju ispitanika, sakralni krajolik Sankt Peterburga i Lenjingradske oblasti ima veliki potencijal za državnu kulturnu politiku; 2) zbog snažnog simboličkog i emotivnog naboja što ga u ispitanicima stvara, sociokulturni fenomen sakralnog krajolika zahtijeva delikatan i pažljiv pristup države; 3) prema ispitanicima, unatoč deklarativnoj podršci i dokumentima, kulturna se politika države zapravo još uvijek oslanja na model upravljanja javnim mnijenjem iz vremena Sovjetskog Saveza; 4) takva ideološka orijentacija isključuje sakralni zavičajni krajolik ispitanika iz instrumenata moderne državne kulturne politike.

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Ključne riječi: sakralni krajolik, kulturna politika Ruske Federacije, povijesna memorija, narativni intervju, javno mnijenje.


DOI 10.5673/sip.55.3.4 UDK 711.4(497.115Priština) Pregledni rad

International Aid Community, its Presence in the Post-conflict Reconstruction and Impact on Urban Legacy – Case Study of Prishtina Arta Basha-Jakupi University of Prishtina, Faculty of Civil Engineering and Architecture, Kosovo e-mail: arta.jakupi@uni-pr.edu

Violeta Nushi

ABSTRACT A multifaceted process of reconstruction during the post-conflict time has an impact on all vital segments of life in the conflict-affected countries. For that reason, different approaches, efficient coordination and clearly defined and shared common goals are required. Aid programs are not the same everywhere and they greatly differ in priority levels, state of emergency and importance. Thus there are programs whose success is, unfortunately, closely related to the violation or neglect of existing standards which seem to become less important. The international aid intervention, be it in Kosovo or any other post-conflict country, is carried out according to the post-conflict reconstruction framework, with differences regarding the nature of conflict and the local context. In the case of Prishtina, as this study reveals, the issues involving the international community stay and accommodation in the city have not been adequately addressed. The community, which consists of both human and physical component, large in number and size, inevitably has a noticeable impact on the urban layout. The study uses grounded theory in the mixed methods inquiry and places the effects of the international community presence into a wider reconstruction process framework. It examines the initial claim that the post-conflict urban development is affected by the international community presence and that a proactive and multi-disciplinary approach to the reconstruction process should be adopted in order to rebuild complex socioeconomic and spatial systems in a more holistic and systemic way.1 Key words: urban planning, architecture, international community, offices, accommodation, post-conflict reconstruction, Prishtina. 1

This study is a derivative of Arta Basha – Jakupi’s doctoral research done at the Bauhaus University Weimar | Germany, Institute for European Urban Studies, under the mentorship of Max Welch Guerra, PhD, financed by Madeleine Albright scholarship and the University of Prishtina scholarship. The survey was carried out in Kosovo, September to November 2011, by the author herself. The final version of the article was done in collaboration with Violeta Nushi as co-author, thus adding a valuable scientific component to the paper. Copyright © 2017 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

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University of Prishtina, Faculty of Civil Engineering and Architecture, Kosovo e-mail: violeta.nushi@uni-pr.edu (corresponding author)

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1. Introduction Academic and professional perspectives on the post-conflict development cover different aspects of international organizations and their intervention: how and when they deliver aid, their programs, cooperation and communication among various organizations, donors, partners, projects and many more activities that are supposed to help rebuild the state. Recovery requires speed and accountability as well as their mutual balance. The priority of the international community is to design and implement the right instruments when helping the population in need to rebuild their lives and hopes. Intervention planning shows that every institution or organization has a specific aim and a precise program how to help the country. The ongoing debate on the international organizations (IO) performance is in search of extracting as much as possible from their presence in post-crisis countries. There has been a lot of investigation on the IO activities, on their coordination and how they should fit into local settings. In one segment of this research it is suggested that international organizations do not deliver help only through their mandate and projects; their physical establishments can also enhance the ultimate goal of sustainability. The issue has not been treated seriously enough by the professionals or academics whilst it has caused concern on the local scene. The concentration of the IO offices and rented apartments in neighbourhoods not designed for hosting such kind of activities has changed the look, the value and the spirit of the place. While meeting the IO requirements and making them high rent lease holders, the inhabitants have built/rebuilt/changed/ their own districts or moved out of them. This study aims at finding out what impact the international organizations have had on the city, aside from their programs and mandates. The survey examines the general attitude of the local population toward the changes that have occurred in their city due to the presence of the international organizations and the future development after their departure.

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2. Post-conflict Reconstruction

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After a conflict, peace is not easily restored. Poverty, ethnic, political or religious opposition, non-existent governments, a large number of arms â&#x20AC;&#x201C; these are some of the essential problems (Read, 2008) which, if not addressed, can draw a country back into conflict and cause the snowball effect in the whole region. In the contemporary world, a violent conflict is not only of local interest. It concerns the safety and welfare of the rest of the world. Indeed, the number of developing countries that have been a scene of civil conflict is such that the post-conflict development has become the norm rather than the exception (Gerd and Verkoren, 2005). Therefore, the post-war reconstruction, according to Sultan Barakat, has to address the following issues:


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1. give support to the affected communities in organizing their activities and regaining control over their environment 2. recognize the causes and the perception of the conflict and talk about them 3. establish a common vision among the stakeholders and be locally rooted (Sultan, 2005:11). In many aspects of the post-conflict development, reconstruction has become physical, political and economic construction (Harrison, 1990). Reconstruction issues differ across regions and cultures, there is no “one size fits all” that can support and maintain peace. Conflict-affected societies share common concerns that peace processes and the IO involvement try to handle (Anderlini and El-Bushra, 2007). This is a study of urban/city development because the biggest concentration of international organizations is likely to be in urban centers, where changes happen on a much more extensive scale.

The capital city of Kosovo, Prishtina, is the administrative, educational, political and cultural center of Kosovo and the most populous municipality. A huge influx of people from other parts of Kosovo to Prishtina after the 1999 conflict put tremendous pressure on the existing infrastructure in the municipality, from accommodation to public services and roads. It was a temporary home to a big number of international organizations on their mission to reconstruct the country. The reconstruction of the City of Prishtina just after the conflict was euphoric, the whole population acting as if it were in a state of emergency, with no time to plan. Emergency did not have the same meaning for all involved in the post-war rebuilding. The rush of the ones who were really needy caused the others in more secure positions to rush as well. It was a very convenient time to realize one’s own plans and act in the name of emergency. The lack of any legislative framework enabled different actors to plan or rather not plan their actions. Actors identified as urban developers in the post-conflict city were planning institutions, residents, international organizations. They were directly or indirectly shaping the city in the post-conflict period, they were active and causing changes. These three sets of actors did not always work in harmony and their different impacts on the city need to be analysed along with their importance for the overall urban development of the city.

2.1. Planning Institutions Some of the most serious threats to the city life are problems of fast urbanization, expansion of city boundaries, illegal construction, bad construction practices, overloaded infrastructure, outdated urban plans, weak institutional capacity, unemployment, social differentiation, environmental challenges. The strategies developed for

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“No. Cities are not built by architects or urban planners… Cities are built by investors; by politicians; by lawyers and by technicians; last but not least, cities are built by the people, by the rich and the poor, by the educated and the illiterate, by the long established urban families and rural immigrants; and in the case of the postconflict city, by refugees and IDPs coming from all kinds of backgrounds and experiences.” (Schacher, 2004)

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post-conflict urban settings need to address these matters and adjust them to each unique urban context (UN-HABITAT, 2004). Countries emerging out of conflict rarely have legitimate governments nor accord on how to form them; even when there is a government and most citizens recognize it, it is the war and the chaotic situation in its aftermath that disable the government from delivering adequate services (CSIS and AUSA, 2003). In the post-conflict Prishtina there were no state regulations and its development was directed by economic factors and private investors. The lack of proper legislation enabled individual construction of houses with no official permission for any kind of construction, which resulted in vast overbuilt areas of the city (Vockler, 2008:39). At first, the trend of illegal buildings was not prohibited by the authorities, the explanation being that it was part of the reconstruction process (Vockler, 2008:47). Sometimes, the municipality provided and approved construction permits called ‘‘urban consent’’; although it did not legally recognize the status of property, the municipality still had some degree of control over informal or illegal building (Garstka, 2010). As Gartska notes, it was the best possible attempt by a weak and stressed out municipality to implement urban planning while it was experiencing widespread construction, rebuilding and in return migration during the post- conflict era. The response to urban chaos was the “Urban Strategic Plan 2020” (Figure 1) created by the city administration of Prishtina in 2004. It was made within the period of four months lacking the basic data (the number of residents, migration flows in and out the city) necessary for the real planning to start. It provoked a lot of reactions. According to the nongovernment organization ESI (European Stability Initiative), the loudest opponent of the plan, it was the lack of realism, focus and law enforcement that classified the plan as a failure (ESI, 2006).

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Figure 1. Prishtina Strategic Development Plan 2004

Source: The Department of Urban Planning and Construction, Prishtina (2004)

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2.2. Residents Rural areas have suffered the biggest war damage. The unemployment rate has risen in rural areas due to the non-functional economic system, lack of raw materials and loss of the market. Poverty among the agro-rural population is high, and about 40 percent of the rural population is unemployed. Most of the labor force is unskilled or semi-skilled, and the lack of job opportunities is putting a strain on social cohesion and encouraging out-migration (as well as emigration) (World Bank, 2016). According to the UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund) migration study of the seven cities in Kosovo, the largest migration is to the capital city of Prishtina. The city has gone through several restructuring phases affected by different cultural and political changes, the final result being the loss of urban culture and architectural spirit of the city. The post-conflict period is characterized by uncontrolled urban development (stimulated by private initiatives for business and residential construction) and suffocation of public space. Illegal building has degraded the urban structure and caused unplanned growth of the City of Prishtina. The city and its outskirts have become densely populated, with no adequate communal infrastructure and barriers which do not allow for further structured growth of the city. The city becomes a testing ground by cultivating new urban/architectural forms. “In that period individual initiatives replaced the city’s primary systems in domains like trade, housing production and even public services. This fast and dynamic process created hybrid systems - in which self-organized ‘solutions’ played a major role” (Djokic and Kucina et al, 2003). Most buildings test the limits by going beyond the acceptable, where the desire for profit pays no attention to state regulations and fears no penalties.

International organizations, an important contributor to the international ecosystem, play a vital role in the coordination of many economic, social, political, military and cultural issues. The Western Balkans countries have been a beneficiary of big foreign assistance through international organizations, humanitarian and bilateral agencies, intended for the post-conflict reconstruction (VIIES, 2006). International aid efforts comprise a wide range of activities consisting of humanitarian assistance, return of refugees and IDPs, reconstruction of the infrastructure systems, establishment of democracy and the rule of law, institutional and capacity building, social cohesion and development, economic regeneration, creation of the market economy, poverty alleviation and many others. According to USAID N.G.O. Sustainability Index for 2006 “the number of NGOs registered in Kosovo remains at approximately 3,800. But only 150 are well-established and active”. Immediately after the conflict approximately 300 international aid agencies were registered as active in Kosovo. The lack of employment forced young Kosovars to move from villages to towns and from towns to the capital as the only city with a growing tertiary economy, owing to (temporary) international presence (D’hondt, 2007). But gradually and systematically, the international community start-

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2.3. International Organizations

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ed phasing down by going to other conflict zones or simply because there was no more work for them in Kosovo. The presence of the international community was short and in some cases what they left behind was short-lasting. In others, however, the traces are still visible after their departure. Their temporary overcrowding has left behind permanently abandoned space, tailored specifically to fit the IO needs and unsuitable for other purposes. Some of the former international community neighbourhoods are not centrally located and therefore not attractive to new potential renters. Nor do they have any special advantages or use for other functions. Huge, abandoned buildings and oversized houses in residential areas is something the international community will be remembered for. They affected the city not only by their projects, but also by their presence. Being in the city and exercising their daily activities, they brought along the new spirit and culture. All this cannot be neglected as it played a very important role in the urban development of the city as well as in the overall reconstruction process. The impact of the international community, however, did not have a label on it. The major changes happened indirectly through different means and actors. The executor was the local factor while the internationals were acting as a driving force. The changes were mainly generated by private interests which did not correspond to the overall public interest. International organizations consist of international employees and local beneficiaries (biotic factors) who function together with all non-living physical (non-biotic) factors in their environment. Looking at the big picture of the post-conflict reconstruction, it can be seen that each small component can contribute to better assistance efforts. So the diversity of issues, their interconnectedness, the dynamics and complexity of change need to be taken into account. It is crucial to look for patterns and relationships between various issues in the post-conflict environment (Hasic, 2004:2).

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3. Methodology of Inquiry

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The rationale behind the use of grounded theory as a strategy of the mixed methods inquiry lies in the fact that there is no consistent theory for the study of the postconflict reconstruction (Hasic, 2004:38). Therefore, conducting the research which attempts to create an interrelated theory can be useful in this matter. Starting from the quantitative data gathered from the experiences of a large number of participants, the study later undertakes a more in-depth investigation done in a qualitative manner. The qualitative strategy of the study seeks to get a deeper understanding of urban development, taking into account the post- conflict setting in all its complexity. The survey collects the necessary information including all categories of population at a specific point in time. It is a snapshot of the current situation through the application of the cross-sectional survey. The impact of international community on urban development of Prishtina comprises the interrelation of two variables. The international community and the local citizens both need to be included in the sample frame and the general approach used in the sampling method is probability sampling. The obvious difference in size of both groups leads to the usage of cluster sampling. The first group consists of the international population who lives and works in Prishtina while the second group is the local population. The groups differ in number of members but need to be brought to the same level of examination. The focus of this study are the internationalized parts of the City of Prishtina, which


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automatically elevates the importance of the international group to the same level as the local population, far bigger in number. Seeing these two sets of population as equal is requested by the research problem of the study. Cluster sampling is regarded as a more realistic approach to surveys because it samples groups or clusters of elements rather than individual elements (Lee et al, 1989). In the two-phase cluster sampling, a random sampling technique is applied to the elements from each of the selected clusters. The members inside the two identified groups are chosen by using a simple random sampling technique. Different areas of the city differently benefit from the international presence. To avoid the mistake of getting the same set of respondents, the samples are taken from different parts of the city of Prishtina; thus different sections of population have the same probability of inclusiveness. A numbered grid is put on the map and a random number table is then used to select which squares to sample in. Therefore the locations where the survey is conducted (Figure 2) are a systematic random sample of areas at evenly spaced intervals, every second square on the grid. This method leads us to select n units (from the overall size N) so that every one of the NCn possible samples has an equal chance of being chosen. Sample Size estimate was done according to the Australian National Statistical Service. Determining random sample size is based on 1. the specification of the number of people in the entire group; in Prishtina there are around 150,000 inhabitants aged 18 â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 65 which is the appropriate age for being able to do some critical thinking on the issue 2. the decision about the level of accuracy which is acceptable; in this case the 95% confidence level was used and margin errors within Âą5%

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Figure 2. Grid Map of Prishtina, indicating zones where the survey was conducted

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Taking into consideration the above given parameters, the sample size of this research study is 384, which is within the requested number of respondents for a convincing research study. The qualitative phase of the mixed inquiry plays the dominant role in this study. The quantitative method helps to identify the areas of concern by giving the big picture constructed by a large number of participants. The qualitative study involves the collection of multiple forms of data and a considerable amount of time spent on the site while attaining information. The instruments for data collection are observation, interview, textual documents and visual data. The advantage of grounded theory is that it can be used to analyze any kind of data. So the purpose of using the mixed method inquiry is to get as feasible, valid and broad variety of data as possible in order to create a solid integrated theory of a wider reality.

4. Discussion and Analysis As mentioned in the previous chapter, the methodology of inquiry consists of two phases, the quantitative phase followed by the qualitative one. The intention of this two-phase, sequential mixed method study is to gain statistical, quantitative data from a sample and then follow up with a few examples to examine the results in in-depth qualitative research (Creswell, 2002). In the first phase, quantitative research questions address the impact of the international community presence on the post-conflict city, with the international community physical and social set up and the city urban development as variables, international population and local population as participants and the city of Prishtina as the research site. In the second phase, qualitative observations, visual data and official documents are used to explore urban changes caused by various aspects of the international community presence in some neighborhoods of Prishtina.

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Research findings in Kosovo bring up some new issues which can only be analysed in an in-depth qualitative manner taking into account political, social, and cultural aspects of the country.

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The main category emerging from the data is urban development, whereas sub codes identify various urban development aspects such as urban geography, built environment, urban economy, social infrastructure. URBAN GEOGRAPHY Setting up offices and accommodation for the international community members was not foreseen in any of the formal plans. The policy of where and how they should be established was created in accordance with safety requirements, safety being the biggest concern at the beginning of the post-conflict reconstruction. With the passing of time, when safety was not an issue any longer, there were other factors which determined the establishment of an office or apartment from which to carry out daily activities.


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Urban geography deals with the growth and change of the city (Hutchison, 2010). The magnitude of growth and change in Prishtina has been large and degrading. This study reveals the main actors involved and the fact that they are all responsible for the extent of the damage done to the city. The survey shows that some of the local actions were prompted by the international community requests. 34% of the respondents put the location as the most important factor when choosing accommodation beside comfort, security and price. Consequently, rents in attractive neighbourhoods were high and the locals willing to do anything to get money from the well off international community. Therefore it is not surprising that the most popular locations were most affected by changes either because the international tenants directly requested them or local landlords took the initiative themselves. Arberia is a part of Prishtina which has hosted a big number of international organizations. Arberia used to be known as a residential area and was designed as such. Therefore, when it suddenly became a host to 46 organizations, change was to be expected, either in size or form. There were employees living/working there, beneficiaries who frequented them, not to mention all other services that accompanied the activities and functions of the international community. When the current situation is analysed, it appears that Arberia is still a â&#x20AC;&#x153;hot spotâ&#x20AC;? for the international community set up (Figure 3), except that nowadays the majority of organizations belong to diplomatic missions and there is no particular grouping according to the country of origin as was the case back in the year 2000. Figure 3. Distribution of the International Offices in Arberia

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diplomatic missions international organizations main IOâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s local institutions

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Figure 4. Derivative from the International Community survey

Arberia continues to be the best neighbourhood for the international community (Figure 4), be it for safety reasons or because the place has already experienced the necessary changes following the international community requests. Another thing is that IOs tend to cluster in one neighborhood so they can benefit from each other, including their competitors. Such is the case with NGOs or other big government organizations which also get together so they can benefit from the knowledge spillover.

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BUILT ENVIRONMENT refers to man-made surroundings that provide setting for peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s everyday activities ranging from buildings, parks to entire neighbourhoods and the whole city. Built environment is the physical arrangement of the city which, together with other elements of development such as politics, economy etc., attempt to create conditions for normal urban life.

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Reconstruction is usually the most immediate activity after the conflict. In reality, however, people most in need of a shelter are not the same people who do the rebuilding, have the money and power and use the opportunity to their advantage (Vockler, 2008:41). When dealing with the problem, it is important to understand various motives that drive them to act. The assumption is that certain local citizensâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; activities are indirectly prompted by the international community requests. The areas occupied by the international community have experienced the biggest changes in use, size and structure. Local people think that the most negative facet of the international community presence are overcrowded and occupied neighbourhoods (Figure 5), whereas 17% of local residents find the change of use, from residential to offices, the most disturbing (Figure 6).


international community presence are overcrowded and occupied neighb

whereas 17% of local residents find the change of use, from residentia A. Basha-Jakupi, V. Nushi: International Aid Community, its Presence in the Post-conflict... disturbing (Figure 6).

Figure 5. Derivative from the questionariesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

Figure 6.

Arberia residential neighborhoodfrom the questionariesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Figure 6. Arberia residential n Figure5. Derivative

author)

Typical housing in Arberia used to be P+1+loft of a size shown in Figure

the Regulatory Plan indicating residential use. Nowadays, the neighbourho caters for the international community needs (Figure 8). Source: author

Figure 7. Typical housing in Arberia, P+1

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Typical housing in Arberia used to be P+1+loft of a size shown in Figure 7, in accordance with the Regulatory Plan indicating residential use. Nowadays, the neighbourhood looks different and caters for the international community needs (Figure 8).

Source: author

Figure7. Typical housing in Arberia, P+1 (source: author)

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Figure 8. Arberia houses when rented to the International Organizations offices

The presence of the IOs has changed the appearance and the identity of the city. Entire neighbourhoods have turned into international quarters and the posh part of the city has been invaded, its image changing from a quite place to a very crowded and noisy one. The spirit of the city has changed because of the new and different use of the place. Such urban “planning” was acceptable to those who profited from it while the excluded part of the society had to put up with the changes in their city. The result of these construction activities is questionable regarding the technical quality and safety standards. This is a problem because urban structure of the city center has to be fully functional in the decades to come. The most frequent safety issues are blocked emergency lanes, the removal of load-bearing walls on ground floors so as to create shop space, addition of extra floors on top of buildings executed without professional supervision (Vockler, 2008:41). One interesting point raised by Vockler is the identity and image of the city, influenced by the westerners and the newcomers. The desire to be part of urban international culture has resulted in pale copies of traditions and norms of the western architecture (Charlesworth, 2006) which neglect the local context and are tasteless examples of “turbo architecture” (Vockler, 2008:51).

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URBAN ECONOMY promotes strategies and policies that enable cities to realize their full economic potential. However, intra-urban decisions made on behalf of the international community have brought about differences in the price of land, housing and commercial space which cause social segregation with respect to income (Hutchison, 2010).

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Highly paid international staff willing to spend a considerable amount of money on their apartments or offices have raised the real estate prices as well as prices of other services. 15% of the local population object to these practices and see them as the downside of the international community presence. Only 13% of international respondents take into consideration the price when choosing their apartments. High rents do not put a burden on their finances as only 8% of the respondents find their apartments overpriced. Social and neighbourhood segregation can be easily noticed, especially in those parts of the city which are not in the center and have never fostered any other activities beside being residential areas. The living conditions there are better compared


A. Basha-Jakupi, V. Nushi: International Aid Community, its Presence in the Post-conflict...

to the rest of the city and the housing has been upgraded due to financial means from before.

SOCIAL INFRASTRUCTURE For 34% of the local population, the occupancy and overcrowding of their most beautiful neighbourhoods are the downsides of the IO presence. The citizens feel that these parts of the city do not belong to them anymore since they are congested and do not allow people to live normal, everyday life. As a solution to the problem, 17% of the citizens would place the IOs in an area where they would have more free space. Another issue of concern is the belief that there is an international sub-city within the city of Prishtina. Its existence is proved by comparing the local citizens’ mind map and the response of the international community. The local population was asked to mark the places known as international (Figure 9) due to a big concentration of offices, apartments, restaurants, coffee bars etc. where the international community members live, work and spend leisure time. By creating this sub-city, they shut themselves off from urban realities and live their shell-like existence. “Though living in the same country, the two bureaucracies—one international and well-funded from abroad, one national and almost always starved for funds—are conceptually (and in terms of available resources) miles apart and therefore rarely interact meaningfully. Foreign officials gravitate toward each other socially as well, through their clubs and other groups, thus creating segregated spaces of interaction” (Ghani and Lockhart, 2008:19). “The offices of international organizations and NGOs are networked by means of new concrete buildings, with security guards and strict rules of access, all signs that mark them as places of privilege” (Ghani and Lockhart, 2008:19). The message these buildings and settings send to the citizens is not compatible with what the IOs claim: transparency, trust, cooperation etc.

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Setting up the international community offices and living quarters has affected the city development. Most IO members look for big, new houses and spend considerable amounts of money. Service industry arrives in areas around rented offices or apartments. Coffee bars, restaurants, DVD/CD stores, massage centers, brothels etc. flourish in no time (Vockler, 2008:39). As seen earlier in this research, there is a long chain of aid delivery through various mediators before the end beneficiary gets a reduced share of it. There are complaints about the long process of filtration of the assistance whereas, in the case of getting big money from high rents, the financial gain is quick and direct. It takes much more than money to set up a proper reconstruction foundation. In this case there is no political momentum and the implementation of financial programs and money injections seem excessively dominant (Hasic, 2004:25). As a consequence, the local population starts building, rebuilding and transforming their homes into big offices and fancy apartments in the hope of earning money from the rent.

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Figure 9. Distribution of the International Community Residence; Offices; Restaurants according to the Local Community Mental Map

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The non-profit organization Collaborative Learning Projects (CDA), in the Listen Project, reveals that the local people want the staff of aid organizations to be present and interact with them, so they can better understand their needs, respect their ideas and value their opinions, share and learn from each other (CDA, 2010). Not surprisingly, this request derives from the familiar reality in which the international community has a limited understanding of the people they serve, the dynamics of the national politics and economy, especially outside the capital city (Ghani and Lockhart, 2008:19).

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5. Conclusion As the analysis of the grounded data shows, the identified problems are caused by a common phenomenon. Generality among the substantial codes can be explained by the fact that they altogether form a network of relations which influence one another, under the main category of urban development of the post conflict city. The grounded theory analysis of the quantitative and qualitative research findings points to the fact that the international community presence has brought great changes to the urban city life. The most noticeable change is uneven development of city neighbourhoods. In those parts of the city where there was a high concentra-


A. Basha-Jakupi, V. Nushi: International Aid Community, its Presence in the Post-conflict...

tion of international organizations, a disproportionate amount of money was spent on the infrastructure repair to ensure a rapid delivery of services to the international community. Unfortunately, those were short-term solutions, with no plans for the future infrastructure maintenance. Furthermore, the study reveals social segregation, mostly visible between the local and the international community. Another form of social segregation exists among the local population: there are those who have profited from the international presence and those who have not benefited in any way and only experience the burden of the change brought about by the international community. In weak economies, a free market system fails to protect the most vulnerable groups of people before they have time to re-establish viable livelihoods; at the same time it increases the opportunities for the rich who have already benefited from the war (Sultan, 2005:250). It would not be fair to say that the changes experienced by Prishtina citizens and caused by international organizations have been made with bad intentions. There is a category of people who have actually benefited from their presence. The problem is rather that it is not the right category. When and if accommodation facilities are properly governed, the complete urban layout can be rearranged and upgraded for the benefit of the whole community. The responsibility falls on government institutions because of their lack of involvement, planning and ad hoc solutions. The analysis shows that most problems are caused by the absence of relevant stakeholdersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; comprehensive/holistic approach to sustainable urban development.

References 1. Anderlini, S. N. and El-Bushra, J. (2007). Post Conflict Reconstruction in Inclusive Security, Sustainable Peace: A Toolkit for Advocacy and Action. Hunt Alternatives Fund Publications (HAF), 53-68. 2. Beck, U. (1992). Risk Society. Towards a New Modernity. London/Newbury Park/New Delhi: Sage Publications. 3. CDA Collaborative Learning Projects (2010). Initial Findings from the Listening project Report. Available at: www.cdainc.com/cdawww/pdf/other/ip_2page_initial_findings_from_the_listening_project_20100803_pdf.pdf. (Accessed 15 January 2017)

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Urban development of the city as the main category will be upgraded only when these issues are addressed and approached under one model with a set of concepts which provide understanding of these phenomena or form the basis for action with respect to them (Given, 2008). It often happens that, during the reconstruction process, international actors are closely linked to the ongoing program or project and everything else is of little importance to them. Everything is â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;sacrificedâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; for the success of the project; it is rarely understood that an integrated and holistic approach is also possible which makes reconstruction efforts even more effective. The same is true for the physical and social establishment of the international community which could easily go hand in hand with the overall reconstruction effort.

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4. Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and the Association of the US army (AUSA) (2003). Final Report of the bi-partisan commission on postConflict. 5. Charlesworth, E. (2006). Architects without frontiers: War, reconstruction and design responsibility. Elsevier Architectural Press. 6. Creswell, J. W. (2013). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches. Sage publications. 7. Dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Hondt, F. (2007). Re-creating Kosova Cities. Available at: www.isocarp.net/ data/case_studies/912.pdf. (Accessed 21 January 2017) 8. Djokic, A. and Kucina, I .et al. (2003). The Wild City. Available at: http://www. stealth.ultd.net/stealth/01_wildcity.html. (Accessed 18 November 2017) 9. European Stability Initiative (2006). Utopian Visions, governance failures in Kosovaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s capital. Discussion Paper. ESI. 10. Evans, G. and Newnham, J. (1998). The Penguin dictionary of international relations. London: Penguin Books, 235-236. 11. Garstka, G. J. (2010). Post-conflict urban planning: The regularization process of an informal neighborhood in Kosova/o. Habitat International, 34 (1): 86-95. 12. Junne, G. and Verkoren, W. (Eds.). (2005). Post conflict development: meeting new challenges. Lynne Rienner Publishers. 13. Ghani, A. and Lockhart, C. (2009). Fixing failed states: A framework for rebuilding a fractured world. Oxford University Press. 14. Given, L. M. (Ed.). (2008). The Sage encyclopedia of qualitative research methods. Sage Publications. 15. Harrison, S. S. (1990). After the Wars: Reconstruction in Afghanistan, Indochina, Central America, Southern Africa, and the Horn of Africa .Transaction Publishers. 16. Hasic, T. (2004). Reconstruction planning in post-conflict zones: Bosnia and Herzegovina and the international community (Doctoral dissertation, Infrastruktur). 17. Hondius, F. (1999). Recognition and protection of NGO-s in International Law. International Developments. The international. 18. Hutchison, R. (Ed.). (2009). Encyclopedia of urban studies (Vol. 1). Sage. 19. Lee, E. S.; Forthofer, R. N. and Lorimor, R. J. (1989). Analyzing Complex Survey Data (Sage University papers series. Quantitative applications in the social sciences; no. 07-071). Sage Publications. 20. Municipal Assembly Prishtina (2004). Prishtina Urban Development 2004-2020, Strategic Plan. The Department of Urban Planning and Construction. 21. Read, G. (2008). Architects without Frontiers: War, Reconstruction and Design Responsibility-Edited by Esther Charlesworth. Journal of Architectural Education, 61 (3): 65-66. 22. Schacher, T. (2004).Who builds a city? Development of Kabul Reconstruction and planning issues. In Architecture and behavior, Switzerland. 23. Sultan, B. (2005). After the Conflict: Reconstruction and Development in the Aftermath of War. London: IB Tauris. 24. The Vienna Institute for international Economic Studies/WIIW (2006). Western Balkans Economic Development since Thessaloniki 2003.


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25. UN-HABITAT, Commission on Sustainable Development (CSD 12) (2004). Sustainable Recovery in Post-Crisis Situations. Norwegian Ministry of the Environment. 26. USAID N.G.O. Sustainability Index for 2006. Available at: http://pdf.usaid.gov/ pdf_docs/Pnadk556.pdf. (Accessed 25 November 2016) 27. Vockler, K. (2008). Prishtina is Everywhere. Turbo Urbanism, Architectura & Natura. 28. Worldbank. (2016). Country Program Snapshot. Available at: http://pubdocs. worldbank.org/en/419461462386476530/World-Bank-Kosovo-Program-Snapshot-April-2016.pdf. (Accessed 11 November 2017)

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Pregledni rad

Arta Basha-Jakupi Sveučilište u Prištini, Građevinski i arhitektonski fakultet, Kosovo e-mail: arta.jakupi@uni-pr.edu Violeta Nushi Sveučilište u Prištini, Građevinski i arhitektonski fakultet, Kosovo e-mail: violeta.nushi@uni-pr.edu

Pomoć međunarodne zajednice u obnovi zemalja nakon sukoba i utjecaj njezina djelovanja na urbano nasljeđe – studija slučaja grada Prištine Sažetak Višestruki proces rekonstrukcije u zemljama nakon sukoba dotiče vitalne aktivnosti života svake zemlje i zahtijeva različite pristupe, međusobnu usklađenost i stremljenje zajedničkom cilju. Programi pomoći nisu posvuda jednaki i razlikuju se po hitnosti djelovanja, pravu prvenstva i važnosti. Tako postoje programi pomoći zbog čijeg uspjeha dolazi do zanemarivanja nekih postojećih okolnosti ili grubog nasilja nad onim što se u tom trenutku smatra manje važnim. Djelovanje međunarodne zajednice na Kosovu ili u bilo kojoj drugoj zemlji u razdoblju nakon sukoba odvija se prema ranije utvrđenom programu rekonstrukcije, s manjim ili većim razlikama, ovisno o prirodi sukoba i lokalnom kontekstu. Ova studija otkriva da plan smještaja međunarodne zajednice nije cjelovito razrađen. Međunarodna je zajednica velik entitet koji se sastoji od ljudske/humane i fizičke komponente, te njezin utjecaj na izgled urbanog prostora u kojemu djeluje ne može proći nezamijećeno. Studija je bazirana na mješovitoj metodologiji istraživanja strategijom utemeljene teorije i analizirajući situaciju u Prištini postavlja učinke boravka internacionalne zajednice u širi okvir procesa rekonstrukcije. Istraživanje ispituje početnu postavku da prisustvo međunarodne zajednice u periodu nakon sukoba utječe na urbani razvoj. Procesu rekonstrukcije valja pristupiti proaktivno i multidisciplinarno u svrhu izgradnje cjelovitih i održivih socijalnih, ekonomskih i prostornih sustava.

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Ključne riječi: urbano planiranje, arhitektura, međunarodna zajednica, smještaj osoblja, proces rekonstrukcije nakon sukoba, Priština.

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Recenzije i prikazi DOI 10.5673/sip.55.3.5

Anita Skelin Horvat

O jeziku i identitetima hrvatskih adolescenata Srednja Europa, 2017., Zagreb, 186 str.

U prvim trima poglavljima u okvirima različitih humanističkih disciplina detaljno se razrađuju teoretski pristupi jeziku i identitetu s posebnim osvrtom na kulturu mladih. Iako autorica mladima pristupa kao specifičnoj populacijskoj skupini „koja je izložena fizičkim, psihičkim, kognitivnim i emocionalnim promjenama u procesu prilagođavanja nesigurnome, dinamičnome i promjenjivome svijetu odraslih“ (str. 1.), jasno se određuje prema isključivom definiranju mladih kao jedinstvenog populacijskog korpusa na temelju biološke, kronološke ili društvene dobi. Kroz odabir glavnih teoretskih pravaca autorica naglašava kako je mladost kao životni period danas itekako izazovan analitički koncept u raznorodnim društveno-humanističkim istraživanjima, pa tako i u sociolingvistici. Govoreći o mladima i njihovom osjećaju pripadnosti, Anita Skelin Horvat u svojoj knjizi naglašava fluidnost granica pojedinih populacijskih grupa i članstava u njima tvrdeći kako se koherentnost, stabilnost i jasna organiziranost populacijskih skupina kao istraživačka hipoteza također ne odražava u analitičkom i interpreta-

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Knjiga Anite Skelin Horvat O jeziku i identitetima hrvatskih adolescenata objavljena je u biblioteci Sociokulturna lingvistika u izdanju Srednje Europe 2017. godine, a proizašla je iz autoričine doktorske disertacije. Podijeljena je u osam poglavlja: Tko su mladi?, Identitet/i, Jezik mladih, Ciljevi i metodologija istraživanja, Ispitanici, Upotreba jezičnih varijeteta, Kako mladi jezikom konstruiraju identitete? te Hrvatski adolescenti kao „vrsni sociolingvisti?“. Na kraju je knjige „Zaključno?“ kao zasebno poglavlje, a donosi autoričina završna razmatranja i buduće smjernice u istraživanjima. Također, knjiga sadrži iznimno bogato „Kazalo pojmova i imena“ te „Literaturu“. Na temelju provedenoga metalingvističkog istraživanja na srednjoškolcima u Splitu i Zagrebu, a u sklopu sociolingvističke i lingvističko-antropološke teorije, Anita Skelin Horvat iscrpno prikazuje i interpretira složene procese konstrukcije i formiranja uglavnom grupnih identiteta kroz upotrebu lokalnih govora pokušavajući dati odgovor na glavno istraživačko pitanje svoga dugogodišnjeg rada o ulozi jezika za konstruiranje/iskazivanje identiteta kod mladih u Hrvatskoj.

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tivnom diskursu karakterističnom za ovo istraživanje. S druge pak strane, prema autoričinom promišljanju na temelju raznorodne teoretske literature, mladi čine „generacijsku grupu“ različitu od djece i odraslih te pod utjecajem suvremene i dominantne digitalne kulture može ih se smatrati i zasebnom skupinom specifičnih zajedničkih karakteristika. Diskutirajući kroz kulturno antropološki i sociološki diskurs, Skelin Horvat pristupa kulturi mladih u prvom redu kroz kulturnu teoriju i polazišta mnogih suvremenih autora, primjerice Halla i Whannela (1998.), te utvrđuje kako se kultura tinejdžera na jedinstven način može istraživati u verbalnim elementima, prvenstveno u slengu. Skelin Horvat stoga govori kako „[u] sociolingvističkim istraživanjima mladosti se pristupa analizirajući jezik kojim se služe s primarnom ulogom uspostavljanja međusobne sličnosti s drugim grupama mladih i stvaranja društvenih identiteta te istovremenog uspostavljanja razlika prema djeci i odraslima“ (str. 4.). U sociolingvističkoj teoriji Skelin Horvat analitički koncept govora, jezika ili slenga sagledava kao važno obilježje grupa, stoga govor mladih u njezinoj analizi ima specifične obrasce, kao što su poseban rječnik, karakteristični fonološki, morfosintaktički, prozodijski i drugi jezični oblici. U tom pogledu jezik je prema Skelin Horvat na manifestnoj razini jedan od najvažnijih, ali sigurno najsnažniji način iskazivanja vlastitog statusa i identiteta u komunikaciji s vršnjacima i prijateljima.

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Govoreći o identitetima i njegovim obilježjima, autorica, kao i većina suvremenih teoretičara, naglašava dinamičnost procesa identifikacije kroz mnogostrukost identiteta i prije svega kontekstualizaciju, koja obilježava suvremene, vrlo često fragmentirane i hibridne identitete današnjih generacija. Dinamiku u percepciji identiteta Drugih Skelin Horvat ilustrira i kroz Blommaertov (2005.) teoretski pristup, koji je upravo problematizirao razlike u percepciji heterogenosti i univerzalnosti vlastite grupe spram uniformiranosti i homogenosti Drugoga (str. 23.).

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U poglavljima o identitetu i jeziku Skelin Horvat diskutira na koji način identiteti nastaju u grupnoj interakciji, te zaključuje kako se oni ostvaruju ponajprije u diskursu (str. 41.) upotrebom slenga, neologizama te dijalekatskim i nestandardnim jezičnim elementima. Svaka generacija, pa tako i mladi, prilagođava jezik svojim potrebama iskazujući grupnu pripadnost te koristeći specifičan rječnik, izraze i fraze, a promjenjivost i efemernost jezika posebno je vidljiva u slengu. Karakteristike su slenga, naglašava Skelin Horvat, upotreba novih riječi, naziva, izraza i pojmova koji nastaju vrlo brzo, ali se i brzo zamjenjuju drugim, novim riječima i izrazima. Tako jezik, tj. sleng mladih postaje bogat rječnikom iz popularne kulture koji je prisutan u, dominantnim za njihovu kulturu, medijima. Međutim ono po čemu jezik mladih postaje izuzetno zanimljiv jesu lokalni elementi, kroz koje se konstruira pripadanje lokalnoj jezičnoj zajednici, što uključuje specifičnosti i posebnosti, a doprinosi heterogenosti same skupine općenito. Zanimljivosti slenga na komunikacijskoj razini mnogobrojne su, od njegove funkcije otpora društvenim normama do posebne vrste pobune spram dominantnih društvenih vrijednosti te u iskazivanju inovativnosti i trendova. Uloga je slenga i „impresionistička i performativna“. Naime svrha je načinom govora, između ostalog,


Recenzije i prikazi

impresionirati sugovornika vlastitom posebnosti i modernosti. Obilježja su slenga, kako autorica citira iz mnogih izvora, podjednako i zabava, i igra, i humor, kao i isticanje različitosti, slikovitost, zanimljivost, izbjegavanje klišeja, postizanje kratkoće i konciznosti, obogaćivanje jezika i tako dalje (vidi Patridge, 1971.).

Skelin Horvat u poglavlju „Hrvatski adolescenti kao ʻvrsni sociolingvistiʼ“ zaključuje kako su mladi poprilično svjesni varijabilnosti jezika, ali i njezine važnosti u komunikaciji. Analiza formalnosti i neformalnosti situacije pokazuje ovisnost jezika mladih i o kontekstu. Stoga Skelin Horvat zaključuje kako mladi upotrebljavaju poseban, u pravom smislu generacijski jezik u razgovoru s vršnjacima, koji karakterizira veći broj vulgarizama i psovki, zatim kolokvijalnih i dijalekatskih riječi te slengovskih izraza i riječi, različit od generacijskog jezika svojih roditelja. U zaključnom poglavlju autorica sažima svoje rezultate i propituje smjernice budućih istraživanja, koja bi se, sukladno njezinom mišljenju, trebala temeljiti na bogatijem etnografskom pristupu i dugotrajnom bivanju na terenu. Knjiga Anite Skelin Horvat O jeziku i identitetima hrvatskih adolescenata zanimljiva je za sve one znanstvenike i studente te stručnu javnost koja u svoj fokus uključuje mlade i njihovu kulturu, prije svega zbog specifičnog pristupa tako osjetljivoj tematici, a kroz upotrebu različitih jezičnih varijeteta. Autorica analizirajući jezik na originalan način govori o životnim stilovima mladih u značajnom broju kulturnih domena, kao što su druženje s vršnjacima, slobodno vrijeme, škola i obitelj, intimni odnosi i slično. Stoga će ova knjiga biti zanimljiva mnogim istraživačima, bez obzira na to bave li se primarno obrazovanjem mladih ili sociološkim, psihološkim, etno-

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Nakon izuzetno bogatog teoretskog presjeka, drugi dio knjige donosi deskriptivno-interpretativne analize prikupljenih podataka, koje uključuju analizu stavova i strategija mladih prema vlastitom govoru i jeziku te jezičnom ponašanju. Zbog mnogobrojnih specifičnosti i složenosti heterogene i dinamične, ali opet i prema određenim kriterijima i homogene populacijske grupe, Skelin Horvat analizirajući mlade iz Zagreba i Splita primjenjuje vrlo zanimljiv i jedinstven analitički algoritam temeljen podjednako na kvalitativnoj i kvantitativnoj metodologiji. U opisu istraživačkih instrumenata primjenjuje već spomenutu miješanu metodu unutar jedinstvenog istraživanja, kao i triangulacijske tehnike. Temeljno istraživačko pitanje upotpunjuje specifičnim istraživačkim pitanjima: Postoji li svijest kod mladih o različitosti jezičnih varijeteta? Služe li se jezikom kako bi istaknuli svoju pripadnost određenoj grupi ili se pak distancirali od neke grupe? Kakve stavove o pojedinim jezičnim elementima imaju mladi? Kako definiraju pojedine varijetete i stilove kojima se služe, tj. kojim se metalingvističkim elementima sami ispitanici služe?, na koje daje odgovor u zaključnim poglavljima knjige. Tako primjerice kroz analizu obilježja kulture mladih autorica govori o povezanosti glazbenih pravaca i slenga, načina odijevanja, tj. specifičnog imidža i slobodnog vremena kao važnih elemenata identiteta, koji se na specifičan način odražavaju u govoru mladih. Sljedeća razina analize odnosi se na upotrebu različitih jezičnih varijeteta u unaprijed zadanim situacijama te pitanja o jezičnom ponašanju. Deskriptivne statističke analize jasno pokazuju osobitosti u upotrebi kolokvijalnih i standardnih varijeteta te slenga u interakciji s obitelji, vršnjacima u školi, u javnim ustanovama i tako dalje.

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loškim ili antropološkim analizama dominantnih kulturnih promjena u suvremenom kontekstu Hrvatske, dajući im jedinstvenu perspektivu, ovaj put iz sociolingvističkog kuta.

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Lana Peternel Znanstvena suradnica u Institutu za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu

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UPUTE SURADNICIMA SOCIOLOGIJA I PROSTOR – četveromjesečnik za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja objavljuje samo znanstvene radove iz sociologije prostora (urbane i ruralne sociologije) i srodnih znanstvenih područja koja proučavaju selo, grad, prostor (urbanizma, arhitekture, socijalne geografije, urbane ekonomije, urbane antropologije, socijalne ekologije, demografije i dr.). Primaju se samo neobjavljeni radovi, a u časopisu se objavljuju na hrvatskom i engleskom jeziku. Svi radovi prolaze kroz anonimni recenzentski postupak (s obavezno dvije recenzije - double-blind review, iznimno tri). Članci – uključujući bilješke, literaturu, tablice, grafičke prikaze i sažetak, ne smiju prelaziti 27 kartica teksta (1.800 znakova s bjelinama jedna je kartica teksta). Članku se prilažu sažeci na hrvatskom i engleskom jeziku, opsega do 250 riječi, a iza sažetka navodi se popis najvažnijih ključnih riječi (do 8 riječi), odnosno ključnih pojmova kojima se u rukopisu označavaju spominjani teorijski pristupi, metodologija, iskustveni rezultati ili pravac promišljanja. Recenzije i prikazi nisu strogo prostorno profilirani te ne smiju prelaziti 8 kartica teksta. Knjige i časopisi koji se prikazuju ne smiju biti stariji od tri godine. U prikazu se, osim imena i prezimena autora čije se djelo prikazuje te naslova djela, navodi naziv izdavača, mjesto izdavanja, godina izdavanja i broj stranica. Na kraju samoga prikaza autor prikaza stavlja svoj potpis punim imenom i prezimenom. Radovi se šalju u Word formatu, fontu 12 i elektronskom poštom na adresu / e-mail: svircic@idi.hr i stjepan@idi.hr. Na prvoj stranici rada navodi se ime i prezime autora, naziv i adresa ustanove u kojoj je autor zaposlen, e-mail adresa i naslov rada. Numeracija stranica označava se u donjem desnom kutu na svakoj stranici (uključujući i stranice s bibliografijom). Bilješke (fusnote) dolaze na podnožju stranice gdje se nalazi brojčana oznaka fusnote. Svako poglavlje te tablice i slike moraju biti numerirane i imati naslov ili ukoliko su uzete iz drugog izvora onda taj izvor mora biti naveden. Tablice moraju biti crno-bijele i izrađene u programima MS Officea standardiziranom tabulacijom. Izbjegava se pisanje u kurzivu osim ukoliko želite određeni pojam naglasiti u kontrastu prema ostalim pojmovima u tekstu. Pojedinačne riječi ili fraze koje se koriste iz stranih jezika – ukoliko nisu citati – pišu se u kurzivu. Naslovi filmova, glazbenih djela ili likovnih djela navode se kurzivom (Let iznad kukavičjeg gnijezda, Trubadur, Da Vincijeva Mona Lisa). Datumi se navode u sljedećoj formi: 7. prosinca 1981. Brojevi kojima započinje rečenica i aproksimativni brojevi izražavaju se riječima – tisuću, milijun, stotina i sl. Brojevi od 10,000 prema više koriste interpunkcijsku oznaku zareza npr.: 105,278. Ukoliko ima više od 6 znamenaka, koristi se isto oznaka zareza i to odvajajući po tri znamenke brojeći s desne strane broja npr. 8,753,875,000. Citirati se može izravno – koristeći navodnike, i neizravno – prepričavanjem. Citat koji se izravno prenosi iz teksta drugog autora stavlja se u navodne znakove. Ako se izravno citira veći dio teksta, a jedan se dio želi ispustiti, ispušteni dio označava se znakom […]. Radovi u bibliografskom popisu navode se abecednim redom. Ukoliko se navodi više radova istog autora, koji imaju istu godinu izdanja, treba ih razlikovati slovima (a, b, c itd.) iza godine izdanja.


INSTRUCTIONS TO AUTHORS SOCIOLOGY AND SPACE is a quarterly journal for spatial and socio-cultural development studies. It publishes only scientific papers dealing with the sociology of space (both urban and rural) and related disciplines (urbanism, architecture, social geography, demography, urban economics, urban anthroplogy, social ecology, etc.). Submitted articles receive two (occasionally three) double-blind peer reviews, cannot be previously published and are in the Croatian and English language. Articles (including footnotes, bibliography, charts and tables, abstract) may be up to 27 cards of text in length (one card of text consists of 1,800 characters with spaces). Each article is preceded by an abstract in Croatian and English, up to 250 words in length, followed by keywords (maximum number of words is 8) which reveal the theoretical approaches, methodology, empirical results or the line of reasoning in the manuscript. Reviews are not strictly limited to space issues and cannot have more than 8 cards of text. Reviewed books and journals have to be published within the last three years. Each review states the name of the author and the title of the reviewed work, the publisher, the place and date of publication and the number of pages. Each review is signed by the reviewer’s full name. All papers are submitted electronically in Word format (font 12) to the following e-mail addresses: svircic@idi.hr and stjepan@idi.hr. The first page of the paper contains the author’s full name, e-mail address, the place of employment (name and address), the paper title. Pages are numbered at the bottom right hand corner (bibliography pages included). Footnotes are numbered and placed at the bottom of the page. Every chapter, tables and figures are numbered and clearly captioned, their source mentioned. Tables are black and white in standard MS Office programmes. Italic type is to be avoided unless it is used for terms which are in contrast with the rest of the text. Words and phrases from foreign languages (unless they are quotes) are written in italic type. Movie titles, art and music works are also written in italic (One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest, the Troubadour, da Vinci’s Mona Lisa). Dates are written as follows: 7th December 1981. Numbers which are at the beginning of a sentence and approximate numbers are written as follows: a hundred, a thousand, a million. Numbers over 10,000 are written using commas, e.g. 105,278; 8,753,875,000. For direct quotes, quotation marks are used. A direct quote from another author’s text is put in quotation marks. If a part of the quoted text is omitted, this is marked as follows: […]. Works in the bibliography are listed in alphabetical order. If several works of one author are listed and the year of release is the same, letters a, b, c etc. are put after the year of publication. Primjeri/Examples: Knjiga - jedan autor u tekstu

(Kuvačić, 2004.)

Kuvačić (2004.)

(Kuvačić, 2004.:235)

bibliografski popis Kuvačić, I. (2004). Uvod u sociologiju. Zagreb: Golden marketing – Tehnička knjiga.


Knjiga - dva autora u tekstu

(Tomić-Koludrović i Leburić, 2002.) Tomić-Koludrović i Leburić (2002.) (Tomić-Koludrović i Leburić, 2002.:169)

bibliografski popis Tomić-Koludrović, I. i Leburić, A. (2002). Sociologija životnog stila. Zagreb: Jesenski i Turk. Knjiga - tri autora u tekstu

(Ilišin, Marinović Bobinac i Radin, 2001.) – prvi put navesti sva tri autora, zatim: (Ilišin i sur., 2001.) Ilišin i sur. (2001.) (Ilišin i sur., 2001.:93)

bibliografski popis Ilišin, V., Marinović Bobinac, A. i Radin, F. (2001). Djeca i mediji. Zagreb: IDIZ. Knjiga - više od tri autora u tekstu

(Sekulić i sur., 2004)

Sekulić i sur. (2004.)

Sekulić i sur., 2004.:105)

bibliografski popis Sekulić, D.; Šporer Ž.; Hodson R.; Massey, G.; Županov, J. (2004). Sukob i tolerancija: O društvenoj uvjetovanosti nacionalizma i demokracije. Zagreb: Hrvatsko sociološko društvo. Članak u časopisu - jedan autor u tekstu

(Marinović Jerolimov, 2005.) (Marinović Jerolimov, 2005.:317)

Marinović Jerolimov (2005.)

bibliografski popis Marinović Jerolimov, D. (2005). Tradicionalna religioznost u Hrvatskoj 2004.: između kolektivnog i individualnog. Sociologija sela, 168 (2):303-338. Članak u časopisu - dva autora u tekstu

(Perasović i Bartoluci, 2007.) (Perasović i Bartoluci, 2007.:108)

Perasović i Bartoluci (2007.)

bibliografski popis Perasović, B. i Bartoluci, S. (2007). Sociologija sporta u hrvatskom kontekstu. Sociologija i prostor, 175 (1):105-120. Članak u časopisu - tri autora u tekstu

(Štulhofer, Jureša i Mamula, 2000.) – prvi put navesti sva tri autora, zatim: (Štulhofer i sur., 2000.) Štulhofer i sur. (2000.) (Štulhofer i sur., 2000.:869)

bibliografski popis Štulhofer, A.; Jureša, V. i Mamula, M. (2000). Problematični užici: rizično seksualno ponašanje u kasnoj adolescenciji. Društvena istraživanja, 50 (6):867-896. Članak u časopisu - više od tri autora u tekstu

(Balenović i sur., 2000.)

Balenović i sur. (2000.) (Balenović i sur., 2000.:813)

bibliografski popis Balenović, T.; Hromatko, I.; Markovina, J.; Perica, V.; Paratušić, A.; Poljanić, S. (2000). Studentska percepcija seksualnog uznemiravanja. Društvena istraživanja, 50 (6):811-828.


Zbornik u tekstu

(Grubišić i Zrinščak, 1999.) (Grubišić i Zrinščak, 1999.:143)

Grubišić i Zrinščak (1999.)

bibliografski popis Grubišić, I. i Zrinščak, S. (Ur.) (1999). Religija i integracija. Zagreb: Institut društvenih znanosti Ivo Pilar. Članak u zborniku u tekstu

(Jukić, 1999.)

Jukić (1999.)

(Jukić, 1999.:60)

bibliografski popis Jukić, J. (1999). Religijske integracije i uloga pomirenja, u: Grubišić Ivan i Zrinščak Siniša (Ur.). Religija i integracija. Zagreb: Institut društvenih zna- nosti Ivo Pilar. Članak u novinama u tekstu

(Dumenil i Bidet, 2007.) (Dumenil i Bidet, 2007.:24)

Dumenil i Bidet (2007.)

bibliografski popis Dumenil, G. i Bidet, J. (2007). Jedan drugi marksizam za jedan drugi svijet. Le Mond diplomatique, listopad 2007. Institucionalne publikacije u tekstu

(Državni zavod za statistiku [DZS], 2006.) – prvi put navesti puni naslov institucije (DZS, 2005.) DZS (2006.) (DZS, 2006.:987) – u sljedećim navođenjima koristiti akronim

bibliografski popis Državni zavod za statistiku (2006). Statistički ljetopis 2006. Zagreb: Državni zavod za statistiku. Radovi s interneta u tekstu

(Cedermann, 2007.) Cedermann (2007.) (Cedermann, 2007.:86)

bibliografski popis Cedermann, L-E. (2007). Computational Models of Social Forms: Advancing Generative Process Theory. American Juornal of Sociology, 110 (4). Pregledano 29. studenog 2007. (http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/AJS/journal/con- tents/v110n4. html?erFrom=-1669774549191795122Guest). Zakoni i pravilnici u tekstu

(Zakon o zaštiti okoliša [ZOZO], NN 110/07) – prvo navođenje (ZOZO, NN 110/07) – sljedeća navođenja

bibliografski popis Zakon o zaštiti okoliša, Narodne novine 110 od 2007. Molimo suradnike časopisa da se pridržavaju ovih pravila i da poštuju i slijede norme hrvatskoga standardnog jezika. Uredništvo časopisa ima slobodu ne prihvaćati tekstove autora ukoliko se ne pridržavaju ovih naputaka. Za sva ostala pitanja autori se mogu javiti uredništvu koje će u najkraćem mogućem roku pronaći rješenje. Uredništvo


Sociologija i prostor / Sociology and Space - Vol.55 No.3 (209)  
Sociologija i prostor / Sociology and Space - Vol.55 No.3 (209)  

Časopis za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja / Journal for Spatial and Socio-Cultural Development Studies

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