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Božo Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries Created upon the Disintegration of the Former Yugoslavia

Sabina Cvitković, Mihael Kline: Skopje: Rebranding the Capital City through Architecture and Monuments to Remake the Nation Brand

UDK 316.334:316.4 ISSN 1846-5226

Ivo Kunst: Image Redesign as a Tool for Safeguarding a Destination’s Market Prosperity: The Case of Dubrovnik

Časopis za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu

Branka Novčić Korać, Tina Šegota: Branding of a (Desti)nation with a Deteriorated Image: The Case of Serbia

Tematski broj

Biljana Petrevska, Vlatko Cingoski: Branding the Green Tourism in

(Re)Branding Destinations in Southeastern Europe: An Interdisciplinary Perspective

Macedonia

Daniela Angelina Jelinčić, Feđa Vukić, Iva Kostešić: The City is

Gošće urednice u tematskom broju: Saša Poljanec-Borić, Tanja Mihalič

more than just a Destination: An Insight into City Branding Practices in Croatia

Milena Toković, Mina Petrović: The Brand Potential of „Soft“ Factors of

U ovom broju pišu:

the Territorial Capital: A Study of Eight Medium-Sized Cities in Serbia

Sociologija i prostor, 55 (2017) 207 (1): 1–163

Božo Skoko, Sabina Cvitković, Mihael Kline, Ivo Kunst, Branka Novčić Korać, Tina Šegota, Biljana Petrevska, Vlatko Cingoski, Daniela Angelina Jelinčić, Feđa Vukić, Iva Kostešić, Milena Toković, Mina Petrović

Sociologija i prostor, godina 55., broj 207 (1), str. 1–163, Zagreb, siječanj–travanj 2017.

207 (1)


Sociologija i prostor – Časopis za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja Sociology and Space – Journal for Spatial and Socio-Cultural Development Studies

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Časopis za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja Godina 55. Zagreb, siječanj-travanj 2017. Broj 207 (1) str. 1-163

Sadržaj Saša Poljanec-Borić: Foreword – (Re)Branding Destinations in Southeastern Europe: An Interdisciplinary Perspective....................................................................................3 Članci Božo Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries Created upon the Disintegration of the Former Yugoslavia........................................5 Sabina Cvitković, Mihael Kline: Skopje: Rebranding the Capital City through Architecture and Monuments to Remake the Nation Brand......................................33 Ivo Kunst: Image Redesign as a Tool for Safeguarding a Destination’s Market Prosperity: The Case of Dubrovnik.............................................................................55 Branka Novčić Korać, Tina Šegota: Branding of a (Desti)nation with a Deteriorated Image: The Case of Serbia.........................................................................................77 Biljana Petrevska, Vlatko Cingoski: Branding the Green Tourism in Macedonia............101 Daniela Angelina Jelinčić, Feđa Vukić, Iva Kostešić: The City is more than just a Destination: An Insight into City Branding Practices in Croatia.............................117 Milena Toković, Mina Petrović: The Brand Potential of „Soft“ Factors of the Territorial Capital: A Study of Eight Medium-Sized Cities in Serbia........................................135 Recenzije i prikazi

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Marko Kovačić i Martina Horvat: Od podanika do građana: razvoj građanske kompetencije mladih (Ivana Čavar)..........................................................................154 Branislava Baranović: Koji srednjoškolci namjeravaju studirati? Pristup visokom obrazovanju i odabir studija (Nadja Čekolj)..............................................................159

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Journal for Spatial and Socio-Cultural Development Studies Volume 55 Zagreb, January-April 2017 Number 207 (1) pp. 1-163

Contents Saša Poljanec-Borić: Foreword – (Re)Branding Destinations in Southeastern Europe: An Interdisciplinary Perspective....................................................................................3 Articles Božo Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries Created upon the Disintegration of the Former Yugoslavia........................................5 Sabina Cvitković, Mihael Kline: Skopje: Rebranding the Capital City through Architecture and Monuments to Remake the Nation Brand......................................33 Ivo Kunst: Image Redesign as a Tool for Safeguarding a Destination’s Market Prosperity: The Case of Dubrovnik.............................................................................55 Branka Novčić Korać, Tina Šegota: Branding of a (Desti)nation with a Deteriorated Image: The Case of Serbia.........................................................................................77 Biljana Petrevska, Vlatko Cingoski: Branding the Green Tourism in Macedonia............101 Daniela Angelina Jelinčić, Feđa Vukić, Iva Kostešić: The City is more than just a Destination: An Insight into City Branding Practices in Croatia.............................117 Milena Toković, Mina Petrović: The Brand Potential of „Soft“ Factors of the Territorial Capital: A Study of Eight Medium-Sized Cities in Serbia........................................135 Reviews and presentations

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Marko Kovačić i Martina Horvat: From Subjects to Citizens: Developing Young People’s Civic Competence (Ivana Čavar)...............................................................................154 Branislava Baranović: Which High School Students Intend to Go to University? University Education and the Choice of Studies (Nadja Čekolj)..............................159

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Foreword

(Re)Branding Destinations in Southeastern Europe: An Interdisciplinary Perspective Foreword

Indeed this hope was fulfilled as authors from Croatia, Macedonia, Slovenia and Serbia contributed to this special issue by sending interesting and well-informed articles, raising important questions and discussing in depth some structural problems related to branding nations, places and destinations in South East Europe. A selection of seven articles which successfully passed a peer reviewing process were chosen for this special issue in order to present to the wider public the scope of topics that contributing authors considered relevant when responding to our call. We believe that these seven articles point to the problems that currently shape the process of (re)branding of nations, places and destinations in South East Europe as well as the scope of the analysis authors were willing/able to undertake. Clearly, most of the authors regard Slovenian nation/destination branding practices better or generally more successful (when compared to practices developed within other newly independent states). Also, a number of articles presented in this special issue suggest that most of the place and nation branding activities undertaken in 1

The mentioned article appeared in 2002.

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It is my great pleasure to present to the interested public the special issue of the journal Sociology and Space entitled (Re)Branding of Destinations in Southeastern Europe: an Interdisciplinary Perspective. This is, to the best knowledge of guest editors, the first call on this topic launched from a Croatian based social science journal targeting the authors working in the countries of ex-Yugoslavia. Today, these countries are shaped by very different political and social realities and, undoubtedly, more favorable academic and research environments are correlated with the integration of a particular country into the EU. In such circumstances we, the guest editors, were aware of the possible asymmetric reception of the call. However, we were convinced that successful (re)branding of the “independent states that have put their Yugoslav and communist past behind them” is the sole way to “inspire confidence for investment in economic reconstruction” and to ensure “the projection of national identity”, as Derek Hall put it in his seminal work “Brand development, tourism and national identity: The re-imaging of former Yugoslavia”1. In such circumstances we were interested in deepening the understanding of problems and practices relevant for branding activities in the South East Europe. Therefore, we launched this call in order to identify the authors, map topics and methods, look at literature consulted for different research purposes and designs and find out the scope of the analysis authors undertook when they examined the problems related to branding of nations, places and destinations across South East Europe. With these specific aims in mind guest editors were hopeful that the call would find its audience and that an adequate number of authors would respond to it.

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Foreword

South East Europe (including Slovenia) are still using destination branding practices in order to achieve nation and place branding outcomes. This insight suggests that newly independent states tend to reach out for “quick fix” (re)branding solutions. Even though such a dynamics is probably driven by fierce global competition which urges governments of newly independent states to produce a positive image as soon as possible in order to couple the (re)creation of national identity with economic revitalization, it should nevertheless be interesting to further investigate whether such practices are driven only by this rationale and whether they will produce socially and politically responsible effects in nations that are channeling nation and place branding “umbrella“ activities into destination branding practices.

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Some of the articles published in this special issue clearly question the “quick fix” branding strategies and their authors are suspicious of the results achieved by such strategies and the accountability of decision makers that opt for such choices. The authors fear that destination branding practices are too often “site” and not “place” driven and are therefore “un-organic” because they are not connected with the social fabric of the very place they are branding. Ultimately, they suggest that “quick fix” branding practices are under-informed, non-transparent, non-inclusive and unaccountable to tax payers that finance their production. This is especially true in the case of Dubrovnik where the lack of “organic” branding transforms cultural heritage into the “tourist gaze” or Skopje, where city branding has a paradoxical effect on nation branding. Several authors suggest such practices should be reconsidered in a number of newly independent nations across Europe.

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With regard to the scope of the analysis, it should be mentioned that the authors from Croatia and Slovenia tend to discuss relevant issues in a wider regional context while authors from Serbia and Macedonia analyze primarily their own national problems. This difference in the scope of the analysis can probably be attributed to the fact that branding practices in Slovenia and Croatia have reached a more stable phase, thus allowing the authors from these countries to devote their time to other interesting topics in South East Europe. On the other hand, authors from Macedonia and Serbia still evaluate their respective branding practices against national development goals, institutional capacities and good governance principles. However, it should be emphasized that differences in the scope of analysis do not imply the lesser quality of the articles published in this special issue. The readers will witness the fact that a smaller scope sometimes produces more robust methodologies and persuasive articles as is the case of the article discussing branding green tourism in Macedonia. Last but not least, I would like to thank, on behalf of guest editors, all the authors who have responded to our call and Dr. Anđelina Svirčić Gotovac, Editor-in-Chief, for all the support provided by the journal Sociology and Space. It is my hope that this special issue will be an incentive to other colleagues to enlarge and deepen the cooperation in the research of nation/place/destination branding across the EU and all Europe for the benefit of new, independent nations. In Zagreb, May 22, 2017 Dr. Saša Poljanec-Borić, Guest Editor


DOI 10.5673/sip.55.1.1 UDK 338.48 Pregledni rad

Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries Created upon the Disintegration of the Former Yugoslavia Božo Skoko

ABSTRACT This article analyzes the attempts of four countries created upon the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia – Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia – to use communication as a tool for establishing themselves as distinct travel destinations and for creating attractive brands in the international political and economic markets. The paper focuses particularly on the analysis of the communication and promotion approaches, and concepts and strategies used by these countries in terms of the processes behind the aims outlined in the preceding sentence. The level of success of each country, as regards the subject matter of this article, is determined for the purpose of the analysis in question, by the best known brand perception surveys. The paper also analyzes the disintegration of Yugoslavia in the context of the newlycreated countries’ attempts to establish themselves internationally and compares their approaches to developing their brands and the models they are using for it. The countries in question are focused on tourism promotion. In these countries we see a tendency towards ignoring other aspects of branding. None of the analyzed countries have introduced the systematic management of their brands due to the fact that the process of brand development is obstructed by unresolved political issues or a failure of their politicians and ordinary citizens to understand the advantages of branding. Slovenia, according to the criteria used in this analysis, has adopted more efficient practices than the other three countries covered in this paper but it is important to stress that Croatia ranks first when it comes to tourism branding. The paper suggests that the importance of country branding has not yet been fully appreciated in Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia and that no integral branding concepts are being used, despite sporadic attempts undertaken by the mentioned countries. Key words: country, branding, public relations, Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia.

Copyright © 2017 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

University of Zagreb, Faculty of Political Science, Croatia e-mail: bozo.skoko@fpzg.hr

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1. Introduction

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The process of the disintegration of Yugoslavia was tightly tied in with other local and global processes. It started in 1991 when Slovenia, Croatia, Macedonia and Bosnia and Herzegovina declared independence, but the spark that ignited the dormant desire for independence in the mentioned countries was the collapse of the bipolar world order brought on by the political and economic instability in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the collapse of Communism in Central and Eastern Europe. After 46 years of Communist rule the constituent republics of the SFRY were free to go their own way. As a result, the non-aligned Yugoslavia lost its geostrategic importance that had earlier ensured abundant support from both East and West. Jović (2003:487) holds that a number of factors caused the disintegration of Yugoslavia, central among them being the disintegration of the ideological consensus within the Yugoslav political elites, which had taken place in the form of a gradual, lengthy process that had led to the disintegration of the state institutions themselves. Steindorff (2006:207) is of the opinion that the death of Josip Broz Tito (Communist leader and president of Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1980) was a symbolical turning point that marked the beginning of the state crisis in Yugoslavia. Tito’s authority had been undisputed and his cult of personality was one of the decisive integrating elements of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The position and powers he held as lifetime president were transferred, after his death, to the collective eight-member presidency (consisting of one representative from each republic and autonomous province). The president of this collective body would be elected from among them for a one-year mandate. The collective presidency and the principle that all decisions were to be made by a majority vote were supposed to prevent the hegemony of any one ethnic group over the others and secure the viability of the SFRY (Skoko, 2010:25). Also, in the late 1970s, Yugoslavia started experiencing a permanent economic crisis as a result of its accumulated foreign debt, inadequate innovation and efficiency of its companies, and inefficient functioning of its state self-management institutions (Steindorff, 2010:25). However, the pivotal development that pushed the country towards disintegration and war was the rise of Slobodan Milošević as Serbia’s leader. He began materializing the tendencies of Serbian nationalist elites. It has to be noted that the 1991-1992 negotiations of the presidents of six Yugoslav republics (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Serbia and Macedonia) on the reorganization of the Yugoslav federation failed, despite the international community’s strong support to the federal government’s efforts to carry out reforms and turn the SFRY into a democratic federation with a market economy (Silber and Little, 1997:147-149). Slovenia and Croatia shared the opinion that Yugoslavia should be transformed into a confederation. They also insisted that every constituent republic of the SFRY had the right to declare independence under the provisions of the 1974 Constitution. Serbia and Montenegro were in favour of maintaining the existing arrangement. However, they asserted that if any one republic seceded, ethnic groups living in them (primarily referring to the Serbs living in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina) had the right to self-determination (Silber and Little, 1997:147-149). Led by Serbian president Slobodan Milošević and supported by the Yugoslav People’s Army, Serbia and Montenegro launched an aggression against their western neighbours in order to create a “Greater Serbia”.


B. Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries...

The disassociation of Yugoslav republics was accompanied by six wars: the Ten-Day War in Slovenia in July 1991; the Croatian War of Independence (1991-1995); the Bosnian War (1992-1995); the Kosovo War and NATO’s bombing of Serbia in 1999; and the 2001 Insurgency in the Republic of Macedonia. The cumulative result of the wars was 300,000 deaths, massive destruction, hundreds of thousands of displaced persons and refugees and a collapsed economy. According to Bilandžić (2000:46), all the ideologies supporting the idea of a common south Slav political entity disappeared in these wars: from the Pan-Slavism and Yugoslavism of the 19th and 20th centuries to the ideology of “brotherhood and unity”, aggressively promoted by the Yugoslav authorities and media, creating an elaborate iconography based on the premise that Yugoslavia was a bastion against the hegemony of any given, past, present or future, great power. Taken by surprise by the outbreak of hostilities in Yugoslavia, certain circles in the international community tried to save the integrity of Yugoslavia at all costs, justifying the effort by the fact that Yugoslavia was perceived in a relatively positive light in the West and was generally deemed a successful socialist experiment.

Slovenia was the most developed Yugoslav republic. Also, it suffered negligible damage in its ten-day war against the Yugoslav People’s Army (YPA). After this short war, the country experienced rapid economic growth. Slovenia became the EU member state together with the other East European states that joined the Union in the first wave of enlargement in 2004. As the second most developed Yugoslav republic, Croatia is still second only to Slovenia in terms of political and economic standards in relation to the other countries of the former Yugoslavia. It has to be pointed out that Croatia fought for its independence against the YPA and rebel Serbs for five years and the loss of life and material destruction sustained in the war significantly hampered its development. Only in 1997 did it manage to re-establish constitutional order throughout its entire territory. Croatia joined the European Union in 2013. In the late 1980s in most republics of the SFRY there was a marked tendency towards liberalisation in the political, economic and social spheres. On the other hand, Serbia, led by Slobodan Milošević, experienced a dramatic drift towards reactionism and irredentism. It is a historic fact that Serbia was responsible for the violent disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. The country still inefficiently grapples with the issue of war guilt, as if Serbian officialdom cannot decide whether to accept the responsibility for the war or lament the fact that it suffered an ignominious defeat in every war it waged after the breakup of the SFRY. Violent domestic politics (with ultranationalist parties – radicals and socialists – winning elections), provoking wars

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Bilandžić (2000:43) claims there was no other such small area in Europe with so many differences in levels of development. For example, the differences between some of the republics and autonomous provinces in socialist Yugoslavia were greater than those between the most developed and least developed European countries. These different starting positions were later reflected in the development of the newly created countries.

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and causing an implosion of its territory, have marked the past fifteen years in Serbia (Vurušić, 2008). After the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Serbia and Montenegro remained in a joint state until the latter opted for independence in 2006. Two years later, Serbia formally lost Kosovo – a former autonomous province in Yugoslavia – when the international community recognized its independence despite Serbia’s and Russia’s opposition.

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The path to independence was the hardest for Bosnia and Herzegovina. Even today, it is still an undefined and struggling country consisting of two entities and three peoples, (Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs) each with different interests and expectations. Although elections on all three levels of government take place at regular intervals, in reality, the country is governed by the High Representative appointed by the international community, who has the right to veto all the decisions of the government and parliament and the right to replace officials. The independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina was declared in 1991 by Bosniaks and Croats only. Supported by the Yugoslav People’s Army and following the agenda of Greater Serbia, the Bosnian Serbs rebelled in 1992. The aim of the rebellion was to force Bosnia and Herzegovina to cede a large portion of its territory to Serbia. The plan failed for two reasons: Bosniaks organized their own army and refused to give in and the international community – the US in particular – recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina and prevented its partition (Bilandžić, 2000:51). The signing of the Dayton Accord in 1995 ended the war, but the country was irrationally divided in two territorial entities – Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (where Bosniaks and Croats live) and Republic of Srpska (ethnically cleansed during the war and now populated mostly by Serbs). In reality, the two entities – plus Brčko District – function separately, with a very little consent regarding common interests of the state. At the same time, Croats in the Federation – as the smallest constituent nation – are not really able to control their own destiny because the government caters to the interests of the Bosniak majority. The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina was extremely brutal, with massive loss of life and property. The Srebrenica genocide – the largest individual atrocity in Europe after World War II is but one example of the savage, merciless and internecine nature of the war. There were armed conflicts between Serbs and Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats, Bosniaks and Croats, even Bosniaks and Bosniaks. The country still functions on ethnic principles instead of on political or social ones. Because of the failed economy, unemployment, inflation and general lack of social development, the country ranks far behind other transition countries. The unstable political and economic situation has reduced to a minimum its chances of joining the EU and NATO anytime soon. Still, in June 2008, Bosnia and Herzegovina signed the Stabilization and Association Agreement with the European Union, thus making its first step on the road to European integration (Skoko, 2010:36). Seven new independent countries were created in the aftermath of the disintegration of the SFRY, each having tried in the past decades to attract international attention and establish itself as a tourist and economic brand. When they appeared on the map of Europe, most of them were complete unknowns because Yugoslavia (as the umbrella brand) had existed with different political systems for more than seven decades. As such, it was an established and recognizable country to many. Less known


B. Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries...

was the fact that the former Yugoslavia was a conglomerate of languages, cultures and religions, still containing elements from four different cultural spheres of the past: Byzantine, Islamic, Mediterranean and Central European. (Bilandžić, 2000:43) During most of their history, until the creation of Yugoslavia in 1918, its peoples constituted integral parts of different economic, political and cultural entities – primarily the Ottoman and Habsburg Empires (and Venice, in the case of Croatia). This is why the newly created countries insisted on resurrecting their national myths and legends with the aim of asserting their uniqueness and establishing an image of themselves as far removed as possible from the ones once aggressively promoted by the Yugoslav authorities. The results were mixed. Encumbered by the legacy of a common, supraethnic, and supranational identity, one that had been systematically imposed on them for half a decade, the newly created countries found that they could not break away overnight from the cultural and social shackles of the past in terms of how they were perceived by the rest of the world. In that regard, the wars in the former Yugoslavia went a long way toward preventing the countries created by the breakup of Yugoslavia to establish quickly a positive and unique image of them in the world.

2. Branding of transition countries in perspective While older countries enjoy well-established national images at home and abroad, the past century has seen the emergence of roughly 100 new nations, which face a double challenge. They are challenged first with crystallizing a coherent national image within the domestic realm. Secondly, states carry the burden of transmitting a positive country image to the global community (Saunders, 2012:51). In this sense, former Communist states faced specific challenges: identities of individual countries and nations had often been suppressed within multinational communities and the image of the entire Communist bloc was very negative in the West.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

This is why all the countries that emerged from the break-up of Yugoslavia conducted their own separate communication and promotion efforts, determined by political, social and economic circumstances. Undoubtedly, in doing so, they used the global branding experiences and tried to adapt them to their needs. The purpose of this article is to analyze the specific qualities of individual approaches of four exYugoslav countries and to evaluate their attempts to establish themselves as tourist, economic and cultural brands. The analysis will focus on four of these newly created countries – Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia. The reason behind the choice is simple: the development of all four countries has been marred, to a lesser or higher degree, by war and all four countries have strived to create a new identity for themselves. As previously mentioned, all four countries have used different approaches and methods based on their respective circumstances, but the issue under examination in this work is to what extent they complied with professional branding standards. Based on that examination the purpose of this work is twofold: first, it will try to recognise and categorise the models and approaches developed by the countries in question in terms of their efforts to establish new identities, and second, it will attempt to recognise and categorise the types of impact the approaches and methods in question have garnered and levels of success they have achieved.

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One of the most damaging effects of Communism was the way in which it destroyed the national identity and the nation brands of the countries within the Soviet Union. By stopping the export of their national products and preventing people from travelling abroad, and in many other ways, the Soviet regime effectively deleted the old, distinctive European nation brands – Hungary, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Romania, even Russia itself – that had been created and enriched over centuries of more benign rule. Most of these states are now working hard to rebuild their images and their identities, and it is a slow and painful process (Anholt, 2007: 118). Many European countries in transition whose reality changed dramatically (e.g. due to the fall of Communism) started seeking ways to present their tourism potential, attract investment or develop their own brand for both the domestic market and export (Hall, 2004; Kaneva, 2012). After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, many newly established countries in Central and Eastern Europe have relied on public relations to create new identities for themselves and communicate these identities to the rest of the world. Such examples are Estonia and the Czech Republic, which have successfully positioned themselves as independent, democratic and dynamic countries (Szondy, 2006:113). While they shared the fate of other countries in transition, the former Yugoslav republics had some specific experiences – like the war – that slowed down and substantially affected their efforts. Precisely because of the wars in the former Yugoslavia, which were accompanied with the transition process, the states that emerged from the former Yugoslavia should be regarded as a specific phenomenon in relation to other transition countries.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Finding an identity became increasingly important for the newly formed nations in the aftermath of the armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. The fledgling states had no option but prioritise that particular aspect of their newly won independence. To them, the search for and recognition of the somewhat forgotten national identity meant a separation from their Yugoslav past and a return to their roots, history and traditions (Novčić and Štavljanin, 2015:266).

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Volumes of literature and research on transition-country branding attempts have been published in recent years. In her book Branding Post-Communist Nations, Nadia Kaneva (2012) deals with the phenomenon of marketizing national identities in the “New Europe”. She presents an overview of the research conducted on this phenomenon and analyzes the branding attempts of some Central and Eastern European countries and mistakes the countries in question made in the process. Namely, a number of critical studies look specifically at Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), where nation branding has proliferated particularly fast, and examine the challenges of national re-definition through branding in the post-communist context (Aronczyk, 2007; Baker, 2008; Dzenovska, 2005; Jansen, 2008; Kaneva, 2007, 2012; Vočić, 2008; Widler, 2007). The focus on the post-communist experience is motivated by the broader goal of contributing to the study of changes in the structure and relations of power, identification, and mediation that were enabled by the end of Communism


B. Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries...

(Kaneva, 2012:5). Some authors link branding attempts with the phenomenon of emerging nationalism. Rupnik (1996:44) outlines three primary causes for the return of nationalism to post-communist Europe, which include “the end of the Cold War and the transformation of the international system; the ideological vacuum after Communism; the economy, caught between globalism and the decomposition/ recomposition of systems”. Many authors tackle the stereotypical depiction of the East in Western countries (e.g. Wolf, 1994), particularly the Balkans (e.g. Todorova, 1997) and the “return to Europe” phenomenon (more on this in: Skoko, 2016). Namely, owing to the bloody history of the region and the wars during and after the disintegration of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, the century-old stereotypes associated with the Balkans have come to life again and are still dominant in the collective memory of Europeans. Dictionary definitions of “balkanize” tend to emphasize diversity, conflict and fractionalization (Todorova, 1994; Hall and Danta, 1996). It has therefore been one role of tourism marketing for destination countries on the fringe of South-Eastern Europe to distance themselves from “Balkanness” and to employ branding to this end (Hall, 2004:117).

According to the rather scarce literature dealing with state-branding attempts in the former Yugoslav countries, it seems that what all these newly created states have in common are their efforts to become major tourist brands. To this end, Slovenia and Croatia have made the greatest progress in creating their own brands. “In both cases, as recently emergent independent states formerly of the Yugoslav federation, their use of branding has positively attempted to assist the creation of a new national image, and negatively, to distance themselves from the Yugoslav past” (Hall, 2004: 117). Slovenia is one example of a state that has succeeded admirably in shaking off the negative perception of being “Balkan” through successful promotion of branded exports (Elan skis, Gorenje appliances, Laško pivo beer and others), well-funded tourism campaigns, and by joining NATO and then the EU (Anholt, 2007:117). Slovenia’s case is extraordinary in terms of its tourism industry and political sphere and it should be further explored within the context of nation branding and competitive identity development practices in new Europe (Poljanec-Borić, 2016:15).

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

The book International Public Relations – Perspectives from Deeply Divided Societies, edited by Ian Somerville, Owen Hargie, Maureen Taylor and Margalit Toledano (2017), also offers interesting analyses of the role of public relations in post-conflict societies such as those in the areas of the former Yugoslavia and Northern Ireland as well as in the relations between Israel and Palestine. In the chapter on Yugoslavia, they particularly address the “nation building and communication” phenomenon, focusing on Croatia during the EU accession period, and on Bosnia and Herzegovina, where there were a number of attempts made by the international community to improve the country’s economic, political and social stability and strengthen its unity by using information and communication campaigns. They stress the role of communication in building a nation and national identity, but also a state brand.

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The book Evolution of Destination Planning and Strategy – The Rise of Tourism in Croatia, edited by Larry Dwyer, Renata Tomljenović and Sanda Čorak (2017), is dedicated to the phenomenon of tourism development in Croatia and the creation of a distinctive brand for that state – something the editors present as a successful example of tourism development: “In terms of tourism, Croatia is a rising star. Although occupying only 1.3% of EU territory, and accounting for less than 1% of the total EU population, it realizes 61 million of tourist nights or 5.1% of EU total. When the number of tourist nights is put in proportion to the population size, Croatia is the most popular destination in the European Union, alongside Malta and Cyprus” (Dwyer at al., 2017:1).

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

However, tourism is only one segment in creating a nation brand. Anholt (2007:26) believes that a national brand – or the Hexagon of Competitive Identity – is made up of tourism, brands, policy, investments, culture and people. Each of these segments contributes to the identity and image of a country, speaking of its strength, creativity, success, even charm. This is why this analysis will try to establish to what extent some countries are dedicated to these segments in the creation of their own brands and how they are perceived by the world.

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Jaffe and Nebenzahl (2006:138) define country branding as using marketing strategies in order to promote the image, products and attractions of a particular country for attracting tourists and foreign investments. Most authors dealing with the country branding phenomenon agree that countries must become brands in order to achieve their political, commercial and other goals in the global market (cf. Skoko, 2009: 131). This is why every country that successfully manages its own identity and image – and its communication and promotion at a global level – protects itself from the effects of the so-called external branding (a risk of others creating its image in the international community). However, the entire process as such will not automatically make it a distinctive and appreciated brand, because a number of factors are required for it. For example, Dinnie (2010:15) defines nation brand as a unique, multidimensional blend of elements enabling the differentiation of a country on the basis of culture and relevance for its target audiences. Countries become brands in certain political and economic environments, competing with others with increasingly similar products and services and with similar communication and marketing strategies, techniques and tools at their disposal. This is why their identity comes into the picture, together with the special qualities and features that distinguish them from their environment and competition, as well as the ability and creativity they employ in their attempts to make their identity more competitive (Skoko, Gluvačević, 2016). This phenomenon is addressed in Simon Anholt’s book Competitive Identity (2007), which sees the identity and special qualities of countries as branding trump cards in the globalized world. It is widely assumed that the tools and know- how related to commercial branding can be used to help any given country to develop a coherent and viable identity, attract foreign capital and motivate its citizens to adhere to the government’s policies (Aronczyk, 2013: 3). Nation branders argue that smaller and poorer nations in particular need to work on developing their recognizable image in the global marketplace (Anholt, 2003, 2007; Holt, 2004; Kotler and Gertner, 2002; Olins, 1999; Papadopoulos and Heslop, 2002) in order to increase visibility, attract


B. Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries...

tourists and foreign investors, expand exports, promote their international profiles among members of international organizations, and, importantly, mobilize patriotism at home (Volčič, 2014:147).

3. Brand perception and rankings of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Serbia

The Future Brand: Country Brand Index is based on the quantitative and qualitative methods used on a sample of between 2,500 and 3,600 public opinion makers who are also frequent visitors from 13 to 18 countries, depending on the year of the survey (Future Brand: Country Brand Index 2012-2013, 2012:5; Future Brand: Country Brand Index 2014-2015, 2014:8). Every country is assessed on the basis of the following criteria: value system, quality of life, business opportunities, tourism heritage & culture, made in (product brands from that country). The purpose of the questionnaires used in the surveys is to find out how strongly the respondents perceive countries through seven different spheres: Awareness, Familiarity, Preference, Associations, Consideration, Decision/Visitation and Advocacy (Future Brand: Country Brand Index 2014-2015, 2014:8). Brand Finance prepares financial assessments of a country’s brand value, focusing on measurable economic categories such as national GDP trends, comparing values, strength of influential brands, assessing nation brand strength, weighing average cost of capital or discount rate, long-term growth rate and brand valuation (Brand Finance: Nation Brands, 2014:3). Bloom Consulting ranks countries using two criteria: country as a tourism brand and country as an economic brand. Bloom Consulting’s methodology is based on assessments of six dimensions (for each of the 187 1

One of the leading indexes – Simon Anholt’s Nation Brand Index – does not include the former Yugoslav countries in its surveys.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Because of the continued increase of the importance of destination branding, numerous institutions around the world have been trying to “measure” the strength – or popularity – of individual countries as brands. As such, millions of people around the world have been using these rankings as a kind of guide for visits, investments, living, etc. Such rankings are popular and deemed trustworthy by the public; they can be used for additional promotion of individual countries as they are mostly based on extensive public opinion surveys and/or measurable economic indicators, or facts like natural diversity, state of cultural heritage, investments in tourism, investment climate, cordiality and hospitability of their people etc., while meeting with powerful response from the international public community at the same time. Despite their different methodological approaches, all of the leading nation-brand evaluation indexes are mostly focused on similar parameters (see more in: Skoko and Gluvačević, 2016). In order to establish the ratings of Slovenia, Croatia, BosniaHerzegovina and Serbia, we will focus on Future Brand: Country Brand Index, Bloom Consulting and Brand Finance1, due to its credibility in the public arena, its citation rates and its influence.

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countries observed): attraction of investment, attraction of tourism, attraction of talent, strengthening national pride (increase of national pride), strengthening public diplomacy and strengthening exports (Bloom Consulting, 2013:3-5). Table 1 Future Brands – Country Brand Index 2010

2011

2012/2013

2014/2015

49

40

41

44

Croatia Slovenia

54

52

63

n/a

Bosnia and Herzegovina

n/a

n/a

82

n/a

Serbia

84

97

108

n/a

Sources: FutureBrand: Country Brand Index, p. 106; FutureBrand: Country Brand Index 2014-2015, p. 43

Future Brands index places Croatia on top according to the strength of its brand. In its 2014/2015 report, the Future Brands Country Brand Index ranks Croatia 44th as the only former Yugoslav country; we can assume that other former Yugoslav countries did not make it in the TOP 75 list. Croatia is still considered a brand but, as we can see on page 36 of the report (http://www.futurebrand.com/uploads/CBI14_15-LR.pdf, downloaded on 13 February 2017), the chart shows that it gravitates toward the “experience countries” group more than toward the “status countries” or “brand countries” groups. This Index ranked Croatia 40th in 2011 and 49th in 2010. Interestingly, however, Future Brand 2011 (2011-2012:53) ranked Croatia as the ninth country in the world according to its natural attractions, while not including it among the leading countries in any other category. On the one hand, it is positive that it recognized Croatia’s natural attractions. On the other, the fact that Croatia as a tourist country failed to be put on the map for any other tourist advantage in the competitive environment can be considered a problem.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Table 2 Bloom Consulting index (2014/2015)

14

Tourism – World ranking

Tourism – CBS ranking

Trade – World ranking

Trade – CBS ranking

Croatia

28

A

88

BBB

Slovenia

55

AAA

139

BBB

Bosnia and Herzegovina

133

B

121

BBB

Serbia

103

BB

91

BB

Sources: Bloom Consulting – Country Brand Ranking Tourism Edition 2014/2015, pp. 21-22; Bloom Consulting – Country Brand Ranking Trade Edition 2014/2015, p. 22

According to this ranking, Croatia and Slovenia have an attractive status as tourist countries. As for the investment and business criteria, the scores are rather devastating. In this respect, the rankings of Croatia and Serbia are somewhat higher than those of Bosnia-Herzegovina and Slovenia.


B. Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries...

Table 3 Country rankings according to Brand Finance 2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

Croatia

53 ($25B) Rating: BB

69 ($30B) +21,2% Rating: BB

62 ($47B) +42.5% Rating: A-

66 ($40$) –14% Rating: A

73 ($36B) -9% Rating: A

76 ($32B) -11% Rating: A

74 ($33B) +4% Rating: A+

Slovenia

52 ($29B) Rating: BBB

68 ($33B) +12.8% Rating: BBB

59 ($50B) +39.7% Rating: A-

62 ($47B) -5% Rating: A

60 ($56B) +18% Rating: A-

62 ($53B) -5% Rating: A

61 ($53B) 0% Rating: AA-

n/a

86 ($14B) Rating: BBB

n/a

n/a

n/a

66 ($38B) Rating: A-

Bosnia and Herzegovina

Serbia

88 90 89 ($16B) ($12B) ($15B) +11.5% -21% +19% Rating: BBB Rating: BBB Rating: BBB

69 75 74 78 ($40B) + ($31B) ($34B) ($31B) -9% 10.7% –23% +11% Rating: ARating: BBB Rating: BBB Rating: BBB

73 ($33B) +9% Rating: A

Sources: Brand Finance Nation Brands 100, pp. 19, 67-68; Top 100 Nation Brands 2012, pp. 66-67; Brand Finance Nation Brands 2013, p. 21; Brand Finance Nation Brands 2014, p. 23; Brand Finance Nation Brands 2015, p. 15; Brand Finance Nation Brands 2016, p. 15.

The above table shows that all four countries rank lower on the country-brand scale compared to 2010, although the ratings of Croatia, Slovenia and Serbia have increased. As regards the overall country-brand value, only Slovenia has increased it, thus maintaining the status of the most expensive brand among these countries. The brand values of Croatia and Serbia at the end of 2016 were similar, although Croatia has a somewhat higher rating.

Table 4 International Tourist Arrivals 2010-2015 (number of tourists in millions)

Croatia Slovenia Bosnia and Herzegovina Serbia Macedonia Montenegro Kosovo

2010 9,111 1,869 0,365 0,683 0,262 1,088 n/a

2011 9,927 2,037 0,392 0,764 0,327 1,201 n/a

2012 10, 369 2,156 0,439 0,810 0,351 1,264 n/a

2013 10, 955 2,259 0,529 0,922 0,400 1,324 n/a

2014 11,627 2,411 0,536 1,029 0,425 1,350 n/a

2015 12,683 2,707 0,678 1,132 0,486 1,560 n/a

Sources: UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2012, p. 7; UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2013, p. 8; UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2014, p. 8; UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2015, p.8; UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2015; p.8 and UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2016, p. 8.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Countries of the former Yugoslavia focus their branding efforts on tourism for the sole purpose of attracting tourists. Therefore it is further interesting to analyze international tourist arrivals and receipts in countries of interest for our analysis in order to evaluate the success of their tourism branding efforts.

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Table 5 International Tourism Receipts (mil. US$) 2010-2015 2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

Croatia

8,259

9.185

8,774

9,555

9,866

8,833

Slovenia

2,566

2,708

2,577

2,791

2,719

2,504

Bosnia and Herzegovina

0,594

0,628

0,603

0,689

0,707

0,656

Serbia

0,798

0,992

0,906

1,053

1,139

1,048

Macedonia

0,197

0,239

0,233

0,267

0,295

0,267

Montenegro

0,660

0,777

0,826

0,884

0,906

0,902

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

Kosovo

Sources: UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2012, p. 7; UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2013, p. 8; UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2014, p. 8; UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2015, p.8; UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2015; p.8 and UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2016, p. 8.

Obviously, by those criteria Croatia is the most successful former Yugoslav republic. The fact that it is an Adriatic country with a beautiful coast and 1,244 islands has certainly contributed to this. However, despite the fact that Croatia’s tourism industry is more developed than those of its neighbours, this does not automatically mean that Croatia is a brand and that the other countries have nothing to offer in that particular regard. On the contrary, tourism – while essential – is but a segment in the creation of a national brand.

4. Comparative analysis of Croatian, Serbian, Bosnian-Herzegovinian and Slovenian (nation) branding efforts from 1990 to present

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

4.1. Croatia

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A new sovereign state on the map of Europe as of 1990 Croatia faced two major challenges. Similar to many other transition countries, Croatia suffered from an image forged during an earlier and very different political era, which constantly obstructed its political, economic, cultural and social aspirations. Therefore, in a relatively short period of time, it had to position itself on the international political stage and win the favour of the international community, while at the same time defending its territory against aggression. In such circumstances creating a recognisable image and one that would sway public opinion in Europe towards perceiving Croatia in a more positive light was simply not possible. But, it has to be pointed out, not for lack of trying. When the war in Croatia started most people in the world perceived the country, correctly, as a victim of aggression. But that perception, albeit casting Croatia as being on the side of the angels in the war, solidified its image abroad as an unsafe country. At the same time, Croatia was torn asunder by misinformation campaigns launched by structures vehemently opposed to its independence and by prejudices and stereotypes harking back to earlier conflicts. The complexity of the


B. Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries...

situation was simply too much for casual observers in the West to take in (Skoko, Miličević and Krešić, 2017:83). The task for Croatia was clear enough; it needed to establish itself as a new country, not connected in any way, shape or form with the other republics of the former Yugoslavia. In order to achieve this Croatia focused on tourism and natural attractions as its key strategic advantages and its most recognizable features. It was both a strategic communication and political decision because Croatia launched its tourism promotion while the outcome of the war still hung in the balance. The Croatian Tourist Board, the agency in charge of the country’s tourism promotion, started preparing for an international promotion campaign under the slogan ‘Croatia – a small country for a great vacation’. Not surprisingly, the emphasis of the campaign was on Croatia’s national beauty, pristine coast featuring one thousand islands, its rich cultural and historical heritage and its reputation, established over the past half-century, as a desirable travel destination. The goal was to show that Croatia possessed many advantages over its neighbours and ram home the fact that it was unique and separated culturally, socially and economically from the other republics of the former Yugoslavia.

At that time the new marketing strategy was unveiled to the public. In collaboration with the McCann-Erickson communication agency a series of promotional posters were printed. In addition to that a tourist guide booklet in twelve different languages was published in a press run of 700 000. The tourist guide booklet presented Croatia as an attractive ‘old’ travel destination, ‘revealing itself’ to the world again. During 1993 and 1994, Croatia was ‘portrayed’ in two series of tourism posters, and 1994 saw the publication of the promotional booklet ‘The Thousand Islands of the Croatian Adriatic’ and ‘Zagreb, The Heart of Croatia – The New European Metropolis’ (Skoko, 2004). In addition to this, the Croatian National Tourist Board (the umbrella government institution in charge of promoting Croatia’s tourism industry) organized the advertising of Croatia as a tourism brand through leading global mass media outlets. As part of public relations, study trips to Croatia for foreign journalists were organized. Also, the National Tourist Board arranged participation of many Croatian private and public sector organisations in leading tourism and trade fairs throughout the world. The campaign was relentless and ultimately successful. Croatia was now perceived as an entity separate from the other republics of the former Yugoslavia and Croatia’s tourism industry experienced a dramatic rate of growth and the upward trend continues to this day. The success of the campaign helped suppress negative associations with

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Under these circumstances, it was vital, following the cessation of conflict, that Croatia should establish a national tourism marketing policy which, closely allied to national image rebuilding, would, as a brand, convey a distinct image (Hall, 2004): • To differentiate clearly the country from its neighbours • To reassure former markets that quality and value had been restored • Through the country’s major tourism attributes to secure long-term competitive advantage.

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the war and accompanying developments, which were associated with Croatia in the early 1990s (Skoko, Miličević and Krešić, 2017:89).

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Although the 1990s tourism promotion campaign yielded good results, it was clearly not enough, because Croatia was still rather unknown as a political, economic and cultural brand. Croatia officially started the process of its EU accession in 2003. It was the context in which the president at the time, Stjepan Mesić, appointed a special working group “for stimulating Croatia’s long-term and integrated promotion in the European Union”. The working group consisted of journalists, publicists, experts for public diplomacy, design, corporate identity, media and politics, and non-governmental organizations. They published their ideas in a special publication entitled Author’s Notebook (Autorska bilježnica), proposing in it the elements of Croatia’s new identity and suggestions for communication and promotional activities. It was not a strategic document; it merely offered ideas and suggestions that required shaping. One of the suggestions was to establish a separate government body tasked with the promotion of Croatia around the world. The working group’s concrete suggestions triggered a heated debate in the Croatian public. However, almost none of its suggestions were adopted because of absence of any follow-up initiative, either by the president or the government.

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In 2002 the Croatian National Tourist Board engaged the services of the consulting agency THR from Spain, which created a Strategic Marketing Plan for the promotion of Croatian tourism around the world, based on which a new wave of tourism promotion was launched under the slogan ‘The Mediterranean as it once was’. In this way, Croatia sought to position itself as a Mediterranean travel destination, and simultaneously present itself as a country with a pristine natural environment. During those years Croatia established itself as a desirable Mediterranean travel destination and the period marked a significant increase in tourism activity. The Strategic Marketing Plan of Croatia’s Tourism for the 2010-2014 period puts an emphasis on a new image of a destination based on experience and emotions. The Plan suggested the communication of simple elements of the country’s identity – preserved coast, unique system of islands, intact hinterland and rich cultural heritage. The Plan defined the basic positioning of the brand of Croatia as a Mediterranean country which has preserved the heritage of its ancestors. Thus, in spite of the efforts to bring the continental Croatian landscapes closer to the world, the Mediterranean heritage is still at the root of how the brand is perceived. The latest communication concept defined by the Croatian National Tourist Board resulted with the new slogan for Croatian tourism promotion ‘Croatia – Full of life’. The new slogan is a product of the marketing company BBDO and its subsidiaries from Croatia, Great Britain and Spain. It was developed in accordance with the Croatian Tourism Development Strategy until 2020 (Skoko, Miličević and Krešić, 2017:90). During the last two decades, Croatia has successfully repositioned its image from newly formed Balkan state, burdened with the legacy of war, conflict and socialism – to a beautiful and attractive Mediterranean tourist destination. In some countries (especially in northern Europe) Croatia is still popularly perceived in terms of the horrors it experienced during the war and as a former republic of Communist Yugo-


B. Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries...

slavia. However, it is important to stress that over the past two decades the perception has altered significantly and it is a fact that most people in Europe see Croatia in a good light (Miličević et al., 2013:236). However, over these years, the Croatia’s tourism promotion was Croatia’s only organized and systematic international communication. There is no doubt that Croatia’s tourism promotion is an efficient channel of communication, but it has to be pointed out that its positive results should be followed up by other forms of strategic communication (public diplomacy, cultural promotion etc). Unfortunately, these avenues of promoting the country remain unused. Admittedly, the Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs (its public diplomacy segment), the Ministry of Culture (promotion of Croatian culture) and the Croatian Chamber of Economy (promotion of Croatian products) do assist the Croatian Tourist Board in the promotion of Croatian culture throughout the world, but these projects are sporadic. Also, the efforts of the mentioned institutions are mostly uncoordinated. An integral national strategy for country-brand management is missing, too. Despite the several symposiums and conferences dedicated to the importance and necessity of a coherent strategic branding of the country and the fact that several prime ministers (between 2013 and 2016) underlined the importance of integral country-branding, political institutions have neither expressed any serious interest nor have they undertaken adequate steps yet. While it has managed to become a tourist brand, Croatia has failed to create an adequate recognisability in other spheres. Indeed, it has even failed to adequately take advantage of its membership in the EU in order to present itself better to its European neighbours.

Since the ousting of Slobodan Milošević from power in 2000, Serbia has made various efforts to transform the country’s negative image, acquired during the political turmoil of the 1990s, into a positive one, imbued with hope, optimism, and opportunities. Although the idea of national rebranding was discussed in Serbian media from the start of the new millennium, constructing a new image posed a greater challenge for Serbia than for most other post-communist countries. In addition to the wars of the 1990s, Serbia’s image was affected by worldwide media coverage of the Hague trials, the assassination of the prime minister in 2003, Kosovo’s independence and the related protests, and recent violence against foreigners at sports events (Mijatović, 2012:213). Hall (2002) argues that, in Serbia in the 1990s, ethnic identity was used as a tool for the search of the nation’s identity and often for political purposes. Serbia’s historic heritage served as the main source and bedrock of Serbia’s forgotten identity. After Milošević – who had launched a campaign of illegitimate historical revision in order to justify Serbia’s military aggression against its neighbours – fell from power, the new democratic government started re-establishing Serbia’s reputation internationally. In the early 2000s, the new state administration made significant efforts to im-

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4.2. Serbia

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prove Serbia’s image and position among the Western countries and attract foreign investments (Hall, 2002).

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

However, it was not until 2006 – when Serbia declared its independence after Montenegro had left the joint state – that concrete activities were undertaken. Like the other former Yugoslav countries, Serbia then faced the challenges of positioning itself as a nation and improving its image and reputation. But the path to that new, independent Serbia had been marked with dynamic historical, political and economic changes, civil war, international economic sanctions and NATO bombardment – all of them substantially contributing to the creation of a negative picture of Serbia and its “bad guy” image (Torres, 2008; Nation branding, 2009; Kaneva, 2012:213, as cited in: Novčić and Štavljanin, 2015:266). At the initiative of the Serbian government, the Council for Promotion of Serbia (also known as the Council for Branding of Serbia) was formed in late 2006. The Council’s primary purpose was to create the National Strategy for the Promotion of Serbia, which was to be adopted later by the Serbian government (Novčić and Štavljanin, 2015:266). A year later, Milka Forcan, a prominent manager, was appointed as the chairperson of the council. Its members included renowned experts from various fields. They were supposed to carry out the research and analyses required for the positioning of Serbia’s brand, develop a strategy geared towards that goal and create an Internet website for Serbia’s promotion. However, the Council was embroiled in numerous controversies and was extensively criticised by the media and politicians. After a series of such attacks, Ms. Forcan stepped down from the position of chairperson and was replaced by the director of Belgrade Philharmonic Orchestra, Ivan Tasovac (Politika.rs, 21.8.2009). The project suffered from poor communication efforts and inadequately defined goals and the public greeted it with disdain. As a result, the Council was disbanded soon afterwards (Novčić and Štavljanin, 2015:266).

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An international competition for participation in the development of the “Strategy for Branding and Promotion of Serbia” was announced. The strategy was drafted by the Ministry of International Economic Relations and Ministry of Trade, Tourism and Services. It aimed to change the negative image of Serbia abroad, specifying four goals: foreign investment, exports, tourism and foreign policy. The competition was announced with international communication agencies in mind. They were supposed to “develop a complete action plan for establishing a name for “Made in Serbia” products and the country’s tourism supply and for improving it political image in the world”. The Ministry of International Economic Relations provided the budget of EUR 1 million for the development of the strategy, and eight international marketing companies submitted their proposals (according to www.b92.net). However, the outcome of the competition is unknown. Novčić and Štavljanin (2015:267) attempted to learn the reasons for the branding strategy’s failure: its misunderstood concept, inadequate focus, complexity, large number of stakeholders and absence of a clear model. Serbia is still dealing with the aftermath of the political situation of the 1990s, with political corruption, economic inequalities, and rebuilding of the infrastructure destroyed during the preceding decade (Mijatović, 2014:228). In the opinion of Vranješ, Jovičić and Gašević (2014:60), when rebranding itself, Serbia should not aim at polishing its negative image from the past; it should do the op-


B. Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries...

posite instead – identify its crucial specific advantages and use them as the base for the campaign. After the failure of the Council’s initiative, the overall promotional activities have been reduced to tourism promotion carried out by the National Tourism Organization of Serbia. Also, as a reminder of the importance of Serbia’s branding, annual conferences on branding take place regularly, with the participation of renowned world experts. In the meantime, individuals like tennis player Novak Đoković and events like the Eurosong Contest, the Universiade, musical festivals like Exit and Guča have also contributed to Serbia’s visibility (Mijatović, 2012; Vranješ, Jovičić and Gašević, 2014). While Croatia has been focused on its tourism promotion and on branding itself as a tourist destination – never even having tried to implement a comprehensive country-branding project, Serbia has at least made efforts to that end. On the other hand, its tourism branding efforts have not been efficient enough.

4.3. Bosnia and Herzegovina

In order to turn Bosnia and Herzegovina into a stable and functional state, the international community has invested large amounts of money into its reconstruction and into various information and communication campaigns aiming at the renewal of trust and strengthening of the state institutions (Somerville, Hargie, Taylor and Toledano, 2017:14). Public relations played many roles in post-war Bosnia. The oneway communication tactics of media relations, public information, nation branding and publicity have dominated (Somerville, Hargie, Taylor and Toledano, 2017:16). Unfortunately, many of these communication attempts failed to bear fruit because the communicators ignored the big picture and real problems of the society of Bosnia and Herzegovina. David MacDonald (2010:376) claims it was the unhealed traumas from the past that helped create, in the late 1980s, an emotional climate that encouraged negative myths and the readiness to believe in them are the causes of the bloody disintegration of Yugoslavia. Bosnia and Herzegovina is plagued by the same ethnic problems that caused the war in 1991. The situation today is somewhat more complex and correspondingly more dangerous because the traumas suffered during the war remain unresolved. It is within the realm of possibility that another war in Bosnia and Herzegovina will break out if the Serbs, Croats and Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina re-

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Independent Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a former Yugoslav republic that has experienced a bloody and devastating war (1992 – 1995) and some twenty years of instability and political crises, is also trying to become a brand among the countries of the modern world. However, unlike Slovenia and Croatia, which have developed into stable democracies in the few past years, Bosnia and Herzegovina is still an unstable country and a divided multiethnic society. “The Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs still have not reached the minimal consensus on the fundamental values and standards of their coexistence – a necessary basis for the establishment and functioning of a democratic political order” (Kasapović, 2005:15-16).

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fuse to come to terms with their recent past. In that sense, it is important to prosecute those responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity in order to reassure the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina that the rule of law can and will address the issues of the past and protect them in the future. On the other hand, the international representatives creating the future of this country should keep in mind the views and feelings of its citizens if they really want to succeed in their mission. This is why the branding process is important in this particular context: it forces the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina to question their own identity and understand that all three constitutive nations have common interests. However, despite the international community’s efforts to help the country overcome its divisions and differences, ethnic tensions are still present, there is very little cooperation between the three nations, and the political discourse is marred by different interpretations of the past and conflicting ideas about the future. It is therefore only logical to conclude that it will be very difficult to implement the long announced constitutional amendments and reforms. The situation is simply two complex and rooted in mistrust and misunderstanding between the three nations. Any would-be reformer has to be acutely aware of the underlying tensions and perceptions that shape the country’s political, social and economic woes. Otherwise, any attempt at reform is doomed to failure.

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This is why Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, a German political foundation active in Bosnia and Herzegovina, carried out a number of surveys2 between 2010 and 2016, in order to establish the mutual perception of the three ethnic groups, their attitude toward the state and its identity, the image of Bosnia and Herzegovina in neighbouring countries, and the possibilities of branding in the absence of a consensus on crucial issues. Based on the survey results, a debate was organized with leading Bosnia and Herzegovina’s experts from various fields and with international experts, in order to define the identity potentials of Bosnia and Herzegovina that could help the country become better known globally and start the branding process. A consensus was thus achieved between the experts and citizens that Bosnia and Herzegovina’s trump cards for the creation of a new identity and international repositioning of the country should be: the mentality of its people, hospitability and straightforwardness, and natural attractions and diversity. Some citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina see the following as the country’s major assets: multicultural character, meeting point between various religions and cultures, meeting point between East and West. Also, they think that only economic stability can bring all three ethnic groups together and that economic stability can be achieved only if the three ethnic groups cooperate closely. Business cooperation will then spark cultural cooperation and the country will embark on a journey towards a brighter future. In the neighbouring countries, Bosnia and Herzegovina is known primarily for the war and its aftermath, and only then for its cuisine and unique lifestyle. Globally, it is either unknown or connected with the war, ethnic strife and poor functioning.3 The experts who took part in the 2

The author of this paper led the survey project. The results can be found on the foundation’s website – www.fes.ba 3

More on this in: Skoko, B. (2015). Strateške smjernice za brendiranje Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung.


B. Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries...

survey project argue that a change of the image of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the world would be hard to expect without substantial reforms and changes on the ground. This implies serious reforms of political institutions, changes in election legislation, territorial reorganization, functioning of the government, changes in the mentality and in the attitude toward the country, development of economy, higher-quality tourism offerings and better infrastructure. However, the document also gives a list of the numerous attractions, events, destinations, cultural sights and historical figures in Bosnia and Herzegovina, on which a consensus has been achieved and which could be used for the country’s promotion in the world. Surprisingly, the survey made it clear that this post-conflict state contains recognizable common elements that all three ethnic groups are proud of. These are good foundations for possible branding activities. Although the project was introduced to the public and – in 2015 – to Mladen Ivanić, chairman of the presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina – the authorities have not taken any action to this end. Bosnia and Herzegovina started the process of branding itself as a travel destination in 2008 with the support of USAID and the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA). The slogan “Enjoy life” has been adopted, a logo has been designed and a Brand Book with instructions has been published. However, systematic tourism promotional activities and the unique visual identity have become a reality only in some parts of the country. The additional problem the branding of Bosnia and Herzegovina is facing is the negative image of the Balkans in general. “Positioned on the western edge of the Islamic world, the Balkans, a term loosely conterminous with South-eastern Europe, is a region that has been subject in recent history to largely pejorative image constructions in the West” (Hall, 2004:117). However, in spite of everything, the country’s urban centres, like Sarajevo or Mostar for example, are attracting a growing number of visitors. Međugorje – known by the alleged appearances of the Virgin Mary – has become a place of pilgrimage, attracting approx. two million pilgrims and tourists every year.

Within the mentioned transitional context of new European countries, Slovenia stands as one of the countries that had put brand management efforts ahead of all the other transitional policies and had started complex brand management activities prior to becoming an independent state (Poljanec-Borić, 2016:5). In terms of nation branding, Slovenia has done more than any other former Yugoslav country. It made its first such attempts while it was still a Yugoslav republic, often triggering sharp political reactions of the federal government at the time. There were several attempts during the mid-1980s and early 1990s by the Slovenian Ministry of Tourism to engage in comprehensive nation branding and recast Slovenia’s (international) image. It was as early as 1986 that the Slovenian Tourist Board created its first campaign “Slovenia – my country” (Slovenija – moja dežela). Later, the slogan “We are the people for tourism” (Turizem smo ljudje) was introduced, followed by “Slovenia, on the sunny side of the Alps” (Slovenija na soncni strani

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Alp). Other efforts included campaigns and slogans, running from 1995 to 2004, such us “A miniature Europe”, “Paradise in Europe”, “The green piece of Europe” and “Green jewel of Europe”. In 1996, the Center for the Promotion of Tourism introduced a new logo to promote tourism in Slovenia – a bouquet of flowers referred to as a “bouquet of peace, greens, and love” that appeared alongside the word “Slovenia” spelled with the internal letters “love” bolded: SLOVEnia (Volčič, 2002:50). To summarize, in the 1990s, Slovenia tried to create its new identity in various way in its attempts to present itself to the world as a new brand. Although the focus was primarily on tourism promotion, the ideas of other brand aspects that could tell Slovenia’s tale were also considered in those early days. The country’s accession to the European Union in 2004 gave an additional impetus to these efforts. A campaign with the slogan “Slovenia invigorates” was launched at that time, targeting the country’s new European neighbours. In 2006, a global campaign under the slogan “Slovenia: your perfect getaway” was launched through global media outlets such as CNN, marking the country’s efforts to promote itself not just as a tourist destination, but also as an ideal place for living, doing business and the like. Publications regarding the subject provide information on a few other campaigns, but also on the controversies accompanying them, such as criticisms of the poor choice of slogans etc.

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Mostly, these campaigns were conscious attempts to detach Slovenia from the former Yugoslav, the “Balkan” region and what it dominantly stands for– backwardness and instability. The campaigns’ goal is to reinforce the idea that Slovenia is historically and culturally a part of Western and “civilised” Europe by emphasizing the country’s Habsburg heritage, Alpine character, and contiguity with Austria and Italy (Volčič, 2014:152).

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Slovenia’s latest branding initiative coincided with the country’s presidency of the EU. In February 2007, just before Slovenia started its presidency, the Ministry of Economy unveiled a new branding campaign: first internally to the rest of the Slovenian government and then to the Slovenian public. Before then, Slovenia had not had a coordinated national brand, but national elites had been devoted to creating one for several years (Volčič, 2014:153). A new slogan, “I feel Slovenia”, was thus chosen from hundreds of suggested ones. It was created by the Nuit marketing agency4. The public and media reacted negatively to the selection because members of the jury had been politicians, not experts. Some people also claimed the competition had been rigged (Volčič, 2014:154). However, with time, the slogan proved to be quite successful. “I feel Slovenia” is the Slovenian national brand, representing Slovenia at home and abroad with a view to increase its recognition abroad and improve its symbolic position and influence in the international sphere. The administrator of the brand is the Government Communication Office.5 After the slogan had been chosen, tenders from communication agencies were invited for designing the overall nation branding project for Slovenia. The Pristop 4

http://www.nuit.si/portfolio-item/i-feel-slovenia/

5

http://www.ukom.gov.si/en/promotion_of_slovenia/


B. Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries...

agency6 got the job and came up with a new identity and desired image of the country based on extensive research and their own branding model, developed in cooperation with French expert Leslie de Chernatony. Pristop prepared a brand book, available to the public7, defining in detail the elements of Slovenia’s identity and modes of communicating Slovenia as a brand, as well as its politics, economy, tourism, art and culture, science and sports. The role of the colour green (“Slovenia Green”) and affinity towards nature (“The mission is clear: Forward with nature”) are particularly emphasized. The book also proclaims: “Organic development is at the core of our vision”. The Brand Book thus serves as a high-quality basis for every promotional communication and presentation of Slovenia in the world. In order to be applicable all across the board, it contains practical recommendations for using visual elements, photographs, logotypes etc. A campaign targeting domestic and foreign audiences was organized in 2008. The events, presentations and advertising that it included were all carried out in accordance with this new identity of Slovenia. Although some critics point at the similarities of this approach with the ones of other “green” countries such as New Zealand, Ireland or Norway, it is nevertheless a big step forward for the countries of the former Yugoslavia because it is an attempt to create an integrated national brand on the basis of the data gleaned from various analyses and researches and other activities conducted by professionals and experts. With the slogan “I feel Slovenia” serving as the national brand slogan, Slovenia has continued with its practice of using separate promotional campaigns. For example, the ongoing campaign is using the slogan “Slovenia – the hidden treasure of Europe”.8

When it comes to country branding, the above analysis shows similar goals and efforts, but completely different approaches, executions and models. The post-independence efforts of both Croatia and Slovenia have focused on emphasising their essentially western character as opposed to that of their eastern neighbours and on attempting to disassociate themselves from any and all Yugoslav connotations. In doing so, both countries have been using their natural attractions and advantages as trump cards in presenting themselves to the world. In the meantime, Slovenia made progress toward an integrated national brand, while Croatia remained focused only on tourism. After a series of good practices and staying in the sphere of tourism branding, Slovenia made a strategic breakthrough in 6

www.pristop.si

7

http://www.ukom.gov.si/fileadmin/ukom.gov.si/pageuploads/dokumenti/arhiv_projektov/ IFS/ Slovenias_Brand_brand_book.PDF.PDF 8

http://www.ukom.gov.si/en/promotion_of_slovenia/multimedia/powerpoint/

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5. Conclusion

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2007 when it approached branding in a professional way, laying the groundwork for future high-quality international communication. However, this high-quality strategy has not yet been accompanied by the strengthening of the strategic communication at all levels; consequently, no positive results have been achieved so far. We have seen that Slovenia is much more experienced in branding efforts – they go way back to the days of former Yugoslavia – and its promotional efforts have created an added value in its economy and tourism. Croatia, on the other hand, has become a popular travel destination because of its natural attractions and the related promotional efforts. This is why the promotional campaigns have been one of its major economic tools. Also, Croatia has been forced to keep using new approaches and creativity when communicating its tourism offerings so as not to lag behind its competitors. Unfortunately, even after 25 years of independence, tourism has remained the single sphere of Croatia’s international communication, which is a devastating fact. With the exception of a single (failed) attempt, Croatian authorities have shown no understanding for the overall branding of the country. Serbia, on the other hand, has understood the importance of branding, but has failed to carry out its plan due to lack of understanding in the public and the inadequacy of institutions and their lack of professionalism. Both in Croatia and in Serbia, the first step in the branding process was to form working groups and a council, respectively. In doing so, Serbia went a little further in the strategic design of its activities. Having surpassed this level, Slovenia organized a successful call for proposals and hired professional agencies and branding experts. However, in none of these countries is there a state institution in place that would carry out and/or control the country identity and image management – something that is found in numerous successful countries of the world. In Croatia and Serbia, promotion depends on the national tourism organizations; Slovenia has a government office in charge of it.

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Lagging far behind is Bosnia and Herzegovina. All the initiatives and branding efforts mostly come from outside its borders – from international institutions or foreign NGOs as their contribution to the country’s stabilization and development. Although the potentials have been identified, almost nothing has been done by the government institutions.

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Since a branding process begins with the defining of a country’s own identity, we have seen numerous mistakes and disorientation in these countries. Serbia searched for the foundations of its identity in myths from the past. Both Croatia and Serbia tried to find them in their attempts to “return to Europe” (where they have belonged for centuries), but Europe did not welcome them with open arms after the disintegration of Yugoslavia. As for Bosnia and Herzegovina, it still has three separate ethnic identities instead of a single, supranational identity. On the other hand, if we analyze their approaches to strategic communication, we can see that, for years, all four countries were content with sporadic successes and partial communication and promotional projects instead of striving for long-term goals and strategies.


B. Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries...

Differences in their approaches to international communication and branding can also be seen if we analyze the official government websites the individual countries use to present themselves to the world. Croatia uses two websites for its communication: croatia.hr, which is also the official website of the Croatian Tourist Board, and croatia.eu, which publishes information and interesting facts about Croatia (its history, people, culture, politics, society, lifestyle…). Its homepage contains news from Croatia’s tourism offerings and the second page is very static: it does not cover current affairs in the country and is, in general, poorly positioned on the major search engines. Slovenia communicates via its official website slovenia.si, which offers information on the country, its tourism offerings, study programs, investments, employment and cultural offerings. In terms of layout and contents, the website is comparable to those of western European countries (the Swedish portal sweden.se is a good example). The visual elements and contents of the portal are in harmony with all other websites of the government and its ministries. The information about Slovenia’s promotional activities is consolidated on the website of the Government Communication Office.9 Serbia mostly communicates via Serbia.travel portal – the official portal of the National Tourism Organization of Serbia, which presents the country’s tourism offerings and its special qualities. Bosnia and Herzegovina communicates its tourism offerings to the world via bhtourism.ba – the portal of the Tourism Association of Federation Bosnia and Herzegovina, which, in fact, functions as the tourism organization of only one half of the country. The latter fact indicates the inability of the country’s two entities to reach a consensus on the national level. Consequently, while being aware of the need for international communication and branding, all the countries of the former Yugoslavia still do not meet the usual standards of strategic communication and branding when it comes to execution on a strategic level. They are focused on tourism promotion. None of the four analyzed countries have a systematic approach to managing its own identity and image, or brand (Slovenia ranks first in terms of integrated branding, and Croatia is the best when it comes to tourism branding). In most of these countries, the branding processes have been significantly hindered by unresolved political issues or the political elites’ and public’s failure to understand them.

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26. Steindorff, L. (2006). Povijest Hrvatske – od srednjeg vijeka do danas, Zagreb: Jesenski & Turk, Institut društvenih znanosti Ivo Pilar. 27. Szondy, G. (2006). The role and challenges of country branding in transition countries: The Central and Eastern European experience. Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 3 (1): 8-20. 28. Todorova, M. (1997.): Imagining the Balkans. New York: Oxford University Press. 29. Volčič, Z. (2014). Branding Slovenia – „You Can’t Spell Slovenia Without Love…“, in: Kaneva, N. (Ed.). Branding Post-Communist Nations: Marketizing National Identities in the “New” Europe. Routledge, 147-167. 30. Vranješ, M.; Jovičić, D. i Gašević, D. (2014). Brendiranje zemlje kao turističke destinacije – studija slučaja: Srbija. Ekonomija – teorija i praksa, 7 (4): 50-65. 31. Vurušić, V. (2008). Gdje smo nakon 16 godina. Jutarnji list, Magazin, 12. siječnja 2008, 66. 32. Wolff, L. (1994). Inventing Eastern Europe: The map of civilisation on the mind of the Enlightenment. Stanford University Press.

1. Bloom Consulting – Country Brand Ranking Trade Edition 2014/2015, http:// www.bloom-consulting.com/pdf/rankings/Bloom_Consulting_Country_Brand_ Ranking_Trade.pdf, 14 February 2017. 2. Bloom Consulting – Country Brand Ranking Tourism Edition 2014/2015, http:// www.bloom-consulting.com/pdf/rankings/Bloom_Consulting_Country_Brand_ Ranking_Tourism.pdf, 14 February 2017. 3. Brand Finance Nation Brands 100, http://brandfinance.com/images/upload/ bfnb_100_2011_web_sp.pdf, 10 February 2017. 4. Brand Finance Top 100 Nation Brands 2012, http://brandfinance.com/images/ upload/bfj_nation_brands_100_2012_dp.pdf, 10 February 2017. 5. Brand Finance Nation Brands 2013, http://brandfinance.com/images/upload/ brand_finance_nation_brands_2013.pdf, 10 February 2017 6. Brand Finance Nation Brands 2014, http://brandfinance.com/images/upload/ brand_finance_nation_brands_report_2014_final_edition.pdf, 10 February 2017. 7. Brand Finance Nation Brands 2015, http://brandfinance.com/images/upload/ nation_brands_2015_for_print.pdf, 11 February 2017. 8. Brand Finance Nation Brands 2016, http://brandfinance.com/images/upload/ nation_brands_2016_report.pdf, 11 February 2017. 9. Future Brands Country Brand Index 2012-2013, https://mouriz.files.wordpress. com/2013/02/cbi-futurebrand-2012-13.pdf, 13 February 2017. 10. Future Brands Country Brand Index 2014-2015, http://www.futurebrand.com/ uploads/CBI-14_15-LR.pdf, 13 February 2017. 11. Nuit, http://www.nuit.si/portfolio-item/i-feel-slovenia/, 24 April 2017. 12. Slovenia’s Brand Book, http://www.ukom.gov.si/fileadmin/ukom.gov.si/pageuploads/dokumenti/arhiv_projektov/IFS/Slovenias_Brand_brand_book.PDF. PDF, 26 February 2016. 13. „Slovenia – The hidden treasure of Europe“ campaign

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Internet sources

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14. http://www.ukom.gov.si/en/promotion_of_slovenia/multimedia/powerpoint/, 21 February 2017. 15. UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2012, http://www.e-unwto.org/doi/ pdf/10.18111/9789284414666, 14 February 2017. 16. UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2013, http://www.e-unwto.org/doi/ pdf/10.18111/9789284415427, 14 February 2017. 17. UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2014: http://www.e-unwto.org/doi/ pdf/10.18111/9789284416226, 14 February 2017. 18. UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2015: http://www.e-unwto.org/doi/ pdf/10.18111/9789284416899, 14 February 2017. 19. UNWTO Tourism Highlights 2016: http://www.e-unwto.org/doi/ pdf/10.18111/9789284418145, 14 February 2017.

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B. Skoko: Communication Strategies and Branding Attempts of Selected Countries...

Pregledni rad

Božo Skoko Sveučilište u Zagrebu, Fakultet političkih znanosti, Hrvatska e-mail: bozo.skoko@fpzg.hr

Pogled na komunikacijske strategije i pokušaje brendiranja u odabranim zemljama nastalima nakon raspada Jugoslavije Sažetak Članak analizira pokušaje četiriju država nastalih raspadom bivše Jugoslavije – Hrvatske, Slovenije, Bosne i Hercegovine te Srbije na području brendiranja, odnosno korištenja komunikacijskih alata u vlastitom pozicioniranju kao turističkih destinacija te atraktivnih brendova na međunarodnom političkom i gospodarskom tržištu. U fokusu su komunikacijske i promotivne strategije koje su pritom korištene. Uspjeh pojedine zemlje na tom području ocijenjen je prema rangu koji su tim zemljama dodijelili najpoznatiji međunarodni indeksi posvećeni snazi država brendova. Članak također analizira različite pristupe i modele koje su koristile novonastale države u međunarodnom pozicioniranju i razvoju svojih brendova. Istraživanje je pokazalo kako su sve analizirane države koncentrirane uglavnom na promociju turizma, dok su ostali aspekti brendiranja zanemareni. Nijedna od zemalja nema razvijenu cjelovitu strategiju brendiranja niti sustavno strateški upravlja vlastitim identitetom i imidžom. Sputavaju ih neriješeni politički prijepori ili nesposobnost političara i građana da shvate prednosti i važnost brendiranja zemlje. Prema kriterijima korištenima u analizi, Slovenija je provela najcjelovitiji pokušaj brendiranja, dok je Hrvatska ipak vodeća u turističkom brendiranju. Rezultat analize sugerira da važnost brendiranja zemlje u ovom dijelu Europe nije u potpunosti osviješten te da ne postoji cjelovit pristup konceptu brendiranja, već samo sporadični pokušaji u svim četirima analiziranim državama.

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Ključne riječi: zemlja, brendiranje, komunikacija s javnošću, Hrvatska, Slovenija, Bosna i Hercegovina, Srbija.

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DOI 10.5673/sip.55.1.2 UDK 338.48:72(497.7Skoplje) Izvorni znanstveni rad

Skopje: Rebranding the Capital City through Architecture and Monuments to Remake the Nation Brand Sabina Cvitković University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of marketing communications, Slovenia e-mail: sabina@cvitkovic.hr

Mihael Kline University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of marketing communications, Slovenia e-mail: mihael.kline@fdv.uni-lj.si ABSTRACT The paper examines the ideological underpinning and the level of persuasion and authenticity of the architectural upheaval in Skopje, accentuating the annihilation of the socialist period spent within Yugoslavia and the inclusion of a single dominant ethnicity. The paper is the first to suggest the co-branding of the city and nation brand, where attribute associations are transferred from the city brand to the nation brand and back. The paper contributes to the academic codification of the concept of rebranding.

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Key words: rebranding, city, nation, co-branding, Skopje, Macedonia.

Copyright © 2017 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

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1. Introduction This paper suggests that the architectural upheaval in Skopje, the capital of the Republic of Macedonia, is the visualization of the ideology and political power that serves as the communicative and persuasive tool to rebrand the city and subsequently remake the nation brand as a direct antecedent of Alexander the Great. In addition, architecture and monuments, particularly the monument commemorating Alexander the Great, are used as the carriers of desirable meanings transferred to the city brand. The paper is the first to suggest that the city and nation brand form a permanent co-branding where the attribute associations transfer from city to nation brand and back. Unlike the dominant voices of place and nation branding which suggest that branding is an apolitical strategy “gradually supplanting nationalism” (van Ham, 2001: 3) this paper suggests that branding strategies in a post-socialist context are predominantly political constructs aimed at the repositioning of the capital cities, the redefinition of a nation, the annihilation of socialism and the inclusion of a single dominant ethnicity. Although researchers like Ashworth and Kavaratzis (2009), Greenberg (2000), and Parkerson and Saunders (2005) have paid attention to place branding, little is known about the ideological underpinning of branding strategies in a post-socialist context, particularly in Southeastern Europe. Also, most of the studies deal with cities in the western world showing a clear bias in scholarship on city branding (Lucarelli and Berg, 2011). As a result, the literature on place branding is rich, but it does not capture the intricacies of such a specific context. In addition, the literature review reveals a lack of papers exploring the interconnectivity of city and nation brands. Also, the usage of the concept of rebranding is widespread within journalist papers which use the concept without it having been broadly codified in academic scholarship. This paper fills this void.

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Previous studies on the transformation in Skopje are focused on urban planning (Mariotti and Penčić, 2015; Stefanovska and Koželj, 2012), archeology and history as a tool in national identity construction (Danforth, 1993; MacDonald, 2014), the use of constructed environments as a signifier of identity (Koziura, 2014), urban branding (Muratovski, 2013) and semiotic regimentation of public communication (Graan, 2016).

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This paper is situated within the critical tradition on place and nation branding; it adopts a critical and interpretative approach and uses case study analysis to support proposed theses. The paper opens with a literature review on identification theory, culturally defined nations, strategies of place and nation branding followed by rebranding codification. The paper further reviews the main building concepts and explains the connectivity between architecture and place branding. Next, problem definition is developed, main theses are stated and the methodology is clarified. The case study analysis consists of relevant historical processes significant for Macedonian nation-building and the architectural transformations of Skopje. Then findings are merged and propositions for the bottom-up creation of the Macedonian nation brand are provided. The paper concludes with potential outcomes of the ideological underpinning of branding strategies in a post-socialist context.


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2. Literature review 2.1. Identification as a cornerstone of new nation brand acceptance Identification is a concept borrowed from psychology and here is used to stress the importance of identification in terms of acceptance of the rebranding of the Macedonian capital and hence the remaking of the nation brand. Identification theory in psychology states that in order to achieve psychological security, every individual actively seeks identity and ways to enhance and protect this identity (Bloom, 1990). Identification stands for “a oneness with or belongingness with an entity where the individual defines him or herself in terms of the entity to which he or she is a member” (Mael and Ashforth, 1992:104). According to Hall (1996) “identification is constructed on the back of a recognition of some common origin or shared characteristics with another person or group, or with an ideal, and with the natural closure of solidarity and allegiance established on this foundation” (Hall, 1996:2).

This chapter aims to underline the practice of initiators to invent the nation through the creation of culture, the construction of monuments and public spaces and establishing continuity with a suitable past, often directed toward the exclusion of “others”. This paper adopts the view of culturally defined nations where scholars like Ernest Gellner, Eric J. Hobsbawm and Benedict Anderson turned toward the idea that national cultures had to be somehow created (Zubrzycki, 2010). Tradition “includes both ‘traditions’ actually invented, constructed and formally instituted and those […] attempt to establish continuity with a suitable historic past” (Hobsbawm, 1983:1). Furthermore, “‘tradition’ is deliberately invented and constructed by a single initiator” (Hobsbawm 1983:4). As suggested by Zubrzycki (2010), invention refers to the creation of myths, symbols, traditions, national holidays, memorial days, public spaces, the construction of monuments and national symbols as vehicles of national cohesion, i.e. the creation of a national identity through a homogenous national culture and often practiced annihilation of other cultures. In addition, Anderson (2006) suggests that nation is an imagined political community and that “nationality, or […] nation-ness, as well as nationalism, are cultural artifacts of a particular kind” (Anderson, 2006:4), whilst Gellner (1964) underlines that “nationalism […] invents nations where they do not exist” (Gellner, 1964:169).

2.3. The ubiquitousness of the brand concept This chapter aims to provide a collection of different definitions and conceptions of place and nation branding. This paper adopts the view that a brand “can be understood in terms of a set of attributes” (Park et al., 1996), a perception that lives primarily in the consumer’s mind and can be defined as “an associative network, a system in which everything connects” (Franzen and Moriary, 2015:265).

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2.2. Culturally defined nations

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2.3.1. Nation branding Research on nation branding offers different approaches and accentuates different perspectives. For example, Anholt (2007) and Szondi (2008) underline the interconnectivity of public diplomacy and nation branding; Gudjonsson (2005) emphasizes the role of government in changing a nation’s image; Anholt (2003) and Graan (2016) stress the top-down control in nation branding implementation whilst scholars like Hakala and Lemmetyinen (2011) and Volcic and Andrejevic (2011) stress bottom-up co-creation. In addition, Dinnie (2008) underlines the role of culture. Writings on the role of national identity in nation brand creation are credited to scholars such as Aronczyk (2007), Jansen (2008), Kaneva (2011, 2012). According to Dinnie (2008) a nation brand is “the unique, multidimensional blend of elements that provide the nation with culturally grounded differentiation and relevance for all of its target audiences” (Dinnie, 2008:5). Jansen (2008), Volcic and Andrejevic (2011) and Kaneva (2012) argue that branding reinterprets national identity, introduces new nations and “seeks to reconstitute nationhood at levels of both ideology and praxis” (Kaneva, 2012:4). Most of the literature conceives nation branding as apolitical marketing strategy or a “post-ideological” form of reputation management for nations that targets external markets rather than an inner-orientated culturalpolitical measure that targets citizens of the national state (Kaneva, 2011; Varga, 2013). Furthermore, Aronczyk (2007) argues that nation branding is an updated form of nationalism. These claims are opposite to van Ham (2001) who suggests that branding is “gradually supplanting nationalism” (van Ham, 2001:3). Additionally, Kaneva (2011) suggests that the ability of nation branding in post-socialist contexts to pacify nationalism remains dubious. The bottom-up based concept of nation brand co-creation emphasizes the engagement and empowerment of citizens to decide what should be portrayed about their nation (Hakala and Lemmetyinen, 2011; Volcic and Andrejevic, 2011). According to Braun et al. (2013), residents can be vital participants in the place branding process. In this sense, Anholt (2007) emphasizes the importance of living the nation brand and “getting everybody in the country to speak with one voice” (Anholt, 2007:31).

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2.3.2. Place branding

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Place branding literature focuses on city branding (Ashworth and Kavaratzis, 2009; Greenberg, 2000; Parkerson and Saunders, 2005), city rebranding (Bennett and Savani, 2003; Boland, 2013), political ideology (Gertner, 2007), tourism-based destination branding (Hall, 1999; Morgan et al., 2004), region branding (Anderson, 2007), the role of culture (Philo and Kearns, 1993; Bianchini and Ghilardi, 2007; Hornskov, 2007), etc. As Hall (1999) suggests, destination branding in Central and Eastern Europe “possesses a strong ideological underpinning” (Hall, 1999:228). Urry (1995) suggests that one’s sense of place is culturally constructed. However, Philo and Kearns (1993) stress that the selling of places is “a conscious and deliberate manipulation of culture” (Philo and Kearns, 1993:3-4). Whilst most of the literature examines place branding within tourism studies, little is known about how place brands contribute to the co-creation of nation brand. In addition, most of the stud-


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ies deal with cities in the western world showing a clear bias in scholarship on city branding (Lucarelli and Berg, 2011), whilst the amount of literature on rebranding remains modest.

2.4. Rebranding cities: attributing new meanings to cities As suggested by Muzellec and Lambkin (2006), most of the writing on rebranding is journalistic in nature. In corporate literature, rebranding is defined as the “creation of a new name, term, symbol, design or a combination of them for an established brand with the intention of developing a differentiated (new) position in the mind of stakeholders and competitors” (Muzellec and Lambkin, 2006:805). Here it is argued that rebranding is characterized by the attribution of new meanings to different market categories through the 3R prerequisites of renaming, restructuring and repositioning that results in the creation of a new image in consumers’ minds.1 The brand name is an essential part of brand identity and it can affect “the favorability, strength and uniqueness of the brand associations” (Keller, 1993:9). The restructuring stands for a new model of governance directed toward increased competitiveness. Repositioning includes the change of psychological aspects of a brand and the creation and placement of a desired brand in the target customers’ minds (Czinkota et al., 2001; Wong and Merrilees, 2006). Boland (2013) sees the rebranding process as significant planning projects that are physically transforming the city where old and negative images are replaced in order to create a new dynamic place identity. Here city rebranding is defined as a politically instigated visionary project that is aimed at attributing new meanings to a city and wiping out the old and often undesired images so that the renewed brand can deliver economic prosperity, greater tourist demand, cultural attention within domestic and international customers and can serve as a vehicle to remake the nation brand.

Meanings are crucial in the creation of brands and rebranding and this paper uses the concept of meaning transfer to show how citizens’ encounters with architectural upheaval and monuments elicit desirable meanings that are subsequently attributed to a city brand. The meaning of a brand can stem from any perception of or experience related to the brand whilst every contact with the brand can result in forming an association with the brand in memory (Franzen and Moriarty, 2015:264). Alexander the Great here serves as the celebrity endorser where his credibility, image ability (Lynch, 1960) and symbolic properties move towards the city brand and 1

This paper has taken and modified the 3R pillars from the Accenture consultancy transformation as presented in Kaikati (2003).

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2.5. Celebrity endorser: carrier of desirable meanings aimed at creating the brand

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back whilst the meanings associated with him become associated with the brand of Skopje in the minds of citizens. From a meaning transfer perspective McCracken (1989), suggests that the symbolic properties of the celebrity endorser reside in the celebrity and move in both directions, from celebrity to consumer good and from good to consumer. In other words, “meanings associated with the celebrity become associated with the product in the mind of the consumer” (Gwinner, 1997:147). Furthermore, each endorser is a carrier of “not a single meaning, but an interconnected set of meanings” (McCracken, 1989:313).

2.6. The transferability of attribute associations This chapter accentuates the transferability of brand attributes from one brand to another. Brand associations include attributes, benefits (functional, experiential or symbolic) and overall brand attitudes (Keller, 1993). Attributes are descriptive features of a product or service which relate to what a consumer thinks the product or service is or has and can be classified into product-related attributes (a product’s physical composition or a service’s requirements) and non-product-related attributes (price, packaging, user imagery and usage imagery) (ibid.). Co-Branding is a derivation of the words cooperation and brand and is characterized by the transferability of brand attributes from two brands (Park et al., 1996; Baumgarth, 2003). In addition, Aaker and Keller (1990) suggest that the original brand has associations that will be potentially helpful to the extension, suggesting the transfer of desirable associations that extension is missing.

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2.7. Linking architecture and place branding

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Ideological underpinning of architecture is an important source for the debate on the impact of architecture on rebranding cities. Most studies focus on the role of architecture and monuments in nation identity construction and expression (Philo and Kearns, 1993; Verschaffel, 1999; Delanty and Jones, 2002; Jones, 2011; Light and Young, 2013), architecture as ideology and a tool for the expression of political/ authoritarian leaders (Cavalcanti, 1997; Žižek, 2009; Kaika, 2010), urban transformations in a post-socialist context (Tsenkovaand Nedović-Budić, 2006; Stanilov, 2007) and the role of architecture in city branding (Kavaratzis, 2005; Muratovski, 2012; 2013). Throughout history the city has served as the visual representation of nation, political power and ideology; the city is the point of maximum concentration for the power and culture of a community and a place where culture materializes in the built environment, parks, memorials, and marketplaces that with time become visual symbols of local identity (Mumford, 1970; Zukin, 2004). Architecture has been the universalistic expression of civilization and an important way to codify collective identities such as the nation (Delanty and Jones, 2002; Jones, 2011). Monuments as strong manifestations of architecture are voluminous, visible, lasting and tangible symbols that stand as commemorative devices, signs of power and markers of memory and history (Epps, 2001; Forest and Johnson, 2002; Smith, 2009; Verschaf-


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fel, 1999). According to Žižek (2009) “what the official ideology cannot openly talk about can be shown by the mute signs of a building”. Each leader set out to celebrate a political order by means of the construction of urban and architectural settings conceived to embody the ideology on which a new era is based and to commemorate the political achievements and purposes of his autocratic regime. The monumental urban and architectural settings were built to display political power expressing the prestige and grandeur of autocratic regimes and their leaders (Cavalcanti, 1997:81). The power of branding cities through architecture lies in the power of creating associations with a wealth of cultural heritage attributing a symbolic value, alongside its functional value (Kavaratzis, 2005). This is done through what Lynch (1960) calls image ability, “that quality in a physical object which gives it a high probability of evoking a strong image in any given observer” (Lynch, 1960:9). However, as Riza (2015) underlines, “in most cases contemporary iconic architecture is not representing or referring to local culture and authenticity” (Riza et al., 2015:272). In cities, squares are the meeting points where representative architecture displays the city and the nation culture and history on a grand scale. City squares are the center of city events and social nodes where people can be a part of the public realm and physically become a part of the larger community (Zakariya et al., 2014).

3. Problem definition The aim of this paper is to examine the ideological underpinning and the level of persuasion and authenticity of the architectural upheaval in Skopje. In addition, the paper aims to reveal how symbolic meanings that elicit edifices and monuments transfer to Skopje and subsequently to the modern-day Macedonian nation brand. Furthermore, questions are raised as to whether the rebranding of Skopje is aimed at the annihilation of the socialist period within Yugoslavia and the inclusion of only the dominant ethnicity and which are the outcomes of the top-down single minded control in implementing branding strategies.

Based on the defined problem and literature review of the described concepts this paper suggests the following three theses. Building on the literature on the role of culture in inventing nations, architecture as the expression of political power and ideology and the role of architecture in place branding this paper suggests the following thesis: T1: The architectural upheaval represents the visualization of ideology and a form of cultural manipulation characterized by the lack of authenticity, credibility and coherence in repositioning Skopje from a socialist city to a city having the appearance of an ancient European city and subsequently the remaking of the Macedonians as a nation belonging to Europe, having direct connections with the ancient Macedonians, antecedents of Alexander the Great.

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4. Theses

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Building on the findings on culturally defined nations where culture is often used to annihilate others, this paper suggests the following thesis: T2: The branding strategy is aimed at the annihilation of the Macedonian socialist period and the half-century within Yugoslavia and the inclusion of only the dominant ethnicity in branding strategies. Based on the findings on top-down and single-minded control in nation branding implementation and bottom-up co-creation this paper suggests that: T3: Branding strategy based on a top-down approach is causing problems with internal identification and external adaptation

5. Methodology This paper employs a meaning-based approach to qualitative research. According to Orlikowski and Baroudi (1990), the aim of interpretive research is to “understand how members of a social group, through their participation in social processes, enact their particular realities and endow them with meaning” (Orlikowski and Baroudi, 1990:14). Interpretative methods start from the position that our knowledge of reality is a social construction by human actors (Walsham, 2006). The paper applies case study analysis, the preferred strategy when “how” or “why” questions are being posed and when the focus is on a contemporary phenomenon within a real-life context (Yin, 1994).

6. Rebranding Skopje and remaking the Macedonian nation brand in perspective The following is a review and analysis of crucial time periods in the development of the Macedonian nation-building process from the very beginning to the present.

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6.1. The pre-historical Macedonian nation-building process until 1944

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Macedonia is a geographical region in the central part of the Balkan Peninsula and under the Macedonian king Philip II (359–336 BC), the Kingdom of Macedonia reached its maximal boundary covering what today is Aegean (Greek) Macedonia, most of Vardar Macedonia (the modern-day Republic of Macedonia) and Pirin (Bulgarian) Macedonia (Rossos, 2008). Alexander the Great (356-323 BC) was born in the ancient city of Pella, situated northwest of Greek Thessaloníki as the son of Phillip II. During his conquests Alexander founded many cities, many of which bore his name, and spread the Greek language and culture throughout his empire. According to Burger (2008) Alexander marks an important turning point in Greek history, closing the Classical period and the beginning of the Hellenistic world. According to Gandeto (2002), ancient Macedonia was composed of many tribes where Macedonians served as a bulwark of ancient Hellenism, as they were situated


S. Cvitkovic, M. Kline: Skopje: Rebranding the Capital City through Architecture...

between the Greeks to the south and the rest of the barbarians to the north, primarily protecting their own interests in the Balkans. Archaeological, linguistic, toponymic and written evidence indicate a gradual formation of the Macedonian tribes and Macedonian identity “through the intermingling, amalgamation, and assimilation of various ethnic elements” (Rossos, 2008:11). In the sixth century, Slavic tribes began to invade and settle in the area and they gradually assimilated the older inhabitants and consequently altered the ethnic structure of the Macedonian region (ibid.). The original city of Scupi was built a few kilometers northeast of modern day Skopje by the Dardans (Dardani) and further developed by their successors, the Illyrians (Iliri) (United Nations Development Program, 1970). In 695, the city was conquered by the Slavs and called Skopie, Skope, Skopija and similar (ibid.). Ancient Macedonia experienced several foreign invaders, including rule under the Byzantine and Ottoman empires (Parkas, 1997). Ottoman Turks ruled Macedonia from the fourteenth century until the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913 (Danforth, 1993) that led to Macedonia’s territorial division between the kingdoms of Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia (later Yugoslavia). During the Ottoman period, Skopje was concentrated around the Bazaar, the commercial and trade center of the city (Stefanovska and Koželj, 2012). After the Balkan Wars, Greece acquired Aegean Macedonia, Serbia came into the possession of Vardar Macedonia, Bulgaria took part of Pirin Macedonia and Albania got small areas of Mala Prespa and Golo Brdo (Rossos, 2008). Since 1913, Bulgarian, Greek, and Serbian nationalists have been denying the existence of a separate Macedonian identity. The Germans recognized a separate Macedonian nation in 1944 (which had been under Bulgarian control) as part of their policy of encouraging local ethnicity (Borza, 1999).

During the mid 1940s, Vardar Macedonia as the People’s Republic of Macedonia (later the Socialist Republic of Macedonia) was established as one of the six states of the new Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, with Skopje as its capital city. During this period a standard literary Macedonian language was developed and an autonomous Macedonian Orthodox Church was established (Danforth, 1993). With the help of the Federal Government, Skopje started its transformation from a backward provincial trading center into the third-largest city in Yugoslavia, the location of the university, the established Institute of Macedonian Language and Literature, the Macedonian Opera and Ballet and the State Philharmonic Orchestra (Kulic, 2009; Stefanovska and Koželj, 2012; United Nations Development Program, 1970). Lacking formally educated architects, Macedonian cities were modernized under the leadership of architects from Belgrade and Zagreb, Anton Ulrich in particular. However, the engagement of the first post-war city planning was assigned to Luděk e Kubeš, a Czechoslovakian modernist architect and urban planner who further extended the city eastwards and westwards along the Vardar River whilst new neighborhoods were planned (Kulic, 2009; Mariotti and Pencic, 2015; Stefanovska and Koželj, 2012).

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6.2. Skopje from 1945 to 1963

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6.3. Skopje from 1964 to 1990 The lack of local cultural representation in architecture and the anti-historical ideological underpinning evident in the rebuilding of Skopje after the 1963 earthquake was intended to unify the different constituting nations and symbolically represent the fraternity and equality of the people of Yugoslavia, opposing the stereotypical identification of socialism (Kulic, 2009). Awarded first prize, Tange’s project of the new city was based on two metaphorical concepts, the City Gate and the City Wall, which became new city landmarks (Lin, 2010). The City Gate literally represented a gate into the city, characterized by the convergence of all traffic systems (ibid.). The name City Gate itself bears symbolic meanings of openness, movement, and communication. As Tange explained: In applying the name City Gate we not only gave ourselves the hint that we should use something physically gate-like in this area, but we also planted in the mind of the people the understanding that this is the gate through which one enters the city of Skopje. (Lin, 2010:191).

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The rebuilt city was dominated by the modernism-based brutalist architecture typified by geometric themes and raw concrete like the main post office building and telecommunication center designed by Janko Konstantinov (1974) (Figure 1), Saint Cyril and the Methodius University of Skopje by Marko Music (1974), the student dormitory “Goce Delčev” by Georgi Konstantinovski (1975) and others (Yomadic, 2013). The brutalist feel of Kostantinov’s main post office adorned with raw concrete elicit meanings of openness, communication, accessibility, progress, vision and cohesion and cosmopolitanism. However, the cost of cosmopolitanism was the neglect of local representation, a claim in accordance with Riza et al. (2015) who suggest that architecture often does not represent local culture and authenticity. Attribute associations of post-earthquake Skopje are related to openness to the world, communications, the place “in-between”, accessibility, progress, vision, cohesion, cosmopolitanism, socialism, politics, ideology and communism. These attribute associations were subsequently directed toward the remaking of an open, cohesive and cosmopolitan nation.

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6.4. Skopje from 1991 to the present With the dissolution of Yugoslavia in 1991, Macedonia declared independence and started using its new constitutional name, The Republic of Macedonia. The ongoing Skopje 2014 2 project includes a great number of ideological edifices (Žižek, 2009) like the Museum of the Macedonian Struggle and the new Archaeological Museum of Macedonia. The architectural and other professional communities refer to the ongoing transformation as an antiquisation - the practice from the Renaissance of giving a city the appearance of ancient Rome or Athens, which could be seen in Italy 2

A video presenting the Skopje 2014 project is available at the link below: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cAWamdmP2Sw


S. Cvitkovic, M. Kline: Skopje: Rebranding the Capital City through Architecture...

and all over Europe (Koteska, 2011). In addition, many existing buildings including the Government Building, Parliament House and the central telecommunication and post office have had their facades replaced or elements have been added to blend into the architectural makeover (Graan, 2016) as presented in Figure 2. In addition, the city’s renewal includes a colossal 22 meter high statue known as Warrior on a Horse. The monument represents Alexander the Great dominating Ploštad Makedonija (“Macedonia Square”) as presented in Figure 3, formerly known as Ploštad Maršal Tito (Figure 4), and the Triumphal Arch Porta Makedonija (“The Gate of Macedonia”) as presented in Figure 5. Figure 1 The central post office building designed by Janko Konstantinov

Source: Skyscapercity.com (2013)

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Figure 2 The central post office building covered with gypsum to blend into the new architectural makeover of Skopje

Source: Thebohemianblog.com

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Moreover, the architectural upheaval is completely neglecting the growing Albanian minority which makes up more than thirty percent of the population; not a single monument or building has been renewed or erected to include Albanians in the changing visualization of the city. Buildings covered with gypsum are here seen as a visualization of ideology and political power directed toward the annihilation of an almost half-century long period within Yugoslavia. Meanings attributed to Kostantinov’s building today are related to antiquity, history, past. Once of raw concrete, the facade of the main post office in Skopje is today covered with gypsum and is directed toward the reimagining the city to resemble ancient Rome or Athens and awaken the attribute associations of belongingness to Europe, the cradle of civilization and democracy. Figure 3 The staging of Alexander the Great on Ploštad Makedonija

Source: Thebohemianblog.com

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Figure 4 Ploštad Maršal Tito between 1980 and 1990

Foto: Filip Petrovski

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S. Cvitkovic, M. Kline: Skopje: Rebranding the Capital City through Architecture...

During the socialist period Ploštad Maršal Tito served as an urban public space where people would meet; however it was unable to accommodate many other activities besides political gatherings and concerts. The meanings that spring from the name are here related to socialism, politics, leadership, communism and ideology. The staging of the monument to Alexander the Great, the commission of a great number of monuments to historical figures like Tzar Samuel, Justinian I, Dame Gruev and Goce Delčev and the renaming of the square to Ploštad Makedonija, represents probably one of the biggest transformations of such an urban public space. The renaming and the use of the word “Makedonija” relate to statehood, nation-ness, ancient kingdom, and territory covering Greece, Bulgaria, Macedonia and Albania. The square today is a center of people’s diverse activities, such as carriage rides. The 22 meter high monument to Alexander has become a new city landmark where the form and the size of the new landmark are used “to reinforce meaning” (Lynch, 1960:40). In addition the surrounding buildings covered with gypsum are used to strengthen the image ability (Lynch, 1960) of the monument. Meanings related to Alexander are victory, history, power and the territory reaching to Asia and call into question the Slavic roots of the Macedonian nation. The Triumphal Arch, Porta Makedonija, situated on Ploštad Pela (Pella Square) between Sobranie na Republika Makedonija (The Assembly of the Republic of Macedonia) and Ploštad Makedonija as presented in Figure 5, is staged to celebrate important events in Macedonian nation-building and to commemorate historical figures evident in a number of dedicated inscriptions.

Source: Thebohemianblog.com

As suggested by Culture Minister Elizabeta Kanceska Milevska the arch “symbolizes the great victory of the Macedonian civilization of peace and its many centuries of struggle for independence” (Build.mk online, 2012). In addition, reliefs on the arch are dedicated inscriptions to the pile-dwelling settlement in the Bay of the Bones in Ohrid, Alexander the Great, King Samuel, King Marko and Karpoš, Ilinden, the exodus from Aegean Macedonia and 8 September 1991, Macedonian independence

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Figure 5 The Triumphal Arch Porta Makedonija destroyed by the Colorful Revolution

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day (ibid.). The Triumphal Arch is here to commemorate historical figures and to accentuate the long history of the Macedonian nation. The meanings of such an edifice in the minds of citizens relate to history, antiquity, significance, struggle, revolution and independence that are subsequently transferred to the brand of the city. Also, the relation to antiquity is strengthened through the name of Pella Square where the arch is staged as it is a reference to the ancient Greek city where Alexander was born. In addition, the reshaping of the surrounding area was carried out with a new “baroque feel” facade at Pelagonija and EVN buildings surrounding the arch. This was undertaken in order to strengthen the image of the Triumphal Arch which happens “when the landmark coincides with a concentration of association” (Lynch, 1960:101). However, the authenticity of the arch is here compromised as the monument to Krste Misirkov, “an outspoken and unambiguous advocate of Macedonian linguistic and national separatism […] who called for the recognition of Slavs in Macedonia as a separate nationality – Macedonians” (Danforth, 1995:50), staged near it is associated with Slavs and not ancient Macedonians. Such confusing meanings are also evident in Most na umetnost (”Art Bridge”) where the commission of monuments to different historical figures contribute to the lack of authenticity, credibility and coherence in rebranding the Macedonian capital. In addition, the reimagining of urban public spaces is primarily attributed to the former Macedonian prime-minister Nikola Gruevski of the conservative VMRO-DPMNE, the main initiator who excluded citizens from deciding what should be portrayed about their city and nation. Street protests, such as the Prva Arhi Brigada (“The First Archi Brigade”) and #ШаренаРеволуција (“Colorful Revolution”) are a form of identity protection and the result of identification problems with the new upheaval where citizens of Skopje are unable or unwilling to recognize and accept the top-down imposed common origin related to ancient Macedonians.

7. Findings and recommendations This part presents the totality of outcomes presented in the case study analysis and the recommendations for the bottom-up co-creation.

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7.1. The repositioning of Skopje and its authenticity, credibility and coherence (T1)

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The repositioning of Skopje from a socialist city famous for its modernist architecture to a city having the appearance of ancient European cities is characterized by a lack of authenticity, credibility and coherence where the initiators failed to persuade the citizens in the ancient origin of the nation. Efforts to remake the nation having direct connections with antiquity and Alexander the Great were materialized in the architecture resembling the Renaissance architecture adorning western European capitals that celebrated the style of ancient Rome and Athens. However, the staging of monuments to historical figures like Alexander the Great and Krste Misirkov, as well as many others, elicit opposing and confusing meanings that are being attributed to the city. Such attributes, when transferred to the nation brand represent the failure in the revision of the nation brand having a direct connection with ancient Macedonians, antecedents of Alexander the Great. These findings support the first thesis.


S. Cvitkovic, M. Kline: Skopje: Rebranding the Capital City through Architecture...

7.2. Annihilation of the socialist period and the inclusion of a single dominant ethnicity (T2) The architecture from the socialist period is either left to decay or covered with the new architectural elements aimed to increase the strength of persuasion in the ancient origin of the nation and the annihilation of the socialist period within Yugoslavia. In addition, not a single monument or building has been renewed or erected to include Albanians in the rebranding of the city. Therefore, here it is suggested that the branding strategy is characterized by the annihilation of an almost half-century long period within socialist Yugoslavia and the inclusion of only the dominant ethnicity, having been in accordance with the nationalist underpinning of nation branding in a post-socialist context. This confirms the second thesis.

7.3. The outcomes of the top-down imposed branding strategy (T3) The top-down imposed branding strategy in Macedonia is resulting in many problems, primarily with respect to internal identification and cohesion problems that can potentially lead to the political disintegration of the country. Skopje’s rebranding is lacking in two-way communication between the leaders and the people of Skopje who are experiencing an inability or unwillingness to identify with the ongoing renewal and are destroying the newly erected buildings and monuments. A potential solution to the problem is the bottom-up co-creation and inclusion of the Albanian minority in the process of rebranding, similar to the one in New Zealand where citizens were asked to choose the future appearance of their national flag. The paper suggests that a bottom-up branding strategy should be built on the legacy of Mother Theresa, a Catholic Albanian born in Skopje, and should accentuate such things as the cultural diversity of the country which is located on the crossroads between East and West. A culture-orientated bottom-up co-creation of nation brand would allow the constituent nations and the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia to become the creators of a future orientated nation brand. These findings are supporting the third thesis.

This paper has presented the ideological underpinning of the architectural upheaval in Skopje characterized by a lack of authenticity, credibility and coherence where the initiators have failed to persuade citizens in the ancient origin of the nation. The backward branding strategies in post-socialist Southeastern Europe are based on the monumentalizing of urban public spaces; the initiators of cultural rebranding exhibit strong similarities with authoritarian leaders who use architecture as a communicative and persuasive tool, the visualization of ideology and the symbol of political power, where the edifices staged during their intendance will forever serve as a reminder of underlining nationalistic discourses in post-socialist societies. Such communication results in deeper inner polarizations and external confrontations, evident in repeated riots, disputes with the neighboring states and inability to access European institutions. The paper suggests that the relation to antiquity needs to

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8. Conclusion

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be more gradually implemented and communicated, taking into consideration the length of time needed for internal identification and outward acceptance. This paper is the first to suggest that the co-branding process between city and nation brand is characterized by the transferability of attribute associations from city to nation brand and back. The paper has also contributed to the academic codification and wider understanding of the concept of rebranding. The main limitations are due to the research methodology that influenced the interpretation of the findings, a single case study analysis and the limited number of analyzed artifacts. Additional multi-case papers aimed at the wider understanding of the concept of rebranding and the usage of architecture and urban planning as the leading communication tools in branding strategies are needed.

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75. Varga, S. (2013). The politics of Nation Branding: Collective identity and public sphere in the neoliberal state. Philosophy and Social Criticism, 39 (8): 825-845. 76. Verschaffel, B. (1999). The monumental: on the meaning of a form. The Journal of Architecture, 4: 333-336. 77. Volcic, Z. (2008). Former Yugoslavia on the World Wide Web: Commercialization and branding of nation states. International Communication Journal, Gazette, 70 (5): 395-413. 78. Volcic, Z. and Andrejevic, M. (2011). Nation Branding in the Era of Commercial Nationalism. International Journal of Communication, 5: 598-618. 79. Walsham, G. (2006). Doing interpretative research. European Journal of Information Systems, 15: 320-330. 80. Wong, H. Y. and Merrilees, B. (2006). Determinants of SME brand adaptation in global marketing. International Journal of Entrepreneurship and Small Business, 3 (3/4): 477-97. 81. Yomadic (2013). Communist architecture of Skopje, Macedonia – a brutal, modern, cosmic era. Available at: (http://yomadic.com/communist-architecture-skopje-kenzo-tange/). Accessed on 25 February 2017. 82. Zakariya, K.; Harun, N. Z. and Mansor, M. (2014). Spatial Characteristics of Urban Square and Sociability: A review of the City Square, Melbourne, Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences, 153: 678-688. 83. Zubrzycki, G. (2010). National Culture, National Identity, and the Culture(s) of the Nation, in: Grindstaff, L.; Hall, J. R. and Ming-cheng Lo (Eds). Sociology of Culture: A Handbook. New York: Routledge, pp. 514-529. 84. Zukin, S. (2004). Dialogue on Urban Cultures: Globalistaion and Culture in an Urbanizing World. UN-Habitat World Urban Forum, Barcelona, 13-17 September 2004. 85. Žižek, S. (2009). Architectural Parallax. Spandrels and Other Phenomena of Class Struggle. Available at (http://www.lacan.com/essays/?page_id=218). Accessed on 2 February 2017.

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S. Cvitkovic, M. Kline: Skopje: Rebranding the Capital City through Architecture...

Izvorni znanstveni rad

Sabina Cvitković Sveučilište u Ljubljani, Fakultet za društvene znanosti, Odjel za tržišno komuniciranje, Slovenija e-mail: sabina@cvitkovic.hr Mihael Kline Sveučilište u Ljubljani, Fakultet za društvene znanosti, Odjel za tržišno komuniciranje, Slovenija e-mail: mihael.kline@fdv.uni-lj.si

Skoplje – rebrendiranje glavnoga grada kroz arhitekturu i spomenike u cilju stvaranja novog brenda nacije Sažetak Članak istražuje ideološku pozadinu i razinu uvjerljivosti i autentičnosti ekstremnih promjena u arhitekturi Skoplja, usmjerenih prema negiranju socijalističkog perioda provedenog u Jugoslaviji i inkorporiranju isključivo jedne dominantne etničke skupine. Ovaj je članak prvi koji sugerira kobrendiranje između brendova grada i nacije, gdje se značajke koji se povezuju s brendom grada prenose na brend nacije i obratno. Članak doprinosi akademskom kodificiranju koncepta rebrendiranja.

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Ključne riječi: rebrending, grad, nacija, co-brending, Skoplje, Makedonija.

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DOI 10.5673/sip.55.1.3 UDK 338.48(497.5Dubrovnik) Pregledni rad

Image Redesign as a Tool for Safeguarding a Destination’s Market Prosperity: The Case of Dubrovnik Ivo Kunst Institute for Tourism, Zagreb, Croatia e-mail: ivo.kunst@iztzg.hr ABSTRACT The city of Dubrovnik, particularly its historical core protected by UNESCO and the space in its immediate vicinity, has been exposed to an excessively growing tourist demand for more than a decade. This is especially true in the case of one-day transit visitors originating either from cruise ships or from organized tourist groups. As a consequence, the historic city centre is experiencing growing tourist congestion. This is accompanied by a constant decrease in the quality and structure of food and beverage and other tourism related services, which are adapting themselves increasingly to a less demanding transient tourism demand. The above developments not only severely undermine the local population’s quality of life, but also have important implications for the long-term image of Dubrovnik on the tourism destinations market. Following a critical examination of Dubrovnik’s prevailing tourism development policy and its viability, not only from its socio-economic perspective, but in the context of its long-term impact on the city’s market prosperity as well, this paper, based on qualitative research insight, proposes changes in the City’s unique selling proposition in order to decrease the problem of tourist congestion and sustain Dubrovnik’s competitiveness on the tourism destination market in the years to come.

1. Introduction Due predominantly to the quality (uniqueness and authenticity) of its cultural heritage, the city of Dubrovnik, particularly its historical core protected by UNESCO, has for a number of years been exposed to growing tourist demand. As a result, Dubrovnik is today arguably not only the internationally most recognizable tourist destination in Croatia, but one of the several ‘must see’ Mediterranean destinations as well. Compared to other Croatian tourist destinations, Dubrovnik is characterized by: (i) the highest share of high class hotels (5*) in the structure of the hotel offer, (ii) the highest share of hotel accommodation in total accommodation offer, (iii)

Copyright © 2017 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

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Key words: Dubrovnik, tourism development model, market prosperity, sustainability.

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the highest hotel occupancy rates, (iv) the lowest level of seasonal fluctuations in demand, (v) the highest level of average spending per day of tourist stay, and (vi) the greatest interest for visitation from cruise-ship companies. Apart from the steady growth of stationary guests, the growing tourist demand for Dubrovnik refers especially to one-day transient visitors originating either from cruise ships, or from organized tourist groups. As a result of this process, the historic city centre has, for many years now, been exposed to a growing number of simultaneous visitors. Increasing tourist interest for the historic city centre, coupled with a steady rise in real-estate prices, initiated the process of ubiquitous gentrification of the city centre. The city centre gentrification process is, on the other side, accompanied by a constant decrease in availability of public infrastructure, as well as by declining quality and changing structure of food and beverage and other tourism related services, which are adapting themselves increasingly to a less demanding transient tourism demand. The above developments have important implications not only for the city’s ‘spirit of place’, but also for the long-term market prosperity of Dubrovnik and its image on the tourism destinations market. Namely, the continuation of the present development trends could result not only in a complete ‘touristification’ of both, the public and private spaces within the historical city centre including, in part, the adjacent areas as well, but also in the rampant ‘musealization’ of the most attractive part of the City. In such conditions, it will become ever more difficult to maintain genuine image of Dubrovnik on the global tourism market.

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Based on the relevant determinants of a destination’s image creation (Morgan, Pritchard and Pride, 2004; Anholt, 2007; Anholt, 2009), destination competitiveness (Ritchie and Crouch, 1999; Ritchie and Crouch, 2003), rules of the experience economy (Pine and Gilmore, 1998), and differentiation as a means for gaining a competitive advantage (Porter, 1980), this paper aims to: (i) critically re-evaluate the viability of the existing tourism development policy, particularly in the context of its long-term impact on the image of the City as a global and mega-popular tourist destination; and (ii) indicate the direction for the necessary changes in the long-term positioning of the City that should prevent the destruction of its brand identity and reinforce its value on the tourism market.

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2. Literature review Since a tourist destination represents a clearly delineated geographic area which can be actively managed and in which a large number of co-producing actors offer a variety of tourist experiences (Buhalis, 2000; Haugland et al, 2011; Morisson, 2013), the competitiveness of a tourist destination can be defined as “the ability to increase tourism expenditure, to increasingly attract visitors while providing them with satisfying, memorable experiences and to do so in a profitable way, while enhancing the well-being of destination residents and preserving the natural capital of the destination for future generations” (Ritchie and Crouch, 2000).


I. Kunst: Image Redesign as a Tool for Safeguarding a Destination’s Market Prosperity...

Under the influence of growing tourist demand on the global level, which is expected to remain stable in the long run (UNWTO, 2016), the proliferation of an increasing number of attractive tourist destinations across the world, and the ever greater segmentation of tourist interests (Gonzales and Bello, 2002; Trauer, 2007), the tourist market is characterised more and more by a growing struggle to ensure the interest/affinity of (pre)defined (targeted) demand segments. In that sense, the destination tourism policy must, more than ever, focus on a permanent improvement of its own competitive capability (Dwyer at al, 2009). That is achievable only if a suitable institutional framework is established, capable to monitor, control and increase the product quality of different tourism related entrepreneurs on one side, as well as to protect the resource basis of the destination on the other (Goeldner, Ritchie and McIntosh, 2000).

Long-term sustainability of the market position of a tourist destination on the global market stems predominantly from the created quality perception of the available tourist experiences as well as from the associated consumer benefits, compared to all the other tourist destinations (Kunst, 2009). The fundamental prerequisite for a competitively efficient, and thus sustainable destination positioning in the long term is to provide a system of unique and authentic travel experiences attractive enough to potential visitors so that they will choose one particular destination, and not any other. While the tangible (hotel room, food and drinks, the number of cultural monuments and the like), and intangible aspects (atmosphere, mood, ambient etc.) of the tourist experience are equally significant components of the destination product, tangible aspects of the tourist experience are those that are, in fact, sold/ bought. Nevertheless, the intangible aspects of a destination product constitute the essence that is particularly highlighted in advertising campaigns as unique and unforgettable. It can, therefore, be concluded that the basic determinant of long-term sustainable competitiveness of any tourist destination represents mostly its ability to efficiently differentiate itself from the potential competition by offering a larger or smaller number of tourist experiences that are difficult (or impossible) to imitate (Pine and Gilmore, 1999). Apart from the (objectively determined) consumer benefits, the long term success of any tourist destination in sustainably attracting the steady flow of tourists largely depends on its globally perceived image on the tourism destination market (MacKay and Fesenmaier, 1997; Pike, 2002). In fact, destination image and destination brand recognition represent nowadays key factors in the process of destination selection for potential tourists (Morgan, Pritchard and Pride, 2004; Tasci and Gartner, 2007; Baloglu and Brinberg, 1997; Chen and Tsai, 2007) since the tourists, in most cases, are unaware to what extent their perceived image coincides with the objective

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Although there is a high level of compatibility in the attitudes of the leading tourism experts in terms of the elements that influence the competitiveness of tourist destinations, mainly as a result of well-defined theoretical models (Hassan, 2000; Ritchie and Crouch, 2003; Dwyer and Kim, 2003; Heath, 2003), when examining the issue of the competitiveness of tourist destinations, it is more important to understand the sources of destination’s competitiveness than its intensity (Kunst, 2009).

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reality (Hunt, 1975; Gunn, 1988). This is one of the main reasons why the World Tourism Organization, nearly 40 years ago, declared the importance of a positive destination/country image (WTO, 1979). Following Hunt’s work, various authors have tried to define a destination’s image and the factors that determine it. For instance, Lawson and Baud-Bovey (1977) define a destination’s image as “the expression of all objective knowledge, impressions, prejudice, imaginations, and emotional thoughts an individual or group might have of a particular place”. According to Crompton (1979), a destination’s image is “the sum of beliefs, impressions, ideas and perceptions’ that people hold of a place”. Della Corte and Micera (2007) define destination image as “the whole of beliefs, ideas and impressions a destination can generate in potential and actual tourists’ minds”, whereas Hose and Wickens (2004) define destination image as any “visual, oral or written representation of a tourism location that is recorded and can also be transmitted to others”. Dimanche (2003), on the other hand, is of the opinion that “the image of a destination is the sum of all perceptions tourists and potential visitors hold of that destination”. He also highlights that the destination’s image “evolves with time and events that are controlled, or not, by the destination”. In this regard, it may be concluded that the formation of a destination’s image depends on internal and external factors. In this regard, the destination’s image is ever more intertwined with factors such as familiarity with a destination, previous visitation and various socio-demographic factors (Chaudhary, 2004; Beerly and Martin, 2004). Finally, Milman and Pizam (1995) suggest that a destination image consists of three components: the quality of the attraction base, attitudes of the destination hosts and their behaviour, as well as the supporting environment: weather, scenery, and facilities.

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Regardless of similarities or dissimilarities in definitions, there seems to be a general understanding that destination image is a multi-faceted, composite construct, created from information gathered from numerous sources. Since it consists of interrelated cognitive and affective evaluations woven into an overall impression (Baloglu and McCleary, 1999; Beerly and Martin, 2004; Stepchenkova and Morrison, 2006), it is only logical to expect that diverse stakeholders should coordinate their efforts in order to come up with a joint definition of a destination’s ‘competitive identity’ (Anholt, 2007).

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3. Setting the scene - status quo analysis Having in mind a well-documented positive correlation between destination image and the decision to visit it, it is particularly important to emphasize that superior destination image relies heavily on the attractiveness of the destination’s cultural heritage (Palmer, 1999; McKercher, 2001; Richards, 2007). Emphasizing the uniqueness of its cultural heritage, even in the case of gradual standardization and ‘commoditization’ of the accommodation facilities and other catering offer, the destination is enabled to effectively generate heritage rent (Kunst, 2008) and secure itself a superior market position in the long term.


3. Setting the scene - status quo analysis Having in mind a well-documented positive correlation between destination image and the decision to visit it, it is particularly important to emphasize that superior destination image I. Kunst:on Image as a Tool a Destination’s Market(Palmer, Prosperity... relies heavily the Redesign attractiveness of for theSafeguarding destination’s cultural heritage 1999, McKercher, 2001; Richards, 2007). Emphasizing the uniqueness of its cultural heritage, even in the case of gradual standardization and ‘commoditization’ of the accommodation facilities and other catering offer, the destination is enabled to effectively generate heritage rent In the 2008) case of of the above well-corroborated by the analysis of the (Kunst, andDubrovnik, secure itself all a superior market is position in the long term.

synthetic success indicator of the hotel industry revenue generation in representative

In the case of Dubrovnik, all of the above is well-corroborated by the analysis of the synthetic Croatian coastal destinations, defined as a product of the prices of hotel accommosuccess indicator of the hotel industry revenue generation in representative Croatian coastal dation and gross (Figure destinations, definedbed as occupancy a product ofrates the prices of 1). hotel accommodation and gross bed occupancy rates (Figure 1). Figure 1

Income1:generation capacities percapacities potential unit accommodation of selectedcapacity Croatian coastal Figure Income generation per ofpotential unit of capacity accommodation of destinations selected Croatian coastal destinations

=79,7%

Source: hotel prices listed on www.booking.com (2014); number of overnight stays and accommodation capacity (2013) of hotels; Croatian Bureau of Statistics, analysis done by the author

4

Apart from the constant increase in the performance of the hotel industry in Dubrovnik in the past decade, the rapidly rising tourist interest for Dubrovnik as a must see destination has a somewhat ‘darker’ side as well. Namely, under the prevailing neoliberal economic practices (Harvey, 2007), particularly in the context of globalisation, it seems that Dubrovnik’s image as a tourist destination has been formed according to the needs of: (i) global tour operators, (ii) large hotel and cruise ship companies, and/or (iii) global investors. At the same time, the interests and needs of local stakeholders have been largely neglected. As a result, Dubrovnik’s tourism image has been formed mostly in accordance with the concept of ‘the tourist gaze’ (Urry, 2001; Urry and Larsen, 2012). In other words, the image of Dubrovnik as it exists today has been reduced mostly to what the tourist industry considers to be the easiest to sell. Consequently, the domination of the ‘tourism industry’s’ influence is most intensively manifested within the UNESCO protected historical city centre and the zones that gravitate towards it. If the existing trend prevails in the future, the long-term image of Dubrovnik on the tourist market will certainly be significantly af-

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Namely, among several Croatian tourist destinations that base their market positioning predominantly on the quality and uniqueness of their (material) cultural heritage, the hotels in Dubrovnik achieve by far the highest revenue per available bed. Furthermore, figure 1 shows explicitly that all Croatian tourist destinations that base their image and market positioning predominantly on the uniqueness of their cultural heritage, generate a significantly higher level of revenue per accommodation unit than those destinations which are unable to position themselves in the same way.

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fected, resulting in an unavoidable shift in the structure of tourist demand. Namely, the dynamic increase in demand for Dubrovnik as a tourist destination brings about an increasingly greater ‘touristification’ and commercialisation of the available public space, causing irretrievable damage in the city’s cultural code (‘genius loci’) that has been created for centuries. In this regard, one should emphasize especially the following processes: • Encouraged by a large demand for real estate and, consequently, their high prices, the autochthonous inhabitants of the historical City centre are rapidly selling their housing and/or commercial units to persons who stay in the City only on a temporary, occasional and short basis. With the accelerated gentrification of the historical city centre (and the adjacent area), results in a substantial reduction not only in the authenticity, but also in the emotional charge of the integral tourist experience (Pine and Gilmore, 1999). • Further, the mere fact that a significant part of the housing stock within the historical city centre is not in use for a large part of the year has an unfavourable additional affect not only the vitality of the UNESCO protected core, but also on the prevalent use of the public space within it. In this regard, there are scarcely any business/service premises in the historical city centre that predominantly serve the needs of the local population (i.e. grocery shops, public utilities, post offices, infirmaries, kindergartens etc.). • Since the crowds caused by an increasing number of simultaneous visitors in the historical city centre, particularly as a result of the growing number of oneday visitors (cruise ships, organised groups of holidaymakers), are getting larger year after year, most of Dubrovnik’s citizens try to avoid coming to the historical city centre as much as possible, especially during the prolonged tourist season. As a result, for a large part of the year, the historical city centre is ‘liberated’ from the presence of the local population. One can, therefore, rightfully talk of its increasing ‘musealization’ (Mišetić and Miletić, 2014), where the historic city centre is being ever more used only as an extremely attractive visual backdrop intended for a one-time only use by the increasing number of (one-day) visitors. • The use of the public space, particularly within the historical city centre and its immediate vicinity, is increasingly being adapted exclusively so as to serve the needs of one-day/single excursionist demand. The consequence thereof is an increasing typification, commodification and ‘internationalisation’ of the catering and any other tourist related service. This results in a constantly diminishing level in the service quality as well as in the evident absence of local flavour and authenticity in the offer. Having in mind these less positive aspects of Dubrovnik’s popularity growth among tourists and one day visitors, one can rightfully raise the issue of long term sustainability of the City’s positive image on the tourism destination market. As a consequence, and particularly in regard to the possible further changes in the structure of the demand and the level of average tourist spending, this would have a negative impact on the business results of both, individual, tourism related, entrepreneurs, and the entire destination (Telišman Košuta, 1994; Beerli and Martin, 2004).


I. Kunst: Image Redesign as a Tool for Safeguarding a Destination’s Market Prosperity...

4. Methodology In order to gain more insight into the social and economic implications of the ever more prevalent growth of the one-day (excursion) demand within the historical centre of Dubrovnik and its immediate vicinity, as well as the consequences of the ‘touristification’ of most of the predominantly public areas within the City walls on the sustainability of Dubrovnik’s global image as a ‘must see’ destination, primary data were collected by means of a stakeholder consultation process. The key argument for such a methodological approach lies in the presumption that the desirable future vision of Dubrovnik as a mega-popular tourist destination can be translated into reality only if the dominant stakeholders share similar attitudes on how the future should look like (Butler, 1980; Getz, 1992; Simpson, 2001; Wehrmeyer, Clayton and Lum, 2002; Reid, Mair, and George, 2004; Butler, 2009; Van der Helm, 2009).

Individuals to be interviewed were selected via the snowball sampling method, an approach originally developed by Goodman (1961), which is quite often used in tourism related research (i.e. Stylianou-Lambert, 2011; McLennan, Ritchie, Ruhanen, Moyle, 2014). Following the snowball sampling method approach, each preselected interviewee was asked to indicate a list of other prospective contact persons, and then the process was repeated. Interview topics were deliberately presented in as neutral a way as possible so as to invite interviewees to interpret issues in a way they considered most appropriate. The interviewees answered questions grouped into four sets of interrelated topics of interest, covering: (i) the role of tourism and its significance for the City, (ii) the factors that have mostly contributed to Dubrovnik’s image and its global recognition as a ‘must see’ destination, (iii) the challenges for Dubrovnik’s tourist development in the future, and (iv) the aspects of Dubrovnik’s desirable (tourism) development.

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The stakeholder consultation process was conducted through a semi-structured interviews with selected representatives of different stakeholder groups, all with good understanding not only of the Dubrovnik’s tourism development model, but of its potential, direct and/or indirect socio-economic, spatial, ecological and/or cultural side-effects as well. Each of the persons to be interviewed was contacted by the author in advance in order to secure their cooperation, and to inform them in greater detail about the topics to be discussed. Further, in order to give them proper time to prepare, a prepared questionnaire was sent to each of the respondents a few days before the date of the interview. The interviewed persons included: (i) local politicians (5), (ii) hotel, restaurant and travel agency owners (6), (iii) prominent participants of the Dubrovnik’s culture scene (5), (iv) representatives of Dubrovnik’s educational institutions (3), as well as (v) representatives of the NGOs and/or relevant civic organisations promoting ‘green’ development practices (4). Altogether, a total of 23 persons have been interviewed. Individual interviews, lasting for 60-90 minutes, were all held in Dubrovnik. The entire research was conducted in May 2014.

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5. Results and discussion The significance of tourism for the City of Dubrovnik Tourism is considered to be the most important economic activity in Dubrovnik on which the City is now almost completely dependent. The attitude that ‘… Dubrovnik lives off tourism’ is unanimous. Apart from fact that tourism has unanimously been recognised as ‘the main driving force’ for the City’s economy, and according to some even ‘an activity without which the City could no longer exist’, the respondents also expressed a certain disquietude since tourism tends to ‘suffocate’ other economic activities that characterized Dubrovnik’s economy in the past (i.e. seafaring, crafts, industrial production and/or agriculture), thus growing into a monoculture. Moreover, judging by the attitudes of some of the respondents, summarised in comment such as ‘if you have no affinity for foreign languages, hospitality or apartment rental, you have no business living in Dubrovnik …’, the tourism industry within the City is being characterized by an increasing focus on the rudimentary and very simplified tourist offer reduced to the basic aspects of the tourist product. Further, as another alarming consequence of over-reliance on tourism, some of the respondents indicated the increase of the ‘spirit of rent-seeking’ that diminishes the values of higher education (‘… they expect to live from renting apartments …’), and labour (‘… they work for half a year, and spend the other half idly …’), which leads to the paradoxical phenomenon of individuals getting richer and the local community getting poorer.

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Determinants of the ‘Dubrovnik image’

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Dubrovnik is indisputably considered to be a globally recognisable destination. The proof for this statement lies in the fact that ‘… it is never necessary to explain what Dubrovnik is and where it is located, …that Dubrovnik regularly appears in the global media as a ‘must-see’ tourist destination, …that a large number of foreign tour-operators include the City as an essential part of their offer …’ According to some respondents, Dubrovnik is at the same time more recognisable on the tourist market than Croatia itself. Furthermore, the respondents agree that the Dubrovnik image on the tourist market should be connected mostly with its exceptional cultural/historical heritage, particularly with the UNESCO protected city centre surrounded by the walls. The image of a preserved medieval city ‘… as a unique urban composition … organised according to humane criteria … with a complex offer of diverse public and residential buildings, rich history, famous individuals, events and experiences … ‘ represents the core of Dubrovnik’s unique selling proposition. This is expressed in the attitude


I. Kunst: Image Redesign as a Tool for Safeguarding a Destination’s Market Prosperity...

‘… frankly speaking, tourists come to see the old historical centre. It generates recognition and represents a magnet on which everything else builds. In that sense, it is not surprising that most of the respondents believe that the clear sea, cultivated landscape, mild climate, local gastronomy, folklore or other heritage elements of intangible character are perceived by the market primarily as ‘accompanying features’ of lesser importance. The old historical core is, therefore, not only the main factor of market differentiation, but also the core of the tourist attractiveness of Dubrovnik. To conclude, apart from recognising the iconic status of the historical centre, the research also indicated the fact that tourism in Dubrovnik is concentrated in an extremely small and increasingly more saturated space, while, at the same time, a more adequate (tourist) valorisation of the other city areas and/or the distinctive local features are systematically overlooked. In that context, and since the life of local population is seriously undermined by tourism development, according to most of the respondents, the tourist development of Dubrovnik is ‘difficult to sustain in the longer term’. This makes the management of tourism development in the City increasingly more challenging. The same is true for the City’s image as well.

Challenges for Dubrovnik’s tourism development in the future

Firstly, for some years now there has been a trend of the uncontrolled exposure of the City, particularly its historical centre, to the high and ever-increasing pressure from market segments that stay in Dubrovnik only a short period of time. This demand, in particular, consists not only from cruise ships visitors that typically reside in the city for just a few hours, but from visitors from the surrounding tourist destinations who come for a day trip, as well as from visitors on organized tours which typically stay for a day or two. In contrast to stationary guests, the increasingly more popular transient demand gradually transforms Dubrovnik into a destination mainly for excursionists. As a consequence, according to the respondents, ‘the character of the tourist offer in the City has changed dramatically, i.e. it has been reduced to only cafés and restaurants with faster and faster food, two types of souvenir shops – those selling plastic

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Notwithstanding the relatively positive perception of their stay in the City by tourists (Tourist Association of Dubrovnik, 2013; Marušić, Čorak and Sever, 2015), and taking into account the established position and the quality of its resource and attraction basis, most of the respondents believe that Dubrovnik should and could do better. Noting that Dubrovnik is by far ahead of other Croatian tourist destinations not only due to its concentration of high-category hotels, but also due to its hotel occupancy rates, the amount of tourist expenditure per day, the guest structure (dominated by tourists from distant European countries, and the overseas markets), as well as due to the duration of its season, all of the respondents agreed that the existing market position should not only be maintained, but additionally improved with continuous and coordinated activities of stakeholders from both, the public and private sectors. Most of the respondents further agreed that there are several important weak points and/or imbalances that already distort the image of the City on the tourist destination market.

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kitsch and those with slightly more expensive original Croatian products in stock, and an enormous number of taxis’. Furthermore, in order to fulfil that kind of visitor’s needs results in an ever growing need for new catering space. This, according to most of the respondents, brings about the fact that ‘cheap restaurants are taking over the streets, usurping the public space, which is being commercialised and privatised for the needs of enterprising individuals’. It is believed, finally, that the increasing number of guests who stay in Dubrovnik only for a short period of time seriously undermine the quality of the integral service due mostly to the lack of quality certification, as well as to the non-existing service quality assurance. Since the prices, on the other hand, remain extremely high, one can only expect a systematic degradation of not only the quality of experience for all guests who come to Dubrovnik, but also a gradual degradation of the image of the City on the tourist destination market. Accordingly, one should be aware of the risk that ‘Dubrovnik might gradually convert into a oneday ‘must-see’ destination where guests will be willing to patiently endure crowds and unreasonable prices, whereby after the initial visit, will never come back again’.

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The second weak point highlighted by the respondents concerns the rapid gentrification of the part of the City which is the most attractive to tourists – the historical centre. While some respondents claim that it is an unavoidable process whereby, by and large, the poorer population of the historical city centre have been overcoming their financial problems, the majority of respondents share the opinion that ‘the old city centre is turning into a mere backdrop’, ‘a stage for strolling about’, and that ‘the visitation experience of the Old Town is being increasingly profaned’ as a result of growing ‘typification/unification of the service offer’. Finally, some respondents pointed out that ‘the backdrop effect is more or less economically justified through rent collection, but since there are no more native citizens, the recognisable ‘spirit of the city’ is gone for good’. The only local people that can be nowadays seen in the historical city centre are waiters.

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Third neuralgic point of interest for the tourist development of Dubrovnik and its image on the tourist destination market to which the respondents specifically indicated, refers to the growing disparity between the tidiness of the historic centre and other, particularly fringe, parts of the City. In addition, the respondents pointed out the difference in the quality of the communal services, as well as the evident decline in ‘green’ areas. Most of the respondents also share the opinion that the development of the transport and utility infrastructure is unable to match the development of the urban fabric (‘the congestion in the city during the high season is unbearable’… ‘there are no sewers in the City, …during the high season the electric energy supply is insufficient etc.’). Finally, since the contrasting harmony of the ‘sea, historical city centre and steep slopes of Mt Srđ’ is, by all the respondents, considered to be one of the trademarks of Dubrovnik’s visual and socio-cultural identity, there is no doubt that this ‘visual unity’ should be preserved at any cost. As a result, most of the respondents consider the construction in that area, be it for the purpose of expanding the housing stock, construction of tourist facilities, or establishment of recreational areas (such as golf), a potential threat that should be treated with extreme care and sense of proportion.


I. Kunst: Image Redesign as a Tool for Safeguarding a Destination’s Market Prosperity...

Summarizing the prevailing respondents’ attitudes, it seems that the stakeholders are aware that the existing tourism development model in Dubrovnik, despite the ever increasing number of tourist arrivals and/or business generated by the private sector, has a negative impact not only on the quality of visitation experience, but on the quality of living as well. Accordingly, most of the respondents lean towards ‘balancing’ the dynamics of tourism development and the wellbeing of local population. This calls for a more appropriate use of the cultural (and natural) heritage in a way that would ensure a better quality of life for the local population not only in the financial, but also in the socio-cultural sense. It is therefore only natural that most of the respondents raised the question of the suitable way forward?

With regard to the future tourism development of Dubrovnik, the respondents overwhelmingly emphasized the need to replace the current ‘spontaneous’ and ‘haphazard’ short-term approach to tourism development with a strategic long-term approach that would carefully consider how to preserve all vital resources of the City. This is reflected in the attitudes such as ‘…planning beyond a period of four years is required, …one should take account of the space and resource availability, … goals should be set that are acceptable to citizens, …professional identification of the limitations to development is necessary’. The long term protection of natural and cultural resources is considered to be a priority according to which the extent of future tourism development should be determined. This involves ‘the establishment of a system which lays down in advance the requirements that investors have to abide to without exception’. Similarly, the prevalent attitude is that the City should strive to ‘attract more guests who tend to stay longer, who visit Dubrovnik throughout the year, and who would appreciate the affluence of diversity’. Nevertheless, most of the interviewees are not against cruise ship visitation and share the opinion that Dubrovnik should remain a cruising destination. However, they indicate ‘that the whole cruise ship business should in the future be better controlled than is the case today.’ The issue of cruise ship business control, however, does not imply only the introduction of restrictions aiming to facilitate/optimize tourist movement in the old city centre. In this regard, therefore, ‘it is simply necessary to cut the number of cruise ship arrivals per day, increase the tariffs that would destimulate the number of port calls, and target lower-capacity ships’. In any case, ‘one should respect the UNESCO suggested maximum of no more than 7,000 daily visitors within the old city centre’. Finally, with the attitude that ‘tourism in Dubrovnik has to reflect the right measure and harmony’, a certain number of interviewees believes that this goal can be achieved mostly through a gradual dispersion of tourist interest away from Dubrovnik itself. This can be done by linking the ‘Dubrovnik brand’ with the entire area of the former Dubrovnik Republic. The idea of ‘Dubrovnik being a nucleus, and its periphery the perfect location for the placement of new tourist offer facilities’ should lead to a significant relief in the touristification of public space in Dubrovnik, both in terms of its number of concurrent users, and in terms of the possible new construction. The inner centre of the City would, thus, to a large extent be ‘liber-

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Aspects of desirable (tourist) development of Dubrovnik

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ated from the crowds created by an excessive number of tourists/visitors’, and, thus, more available to the local population and their needs. This includes ‘the provision of space for various public and cultural events’ which is being marginalised by today’s concept of tourism development. In addition, the expansion of the Dubrovnik brand to a wider gravitating area would allow for ‘the development of an autochthonous and thematic, less exclusive accommodation offer’, and create ‘an additional stimulus for the development of new tourist experiences for which there is simply no space within the City itself. In this regard the interviewees mentioned especially golf courses, wine/gourmet tourism establishments, as well as activity based tourism infrastructure as main attractors for new potential customers’. All this would additionally enrich and diversify today’s tourist offer of the City and its vicinity.

6. How to sustain Dubrovnik’s market prosperity?

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Regardless of its globally imposed image created predominantly in line with what the tourist industry imposes as necessary, and resulting in the recognition of only a few of ‘standard’ cityscapes of the historical city centre, it seems that Dubrovnik’s image on the global tourism market should be much more layered and complex. This calls for the inclusion of additional cognitive and affective elements that would not only enrich the City’s rather shallow and superficial market identity, but whose interplay would allow for various interrelations that would bring about a different emotional flavour to the whole destination (Hosany, Ekinci and Uysal, 2007; Keller, 2008).

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Taking into consideration the interviewees’ opinions on the Dubrovnik’s most relevant image determinants, apart from the omnipresent historical city centre and its photogenicity, the factors that seem to be of great significance not only to the local population, but to the cultural/historical community as well, include: (i) the historical and civilizational inheritance of the Dubrovnik Republic, (ii) globally relevant historical personalities such as Marin Držić, Ivan Gundulić, Ruđer Bošković, Marin Getaldić or Vlaho Bukovac, (iii) individual secular and/or sacral buildings of great beauty and/or cultural significance at the edge of the City or around it (villae rusticae, medieval fortifications, monasteries and sacral buildings), (iv) numerous cultural events and/or international ‘festivities’ related to Dubrovnik’s intangible heritage, (v) cultivated landscape (particularly at the ‘edge’ of the City), as well as the (vi) mild climate, (vii) beauty of the nature, (viii) abundance of tourist related superstructure, and (ix) autochthonous eno-gastronomic offer of great quality. All these elements should, therefore, become integral parts of the overall Dubrovnik image, and, hence, be included in the overall visitation experience. However, due to differences in their relative importance, it seems logical to differentiate between the elements that form: (i) the core of Dubrovnik’s identity, (ii) its expanded identity, and (iii) its supplementary identity. The elements forming the core of Dubrovnik’s identity should be most relevant in emphasizing the City’s uniqueness and authenticity. In other words, the core of its identity should represent Dubrovnik’s unique selling proposition and act as the main differentiation factor.


I. Kunst: Image Redesign as a Tool for Safeguarding a Destination’s Market Prosperity...

The expanded and supplementary identity elements, although less important as primary visitor attractors, also represent important image determinants and indicate that Dubrovnik is much more than just its UNESCO-protected historical city centre. With this in mind, the expanded and supplementary identity elements further extend and reinforce the core positioning statement. In accordance with the answers provided by the respondents, it was possible to organize Dubrovnik’s identity attributes as shown in Picture 2. Figure 2 Layers of the Dubrovnik’s identity and their elements

Picture 2. Layers of the Dubrovnik's identity and their elements

Source: Author, based on the interviewees’ opinions and following the approach developed in Tomljenović &

Any violation of the factors determining the topography of Dubrovnik's identity, especially related to any inappropriate construction and/or inadequate use of public space, would automatically reflectof itself as well on thedetermining Dubrovnik image the to a greater or lesser extent, and Any violation the factors topography of Dubrovnik’s identity, would (negatively) affect the City's long-term market prosperity. Naturally, the potentially especially related to any inappropriate construction and/or inadequate use of public biggest threat to Dubrovnik's market prosperity is related to the degradation of the factors space, would automatically reflect itself as well thecore Dubrovnik that represent the core of its identity. Since the most evident threaton to the of Dubrovnik'simage to a greater identity is reflected the usurpation of public areas, well as by thelong-term gradual or lesser extent,mostly andbywould (negatively) affectas the City’s market prosdisappearance of the 'spirit place' of the City's historic threat centre', itto seems that the long term perity. Naturally, theofpotentially biggest Dubrovnik’s market prosperity is sustainability of the Dubrovnik brand on the tourism destination market calls for a gradual related the degradation of the factors thatcityrepresent the core of its identity. Since reduction to in the number of simultaneous visitors within the walls.

the most evident threat to the core of Dubrovnik’s identity is reflected mostly by the In order to effectively reduce the number of simultaneous visitors in the City's historic centre, usurpation public areas, well as by the gradual disappearance one should notof only reinforce all theas vital determinants of the City’s core, extended and of the ‘spirit of supplementary also extend the general imagethat of Dubrovnik and term its unique place’ of theidentities, City’s but historic centre’, it seems the long sustainability of the selling proposition across the wider gravitating area of the former Dubrovnik Republic, an Dubrovnik brand on the tourism destination market calls for a gradual reduction in area that, not only for historical and cultural reasons, deserves to be an integral part of the the number ofvisitation simultaneous visitors city walls. overall Dubrovnik experience. Figure 3within depicts the the essence of the suggested approach as well as the logic for the gradual extension of the Dubrovnik brand to the

gravitating In order area. to effectively reduce the number of simultaneous visitors in the City’s historic centre, one should not only reinforce all the vital determinants of the City’s 12

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Source: Kunst (2014)Author, based on the interviewees’ opinions and following the approach developed in Tomljenović and Kunst (2014)

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Sociologija i prostor, 55 (2017) 207 (1): 55-75

core, extended and supplementary identities, but also extend the general image of Dubrovnik and its unique selling proposition across the wider gravitating area of the former Dubrovnik Republic, an area that, not only for historical and cultural reasons, deserves to be an integral part of the overall Dubrovnik visitation experience. Figure 3 depicts the essence of the suggested approach as well as the logic for the gradual extension of the Dubrovnik brand to the gravitating area. Figure 3 Figure 3. Dubrovnik's new market communication model Dubrovnik’s new market communication model

ADD TO THE PACKAGE SYSTEM OF MEMORABLE EXPERIENCES

Climate Nature (the sea, beaches, Mt Srđ) Dubrovnik university Accommodation offer Eno-gastronomic offer

MAKE USE OF

INCLUDE IN THE EXPERIENCE

Historical personalities Vilae rusticae, fortifications, monasteries in the vicinity Cultivated landscape (Župa Dubrovačka, Ston, Cavtat, Konavosko polje…) Lokrum and the Elaphite islands Historical cities in the vicinity

CREATE A PACK Climate

Natural featur Dubrovnik as

DISPERSE

Accommodati Oeno-gastron

INCLUDE IN TH

Historical per

GENERATE INTEREST

VISUAL IMPRESSION OF THE 'MUSEUM

Nearby summ

Historical city centre Visual harmony of the sea historical city centre and Mt Srđ Dubrovnik Republic Individual building within the walls Events & Festivities

Developed lan

Lokrum and th Nearby histor

GENERATE INT

Historical cen

Contrast betw

ATTRACT

Republic of Ra

Individual bui

Source: Author, on on the the approach developed in Tomljenović & Kunst (2014) Source: Author,based based approach developed in Tomljenović and Kunst (2014)

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

The central part shows the hierarchy of Dubrovnik’s identity system and its determinants that

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The part shows hierarchy of Dubrovnik’s identity system and its determineedcentral to be gradually, but the efficiently, integrated into a complete system of memorable visitation In order to do so, following logic in product commercialization is nants thatexperiences. need to be gradually, butthe efficiently, integrated into a complete system of required: (i) use the iconic power and the visual appeal of the historical city centre as a memorable visitation experiences. In order to do so, the following logic in product primary attractor of various tourist (i) demand segments, disperse commercialization is required: use the iconic (ii) power andthe theinitially visualattracted appeal of the demand in accordance with their prevailing interests and/or affinities to the (historical) historical city centre as a primary attractor of various tourist demand segments, (ii) ‘periphery’ of the City, and, finally (iii) complete the entire visitation experience by means of disperse the initially attracted demand in accordance with their prevailing interests enjoyment in exceptional beauty of the nature, favourable climate, the quality of and/or affinities to the of the City, and, accommodation and/or high(historical) quality of the‘periphery’ authentic eno-gastronomic offer.finally (iii) complete the entire visitation experience by means of enjoyment in exceptional beauty of the Apart from the creation of preconditions for a better and socio-culturally more favourable nature, favourable climate, the quality of accommodation and/or high quality of the usage of scarce space within the City walls and in order to ensure a more productive authentic offer. coexistenceeno-gastronomic of tourists and local population during the prolonged season, the proposed approach to Dubrovnik’s desirable market positioning should not only partially relieve the

Apart from creation of preconditions forone-day a better and socio-culturally more fahistorical citythe centre from the crowds created by visitors, but also add a new dimension usage to the still (primarily visual) impression primarilya more vourable of superficial scarce space within thetourist City walls and of in Dubrovnik, order to ensure of a petrified coexistence stone build ‘museum city’. Further, the proposed approach would also enable a seaproductive of tourists and local population during the prolonged faster, and more efficient market recognition of new, mostly still unknown/undiscovered son, the proposed approach to Dubrovnik’s desirable market positioning should not tourism experiences available in the City’s ‘periphery’. Finally, by means of getting more acquainted with the local culture and traditional way of life of the Dubrovnik’s ‘periphery’, the suggested approach to Dubrovnik’s market positioning should significantly extend the 13


I. Kunst: Image Redesign as a Tool for Safeguarding a Destination’s Market Prosperity...

only partially relieve the historical city centre from the crowds created by one-day visitors, but also add a new dimension to the still superficial (primarily visual) tourist impression of Dubrovnik, primarily of a petrified stone build ‘museum city’. Further, the proposed approach would also enable a faster, and more efficient market recognition of new, mostly still unknown/undiscovered tourism experiences available in the City’s ‘periphery’. Finally, by means of getting more acquainted with the local culture and traditional way of life of the Dubrovnik’s ‘periphery’, the suggested approach to Dubrovnik’s market positioning should significantly extend the average length of stay, and create a foundation for a deeper and better structured visitation experience of Dubrovnik, allowing for a better understanding of its history, its culture (tangible and intangible), and its contribution to universal cultural heritage.

7. Conclusion

Regardless of the threats described above, it would be biased as well as unscientific to conclude that Dubrovnik will gradually attract a decreasing number of visitors and generate less tourism related receipts if the current trends continue to prevail in the future. The elasticity of demand suggests that it is reasonable to expect that ‘every product usually finds its customer’. In this regard, one may argue that a reduction in the quality of an overall visitation experience and, thus, average spending, can be more than compensated by the increase in the number of arrivals and overnight stays. Such an argument is effectively supported by tourism development models of some other historical cities in the Mediterranean (i.e. Split, Kotor, Rhodes, Syracuse, Valletta, Ibiza), which, despite their excessive ‘touristification’ and/or ‘musealization’, are still considered to be very attractive tourist destinations that, albeit some less favourable socio-cultural and/or ecological consequences, still generate more than satisfactory tourism receipts.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

The rapid and intensive, sometimes even invasive development of tourism in the past decade has had a direct and indirect impact on the change of Dubrovnik’s economic structure in which tourism has increasingly become a monoculture. At the same time, the spontaneous and sometimes haphazard development of tourism has also significantly affected the prevailing way of life in the City, especially with regard to: (i) the population’s attitudes towards tourists/visitors, (ii) prevailing space use regime – particularly in the historical city centre – as well as to (iii) the availability/ effectiveness of the vital communal infrastructure systems. Although Dubrovnik has, so far, been able to successfully maintain itself on the global tourist destination market as a ‘must see’ destination, the present model of tourism development is being characterized predominantly by its propensity to increase profit, to the detriment of the preservation of cultural/natural heritage, visitor’s experience, and the quality of everyday life for Dubrovnik’s inhabitants. Despite the attempts to sensibly channel a part of the City’s increased tourism receipts into the sphere of public goods, the existing development model cannot put an end to a series of problems related to communal infrastructure, rapid consumption space, profanation and degradation of green areas and/or unique cultural landscape. Therefore, not only the sustainability of the City’s image, but its long term competitiveness are both at stake.

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S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

To conclude, only the citizens of Dubrovnik, based on their life preferences and fundamental beliefs, are in the position to decide on the sustainability and/or desirability of the existing model of Dubrovnik’s tourist development. Nonetheless, however, there should be no doubt it is possible to significantly improve it. This conclusion can be corroborated by the following facts: • Today’s image of Dubrovnik as a tourist destination reflects largely the fact that the globalised tourist industry is extremely powerful when it comes to the ‘production’ and dissemination of destination images and/or identities. In this regard, it is extremely important to move away the visitation experience from only a ‘photographic’ perception of the ‘museum city’ and to revitalise the authentic ‘spirit of the place’, especially within the historical city centre, by striving to enable a more harmonious interaction between tourists and residents. • The standardised images of Dubrovnik reflect the expected (‘instant’) manner in which the tourist industry suggests potential visitors how they are supposed to experience and consume the City as a tourist product: during their visit to Dubrovnik, tourists are expected to visit historical city centre and the most popular spots/buildings within the walls and, only if the time and their physical fitness allow it, take a stroll atop the city walls. Everything else in the City and outside it is reduced to unimportant and/or optional. • Only the area within the walls and the experience that it offers is considered to be ‘authentic’ and extremely valuable, whereas the entire area outside the walls, as well as the area that historically gravitates towards the City, is considered to be of almost no value and, hence, not important. Apart from ‘pushing’ the crowds to the historical city centre, one should arouse the interest for the wider area of the former Dubrovnik Republic as well. Activating Dubrovnik’s ‘periphery’ for more intensive tourist visitation would not only allow for new product development, but would significantly improve the quality of the overall visitation experience, reinforce Dubrovnik’s core identity and extend its brand equity on the tourism destination market over the long run.

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Instead of trying to incorporate a romanticised identity of the historical city into a typified commodified package the global tourist industry can most easily sell, it seems that a more desirable, more socially responsible and more sustainable development of Dubrovnik calls for the extension of the short, shallow, and superficial visitation experience of the historic city centre towards the broader area that once used to be an integral part of the Dubrovnik Republic. In order to achieve this goal, one should primarily focus on safeguarding the historically inherited, as well as the contemporary determinants within all three components of the Dubrovnik’s identity system. Only in such conditions will it be possible to effectively manage the ‘Dubrovnik brand’ over the long run, and to the satisfaction of tourists, local entrepreneurs, and the local population. Finally, only in such conditions will it be possible to recognise the emergence of potentially unwanted scenarios of the City’s (tourism related) development, and to create the necessary preconditions for a gradual expansion of the Dubrovnik’s brand equity form the historical city centre (nucleus) to the outskirts of the City, including the whole area of the former Dubrovnik Republic.


I. Kunst: Image Redesign as a Tool for Safeguarding a Destination’s Market Prosperity...

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Pregledni rad

Ivo Kunst Institut za turizam, Zagreb, Hrvatska e-mail: ivo.kunst@iztzg.hr

Redizajn imidža kao jamstvo osiguranja tržišnog uspjeha destinacije: slučaj Dubrovnika Sažetak Grad Dubrovnik, osobito njegova povijesna jezgra pod zaštitom UNESCO-a, kao i prostor u njegovoj neposrednoj blizini izloženi su prekomjernoj turističkoj potražnji već dulje od desetljeća. To posebno vrijedi za tzv. tranzitne turiste, koji grad posjećuju s kruzera ili u okviru organiziranih turističkih grupa. Slijedom toga povijesna je jezgra sve zakrčenija turistima. To je praćeno opadanjem kvalitete ponude hrane i pića kao i ostalih usluga jer se svi prilagođuju takvom, manje zahtjevnom tranzitnom turizmu. Sve navedeno ne samo da ozbiljno ugrožava kvalitetu života stanovnika grada već ima i važne implikacije za dugoročni imidž Dubrovnika kao turističke destinacije na svjetskom tržištu. Nakon kritičkog ispitivanja trenutne politike razvoja turizma i njezine održivosti, kako u socioekonomskom kontekstu tako i u kontekstu dugoročnog utjecaja na tržišno pozicioniranje grada, na temelju nalaza provedenog kvalitativnog istraživanja u radu se predlažu promjene u jedinstvenoj prodajnoj ponudi Grada. One imaju za cilj smanjiti problem zakrčenosti turistima i održati konkurentnost Dubrovnika na tržištu turističkih destinacija u godinama koje dolaze.

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Ključne riječi: Dubrovnik, model razvoja turizma, tržišni uspjeh, održivost.

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DOI 10.5673/sip.55.1.4 UDK 338.48(497.4) Pregledni rad

Branding of a (Desti)nation with a Deteriorated Image: The Case of Serbia Branka Novčić Korać University of Belgrade, Faculty of Organizational Sciences, Serbia e-mail: novcic.branka@fon.bg.ac.rs

Tina Šegota1 University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Economics, Slovenia e-mail: tina.segota@ef.uni-lj.si

Key words: nation branding, tourism destination, brand image, Serbia - a post-communist country.

1

Corresponding author.

Copyright © 2017 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

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ABSTRACT This paper offers insights into the differentiation between nation branding and destination branding and how important it is for the successful rebranding of a country with a deteriorated and negative image. It is on the case of Serbia that authors wish to demonstrate how a country engages in competitive marketing strategies in order to boost investments, exports and employment opportunities, but fails to develop a coherent nation branding platform at the highest strategic level. The literature review highlights the differences and relations between three concepts - place branding, nation branding and destination branding. The paper presents the results of the content analysis of key branding initiatives, followed by visual messages, developed and implemented by the Serbian Government and the National Tourism Organization of Serbia in the period from 1996 to 2016. The results are chronologically presented in the form of a discussion, establishing links between destination branding and nation branding practices in Serbia. The conclusion is that none of the branding initiatives have proved successful until now. This is predominantly due to the Government’s lack of understanding of the very concept of nation branding and it being mistaken for destination branding and tourism marketing. Current promotional efforts focus on presenting Serbia to internal and external stakeholders primarily as a tourist destination.

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1. Introduction Nation branding and destination branding are highly valued and potentially conflicting processes in establishing competitiveness of a place. While attention has been paid to nation branding and destination branding individually, not much attention has been paid to how they interact. With governments experiencing increasingly formal expectations that their branding initiatives will result in a strong nation brand to promote specific economic interests of the country, we require systematic knowledge about how different branding practices play out for transitioning countries.

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At the turn of the new millennium, the emergence of new nations and countries was one of the main trends that gave rise to the creation of nation branding (Yan, 2008). The emerging countries and nations saw branding as a chance to distinguish and position themselves among other newly established countries (Anholt, 2007). However, these nations were not the only ones that recognized and espoused the advantages and possibilities of branding. The world’s leading nations also embraced nation branding as a tool for gaining the upper hand in the circumstances of global economic instability. Nowadays, more and more governments are turning to marketing and branding techniques to highlight competitive advantages over their closest rivals (Anholt, 2008) in order to increase investments, attract tourists, exports and talents. Originally, the core goals of branding were to acquire market share and build consumer loyalty; differentiate between previously generic products so that the producer would have control over prices and better predict the demand for certain products (Dinnie, 2008). Over time, the initial concept of branding products and services evolved and served as a basis for (tourism) destination branding, which in recent times has also been applied to places, nations and countries (Hanna and Rowley, 2010). As such, the concept of place branding has emerged, which created some additional insecurity as to what is being branded – a place, a nation, or a destination.

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In order to further clarify the confusion in terminology, this study will address the following three concepts – place branding, nation branding, and destination branding. More specifically, this paper will present how these three concepts differ, whilst at the same time interrelate in case of a nation in need of rebranding due to its negative image. It is in the case of Serbia that authors wish to demonstrate how a nation engages in competitive marketing strategies with the intention to boost investments, exports and employment opportunities, but fails to develop a coherent branding platform. Hence, the chronology of branding Serbia, as a post-communist, ex-Yugoslav country, will be discussed from the perspective of nation branding and destination branding.


B. Novčić Korać, T. Šegota: Branding of a (Desti)nation with Deteriorated Image...

2. Place, nation, and destination: theoretical underpinnings of branding 2.1. Place branding Place branding could be defined as the process of creating place brands and network associations in the minds of the target groups “based on the visual, verbal, and behavioral expression of a place, which is embodied through the aims, communication, values, and the general culture of the place’s stakeholders and the overall place design” (Zenker and Braun, 2010). Since this process is usually employed by public administration with an aim to affect perceptions of a place and create its positive image, place branding could also be considered as a “governance strategy for projecting images and managing perceptions about places” (Braun, Eshuis and Klijn, 2014:64).

Furthermore, very often terms ‘nation’ and ‘country’ are interchangeably used when referring to a practice of place branding, with a ‘nation’ referencing a ‘country’. The ‘nation’ is being associated with a place or places, while the ‘country’ is often used for describing a geographic location. Moreover, the literature also exhibited that nations are frequently addressed as destinations, referring to nations and countries who present themselves primarily through tourism. This is because the concept of branding has been present for centuries; however, it is very difficult to precisely date its application to places – geographic locations. Szondi (2008) finds the reason for this in various nations, countries, regions and cities unknowingly applying branding throughout their history. Similarly, Anholt (2010:7) observes that places have been historically promoting their attractions and image for “making themselves famous” in order to attract investors, traders, visitors, sellers and influencers and to differentiate themselves from competitors. But it was the concept of strategic place marketing proposed by Kotler et al. (1993) that suggested for places to be run and marketed as businesses in order to adequately address technological changes and globalization

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For better understanding of how branding is applied to places, it is necessary to clarify the main terms that are in use and their relations. The literature on place branding suggests that the term ‘place’ refers to a geographic location, a nation, a country, a region, a city, and a tourism destination (Hanna and Rowley, 2010). All of these already come with a given name, and therefore the traditional branding practices of assigning a name or a symbol to a place are inapplicable. On the other hand, place branding is all about enhancing the brand image of the place (Anholt, 2010); however, “simple communications are no substitute for policies while constructing and altering the image of a country, or that a place requires more substantial efforts than graphic design, advertising or PR campaigns” (Metaxas, 2010:229). For Syssner (2010) place branding represents an element within the real ontological transformation of a place, which is observed in physical, economic, demographic or socio-cultural structural changes. Syssner (2010:37) also notes that “in the absence of structural transformations, however, place branding can lead to a change in how a place is conceptualized by different groups of actors”, which is to be observed through public discourse, institutional practices and personal narratives.

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challenges. And by applying strategic place marketing practices, marketers established places as brands in order to more easily promote and sell their products and services and thus respond to fierce competition among places, but without directly addressing the overall image and reputation of the place (Anholt, 2010; Braun, Eshuis and Klijn, 2014). This led to places being marketed through tourism and exports, with place image being tightly linked to its tourism destination image and the country-of-origin image (Kotler et al., 1999; Anholt, 2010; Martínez and Alvarez, 2010). Hence, Kotler, Asplund, Rein, and Haider (1999) note that countries often implemented the concept of place branding in unplanned and inadvertent manner, perceiving it as a tool for a destination image promotion, rather than systematically applying it in order to address the overall image of the country (Szondi, 2008). Therefore, the most common reason for the lack of understanding of the concept of place branding is the wrong use of terms, the complexity of the influencing factors, and an unclear strategic level at which it is necessary to create and manage each of these brands. Bearing in mind that the terms ‘place’, ‘nation’ and ‘destination’ are also often mistaken, Freire (2005) introduced the term geo-branding and geobrands. By adopting the point of view of Freire (2005), Picture 1 presents the levels of generality, extensiveness and effects of geo-brands, from the broadest, the most general, to the most specific ones.

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Picture 1 The levels of generality and extensiveness of geo-brands

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Source: Authors’ own, based on literature review.

As seen from the above, place brand is the broadest and the most extensive term, while nation brand is an umbrella term which includes country, city and destination brands. Destination brand is the most specific term referring to a place only as a tourism product. Also, it is very important to understand the effects of each concept. The focus of place brand effects is primly on improving place image. On the other


B. Novčić Korać, T. Šegota: Branding of a (Desti)nation with Deteriorated Image...

hand, nation brand can affect a wide range of segments, from investments and tourism to talents and foreigners. The focus of city branding effects is on improving the living conditions of residents and becoming more attractive to foreigners. Lastly, destination brand is so specific that it can bring improvements mainly for the purpose of tourism, especially for developing tourism infrastructure, creating tourism products and enhancing destination image. Having in mind that places are often being presented only or mostly as tourism products, the misunderstanding of terms does not come as a surprise.

2.2. Nation branding

The concept of nation branding originates from the studies on country of origin, place and destination branding, public diplomacy and national identity (Fan, 2010). But it was in 1996 that Simon Anholt presented the concept of nation branding to marketing professionals. He defines it as a combination of studies on the countryof-origin topic that include political, cultural, social and historical approaches to national identity (Anholt, 2003). The author goes on to note that the nation brand, as a unique, multifaceted combination of elements, provides a basis for a nation’s relevant cultural differentiation in relation to all its target audiences. The nation brand is a clear and simple measure of a country’s ‘license to trade’ in the global market, and the acceptability of its people, hospitality, culture, policies, products, and services in the rest of the world (Anholt, 2005). But nation does not represent a product in its traditional form. In fact, nations do not offer tangible products and services, but rather consist of many factors and associations, such as a place (i.e., in geographical terms: states, cities, areas); natural resources and beauties, local products; people; history (i.e., myths, stories, landmarks, monuments); culture; language; political and economic system; social institutions; infrastructure; celebrities; design (i.e., architecture, fashion), and images (Fan, 2006). Therefore, unlike the studies on country of origin and destination branding that clearly focus on promoting specific economic interests of the country, nation branding is “concerned with a country’s whole image on the international stage, covering political, economic and cultural dimensions” (Fan, 2010:98). Furthermore, the terms ‘people’, ‘nation’ and ‘country’ are very often interchangeably used in the context of nation branding. This generates some confusion on whether the nation or a country is being branded and how these differ among each other. But these terms are, in fact, inseparable notions. Firstly, in the Oxford Learner’s Dictionary, Hornaby (2006) defines people as a race, tribe, and group of individuals who make up a social class or nation. Secondly, Arday (2012) states that

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Nation branding is “a process by which a nation’s images can be created or altered, monitored, evaluated and proactively managed in order to enhance the country’s reputation among a target international audience” (Fan, 2010:101). It can be considered a special type of place branding which numerous countries seized as a way to “boost their economies, their tourism industries, trade and foreign direct investment opportunities by pursuing a favorable image in international markets” (Bisa, 2013).

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a nation is an institutionalized form of a people that is closely related to a country. Nation is defined as a large group of people of the same race and language (Fan, 2006), which share the same culture – a system of ideas, signs, associations, patterns of behavior and communication, but also as a group of people that recognize and accept each other as members of the same nation and origin (Gellner, 1983; Milošević Đorđević, 2003). Thirdly, in the Oxford Learner’s Dictionary, country is defined as a nation occupying a particular territory and having its own government. From these three definitions, we see that those concepts are inseparable. They are intervened in a sense of relating to a group of individuals who make up a nation, institutionalized by common culture and values, and in a particular governed territory. This is why very often nation branding is synonym for country branding. Nation branding is very often linked to public diplomacy, which Bisa (2013) sees as two associated concepts. For Bisa (2013:11), nation branding and public diplomacy “deal with communication practices that aim at influencing public attitudes and opinions as a means of impacting foreign affairs and policies as well advancing countries’ economies and tourism.” Depending on the context of the country, its relevant factors and target audience, developing a strong nation brand can be a very complex process. This is why countries convey unclear and confusing messages to their target audiences very often. Hence, to avoid this problem, governments need to fully grasp the concept of nation branding and get access to standardized and controlled communication (Novčić and Štavljanin, 2015). Effective nation branding “requires the nation brand executive to ensure integration and coordination of the marketing mix to reposition the new nation brand ideology and identity in the minds of stakeholders” (Amujo and Otubanjo, 2012:92). Moreover, it calls for consistency between internal and external branding strategies, “especially aligning behaviors of /all country’s internal stakeholders/ through focused and strategic planning and implementation” (Amujo and Otubanjo, 2012:92). Therefore, successful creation of a strong nation brand is in developing brand ownership and in living its culture in daily scripts of top public service employees down to ordinary citizens (Urde, 1999).

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2.3. Destination branding

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Destination branding is a process of developing a unique brand identity and personality of a tourism destination that will distinguish it from competitors (Mathieson and Wall, 1982). The process refers to selecting a consistent mix of brand elements to identify and differentiate a tourism destination through positive image building (Cai, 2002). As a result of branding, a destination brand is (i) a means to differentiate a destination from its competitors, (ii) a unique look that all destination stakeholders can constantly use, and (iii) a way to communicate destination’s uniqueness to tourists (Amujo and Otubanjo, 2012; Anholt, 2007; Echtner and Ritchie, 2003; Morgan, Pritchard, and Pride, 2002). Tourism sets the stage for a very profound consumption of places, which happens at unusual times and under different conditions, because destinations represent “a unique environment and stimulation apart from those ordinary shopping settings”


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(Oh et al., 2004:309). The physical space itself is a very important factor within one’s purchasing behavior (Mathieson and Wall, 1982), because it does not only represent a physical space where the consumption happens, but it is the object of consumption per se (Jančič, 1999; Urry and Larsen, 2001; Urry, 2002; Bærenholdt et al., 2004; Oh et al., 2004). Thus, tourism destination branding has gained popularity in recent years, due to tourism’s rapid development into one of the most important and fastest growing economic industries worldwide, and out of forecasting trends that tourist arrivals and expenditures will significantly increase by 2030 (UNWTO, 2015).

Therefore, the focus of destination branding is on promoting economic interests of the country, or more specifically, country’s economic gain from tourism. And creating a successful tourism destination brand also requires informed and fully involved participation of internal stakeholders (Šegota, Mihalič and Kuščer, 2016) from government officials down to local residents, that are willing to deliver promised tourism experiences (Jančič, 1999). Despite efforts for positive destination and nation brand development, very often political and social instability, war, natural disasters etc. result in negative nation brand identity (Amujo and Otubanjo, 2012), which will reflect in the negative brand image of a destination.

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In case of destination branding, it is extremely important to understand what is actually being branded and how this relates to place and nation branding. According to the UNWTO (2002), “local tourism destination is a physical space in which a visitor spends at least one overnight. /…/ It has physical and administrative boundaries defining its management, images and perceptions defining its market competitiveness. Local tourism destinations incorporate various stakeholders often including a host community, and can nest and network to form larger destinations.” From this definition, it is evident that tourism destination is a very complex concept. Firstly, it could be defined as a geographical place, where tourists spend their free time away from their usual place of living (Jafari, 2003), which includes a village, city, island, region or country (Mundt, 2004). Secondly, in order for a place to become a tourism destination, its natural and cultural resources have to be valorized in order to meet the needs of potential and real demand (Mihalič, 2008). It has to have a developed general and tourism infra- and superstructure (Mihalič, 2008) to accommodate tourists and offer various forms of recreation. Thirdly, it has to be accessible; transportation networks, traffic connections, roads and other transportation services have to be well-developed. Fourth, its various stakeholders, their interests and the impact of tourism on host community’s quality of life have to be considered when tourism development is planned and managed (Mihalič et al., 2016; Šegota, Mihalič, and Kuščer, 2016). Lastly, by the exchange theory posited by Jančič (1999:53–54), tourism destination is an exchange value: that is, a place towards which a person forms images, perceptions, attachment that on the other hand influence a person’s intentions and actions.

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2.4. Nation and destination image

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Branding a place, nation and destination results in creating an image of what is being branded. Governments’ aim is to create strong brands with positive images that will bring various economic benefits to the country. Thus, brands are being developed and created by governments or other official entities, but brand images are the sums of beliefs and impressions in the minds of target audiences (Kotler and Gertner, 2002).

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Martínez and Alvarez (2010:749) observe that nation image and destination image are interrelated “due to the influence of the former on the perceptions regarding the products of that country, including tourism products.” The interrelatedness of nation and destination image originates from the four main common characteristics of the two concepts: complexity, multidimensionality, relativity, and dynamic nature (Beerli and Martín, 2004; Martínez and Alvarez, 2010). Nation and destination image are two very complex constructs. As seen from the above, the main challenge for both nation and destination branding is how to communicate a single image to different target audiences and get all stakeholders to convey the same messages about a place. Moreover, image is not only a sum of beliefs and impressions, but it also has an emotional component (Crompton, 1979; Moutinho, 1987; Baloglu and McCleary, 1999). Beliefs and opinions represent a cognitive dimension of the image, while affects and emotions are elements of its affective dimension (Kim and Richardson, 2003; Pike and Ryan, 2004). Both of these components contribute to the formation of an overall image about a place (Lin et al., 2007; San Martín and Rodríguez del Bosque, 2008), with some researchers strongly suggesting that its affective component has more effect on the overall image over its cognitive component (Beerli Palacio, Díaz Meneses and Pérez Pérez, 2002; Beerli and Martín, 2004). Image is very relative and dynamic, because it is based on subjective assessments which are subject to changes over time and based on past experience (Crompton, 1979; Gartner, 1986; Chon, 1991; Tasci, Gartner and Cavusgil, 2007). Brezovec (2001) observes that nation and destination image are in a reflective-constructive relationship. Author stresses out that nation image influences the perception of tourism product attributes of the country and nation image is thus reflected in the destination image. Furthermore, knowledge and perceptions on tourism products, either strongly positive or negative, influence perceptions of the nation and thus destination image constructs nation image. Others similarly observe that nation image has a strong influence on travel behavior (i.e. intention to visit, intention to re-visit, and recommending the destination). Nadeau et al. (2008) point that personal experience with a destination may also impact how nation is being perceived by changing stereotypes into more accurate perceptions of the nation. However, the fundamental distinction between nation and destination image is “in the former representing a combination of various generic associations, independent of a particular context, while the latter refers to the tourist’s perspective and may indicate a specific area, a city, a region or a country” (Martínez and Alvarez, 2010: 751). Martinez and Alvarez (2010) also acknowledge that there is a fundamental distinction in how nation image and destination image are formed. One’s image


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about the nation is influenced by various types of information accumulated over time which include, but are not limited to, historical events, political, economic and cultural processes and transformations, and even through exports connected to the country of origin effects (Roth and Diamantopoulos, 2009; Martínez and Alvarez, 2010). On the other hand, different kinds of information may become relevant for destination image formation. Videos, photos, brochures, articles and reviews of a destination that are part of institutional tourism promotional activities, will lead to creation of certain destination image and develop personal impressions about the destination (Gallarza, Saura and Garcı́a, 2002). This is why perceptions created through tourism cannot entirely cover nation image in direct foreign investments, talent acquisition and made in effect. The latter are subject to political and economic contexts of the country which may be distinctively different from its tourism context. For example, Martinez and Alvarez (2010) demonstrated that Turkey had a negative nation image and a positive destination image. That is, as a country it is perceived as “insecure, dangerous, or having negative connotations as a ‘Third World’ country, while it may also be appealing from a tourism point of view due to its historical or cultural resources, or to its exotic way of life, which might be attractive to the potential tourist” (Martínez and Alvarez, 2010:759).

3. Politics, conflicts and image of a place Place image may be affected by many events beyond its control. Negative events, such as political conflicts, diseases, terrorism or insecurity, were shown to have negative influence on place image (Gertner and Kotler, 2004; Alvarez and Campo, 2014). This is mainly due to publicity that arouses around the negative events which very often have media coverage worldwide. Moreover, violence, political conflicts, war and terrorism represent a real threat to country image (Gertner and Kotler, 2004). In that case, time and strategic image management are two essentials in overcoming the negative image of a place (Gertner and Kotler, 2004; Alvarez and Campo, 2014).

For more than 20 years, the new states have been investing wide-ranging and complex efforts to position themselves on the geographic and mental map of Europe, but also to present themselves to the world as democratic and politically stable countries with developing economies (Szondi, 2007). They took on the path of transition from a centralized to a market economy, from an authoritarian, one-party system to a multi-party, democratic society, including the systemic change of nations’ identity and image. Aronczyk (2008) notes that transition countries were focused on internal problems, and only several years into transition, they started realizing and becoming aware of the importance of their image among external stakeholders. Leading authors in the field of nation branding agree that countries of Central and Eastern Europe constitute a fertile ground for research on the undertaken nation

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3.1. Countries in transition and their image

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branding efforts (Anholt, 2007, 2010, 2013; Aronczyk, 2008; Hall, 2002; Kanaeva, 2012; Szondi, 2007), because of their similar geographical, economic, political, and social systems, and historical roots. Moreover, nation branding initiatives in certain countries of Central and Eastern Europe, such as Poland, Slovenia, Latvia, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, have been a subject to analysis by academic researchers and practitioners (Endzina and Luneva, 2004; Florek, 2005; Hall, 2002; Kanaeva, 2012; Konecnik and Go, 2007; Poljanec-Borić, 2016), but without historical and socio-cultural transformation contexts in place. In that case, political turmoil that has evolved at the beginning of the 20th century, influenced how Central and Eastern European countries are perceived today. In many cases, political instability significant for the transitional countries that emerged in the early 90s resulted from the events that were beyond their control. In the case of Yugoslavia, many of its former countries have been influenced by political and territorial conflicts, and therefore had and some still have negative image.

3.2. Yugoslavia: from its origins to its downfall

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The analysis of branding of any former Yugoslav state, which emerged as a new nation in the late 20th century, and its efforts of creating a recognizable image and identity, is unimaginable without introducing its Yugoslav roots. Firstly, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia – the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, emerged in the territory of the Balkans, on the remnants of the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian Empires in December of 1918 (Petranović, 1988). As such, it united South Slavs and other non-Slav communities, Orthodox believers, Catholics, Muslims, and members of different cultures (Hall, 2002; Šegota, 2015; Novčić and Štavljanin, 2015) under the Serbian dynasty of Karađorđević. Its geographical position at the crossroads of the East and West ensured favorable conditions for economic development and overall progress.

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After the World War II, there was a change in the form of government, the monarchy and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia ceased to exist. With Josip Broz Tito at the helm, there emerged the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia (hereinafter FPRY), which was soon after renamed to the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (hereinafter SFRY) in the 1963 Constitution (Petranović, 1988). This newly formed state consisted of six republics: Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia. With the change of the state entity political regime, a new ideology was introduced: socialism. The new social and economic system based on socialism and communism was directly reflected in changes in social values, customs, myths, patterns of behavior that were considered socially acceptable (Novčić and Štavljanin, 2015). The building of Yugoslav identity took on several forms, but “it is a fact that Tito played a crucial part in it” (Šegota and Jančič, 2013). It is during his lifetime that he managed to develop a unity of different nations, which was mostly expressed through the Yugoslav education system, music and sports, in which different ethnicities were unified under the nation of Yugoslavia (Šegota and Jančič, 2013; Volcic, 2009).


B. Novčić Korać, T. Šegota: Branding of a (Desti)nation with Deteriorated Image...

However, a decade after Tito passed away, in 1991 the majority of Yugoslav republics decided to part their ways and to seek independence. This erupted into the political and territorial conflict among the former republics which gained negative worldwide publicity and created consequential negative images about the whole region. During this turmoil, defining the new identity gained in importance in all newly formed and independent nations. Many of them recognized tourism as an opportunity for positioning the country on the world’s tourism market stage (Šegota and Jančič, 2013). By focusing on destination branding, the nation branding was not in their strategic focus, with the priority not being given to the important problems at a national level. As a consequence of the one-sided approach to nation branding through tourism, most former Yugoslav countries are still unrecognizable on the world’s stage investmentwise, export-wise, and employment-wise. However, Slovenia is an exception to the case, since development and communication of its competitive identity has been strategically aligned with its political transition into an independent and democratic nation. In 2007, Slovenia established its most successful nation brand ‘I feel Slovenia’ which has since been relevant across its political, cultural, tourism and sports areas (Poljanec-Borić, 2016). This new competitive Slovenian identity signaled that its “marketing experts and political stakeholders decided to stabilize the nation brand and to define a competitive identity of a nation in global context” (Poljanec-Borić, 2016:13). Since 1991, contrary to other former Yugoslav countries, Serbia changed its name several times: it was part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro (Popesku, Damnjanović, Novčić, and Premović, 2010). It was only in 2006 that the National Assembly declared the independence of the Republic of Serbia. Thus, the newly-formed country of Serbia restored its name which was last time used during the time of the Kingdom of Serbia. It has simultaneously launched the process of seeking the identity of the nation, which was subordinate to the identity of the bigger community in the time of Yugoslavia (Novčić, Damnjanović, and Popesku, 2012). Similar to other former Yugoslav countries, the challenges of developing and positioning the nation brand, and improving its image and reputation emerged soon after.

Case study approach was utilized for gaining insights into nation branding and destination branding practices in Serbia. The approach was based on the review of secondary literature and interviews the authors undertook with official representatives of National Tourism Organization of Serbia (hereinafter NTOS). The data were collected from 2014 to 2016 with the help of NTOS representatives and were derived from various governmental documents, Internet sources, books and magazines, archived brochures and texts. Since logo and a brand slogan are two most distinct elements of brand identity (Kotler, 2000; Poljanec-Borić, 2016), tourism campaigns with key visual messages developed and published by NTOS in the period from 1996 to 2016 were identified and analyzed. The results of the analysis are presented in form of a discussion, establishing the links between nation branding and destination branding practices in Serbia.

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4. The method

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5. Discussion 5.1. The case of (re)branding Serbia: from destination to nation The journey towards an independent Serbia was marked by dynamic, historical, political and economic changes, ranging from political and territorial conflicts, international sanctions and NATO bombing. These events significantly contributed to the creation of its negative image (The Economist, 2006; Kanaeva, 2012; Nation branding, 2009). Although it may seem that the majority of negative associations linked to the nations involved in the conflicts disappeared with the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, some associations still continued to haunt Serbia in particular. Apart from the significantly deteriorated image, its nation was poorly recognized or even unrecognized internationally due to its recent reinstatement of the former name of Serbia. Additionally, its bigger problem was that its internal stakeholders – its citizens – had a rather unclear, inconsistent and somewhat confusing perceptions of Serbian identity (Popesku et al., 2010). With this problem at its doorsteps, seeking its somewhat forgotten identity and improving its deteriorated nation image meant a departure from the legacy of the past – Yugoslavia, and a return to its roots, history, culture and traditions. Hall (2002) notes that in the 90s, the ethnic identity was used as a tool for seeking the national identity of Serbia, very often with a political purpose. Hall (2002) further observes that the historical legacy was actually the main source and constituent element of the forgotten identity of the Serbian nation. The first initiatives on this topic emerged with the recognition of the importance of a strategic approach to nation branding.

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5.1.1. Serbia: Landscape painted from the heart

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In late 90s, the NTOS presented the first official tourism campaign with the slogan Serbia: Landscape painted from the heart (see Picture 2). The key elements of the ethnic identity were woven into the presentation of the Serbian tourism and the term ‘landscape’ was explained through nature and culture (NTOS, 2000). Besides the landscape, an emphasis was also placed on the Serbian, Orthodox tradition, while cultures and traditions of other communities were presented only symbolically (Hall, 2002). It was in this first official tourism campaign that the government seized the opportunity to initiate the complex process of nation branding by developing initiatives in the field of tourism for presenting Serbia as an attractive tourism destination (Novčić and Štavljanin, 2015).


B. Novčić Korać, T. Šegota: Branding of a (Desti)nation with Deteriorated Image...

Picture 2 Key visual elements of Serbian tourism marketing campaigns (1996–2012)

Source: NTOS (2000; 2007; 2014).

However, the change of the political regime at the start of the new millennium brought about a shift in the direction of nation branding. Firstly, in 2000, the new state administration hired the advertising agency Saatchi and Saatchi, with the idea of creating a new tourism campaign. Presenting Serbia as a multi-ethnic country (Popesku and Marić, 2003) represented the backbone of the campaign. The changes in the strategic orientation in rebranding Serbia are evidenced in the following sentences (NTOS, 2000): “Serbia is the meeting place of cultures, religions and languages. Although more than forty different nations live in Serbia, they do have some things in common – their homes are wide open to friends.” This is meant to represent Serbia as a home of various nations, with heart-warming welcome to the world, opposite to its rather negative image developed due to the socio-political turmoil in the 90s. Secondly, during the early 2000’s, the new state administration invested considerable efforts into improving Serbia’s image, strengthening the position of the country and nation among the Western European countries and attracting foreign investments (Hall, 2002). The efforts resulted in the first systematically conceived

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Therefore, similar to other former Yugoslav countries, Serbia initiated its nation branding through destination branding. This points towards the existing recognition of the importance of nation branding, but also towards the lack of understanding of how it differs from destination branding. As if “image improvement, rather than real improvement, is too often used as a panacea or quick fix for a place’s problems” (Gertner and Kotler, 2004: 54). And Serbia was no exception to the latter, since besieged by negative image, the government was apparently in need of a new image which was delivered through destination image. However, “one slogan, one campaign, no matter how clever or creative, cannot sell everything to everyone” (Fan, 2010: 102), which only confirms that the nature and culture do not have the ability to position Serbia in the marketplace in terms of investment, employment and export.

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and strategically created initiative on nation branding at a national level, aiming at improving Serbia’s image in the world and building its nation brand. But it was not until 2006 that the government and the Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations released an international tender looking for consultancy on improving nation image and creating a nation branding platform (The Economist, 2006; Kanaeva, 2012). This initiative resulted in establishing a state body called the Council for the Promotion of Serbia, colloquially known as the Council for the Branding of Serbia (hereinafter the Council). The main goal of the Council was to develop the National Strategy for the Promotion of Serbia that would later be adopted by the Government of Serbia on all nation brand levels. It is with this initiative that the government recognized the importance of nation branding and prioritized nation image over its destination image. The establishment of the Council clearly demonstrates that nation branding was conceptualized as meaningful, practical and important for promoting the economic and political interests of Serbia, which is then to be measured and implemented at its nation brand sublevels (i.e. destination brand, event brand, export brand, etc.).

5.1.2. Sights and sounds of Serbia: Moments to remember

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In cooperation with the NTOS, the Council and the Ministry of Trade and Tourism launched a new campaign to promote Serbia in 2007. The promotion took place under the slogan Sights and sounds of Serbia as part of the wider campaign named Moments to remember (NTOS, 2007). So, regardless of the initial beliefs that nation branding would be the driving force of all other branding processes, the Government’s official rationale for such a promotion was in “the advertising campaign promoting Serbia at a local and global level aiming at attracting tourists, as well as foreign investors” (Vlada Republike Srbije, 2007). And yet again, nation branding managed to fall under destination branding.

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Soon after the official screening of yet another destination branding campaign aimed at promoting the country’s investment economic interests, the work of the Council was affiliated with many controversies (Kanaeva, 2012). These partly stemmed from the inadequate communication of the basic information related to its mission and the expected outcomes. Although the Council launched several concrete initiatives such as the organization and hosting of the two mega events, i.e., the Eurovision Song Contest 2008 and the Summer Universiade 2009, the undertaken efforts had a short-term effect (Kanaeva, 2012). The media and political turmoil in relation to the Council’s work led to a general public animosity towards the Council and the entire nation branding concept. Consequently, the Council was dismantled soon after. Nonetheless, the government’s focus was yet again shifted from the importance of developing a strong nation brand that would set the strategic framework for promoting Serbia as an attractive country in terms of investments, exports and employment.


B. Novčić Korać, T. Šegota: Branding of a (Desti)nation with Deteriorated Image...

5.1.3. Life in the rhythm of the heartbeat Following the media backlash and internal stakeholders’ animosity towards the Council, the government placed NTOS in charge of nation branding initiatives. Unsurprisingly, these were developed by focusing primarily on enhancing Serbia’s destination image. Thus, in 2014, a new tourism campaign was launched under the slogan Life in the rhythm of the heartbeat. It aimed at describing Serbia as a country in Southeast Europe, at the center of the Balkan Peninsula “connecting the East and West for centuries – a land in which civilizations, cultures, faiths, climates and landscapes meet and mingle” (NTOS, 2014). The campaign has placed emotional attributes at the core of branding Serbia, serving as a trigger for positive emotions and affirmative associations to Serbia as a tourism destination. Putting the NTOS in charge of nation branding was a strategic move on the part of the government to overcome the media backlash and animosity surrounding the Council. Predictively, the nation brand once again was put under the destination brand which does not possess the power to create positive place image investmentwise, export-wise, and employment-wise (Gertner and Kotler, 2004; Fan, 2010; Martínez and Alvarez, 2010). However, if strategically managed and consistent in its messages, destination image could have been strong enough to pave the way for positioning Serbia on a tourism map and thus changing its deteriorated image.

By acknowledging that internal stakeholders still did not have a clear perception of Serbia’s national identity, in 2015 NTOS decided to divide its efforts in promoting Serbia separately to internal and external stakeholders. Thus, we observe two parallel campaigns actively being implemented with the goal to improve Serbia’s image and attract tourists (see Picture 3). The campaign named My Serbia was targeting domestic tourists in order to increase visitations during summer months (from June to September). The campaign was implemented in collaboration with the Ministry of Trade, Tourism and Telecommunication of the Republic of Serbia in order to stimulate domestic tourists to spend their holidays in Serbia instead of traveling abroad. The initiative for internal stakeholders also included the so-called subsidization of holidays, where members of specific social groups in Serbia could have been granted a voucher for lower-priced holidays in Serbia (Moja Srbija, 2016). Further, the slogan My Serbia aimed at communicating national pride and patriotism among internal stakeholders – Serbian citizens. By using the first-person possessive pronoun ‘my’, it aimed at influencing the affective image component, which was shown to have significant influence on the overall image when compared to the cognitive image component (Beerli Palacio, Díaz Meneses and Pérez Pérez, 2002; Beerli and Martín, 2004). Moreover, even though the brand was primarily used for destination branding purposes, the use of the first-person pronoun determines one’s belonging to Serbia or possibility to tie one’s association to Serbian national identity.

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5.2. Serbia for internal and external stakeholders

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In this case, destination brand can further strategically evolve into a place brand, event brand, investment brand or trade brand for the purpose of communicating with internal stakeholders. Picture 3 Visual elements of internal and external tourism promotion campaigns My Serbia

Source: NTOS (2016; 2017).

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On the other hand, the river Danube and water resources of the country were chosen as the main features for tourism promotion among external stakeholders (NTOS, 2017). Thus, the focus of separately launched promotional campaign is on highlighting Danube as a unique tourism destination which flows through Serbia along 588 kilometers and yet as the biggest European river that connects countries and nations (NTOS, 2017). The slogan of the campaign was The Danube in Serbia: 588 impressions, underlining the word ‘impressions’ and directly relating it to experiences one could have when visiting Serbia. A promotional video with the same title followed, successfully capturing the details of a river that connects 10 countries, over 100 million people, presenting Danube on its path through Serbia as a variety of landscapes, cultural heritage, archaeological sites, lifestyles, and events (NTOS, 2017). Further, Danube is presented in the video in a human-like form, using it to narrate the story with the sole purpose to establish a personal connection with viewers, evoke emotions and deliver a strong message: “I have many different names, I have many life forms, and many faces, I am the witness of ages, I am constant, and yet I’m changing, I am the thread that connects us all” (NTOS, 2014).

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Using the Danube as a narrator of the Serbian story, we witness the use of anthropomorphism at its best. NTOS used imbuing of objects with human personal characteristics, which enabled people to think of objects as humans, and thus easily relate their own self (Epley et al. 2007; Gurthrie 1993; Luthar and Luthar 2007). In order to emphasize their uniqueness, many destinations had to ‘move away’ from promoting their functional attributes (beaches, beautiful scenery, and friendly places) (Ekinci, Sirakaya-Turk, and Baloglu, 2007; Piggott et al., 2004; Murphy, Benckendorff, and Moscardo, 2007), and start creating unique personalities through metaphors that would craft a unique relationship between places and tourists (Ekinci and Hosany, 2006). Thus, NTOS successfully used anthropomorphism, personification techniques, in order to create user imagery of Serbia based on distinct personality characteristics. By applying the following techniques, a destination such as Serbia can differentiate itself among competitors, create consumer preferences and usage, and market a destination across cultures (Aaker, 1997; Ekinci and Hosany, 2006).


B. Novčić Korać, T. Šegota: Branding of a (Desti)nation with Deteriorated Image...

In short, NTOS centered its recent marketing and promotional activities on Serbia’s destination brand personality. Moreover, having used Danube to narrate the story of changes, flows, transitions, and yet of history and steadiness, NTOS managed to capture the changing nature of Serbia as a country. Yet, it seems as if the Danube narrates the story of a changing nation, being part of many different political systems; however, always present in its national identity, tradition, culture and history. Again, this destination brand and its narration still do not have the potential to externally communicate the economic interests of the country. But, they create the opportunity for changing the image of Serbia that has accumulated lots of negativity in its transition from the former Yugoslav nation to independent Serbia known today.

6. Conclusion

In order to inform on the nation branding and destination branding practices, we analyzed the content of branding campaigns of Serbia in the period from 1996 to 2016. It was demonstrated that since gaining independence, Serbia has recognized the importance of the implementation of the nation branding concept. Moreover, the Government systemically approached the development of a strategic framework, national strategy and platform at a national level, aimed at creating a strong nation brand that would reposition the country and alter its deteriorated image. However, this has not proven to bring positive results, since Serbia’s nation brand always falls under its destination brand, which is similar to Popesku and Marić’s (2003) conclusion that no nation branding initiative to this date has proved to be successful. This is predominately due to the lack of understanding of the very concept of nation branding and it being mistaken for the process of destination branding for tourism purposes. Today, the promotion of Serbia boils down to presenting the country primarily as a tourism destination. The main generator for the majority of promotional activities in improving the deteriorated image of Serbia is its National Tourism Organization, which is nowadays focusing its efforts on communicating with internal and external stakeholders using different, but consistent messages which would help trigger positive emotions and affirmative images of Serbia as a destination brand. These, however, create the opportunity for developing a nation brand with strong messages for internal and external stakeholders.

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The umbrella concept of place branding encompasses nation branding and destination branding, the two distinct, yet interrelated concepts. It is their interrelatedness that very often causes the problem for the governmental bodies to fully develop strong nation brands, together with strong destination brands. In conclusion, nation branding is a process of creating positive image of a nation investment-wise, exportwise, employment-wise, and tourist-wise, whilst destination branding is primarily focused on creating a positive image among tourists. It is not to say that these two concepts do not go hand in hand, on the contrary: very often it is the destination brand that is perceived as the means to convey a country’s positive image thus disregarding the influence of the nation brand. And Serbia is no exception to the latter.

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By witnessing the case of Serbia and its government’s struggle to distinguish between nation and destination branding, many countries with deteriorated, negative, neutral or even confusing image could follow the example by (i) developing two separate destination branding platforms for external and internal stakeholders, (ii) developing strong emotional messages aimed at influencing affective image formation component, and (iii) creating foundations for nation branding in strategically managed destination branding.

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82. Šegota, T., and Jančič, Z. (2013). Are You Feeling Nostalgic, Neighbour? Academica Turistica, Tourism & Innovation Journal, 6 (2): 3-16. 83. Šegota, T.; Mihalič, T. and Kuščer, K. (2016). The impact of residents’ informedness and involvement on their perceptions of tourism impacts: The case of Bled. Journal of Destination Marketing and Management, 1-11. (http://doi. org/10.1016/j.jdmm.2016.03.007). 84. Syssner, J. (2010). Place branding from a multi-level perspective. Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 6: 36-48. 85. Szondi, G. (2007). The role and challenges of country branding in transition countries: The Central and Eastern European experience. Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 3: 8-20. 86. Szondi, G. (2008). Public diplomacy and nation branding: Conceptual similarities and differences. International Relations, 1-52. 87. Tasci, A. D. A.; Gartner, W. C. and Cavusgil, T. S. (2007). Conceptualization and Operationalization of Destination Image. Journal of Hospitality & Tourism Research, 31(2): 194-223. 88. The Economist. (2006). Happy days in Novi Sad. Retrieved February 21, 2007. (http://www.economist.com/node/7155250). 89. UNWTO. (2002). Destination Management & Quality Programme: Conceptual Framework. Retrieved June 29, 2016. (http://destination.unwto.org/content/). 90. UNWTO. (2015). Tourism Highlights 2015 Edition. Madrid, Spain: United Nations World Tourism Organization. Retrieved March 25, 2016. (www.unwto. com/tourismhighlights). 91. Urde, M. (1999). Brand Orientation: A Mindset for Building Brands into Strategic Resources. Journal of Marketing Management, 15(1-3): 117-133. 92. Urry, J. and Larsen, J. (2011). The Tourist Gaze 3.0. London: Sage. 93. Urry, J. (2002). The Tourist Gaze. London: Thousand Oaks; New Delhi: Sage Publications. 94. Vlada Republike Srbije. (2007). Promovisanje srpskog turizma na CNN-u. Retrieved April 15, 2011. (http://www.srbija.sr.gov.yu/). 95. Volcic, Z. (2009). Neither ‘East’ nor ‘West:’ The past and present life of Yugoslav identity (cas Working Paper Series 2/2009). Sofia, Bulgaria: Centre of Advanced Studies Sofia. 96. Yan, J. (2008). Ethical imperatives in nation branding: Smaller nations enter the global dialogue through nation branding, in: Dinnie, K. (Ed.). Nation Branding: Concepts, Issues, Practice (pp. 170–179). Oxford, UK: Butterworth Heinemann Dutton. 97. Zenker, S. and Braun, E. (2010). Branding a city – A conceptual approach for place branding and place brand management, in: Proceedings of the 39th European marketing academy conference, Copenhagen, Denmark. Retrieved April 17. (http://www.placebrand.eu/publications).


B. Novčić Korać, T. Šegota: Branding of a (Desti)nation with Deteriorated Image...

Pregledni rad

Branka Novčić Korać Sveučilište u Beogradu, Fakultet organizacijskih znanosti, Srbija e-mail: novcic.branka@fon.bg.ac.rs Tina Šegota Sveučilište u Ljubljani, Ekonomski fakultet, Slovenija e-mail: tina.segota@ef.uni-lj.si

Brendiranje (desti)nacije s narušenim imidžom: slučaj Srbije Sažetak Članak donosi uvid u to kako je razlikovanje među pojmovima brendiranja nacije i brendiranja turističke destinacije bitno za uspješno rebrendiranje zemlje s negativnim i narušenim imidžom. Na primjeru Srbije autori žele pokazati kako je država razvila konkurentne marketinške strategije s ciljem poboljšanja investicija, izvoza i mogućnosti zapošljavanja, ali nije uspjela razviti koherentnu platformu za upravljanje brendom nacije na najvišoj strateškoj razini. Kroz pregled literature prikazuju se razlike i odnosi između triju pojmova – brendiranja mjesta, brendiranja nacije i brendiranja destinacije. Analizira se sadržaj ključnih inicijativa brendiranja te vizualnih poruka koje su razvile i implementirale Vlada Republike Srbije i Nacionalna turistička organizacija Srbije u periodu od 1996. do 2016. godine. Rezultati analize predstavljeni su kronološki i kroz diskusiju, te su utvrđene poveznice između praksi brendiranja destinacije i brendiranja nacije. Autori su zaključili da se dosad ni jedna od pokrenutih inicijativa nije pokazala uspješnom, većinom zbog slabog ili pogrešnog razumijevanja koncepta brendiranja nacije na najvišem političkom nivou na način da ga se brka s brendiranjem destinacije i turističkom promidžbom. Danas se promocija Srbije ponajviše svodi na predstavljanje države unutarnjim i vanjskim učesnicima kao turističke destinacije.

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Ključne riječi: brendiranje nacije, turistička destinacija, imidž brenda, Srbija – postkomunistička zemlja.

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DOI 10.5673/sip.55.1.5 UDK 338.48:574(497.7) Izvorni znanstveni rad

Branding the Green Tourism in Macedonia Biljana Petrevska Goce Delčev University, Faculty of Tourism and Business Logistics, Štip, Macedonia e-mail: biljana.petrevska@ugd.edu.mk

Vlatko Cingoski

ABSTRACT Tourism is a fast growing business and therefore developing a national brand can be part of an effective strategy for managing the national growth of tourism. A positive national image is an essential ingredient in the promotion of tourism which raises the issue of investing into the national branding as part of the image-building strategy. The article draws on primary and secondary data to provide insights into the processes and conflicts of branding Macedonia as an eco-friendly destination. The authors examine the hotel management perception of environmental protection and renewable energy sources. The study used (1) quantitative methods by calculating medians in terms of exploring the standard indicators for measuring eco policy and environmental protection practices and (2) qualitative methods, by consulting the secondary data sources. More precisely, an assessment is made on how hospitality industry stakeholders manage the environmental issues as it can directly increase the destination competitiveness. The main objective is to determine the level of environmental quality in Macedonia as a basis for creating a national green tourism brand. The study shows that a large number of hotel industry stakeholders lack measures to reduce the conventional energy use and replace it with renewable energy sources. Although fully aware of the importance of the energy efficiency concept, it is not managerial priority of Macedonian hotels. These findings may help when further steps are taken towards creating marketing strategies to enhance the country’s distinctiveness. This article initiates the making of a framework for the introduction of competitive environmental strategies in hotel establishments in order to contribute to Macedonia’s green identity. Key words: promotion, branding, environment, green tourism.

Copyright © 2017 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

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Goce Delčev University, Faculty of Electrical Engineering, Štip, Macedonia e-mail: vlatko.cingoski@ugd.edu.mk

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1. Introduction The puzzle, which needs to be done so that the country can be more attractive, poses the issue of initiating the national branding process. It is known that every country has strengths and weaknesses and a good brand may project a country’s strengths while recognizing its weaknesses. Therefore, the purpose of branding is to position the country in the best possible way in the world system, giving its strengths and weaknesses, by simultaniously being truthful and believable.

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Many countries tried to create and develop branding strategies for their tourist destinations, like: the “Smurf Village” in Júzcar, Spain; “Enjoy Limfjorden” in Jutland, Denmark; “Witches in Southern Spain” in Soportújar, Spain etc. (Real, 2016). All of them tried to promote a context that allows tourists to appreciate what the country has to offer, which actually refers to the overall image or brand. Despite the complexity of the process due to the fact that branding is neither owned nor controlled by a single entity, it contributes to the reputation of the country. However, attention may be paid to the differences that occur when branding a country, a region or a city. While countries should leverage the emotive or representation parts of their brand identity, regions and cities should leverage their more functional facets (Caldwell and Freire, 2004).

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Creating and developing a brand is not an easy task, so even developed countries do not find brand management an easy mission. Very few countries have successfully launched a national brand. Its inception evolved from various fields including imaging and communicating. It consists of connecting internationally and externally, based on the country’s positive values and perceptions that are relevant to export development. The brand concepts, once researched, tested and defined, are then used as the basis of targeted promotional campaigns, when encouraging tourism development. Due to the globalization process, the competition between countries today affects not only nations and regions, but also cities and even villages, which are competing for the same tourists and visitors. In such environment, no one can think of prosperity unless it knows how to manage business (Kotler et al., 1993). Therefore, marketing is highly dependent on image based on perception, which is a starting point for developing a brand. This provides the basis for developing policy and simultaneously may assist the country to be identified by it. Moreover, branding is a kind of combination of marketing measures and the components of the brand management (Kavaratzis, 2004). It enables to provoke association in the mind for something unique, different, and with a competitive brand value. Despite the fact that Macedonia has been an independent state for more than two decades, it seems that it is still trapped in its transition period and still strives for creation of some new patterns. There is a lack of global image and bad prejudice, which may be a good sign and a rare opportunity if the country may start to build the brand in its own way. Macedonia is among the new comers and latest arrived. As a little-known country, it may have the greatest opportunity to establish a brand from scratch. Hence, building a position on new markets requires time, but the fact to be a brand new destination can be the key asset to go faster and more efficiently


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in building awareness in tourists’ perception. In such a dynamic context, the way out is detected in favoring tourism as a possibility to enhance national economy. The rapid expansion in the past few years in terms of number of tourists, caused tourism to be recognized as one of the national strategic priority areas in Macedonia. Significant marketing efforts have been made to introduce the country in the international competition playground.

Besides the ever growing interest in this significant field, very few studies have investigated the former Yugoslav states from a common perspective. The exception may be found in Hall (2002) who investigated the relationship between national identity and tourism promotion in the case of creating national brands in the former Yugoslav states. Hall (2004) also investigated Slovenia and Croatia, but this time when making a research on their re-branding as Central and Eastern European post communist countries. On the other hand, Macedonia was barely covered. Although this study may add to the current research on green tourism and hotel industry in Macedonia (Petrevska and Cingoski, 2015a, 2015b, 2016), its main contribution lies in the intention to provide insights into the processes and conflicts over efforts to brand Macedonia as an eco-friendly destination. Moreover, this research assesses how Macedonian hospitality industry stakeholders manage the environmental quality, which directly leads to increase of destination’s competitiveness. It has a practical significance since it discusses the level of environmental quality of Macedonia as a base for creating a national green tourism brand. The paper mentioned above underlines that tourism branding in Macedonia cannot be conducted successfully without considering the context of “green” tourism. After the introductory section, the next offers some stylized facts about Macedonia in terms of discussing how green it can be. Section three, presents a brief overview

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In order to build a strong tourism image, it is exceptionally important to allocate funds for tourism promotion. In the case of Macedonia, substantial progress was made in terms of funding. Namely, in 2005 Macedonia had barely 100,000 EUR for promotion and support of tourism development. This kind of modest support by the government continued until 2012, when approximately 8-10% increase per year was noted. However, 2013 was registered as the break-point year, and from then onwards a new period was launched. So, 2.3 million EUR were assigned representing 17.5 times bigger budget compared to 2012. Yet, the highest allocated budget ever in Macedonia is registered in 2014, with historical 3.7 million EUR. For 2017, the budget is 7% lower compared to 2016, but being still over 3 million EUR (Official Gazette, 2016). Yet, even with such amount of money foreseen for tourism promotion, no particular improvements have been made when it comes to developing a tourism brand. This may be the case mostly because branding is a process that should be undertaken before the funds are spent on image-formation and messaging, and hence before promotion plans are decided, advertising campaigns are initiated, web sites built, or public relations paid for. However, Macedonia does this the other way around. Hopefully, the project “One image-one brand for Macedonia as a tourist destination” (OECD, 2016:337) will be accomplished as part of the tourism policy reforms.

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of the literature branding and green brands. Section four encompasses the research methodology; section five provides the main findings and discussion, while the final section offers conclusions and recommendations.

2. Background material: How “green� is it? Due to the dispute around what is in and what is out of tourism, it is impossible to regulate it. Therefore, there are no regulations to which tourism destinations self-declare themselves as being sustainable, green, eco-friendly, and so on. Yet, it is more than obvious that tourism is affected by and contributes to the negative impacts on the environment, which makes it a victim as well as a perpetrator. The question is how much, and exactly what should be done to mitigate the negative impacts. With that in mind, it requires various actions including mitigating the greenhouse gasses (GHG) emissions derived especially from transport and accommodation activities; adapting the destinations to the changing environmental conditions; and applying new technologies to improve energy efficiency. However, despite these positive signals, the tourism sector still has a long way to go since human-influenced and human-made environment is not sustainable.

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Generally, tourism accounts for about 5% of GHG emissions worldwide, out of which the largest proportion of 75% is associated with transportation, whereas 40% is caused by air traffic (GIZ, 2014:74). Another factor that contributes to the environmental footprint of tourism is accommodation. This sector represents approximately 20% of GHG emissions generated from tourism (UNWTO-UNEP-WMO, 2008:10). The variety of tourism types, which rely on clean nature and unpolluted environment as core values, impose the necessity to strive for sustainable tourism. Consequently, the hotel management introduce such energy practices that enable environmental protection by reducing carbon dioxide, methane, nitrous oxide and other harmful emissions that provoke global-warming and climate changes. Yet, despite the gain in efficiency, the emissions from global tourism sector are predicted to grow 161% by 2035 (UNWTO-UNEP-WMO, 2008:36). This actually means that tourism implicates many negative effects that must be prevented or at least, decreased.

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Around 90% of the primary energy in Macedonia is produced from fossil fuels, mainly lignite and heavy crude oil. Moreover the energy sector contributes with over 70% in total emission of GHG. As a result of these two considerations, enormous pollution of the environment is provoked. Based upon the State of Environment report (EEA, 2015), the total emissions by sectors in Macedonia are due to combustion processes (60%), transport (30-40%), and other (less than 5%). The share of recycled packaging is 12% of total packaging placed on the market. The air quality notes an abundance of daily limit values of PM10 and PM2.5, which remains a challenge for the future. However, Macedonia continues to adopt and implement EU Acquis. Being identified as the best way to achieve energy independence and simultaneously take care of introducing and maintaining sustainable development, the renewable energy sources (RES) are heavily promoted as the least pressure production on


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the environment. In 2015, the renewable energy share was 15.9% of the European energy mix, which is twice as much as it was in 2004 and almost a percentage point more than it was in 2014 (Observ’ER, 2015: 8). While the EU countries are largely investing to increase that share, Macedonia is facing immense problems. Although the transition period passed years ago, Macedonia is still in its starting point when it comes to development of alternative energy sources and the concept of sustainable development. As a country aspiring for the EU membership, Macedonia is obliged to transfer the legislation into its legal system, which consequently lead to preparation of several strategic documents1.

In order to score the national performance and to evaluate how each country protects the ecosystem, the Environmental Performance Index (EPI) is calculated. While for 2016, Finland has taken the top spot, Slovenia is fifth, and Somalia is the last. Macedonia on the other hand is ranked 50th out of 180 countries (Hsu et al., 2016: 18). If it is compared to the neighboring countries in the region, except for Albania (61st) and Bosnia and Herzegovina (120th), all others are better ranked: Greece (21st), Bulgaria (33rd), Montenegro (47th) and Serbia (48th). Although the EPI does not represent comprehensive picture of national environmental issues, it may serve as a baseline for evaluating how far each country is in reaching the global environmental targets. From 89th place in 2014, Macedonia has moved to the first third of the table (50/180), which leads to conclusion that the policymakers undertook serious measures and activities in the line of improving environmental impacts. While Macedonia made progress, many others have worsened considerably. The number of people lacking access to clean water has been nearly cut in half from 960 million in 2000, to 550 million today. 23% of countries have no wastewater treatment, 2.4 billion people lack access to sanitation, more than 3.5 billion people live with unsafe air quality etc. (Hsu et al., 2016:12).

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The most important strategic documents are: the Strategy for Energy Development in the Republic of Macedonia until 2030 (MoE, 2010a), the Strategy for Utilization of Renewable Sources in the Republic of Macedonia by 2020 (MoE, 2010b), and the Strategy for Energy Development in the Republic of Macedonia until 2035 (in Macedonian) (MANU, 2015).

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Within the latest Strategy for Energy Development, it is foreseen to increase competitiveness in the wider regional energy market and to become high energy efficient (MANU, 2015:1). The objectives proclaimed by the EU in the energy field until 2020 are as follows: improvement of energy efficiency by 20%, provision of energy from RES in the amount of 20% of the final energy consumption, and at least a 10% share of RES in the final energy consumption in traffic (MoE, 2010a:21). In this line, the maximization of the utilization of the RES is noted to be among the strategic priorities, which is proved by the constant increase from 4.2% in 2012 (UNDP, 2012) to 13.8% in 2005 in the final energy consumption. Consequently, Macedonia belongs to the countries with a relatively high utilization of this type of energy (MoE, 2010a). Moreover, based on many scenarios within the strategic documents, it is indicated that Macedonia can target a share of RES set at 21% (MoE, 2010b).

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3. Literature Review Branding is a rapidly growing field of study that has always provoked a large interest among practitioners and academia. Starting with the major benefit that branding offers means for differentiation in market (Gardner and Levy, 1955; Aaker, 1991; Keller, 2003; Pike, 2009), to the dilemma what constitutes the branding process (Park and Petrick, 2006; Blain et al., 2005; Tasci and Kozak, 2006). Some researchers reported on destination image (Gallarza et al., 2002; Pike, 2002), some analyzed the destination positioning (Woodside, 1982; Chacko, 1997; Reich 1997), while others focused on destination slogans (Pritchard, 1982; Richardson and Cohen, 1993; Klenosky and Gitelson, 1997). With rising concern over the negative tourism impacts on global environment changes, much attention is put on improving the environmental management among all tourism players. Yet, as some jump on the green bandwagon, their actions might do more harm than good to the green image of destination brands. While the green position offers destinations and the opportunity to differentiate, their brand has not received much attention in the literature. Based on the literature that examines the nature of the green brands, brands classifiable as green are those whose users’ primary associations are environmental conservation and sustainable practices (Insch, 2011). Hartmann et al., (2005: 10) characterizes a green brand identity as having “a specific set of brand attributes and benefits related to the reduced environmental impact of the brand and its perception as being environmentally sound.” In this line, Keller (2003) argues the necessity to be focused on green values as a feature of green brands, which leads to a clearly defined identity. Aaker and Joachimsthaler (2000) emphasize the brand essence, while First and Khetriwal (2008) note the benefit that appeals to users.

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However, the resistance to support green brands, particularly addressing greenwashing (akin to the notion of whitewashing) is noted by Rex and Baumann (2007). The consumer skepticism along with the criticism of greenwashing practices is also elaborated by others (McLaren, 2003; Garrod, 2008).

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The vagueness of environmentally sound behaviours reflects the loose definition of a green brand. While the concept of green branding is almost unexplored, much attention has been given to green marketing and green communication. On the other hand, tourism and ecotourism are obvious associations made with national branding. Keeping in mind that today’s tourists are highly aware of the negative tourism impacts on the environment, many countries have started their promotion as eco-friendly destinations. The contemporary tourists often search for unique features to discover first-hand something new or at least interesting. They abandon tourist destinations in poor environmental conditions and trace for hospitality industry establishments with ecolabel, eco-certificate, and certificate for energy efficiency.


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That forced hoteliers to rearrange priorities and to make the establishments green, due to the fact that environmentally-conscious and adequately informed tourists are more willing to pay than others (Han and Kim, 2010; Kostakis and Sardianou, 2011) and rather consume green products and stay at green hotels (D’souza and Taghian, 2005; Chen and Tung, 2014). Yet, tourists are willing to participate in energy reduction efforts if it does not greatly diminish their holiday experience, if it is easy, or if it saves them money (UNWTO-UNEP-WMO, 2008). Consequently, hotels, as primary accommodation facilities, urge to apply environmental protection programs for reducing the energy consumption, recycling and composting food scraps (Bruns, 2000; Dodd et al., 2001; Bowe, 2005; Chen et al., 2005; Karagiorgas et al., 2006; Lu et al., 2012; Radwan et al., 2012; Xin et al., 2012; Kallbekken and Saelen, 2013; Pirani and Arafat, 2014). Recently, worldwide hotels have noticed the benefits of being transformed to eco-friendly hotels, thus leading to increased demand and competitive advantage (Vazques et al., 2001; Bohdanowicz, 2005a, 2005b; Le et al., 2006).

4. Methodological Notes

The study took quantitative and qualitative methods. The quantitative method consisted of an online survey among 127 managers and department supervisors of three, four and five-star hotels in Macedonia, conducted in May 2015. It was based on 32 indicators already discussed in YCELP-CIESIN (2012). The questionnaire was structured in three sections (Environmental policy; Usage and savings of resources; and Benefits and constraints) with two-choice questions and a five-point Likert scale. The low response rate of 35.4% was expected due to the lack of personal contact when conducting an online survey. By applying the Categorical Principal Components Analysis (CATPCA) technique, the number of variables was reduced, while the reliability of the components was checked by the Cronbach Alpha. The scores of the perception components were compared by Kruskal-Wallis tests, while the indicators for benefits and constraints were perceived by calculating medians in the components scores. In the qualitative method, a consultation of secondary sources was conducted. It included a review of literature and websites, thus adopting a multidisciplinary approach. Information collected via these procedures enabled triangulation and validation of data.

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The primary objective of the study is to determine the level of environmental quality of Macedonia as a base for creating a national green tourism brand. To achieve it, the study investigates the perception of hotel management in application of ecopolicies and environmental practices by exploring standard indicators. Moreover, an assessment is made on how hotel management copes with the environmental quality, which directly leads to an increase of the destination’s competitiveness.

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5. Findings and Discussion

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As noted, the questionnaire was structured in three sections. Section I comprised of 12 questions defining the environment policy (ɑ=0.81; average score of the mode = 3 i.e. medium level of influence). There is a variety of tools available that can be used to implement efficient environmental policy and environmental management system (EMS). Among the investigated, the top three items perceived by the managers are: Prevention interventions (0.834); Employees’ training (0.718); and medium knowledge of the environmental protection standard ISO 14000 (0.664). There are also over a hundred global and regional certification programs for sustainable tourism (e. g. Green Globe, Green Key, TourCert, Travelife) which support hotel management in the establishment of appropriate EMS through the use of labels (Font, 2002). In this line, Ecolabels and Eco certificates are widespread tools for policy and marketing tourism strategies and are used frequently to show quests’ reliability. Additionally, they may add credibility to green brands, but are unlikely to actively communicate the array of functional and emotional benefits consumers, other than the greenest seek. In the case of Macedonia, 60.9% of the surveyed hotels do not have Ecolabels and 64.6% do not hold an Eco certificate. This is opposite to some facts that certification programs provide benefits and impose more efficient operations (Haaland and Aas, 2010). It was also found that Macedonian hotel management rarely prepares written plans for environmental protection which is not in favor of supporting the European environmental impact assessment regulation. This legislation started to develop in the 1970s and since then, many documents, action plans and standards have been established by the European Union. Besides industry, energy, transportation and agricultural sections, tourism is also introduced as a segment that must conform to the Fifth Environmental Action Program. Due to the fact that Macedonia is a candidate country for EU membership, much attention should be put so that hospitality industry stakeholders meet the internationally set standards.

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Section II included 11 questions for assessing the usage and savings of resources (ɑ=0.74; average score of the mode = 4 i.e. strong level of influence). Environmental management may serve as an effective strategy for hotels and destinations to create additional value in the long run. This was found to not be the case with Macedonia. The findings are alarming since they point to extremely limited use of alternative energy sources and new innovative approaches in saving energy consumption. The loadings for the items referring geothermal energy, bio fuel, photocell lighting, “smart rooms”, dimming system and the use of treated water, are far below the critical values. Hence, Macedonian hotel management lack EMS, which reduces resource use which cuts down operational costs, which is becoming increasingly important especially considering the ever-increasing resource prices (e.g. energy prices) or local shortages of resources (e.g. water). On the other hand, the awareness of quests is constantly rising. Namely, the signs in hotel bathrooms that encourage guests to use their towels more than once to contribute to saving the environment are part of Macedonian hotels’ policy. This is known as one of the oldest environmental protection strategies in tourism, initiated for about thirty years now. By saving money due to less dirty laundry to wash, it may contribute to environmental protection.


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Section III covered 10 questions in the line of measuring the managerial perception on benefits and constraints for applying the energy consumption concept (ɑ=0.63; average score of the mode = 4 i.e. strong level of influence). As per benefits, the top three items perceived by the managers are: Environmental protection (0.642); Improved image (0.612), and Enhanced competitiveness (0.514). They are assessed as strong determinants for introducing and sustaining energy efficiency practices. The summarized results confirm the findings as in Cunningham (2005), Erdogan and Baris (2007), as well as Trung and Kumar (2005) that although being aware of the importance of the energy consumption and environmental protection, its stewardship is not a top priority. Namely, the problem is the gap between the environmental awareness and the daily practice of the hotel management. As per constraints, the top three items being perceived as determinants with medium influence are: Lack of subsidies (0.567); Cost increase (0.511); and Technical limits (0.447). This supports the market postulate for minimizing the costs and maximizing the profit so that the hotel can survive. The blame is put on the restricted financial resources and high operation costs for the limited application of RES. Due to the economic and socio-political problems, the hotel management is often faced with existential difficulties. Hence, the environmental issues have just recently come to attention. This is very different when compared to the Scandinavian countries where the environmental protection is of high importance and has long received political and financial support at local and national level. When calculating the nonparametric correlations between hotel’s type and managerial perception score (in terms of the components resulting from the CATPCA), we found: (i) Presence of positive correlation between hotel type and managerial perception; and (ii) Positive and significant correlation between five-star hotels and the environmental practices.

Contemporary tourists expect an environmentally responsible hotel management to meet their environmental needs and expectations. This provokes a profound modification in the hotel industry which has steadily recognized the necessity for becoming greener in order to be well positioned on the competitive tourism market. Consequently, hotels (as leading accommodation facilities) are rapidly becoming environmentally responsible. By developing the idea of having eco-hotels, a “green” brand may be initiated which may position the country positively to be differentiated from competitors in a way that authentically resonates across stakeholders. This research found that the improved image along with the enhanced competitiveness are strong determinants, provoking better interest than the increase of number of guests. Yet, large number of surveyed hotel managers lack measures to reduce

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6. Conclusion and Recommendations

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the conventional energy use and replace it with RES. Although being fully aware of the importance of the environmental concept, this is not the managerial priority of Macedonian hotels.

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Based on the survey findings, we may conclude that Macedonian hotel management possesses relatively low level of environmental quality, resulting in poor and insufficient base for initiating creation of a national green tourism brand. Therefore, some recommendations may be followed which may allow creating more pro-environmental marketing strategies to enhance country’s distinctiveness. The hotel management must take steps to become more environmentally sustainable, even if initially there are costs for the implementation of the changes (technological, behavioral and organizational) in their everyday business, which will lead to cutting the operating costs and resulting in constantly improvement of the efficiency. This should be done even if tourists do not demand it as part of their expectations. Additionally, Macedonia can do more frequent penalizing of the environmentally unsound concepts practiced in hotels. In the same line, in order to meet tourism sustainable development goals, hotel management must find a way to avoid the fragmentation driven by the competitiveness, and work along in order to shape policies, not just react to them. This fully fits with the findings of Mihalič (2000) and Dwayer et al., (2012) who state that the emerging destinations are by far challenged to achieve competitive advantage.

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In the line of assisting Macedonia to be a step closer to be identified as “green”, some initial actions are recommended. For example: • To set targets and benchmarking, as well as to apply for eco certification; • To motivate tourism employees, tourists and all other stakeholders in tourism development, through awareness-raising and through incentives for energy reduction; • To support engagement of architects and urbanists in process of planning, designing and refurbishment of energy efficient architecture; • To install energy-efficient devices; • To use alternative fuels (e.g., biodiesel) and RES (e.g., wind, photovoltaic, solar, thermal, geothermal, biomass and waste); • To integrate emission management (including supply chain management) and wider environmental management (e.g., waste); • To develop an environmental ‘Code of Ethics’, (checklist or criteria that a hotel can provide to its suppliers to help them perform their services to the sector in an environmentally respectful manner; • To incluse energy-efficiency and renewable energy use support programmes in national tourism policies and development plans (Agenda 21, guidelines, regulations, incentives, planning, capacity building, stakeholder cooperation) etc. Furthermore, in the line of developing a brand, Macedonia must conduct an extensive research in consultation with stakeholders, tour operators and potential tourists. The study recommends that three strategies may be taken in consideration when assisting Macedonia to be branded as “green” tourism destination:


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(1) Reducing energy use by tourism sector, which may be achieved by altering tourism development, in the first line by increasing the length of stay, thus effectively reducing the carbon footprint per tourist day and increase the economic opportunity for the country; (2) Improving energy efficiency particularly in the accommodation, which may be achieved by introducing more rapid new technologies and environmentally proactive management system; and (3) Increase the use of RES, which are relevant for tourism, economical, and technically feasible.

The study results are subject to several limitations, so further improvements may be undertaken on theoretical and practical level. • First, the assessment is based on a relatively small sample of hotels, which may put a doubt on the representation of the findings for the country in general. The investigation may employ multiple models and theories related to the green branding; • Secondly, it applied relatively a small set of indicators to trace how “green” Macedonian hotels are. Additional examinations may be done by introducing more criteria for assessing the application of energy policies and environmental programs; • Thirdly, the selected respondents represent just one interest group, so improvements may include other aspects (e.g. hotel’s employees, hotel’s guests, etc.). By combining and comparing responses, a more comprehensive overview may be accomplished. Yet, the study may assist in better understanding of the possibilities for branding Macedonia as a destination that provides green tourism, upon which specific communication strategies may be set. Overall, the research generates useful findings and points to valuable directions for further work in the field of tourism branding.

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The capacity and capability of introducing RES may become an important criterionon for the level of the sustainable development of Macedonia, thus contributing to its national green branding. It does not mean just having a cute logo and a tag line. It means much more and serves for a deeper purpose - to position the country so that it can achieve the maximum success in the world system. This requires government actions for unprecedented political commitment and effective policy design and implementation. Only the government knows the full agenda of the country and has the power and resources to lead the country in a branding process. That is the only way Macedonia may establish and maintain competitive and sustainable development if it aspires to be based on tourism. By initiating the “green electricity” production, it may be a step closer to creating preconditions for green tourism development as well. Instead of having tourism and hospitality facilities that are highly dependent on fossil fuels, the inclusion of the renewable energy for energy production may allow improved and protected environment being detected as one of the preconditions for developing green tourism.

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Izvorni znanstveni rad

Biljana Petrevska Sveučilište Goce Delčev, Fakultet za turizam i poslovnu logistiku, Štip, Makedonija e-mail: biljana.petrevska@ugd.edu.mk Vlatko Cingoski Sveučilište Goce Delčev, Elektrotehnički fakultet, Štip, Makedonija e-mail: vlatko.cingoski@ugd.edu.mk

Brendiranje zelenog turizma u Makedoniji Sažetak Turizam je brzo rastuća djelatnost, stoga nacionalno brendiranje može biti dio učinkovite strategije u upravljanju nacionalnim rastom u turizmu. Pozitivan imidž zemlje jedan je od osnovnih temelja promidžbe, što ilustrira potrebu ulaganja u brendiranje zemlje kao dijela strategije izgradnje toga imidža. Članak koristi primarne i sekundarne podatke u pružanju uvida u procese i probleme koji prate brendiranje Makedonije kao ekološki osviještenog odredišta. Autori istražuju percepciju hotelijerskog menadžmenta po pitanju primjene koncepata zaštite okoliša i obnovljivih izvora energije. U istraživanju su primijenjene: (1) kvantitativne metode, korištenjem proračuna srednjih vrijednosti mjerenja ekopolitike i praksa zaštite okoliša te (2) kvalitativne metode, konzultiranjem sekundarnih izvora podataka. Procjenjuje se na koji način ugostitelji upravljaju utjecajem svojih djelatnosti na okoliš, budući da to izravno može dovesti do povećanja konkurentnosti destinacije. Glavni je cilj utvrditi razinu kvalitete okoliša Makedonije kao temelja za stvaranje nacionalnog brenda zelenog turizma. Istraživanje je kod velikog broja hotela pokazalo nedostatak mjera za smanjenje konvencionalne uporabe energije i njenu zamjenu obnovljivim izvorima energije. Iako su svjesni važnosti koncepta energetske učinkovitosti, te mjere nisu prioritet menadžera makedonskih hotela. Ti rezultati mogu pomoći u daljnjim koracima izrade marketinške strategije kako bi se poboljšala prepoznatljivost posebnosti zemlje. Glavni je doprinos ovog članka u tome da predstavlja početak izrade okvira za uvođenje konkurentne ekološke strategije u hotelskim objektima kako bi se doprinijelo formiranju zelenog identiteta Makedonije.

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Ključne riječi: promocija, brendiranje, životna okolina, zeleni turizam.

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DOI 10.5673/sip.55.1.6 UDK 338.48(497.5) Pregledni rad

The City is more than just a Destination: An Insight into City Branding Practices in Croatia Daniela Angelina Jelinčić Institute for Development and International Relations, Zagreb, Croatia e-mail: daniela@irmo.hr

Feđa Vukić Faculty of Architecture, School of Design, Zagreb, Croatia e-mail: fvukic@arhitekt.hr

Iva Kostešić

ABSTRACT The article insists on a clear difference between place branding (city or nation branding) and destination branding, while a number of Croatian and some Southeast European cities, recognizing tourism as economic opportunity, tend to see their urban space almost exclusively as various destinations. Branding processes follow exactly the same line of development, often failing to include the main fabric of the city – the local community itself. In the article, branding processes of selected cities in Croatia and branding projects in several Southeast European cities have been researched. The results show that the majority of them have designed their brand identities as if tourism was the only cultural and economic fact the community has to offer. Places are turned into destinations and destination branding methods work only towards attracting the outsiders, which then results in the lack of sustainability for the insiders. Thus communities become ‘tourism products’ and, within such a framework, the issues of the real city identity, its carriers and forms are neglected. In the article the top-down approach to place branding is revisited, new factors – cultural and social participation - are recognised in the reconfiguration of economy and identity. This calls for grounding the place branding methods on the issue of self-perception connected to the vision of communal development. Thus a new concept of identity system is proposed as a theoretical frame for the working methodology. It is a new

Copyright © 2017 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

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Faculty of Architecture, School of Design, Zagreb, Croatia e-mail: ikostesic@arhitekt.hr

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approach to branding (or rather identity making) which enables individuals to contribute to the collective symbolic framework respecting the city and its citizens while at the same time allowing outsiders to get to know its substantial values. Key words: place branding, destination branding, tourism, participation, Croatia.

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1. Introduction

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Process of globalisation, which characterises the times we live in, enhanced the need of cities to strive for the market as the cities now compete globally and not only regionally. In order to reach more consumers, investors, international employers, cultural and/or sports events, international fairs, students or tourists, cities find different ways to attract them. One of them is by way of branding. A number of texts have been written on branding benefits (such as Aaker, 1996; Anholt, 2009; Holt, 2004; Kavaratzis, 2008; Moor, 2007; Shocker, 1995) and a number of cities have capitalised on branding processes and outcomes (such as Amsterdam, Barcelona, Newcastle, New York, Salzburg) which brought them different benefits. They are primarily sought in economic regeneration whereas image creation/improvement follows. Although tempting for the decision-makers, focus on economic benefits promised by the branding processes, at the same time, deserved negative images in terms of selling the city for others’ benefits. Throught recent decades various stakeholders tried to incorporate culture in the branding processes which was supposed to soften the harsh image economic branding was about. Thus, we witnessed the development of the creative city concept which introduced cultural, soft power branding but again with the same aim: revitalizing the economy of urban centres. The objectives may have had a more human face since the revitalisation of the economy focused on “cultural and social developments offering attractive jobs, particularly to young people” (UNCTAD and UNDP, 2008). It was again in a close connection with the market since cultural goods were commodified just as any other value used in branding process. This called for new markets whereas the growing trends in cultural tourism consumption seemed as a fertile ground. Besides, it was not always an easy task to convince decision-makers on the need to invest in culture due to its powerful impacts on urban regeneration. If, however, culture is “linked to tourism, as a strong economy, the decision-makers’ confidence grows” (Jelinčić, 2011). Even if culture is not the main brand, tourism always promises new markets so cities often see this industry as the one towards which branding strategies should be directed. At the same time, tourism is a natural ally to branding and communication activities of tourism offices’ and is perceived as a legitimate presentation of a city/nation to global audiences. In this process, the tourism product (holiday) is of a secondary value while this is a chance to transfer new information: what a city/state looks like, what its people do and produce, what their climate/food/culture/history is (Anholt, 2009). Although such branding strategies may bring benefits to the community, the fact that they are top-down driven often results in dissonant effects for the local community itself which eventually also brings negative effects for the tourist experiences. This is due to false representations of the community whereas the main aim of the branding strategy is to increase the number of visitors avoiding the possibility for the internal publics (the local community itself) to participate in the branding


D. A. Jelinčić, F. Vukić, I. Kostešić: The City is more than just a Destination...

process. In other words, tourism branding strategies often use the projected identity instead of the existing identity (see Vukić, 2013). Analogy is found in the strategic versus organic branding: while strategic branding follows the top-down approach and is created from above, organic branding “is branding from the inside out… (It entails) creating a brand based on the … culture itself“ (Bonigala, 2010). Organic branding “develops a brand DNA based on the meaning and purpose“ (Hook, 2010) of the branded product, a place in this case. This is a key difference between the place branding and destination branding. The purpose of the article is to explain this difference and to show it within the branding practices of several Croatian cities.

2. Destination Branding vs. Place Branding

In the global competition for markets (in terms of people, resources, investments or business) a number of places try to reach also tourism market. In order to hastily achieve such a goal, the cities often use strategic destination branding usually employed by public administrations as to create place brands “based on the visual, verbal, and behavioural expression of a place, which is embodied through the … overall place design” (Zenker and Braun, 2010). Destination branding is actually the marketing of tourism: “applying the appropriate marketing concepts to planning a strategy to attract visitors to a destination” (Kolb, 2006). The top-down approach in this process is often static and fails to communicate the real place identity which often confuses the place branding for destination branding. Therefore, destination branding is mainly headed towards outsiders failing to include the existing city identity shared by insiders. This misunderstanding is often visible if tourist destination promotion and the real situation in the city are compared. It means that sometimes even false bigger-better-more beautiful images are communicated in order to compete in the over saturated global tourism market. On the other hand, employing

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Place branding can be defined as “the process of discovering, creating, developing and realizing ideas and concepts for reconstructing place identities, their defining traits and genius loci, and subsequently building the sense of place, by efforts and investments in hardware (e.g. infrastructure, buildings), software (e.g. events, stories), orgware (e.g. co-operative organisational structuring) and virtual ware (e.g. symbols and symbolic actions, websites)” (Govers, van ‘t Klooster and Van Keken, 2016). By accepting this definition of the place branding, it is necessary to acknowledge the need to communicate the real identity of a place, by way of its genius loci and the sense of place, which is in close connection with values, perceptions and attitudes of insiders (citizens). While strategic branding may easily satisfy all other (hardware, software, orgware and virtual ware) needs in creating a place brand, it is extremely difficult to communicate the sense of place while employing the topdown approach. Genius loci has to do with what the place really is, what its people are, how they live, what they do, what public spaces look like and how people use them, etc. Therefore, it comes from within or “from the inside out”, as Bonigala (2010) put it. Sense of place is most easily communicated by organic branding which means that the people and places speak for themselves in the process of the brand communication.

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the organic branding adds to the dynamism and allows real place identities to be revealed. One can argue that any type of branding is about turning a city into a product. Thus, it is often thought that city branding purpose is turning a city from a place into a destination. Branding can bring a number of benefits to a city “including reducing consumer purchase risk, building awareness by communicating a consistent message, encouraging repeat visits by building consumer loyalty, and associating the city with a unique identity” (Kolb, 2006). While there is nothing wrong with branding a city, there are flaws in the process of turning a place into a destination since it entails that the branding process is directed towards outsiders who are customers of the city and to whom the city serves as a short-term destination. It can be legitimate when a city goal is to increase the number of visitors; still, a city must not be turned into a destination since it excludes the real reason for its existence: the city is a city because of its citizens and its principal customers are its citizens. Good branding can make cities desirable; it is necessary, though, that they are first desirable to their own citizens and then to outsiders such as tourists. The main goal of the destination branding is to “communicate the benefits received from a visit” (Kolb, 2006) which adds to the visitors’ experience. Although there are differences between good and bad destination branding, the fact remains that in practice, destination branding is often directed only towards tourists while neglecting its internal publics. It often results in bland and cosmetic branding programmes focusing almost entirely on external audiences and employing superficial advertising techniques, presenting interchangeable clichés about lovely food and welcoming citizens (Morgan and Pritchard, 2011). This makes it a paradox situation since if communication about community values is not accepted by the community itself, how can it be really verified towards its external target groups (Vukić, 2013)?

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It is, therefore questionable if the traditional approach to destination branding may be employed in place/community branding. “A successful … brand encourages cohesion internally and brings huge economic and political advantages externally” (Morgan and Pritchard, 2011). But internal cohesion is rarely involved in the process of destination branding which sees urban actors mostly as passive elements of overall image for external public rather than active stakeholders within the process.

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On the other hand, most of the place branding methods have evolved out of the destination branding philosophy, where the key issue is outer image of the city and the external public is the main target in research (Hanna and Rowley, 2008:67-69). Following that model, city branding activities as destination branding are developing in four principal areas: as communication tools, perceptual units, enhancement of the values and as relations (Morgan, Pritchard, 2002:61). All four areas operate within the field of symbolic construction of identity, but focus completely on external perception of the city. The question here is to what extent is this exteriorisation of city “symbolic economy” functional for perpetual re-interpretation and re-creation of identity as a key factor of sustainable community (Zukin, 1995:1-47)?


D. A. Jelinčić, F. Vukić, I. Kostešić: The City is more than just a Destination...

The usual methods of place branding projects include a complex process of a different type than destination branding which involves the whole array of stakeholders. Typical destination branding project usually derives from existing elements linked to public perception of a city seen as a destination only. Created elements are often used as value enhancers serving to an image communicated to outsiders. While the existing elements are usually associated with organic branding (the identity of the community as found, what a community really is), created elements are related to strategic branding (what city officials want to communicate). The first one is the bottom-up, and the second one top-down approach. Top-down branding approaches usually consider only a few elements of a city identity which in the long term can hardly be effective (Vukić, 2013). Identity is a dynamic variable and changes over time which may have huge impacts on community branding. This is why strategic branding is often considered as temporary if not even erroneous branding method. On the other hand, organic branding is seen as a branding with a human face respecting local identity values. In the same way, destination branding usually brings pejorative connotations while place branding, if not totally deprived of a negative image since it still turns a city into a product, seems softer and more inclusive. The other problem which occures is the project implementation and its development over time, which in typical destination branding presumes tourist promotion in printed and digital media only. There is little, if any, involvement of city actors, the citizens, in the afterlife of the project throughout the dynamic of life.

Both modern and postmodern city are the role model for organizing various types of communal life, tourist destination included. So, the basic function and the power of the concept of identity is at play no matter what sort of activity prevails within the economy. Interdisciplinary approach to the issue of identity sees it as a variable, a fluid category changing along the cultural, economy and political lines of activity within the community (Abdelai et al., 2006). The identity is structurally seen as a multiple dimension of urban life in two layers: as a content and a contestation. The content describes the meaning of collective identity in four forms: constitutive norms defining belonging to the community, social purposes shared by the community, relational ideas on other identities and communities and, finally, cognitive models of understanding material and spiritual reality. Contestation relates to the level of agreement on content shared within the community.

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Mommaas has noted that city brands which reflect only cleaned-up “cappuccino and croissant” image of middle class urbanity will not be in accord with the real-life conditions of the majority of citizens. In the worst-case scenario, he sees an active opposition of citizens to the newly created communication symbols and strategies, ultimately producing completely unexpected consequences (2002:43). Regarding high level of identity expressions, despite very structured vernacular identity policies and practices, described as “revolutions of identity as a historic turn in a way of social construction of individual” (Kaufmann 2006:98), there is a certain need to reinvent the traditional city branding practice and replace it with more suitable identity system to meet the needs of real urban life actors, and not only for the purpose of image building.

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This concept is present in today’s cities and can be characterised as organic (but not deliberate) branding process, and is especially seen in the appearance of sharing economy products1 which resulted in the increased number of citizens becoming tourism stakeholders while “tourism is penetrating further into the fabric of the city” (Richards, 2016). Participative practices have become usual not only on the supply side but also on the demand side which is visible in a number of creative tourism programmes satisfying the tourists’ needs to participate in authentic experiences. The emergence of existential authenticity as a marker of tourism has led to a growing appreciation of the local as an important bearer of authenticity. Since many consumers already know that tourism offers a series of staged experiences, they are increasingly looking for local and daily life as something that is not represented (Richards, 2016). The WYSE Travel Confederation research confirms that 85 percent of travellers younger than 35 years of age think that experimenting with the local is one of the main motives for travel (2013). This may also affect branding strategies possibly making them more organic, participative and bottom-up driven.

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Still, what happens when organic tourism products start to look alike? Although citizens becoming Uber drivers or Airbnb hosts may not have had the initial intention to be part of the tourism industry, they see it as an added (or, for some of them, main) economic value. They are locals, insiders, and the fact that they interact with tourists is a perfect foundation both to satisfy tourists needs for the local and daily as well as to add to the organic branding of the community. Paradox is that a number of Airbnb lodgings start to look alike. Seen as an excellent way for personal income increase, Airbnb lodgings rarely reflect the real local spirit but are intentionally furnished with IKEA products which allow for designed items for less money. Although such lodgings are indubitably cosy and suit tourists needs, the question remains if they really reflect the local. Greg Richards’ research has shown that Airbnb hosts in Barcelona are among the most educated and most traveled people who have the cultural capital to understand and cater to the needs of tourists. And they understand that what tourists want from their local Airbnb experience is actually an IKEA version of the local: clean, bright, white and designed. In fact, as witnessed by the crowds that fill the two IKEA stores in Barcelona, this may also be what many locals want (Richards, 2016).

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This, actually reveals that what is often considered authentic and local (such as local cultural heritage for example) and what is usually taken as the brand identity in the usual branding processes, may have nothing to do with what community considers as local. The case of Barcelona in Richards’ research shows that the citizens know that IKEA is neither local nor authentic for a certain location either than the Swedish ones, but it represents how local community lives today and thus reveals the local daily life. It reveals what the community really is and what its relation to tourists is.

1

Such as Airbnb, Uber, Turo or Lyft. Also, services such as Booking.com and TripAdvisor have provided both outbound and inbound markets with high level of information on destinations which raises awareness of stakeholders within destinations to actively participate in the branding processes.


D. A. Jelinčić, F. Vukić, I. Kostešić: The City is more than just a Destination...

Then again, if a place brand entails distinguished features of a certain location which makes it different from the other ones, then the question is if we are really talking about branding in this case. Although it is definitely organic, it does not mean that it is branding at all; we might rather see it as non-deliberate (branding) processes which reflect the citizens’ democratic decisions to participate in the city tourism activities. This, eventually also has impacts on place identity. On the other hand, another research which reflected tourism marketing practices for the Caribbean islands revealed that the unique selling propositions (USP) which used to be the underlying concept of the most marketing processes are abandoned. Rather, they are replaced by the new concept of attraction diversity index representing “a measure of the diversity of attraction types in a destination area” (Henthorne, George and Miller, 2016). Such an index was created since the research outcomes confirmed that it was the diversity of attractions in a destination that were far more important for branding than their actual number. The research, therefore confirms that branding changed its concept: the focus is on the diversity of attractions and not on USPs. The following chapters focus on the branding strategies/projects in the selected cities of Croatia and Southeast Europe which provides empirical grounds for the proposal of a new theoretical concept.

The branding projects in several cities in Croatia have been evaluated in order to detect the methodology used in the city branding as to define whether the process focused on the city as a place or as a destination only. The research conducted by the authors in November-December 2016 focused on several cities in Croatia which were selected with regard to their size, their importance in tourism, and their geographical position. Aside from desk research, a questionnaire on city branding was sent by e-mail to both city representatives and tourist boards (14 addresses in total) in order to identify which methodology was used (if any) in the process of branding. The questionnaire consisted of eight questions regarding city branding research: 1) who commissioned the research?; 2) who carried it out?; 3) when was the research carried out?; 4) how long did the research take?; 5) what research methods were used?; 6) who were respondents?; 7) what was the number of the respondents?; 8) what was the aim of the research? The questionnaire was sent to city management offices and tourist boards of seven cities – Zagreb, Karlovac, Pula, Zadar, Šibenik, Split and Dubrovnik – and the responses were sent from only five of them (Zagreb, Karlovac, Pula, Zadar, Šibenik, all of which were sent by the cities’ tourist boards). The replies to the questionnaires were incomplete providing only partial factual data. In order to reconstruct and identify the branding methods used by the cities noted above, due to the lack of detailed information sent from the respondents, the research was in large part grounded on relevant public documents available on the web.

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3. Approaches to Branding Practices in Croatian Cities

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The importance of (re)branding of Zagreb was clearly noted in “ZagrebPlan 2020”, a document covering the strategic plan of the city development. The document was brought by the City Office for the Strategic Planning and Development of the City, and one of the measures was “identification, advancement and development of a unique approach to identity communication of Zagreb”, the result of which would be a “clear and applicable communication system that would affirm local identity in the context of globalisation/integration processes” (Gradski ured za strategijsko planiranje i razvoj Grada Zagreba, 2012). No further project was carried out as a result, but this may have been the reason for a brand research sent out by the City of Zagreb in 2014. Out of 3005 respondents, 1500 were citizens of Zagreb, 1000 citizens of Croatia and 505 tourists that visited Zagreb (Kovačević, 2015). The results of this research were formally never represented to the public. The Zagreb City Tourist Board commissioned a research carried out by a consulting agency (specialized in tourism and leisure) in 2011 with the aim of making a strategy for tourism branding of Zagreb and a marketing plan for foreign market, through identifying the opinion about Zagreb among the citizens of top five European markets, as well as those from Croatia. The research was carried out through interviews (37 among four foreign markets and Zagreb) and questionnaires (924 travellers from Europe and Croatia, not including Zagreb) (Horwath HTL, 2011). The results were published, but no branding project resulted as the outcome of the research.

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In 2009, the City of Karlovac commissioned a PR agency to convey the research on the identity and image of Karlovac for the purposes of “city branding”. The twelve month research included the opinions of citizens of Karlovac and Croatia (Grad Karlovac, 2010). The result was a new city logo and a slogan, whereas no evidence of participation by the citizens in carrying out any of these activities was documented.

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The new tourist brand of the city of Pula was commissioned by the City Tourist Board through the public competition for a new visual identity. The research and branding begun in 2008 and were carried out by a design and branding agency. As with the case of Karlovac, city branding was accomplished only at the level of the city’s logo that is used both with the city management office and the tourist board, creating visual consistency of the city’s visual identity. It was made as part of the destination branding project with which the brand agency won the „2010 Rebrand 100 Global Award” (Društvo arhitekata Zagreba [DAZ], 2012). Unfortunately, the details of the research are unknown to the general public. As for Zadar, the importance of branding is noted in key documents regarding the tourism sector. It is proposed that Zadar should be branded, among other things, as a city of puppetry. The research was carried out among local citizens (1324), tourists (1499) and stakeholders (Turistička zajednica Grada Zadra, 2016). It is not clear though, in what research they ground their branding choice (aside from a long tradition of puppetry in Zadar). In the “Development Strategy of Zadar 2013 – 2020” branding is related to the “ultimate purpose of attracting tourists”, and it represents “highlighting the identity or some elements of identity for commercial purposes” (ZADRA, 2013). Still, it is recognized that the motive for branding is not necessarily


D. A. Jelinčić, F. Vukić, I. Kostešić: The City is more than just a Destination...

aimed at tourism development. But further on, city branding is only mentioned in the measure of tourism development (ZADRA, 2013). The Šibenik City Management commissioned a research carried out by a Croatian brand consultant from 2010 until 2013, on 4000 respondents of all ages, educational levels and statuses, both from internal and external public. The research results point out that the city brand must be in coherence with the opinion of both the internal (citizens of Šibenik) and external public (Jakovljević, 2012). The aim of the research was to “find the minimum of approval that would bring stakeholders to dismiss their own interests in favour of the interests of the community”. No further project development concerning branding was carried out as a result (Vukić, 2016b). Regarding Split and its city branding, neither City Management Office nor the Tourist Board sent their responses. The Dubrovnik City Tourist Board never conducted such a research (Vukić, 2016a). The research results on the branding processes in five analysed cities, are presented in Table 1.

Zagreb

Karlovac

Pula

Zadar

Šibenik

top-down

top-down

top-down

top-down

top-down

tourism

N/A*

tourism

tourism

tourism/ community

External public

+

+

-

+

+

Internal public

+

+

-

+

+

Results

-

logo/slogan

logo/slogan

-

-

Methodological approach Aim

Data not provided by the respondent; still, it could be concluded that the research was aimed at least at tourism development since the response has been received by the Tourist Board. Source: authors *

The research results show that all the researched cities employed top-down approach in their idea of what a city branding should be. Therefore, strategic and not organic branding was a theoretical concept for these activities. All the cities, with the exception of Pula included both external and internal public in the research, and the research for the mentioned cities was mostly tourism aimed. Therefore, the awareness of the need for research of both internal and external public existed.

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Table 1 Comparative results analysis of branding process methods used by the cities of Zagreb, Karlovac, Pula, Zadar and Šibenik

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Although this could represent grounds for further actions, no further branding process has been carried out in Zagreb, Zadar and Šibenik so it is not possible to draw conclusions on the projects’ success. In the case of Karlovac and Pula, the only visible outcome of the branding process are the new city logos and slogans with no evidence of citizens’ participation. The results point to the efforts which aim to create symbolic programs to promote the cities and are conducted within the local entities basing their economies mostly on tourism, hence are perceived as destinations only, as places to come and exist for a short period of time. Most of these activities are carried out by local tourist boards and with none or minimal research preparations, and are by all means focused on the creation of key visual sign and slogan meant to promote competitive advantages of the destination to external public, i.e. potential guests.

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4. An Insight into Branding Projects in Southeast Europe

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The problem of getting the whole and complex structure of city life down to one dimension - an image of tourist destination, and a standard practice of city authorities and tourist boards not to involve citizens in the active creation of symbolic structure for communication is not just a problem in Croatia, but also in Southeast Europe, where tourist activity is of a large scale. The authors performed a desk research of web sources and digital media focusing on city and tourist boards web pages the selected cities which include tourism as a significant economic driver2. The research was performed over the same period as the research on branding projects in Croatia. The results of the research of Southeast European cities, however, present only outcomes of the desk research without further knowledge on branding processes as in the case of analysed Croatian cities which makes these two researches only partially comparable. The research of branding projects in Southeast Europe, therefore, is rather seen as an insight into the branding outcomes which require further research but the results are indicative of lack of branding practices in general; they showed that mostly traditional heraldry is used to identify the city. In few cases (mostly tourist resorts, such as Ohrid, Brasov, Neum and Mikonos for example), there were examples solely based on creation of visual and verbal elements to communicate to external public without any evidence that these communication elements are the result of any research conducted upon external and/or internal public. Contrary to the risen awareness that city branding is not just for external activities and “not just for the tourists” (European Cities Marketing, 2016), the city authorities are still struggling to do a research and to get consulting agencies solely for the purpose to communicate with the potential guests and investors. Such research studies are established on the rather usual misinterpretation of bringing the complex 2

Sofia, Plovdiv, Varna and Burgas in Bulgaria; Bucharest, Brasov, Constanta and Timisoara in Romania; Skopje and Ohrid in Macedonia; Athens, Santorini, Mikonos and Thessaloniki in Greece; Zlatibor, Niš, Beograd and Novi Sad in Serbia; Sarajevo, Mostar, Banja Luka, Neum and Međugorje in Bosnia and Herzegovina; Kiev in Ukraine.


D. A. Jelinčić, F. Vukić, I. Kostešić: The City is more than just a Destination...

issue of identity down to an image, which should prove to be efficient in relation to external public, but needs not to have any bond with the values that citizens hold as important (seenews.com, 2013). Research activities of this kind mostly analyse the media image of the cities, which is a normal result of citizens’ activities and identities, but the results are of a doubtful value for the establishment of an effective identity system in which, presumably, the citizens would take an active role to share the individual values with the collective. Few examples (Kiev and Budapest3) which have undertaken such branding activities prove that this one-dimensional approach to city identity is still prevailing. For example, Kiev had acquired a new logo and slogan through the public competition and the only input that participants got were the images (The Branding Source, 2012) with no evident facts that any research was conducted on citizens’ opinion on the city identity. The city of Budapest has recently initiated the creation of a new logo and a slogan as a foundation for a brand system and the underlying concept is that “residents need to genuinely identify with it” (We Love Budapest, 2016). For the outcome of this process a city authority agency was established.

Both in Croatia and Southeast Europe “city branding” is mostly practised as “destination branding” and in most cases with top-down method, seen in theory as a “new strategic tool for urban management” (Anttiroiko, 2014:61-69, 153-163) with little or no involvement of citizens, either in research or development procedures for the establishment of complex symbolic systems for the city. In Western Europe though, it is clear for at least a decade now, and pointed out in theory and consulting literature, that destination does not comprise all of the city structural and social complexity (Kavaratzis, 2008), so some projects carried out, (such as Copenhagen or Amsterdam), demonstrate an inclination towards a more complex approach to creation of city brands (Moilanen and Rainisto, 2009:77-94). However, in terms of methodology there is still no wider, more established proof of the branding practice, that city actors - citizens - should be included both in research and implementation

3

Although Budapest, as a Central European city was not originally selected for this research, it was included in it since it shares similar historical environment as Southeast European cities. It may also serve as a comparative reference point.

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Another project which is of a larger scale and should be mentioned here is the European Capital of Culture (ECoC) project as one of the incentives of the Europen Union offering cities of (Southeast) Europe a possibility to develop and create a city brand. Some of the cities, such as Sibiu (2007, Romania), Pécs (2010, Hungary), Maribor (2012, Slovenia), and Košice (2013, Slovakia) (European Commission, 2017) have established communication systems to serve this need but there is no evidence that these new symbolic values continued to develop for the sake of betterment of the lives of their citizens. It will be interesting to follow the preparation process of Rijeka 2020 ECoC, as this project might involve insiders (citizens) in participatory building of the new, rediscovered city identity. As the candidacy process already employed participatory public engagement, it might prove as a good platform for future initiatives.

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of city branding activities. Therefore, across the Western world and not only within Southeast Europe, city branding is still a philosophy evolved from the product and corporate branding, seen as a management tool for city authorities. The key question that might be raised is if this method is sustainable and if branding is an appropriate method at all or should be upgraded to a level which should suit better the neeed of a community.

5. Conclusion and a Further Scenario: From City Brands to Identity Systems The research has shown that most branding processes of the selected cities in Croatia and Southeast Europe (if they are performed) practice strategic branding whose main outcome is superficial advertising serving mostly tourism purposes. This entails top-down approach in branding strategies which is primarily directed towards external public. City authorities rarely participate in research activities connected to the city identity and citizens are rarely consulted on the purpose and meaning of the newly created communication systems and its development in project implementation phases. There arises a paradox of the lack of participation within the symbolic level of city existence: citizens are extremely involved in tourist activities but rarely given a chance to participate in the creation of symbolic programs of communication. This is mostly evident in Croatia, where national economy significantly depends on tourism. It is difficult to force individual(s) to idenitfy with the idea of a community (the city) as projected from some outer actor(s)-consultant(s). Also, an evident problem lies in the physical infrastructure of the tourist cities, where everyday life and public spaces are submitted to and manipulated by tourist activities to a large extent thus interfering with daily life needs and routines and causing the problems to community (Vukić et al., 2015:485-487).

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Relevant contemporary literature stands for a more complex approach to city branding processes which implies the city as place, and not just a destination, which is confirmed by several good practice examples. Still, not even Western Europe confirms to have created a participative branding process for citizens to be included on all levels, from the idea of the project to its implementation and development.

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Interdisciplinary approach to the issue of identity proposed by Abdelai et al. (2006), in contemporary cities also encounters the idea of “entrepreneurship city” (Kavaratzis, 2008:31) which includes far more complex policies and practices of identity, planned and projected as most of the entrepreneurial activities. Therefore, the free enterprise city identity is forming in a complex interplay of self-perception and external image, within the context of mass communication, mostly of commercial type. The city as an entrepreneur is a usual stance taken by the authorities in starting the branding programs. But there is another possibility to theorize and practice city branding, the one which drives social process of identification between individual(s) and the idea of community. This is precisely where the concept of identity system could enter as a substitute to traditional city branding. The key resource here is the idea of “cultural knowledge” as a sum of overall identity potential, the baseline of found identity as a solid ground for the designed identity (Holt, 2004:209-210). As


D. A. Jelinčić, F. Vukić, I. Kostešić: The City is more than just a Destination...

noted, there is a built-in paradox within the theory and practice of city branding, which constantly diminishes the potential of self-regulatory and self-manageable identity practices by the citizens. A new approach to the city identity should take into the research and design perspective at least three issues. First, the issue of “cultural citizenship” i.e. the new level of identity construction in which - due to global communication network - the individual does not need to be connected with the other one in physical space to participate in same values (Delgado-Moreira, 1997). Second, the issue of “shared identity” which is not just a mechanical division of individual and collective identity but a more complex type of construct spreading through various levels of technological ambient of today (Phelps et al. 2002:211-224). Third, the issue of identity crisis, the heterogeneity, multi-ethnicity and multicultural aspects of life in the cities of the traditional West, started long before the migration crisis of today, which process constructs in new and unexpected ways in the collective identities of the citizens’ life (Gospodini, 2002:19-36). Based on this, therefore, rather than offering a closed conclusion, a new conceptual approach to the city identity is proposed, the one which should replace traditional top-down method and complement it or even replace it with the bottom-up and multidirectional interaction among urban stakeholders (Vukić, 2013) in the changing dynamics of identity construction. The concept is regarded as the “identity system” and could upgrade the concept of city branding practised as a management tool to a level of democracy apparatus to serve the symbolic needs of citizens. The proposed concept is all embracing in terms of including insiders and outsiders, internal and external public in the branding processes which may eventually solve the problem of the extent of exteriorisation of city “symbolic economy” posed by Zukin (1995).

Even within the theory and practice of product brands, there are serious debates on complex social networks of meaning, described with the concepts such as “consumer democracy” or “citizen brandship” (Gobe 2002: XV, 229). It is not possible to avoid the discussion on the creation of symbolic system for such a network as the city. The productive identity system would not only promote the consumption of the city experience but should foster the identity sharing within the community, too. Without this inclusive dimension, no city brand will be sustainable. The proposed system is still, however, a philosophical issue proposing the replacement of the city branding concept with the concept of the democratic apparatus, and its practical implementation could be extremely demanding. The prerequisite to its implementation is the citizens’ will for participatory decision-making about the symbolic representations of the city they live in, which, further on presumes cer-

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It is presumed that the proposed identity system concept could prove as flexible enough to meet the ever changing dynamism of negotiation between global and local cultural exchange. The tourists’ need for diversity of attractions and local need for globalised products stressed at the beginning of the article could potentially be reconciled through a constant and fluid facilitation by this concept.

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tain knowledge. Such a knowledge also includes a sum of overall identity potential or “cultural knowledge” concept proposed by Holt (2004) which would rather be process- and not goal-oriented, this meaning the creation of the city identity system rather than its brand. It also presumes a high level of tolerance and openness towards the “others” with whom the identity is shared within the city, as well as the sense of belonging to the city. The implementation identity system concept also requires a participative approach which may include workshops, public discussions and creation of flexible communication systems which may, thanks to digital technology, enable active and permanent citizen participation. Through such communication systems, citizens would be given an opportunity to easily express their idea on the community thus contributing to its the constant re-interpretation. Outcomes of the process may result in a reflective deconstruction of the city identity but with the aim of creating a shared space by the citizens themselves, therefore the insiders, thus providing sustainable grounds for the city identity communication to the external public, the outsiders. For sure, communication is relevant for any type of individual or communal activity, but if the idea of the city is still regarded as a tourist attractor, even for the individual enterprises within it, then perhaps a new level of sharing integration should be provided for the actors to build a new type of mutual trust and a symbolic engine for urban cohesion. If the concept of branding is still needed at all then, perhaps, it should enter into the new stage of conceptual development.

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References

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45. Zenker, S. and Braun, E. (2010). Branding a city – conceptual approach for place branding and place brand management. Paper presented at the 39th European Marketing Academy Conference, 1st–4th June 2010, Copenhagen. 46. Zukin Sh. (1995). Cultures of cities. Malden, MA / Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.

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Pregledni rad

Daniela Angelina Jelinčić Institut za razvoj i međunarodne odnose, Zagreb, Hrvatska e-mail: daniela@irmo.hr Feđa Vukić Arhitektonski fakultet, Studij dizajna, Zagreb, Hrvatska e-mail: fvukic@arhitekt.hr Iva Kostešić Arhitektonski fakultet, Studij dizajna, Zagreb, Hrvatska e-mail: ikostesic@arhitekt.hr

Grad je više od destinacije: procesi brendiranja grada u Hrvatskoj Sažetak

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Članak inzistira na jasnom razlikovanju brendiranja grada i brendiranja destinacije, dok hrvatski i neki gradovi Jugoistočne Europe, prepoznavši turizam kao gospodarsku priliku, vide vlastiti urbani prostor gotovo isključivo kao destinaciju. Procesi brendiranja slijede istu razvojnu liniju, često propuštajući uključiti vlastite građane kao osnovu koja čini grad. Članak istražuje procese brendiranja odabranih gradova u Hrvatskoj te projekte brendiranja nekoliko gradova Jugoistočne Europe, koji su pokazali da većina svoje identitetske brendove dizajnira kao da je turizam jedina kulturna i gospodarska realnost koju zajednica može ponuditi. Mjesta se pretvaraju u destinacije, a metode brendiranja destinacije u obzir uzimaju gotovo isključivo privlačenje outsidera (gostiju), što rezultira manjkom održivosti za insidere (lokalno stanovništvo). Tako zajednice postaju „turistički proizvodi“, a pitanja stvarnog identiteta grada, njegovi nositelji i oblici u takvom su okruženju zanemareni. Članak također revidira pristupe odozgo prema dolje u brendiranju gradova te prepoznaje nove čimbenike u rekonfiguraciji gospodarstva i identiteta: kulturnu i društvenu participaciju. To je osnova za kreiranje metoda urbanog brendiranja koje se temelje na pitanjima samopercepcije i vizije razvoja zajednice. Predlaže se novi koncept identitetskog sustava kao teorijski okvir za radnu metodologiju, što je osnovica za novi pristup brendiranju (odnosno stvaranju identiteta) koji pojedincima omogućuje da doprinesu kolektivnom simboličkom okviru. Takav sustav štiti grad i građane a ujedno omogućuje gostima da upoznaju njegove istinske vrijednosti.

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Ključne riječi: brendiranje grada, brendiranje destinacije, turizam, participacija, Hrvatska.


DOI 10.5673/sip.55.1.7 UDK 338.48:316.334.56(497.4) Pregledni rad

The Brand Potential of „Soft“ Factors of the Territorial Capital: A Study of Eight MediumSized Cities in Serbia1 Milena Toković University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Serbia e-mail: mstanojevic85@gmail.com

Mina Petrović

ABSTRACT The aim of this paper was to explore the brand potential of certain “soft” factors of territorial capital in the medium-sized cities in Serbia. The concept of territorial capital refers to the total city development potential that combines objective, “hard” and subjective, “soft” factors of an area, in order to attract investment and generate local development. As city branding has become an imperative of local development strategies, this paper aims at connecting these concepts in order to emphasize a possible brand potential of some “soft“ dimensions of territorial capital. The paper is based on the data obtained from the research conducted from 2013 to 2015 by the Institute for Sociological Research of University of Belgrade on a representative sample of population aged 18-65 in eight medium-sized cities in Serbia. The first part of the paper presents the concept of territorial capital and clarifies its connection with the city branding. The second part of the paper is dedicated to the analysis related to Serbia. It begins by summarizing the key features of its socio-spatial transformation in the post-socialist period and points to the discordance between the state of territorial capital and the city branding process. Then the method of research which focuses on the citizens’ perception (a neglected soft dimension of territorial capital) is presented. The obtained questionnaire results are analysed through the lens of the city branding approach and the application of somewhat modified dimensions (presence, pulse and people) of the City Brand Index (CBI). The concluding part briefly recaps how and why the observed soft dimensions of the territorial capital might be recognized as a relevant potential in the process of (re) branding of the researched cities. Key words: city branding, territorial capital, “soft“ factors of the territorial capital, Serbia. 1

This paper results from the work on the project Challenges of the new social integration in Serbia – concepts and actors (ev. No 179035), funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. Copyright © 2017 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

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University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Serbia e-mail: mipetrov@f.bg.ac.rs

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1. Introduction The aim of the paper is to link the concept of territorial capital with city branding considered as an integral part of local development strategies based on endogenous resources (Kavaratzis and Ashworth, 2010; Anholt, 2007; Petrović, 2009; Petrović and Toković, 2016). As such, city branding could not be taken only as a marketing concept, but as a concept which relates to long-term socio-economic processes (Anholt, 2007.). The concept of territorial capital, initially developed by institutional economy but well adopted by different disciplines within the field of urban studies, found its place in urban sociology as the concept suitable for approaching towns like a coherent wholes, as social communities (Petrović, 2014a:86). Even though branding has to be considered from interdisciplinary perspective, this paper is not based on interdisciplinary approach but is intended primarily to illustrate that sociology has its place in the city branding process in the sense of both academic and policy approach. The analysis is based on empirical research conducted in eight less developed mediumsized towns in Serbia, considered as good examples of cities facing challenges in activating local resources. By focusing on residents’ perception of their cities, taken as a specific soft dimension of a territorial capital, we argue that these data should be seen as specific potential for city branding. The argument is based on the presumption that city branding should start from the existing reality in making efforts to improve it, as being an integral part of strategic city development (Anholt, 2007:4, 2010:5). Thus, we claim that citizens’ perception, which is completely neglected, contains some positive aspects of the otherwise unfavorable features of the observed cities’ territorial capital in Serbia. Therefore, the presented analysis might be of interest not only for scholars but also for various stakeholders in the process of city (re)branding.

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2. Linking the concepts: territorial capital and city branding

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With the neoliberal approach to territorial development policy, the cities’ locally specific resources have been brought into the focus of urban policy, and the concept of territorial capital has become frequently used since it ‘mirrors’ the concept of competitiveness between the cities in attracting different forms of capital (human, financial, etc.) (Petrović, 2014:49). According to the OECD definition (2001), territorial capital represents “a special set of factors of a given area which attracts investments, i.e. which makes the investments in a given area more profitable, and the yields on investments higher than in other areas (in fact, not in the case of all the investments, but of those that provide the highest yield in the specified area), therefore it is more advisable to invest in this particular area than elsewhere“ (Vujošević, Zeković i Maričić, 2010:40). The EU development policies encourage the strengthening of sub-national levels and the identities of territorial units as well as the strategic approach to their local potentials, i.e. their territorial capital (Petrović, 2014:72; Brighetti, 2010; Vujošević et al. 2010:5, 107, 205). In an attempt to “decompose“ territorial capital and give an answer to the question about what it consists of, there are mainly two groups of dimensions: “hard“ and “soft“ ones. Storper (1997) includes a city’s geostrategic position, climate, size, natu-


M. Toković, M. Petrović: The Brand Potential of „Soft“ Factors of the Territorial Capital...

ral resources, economic structure of infrastructure, labor, technology, environment, monumental heritage and cultural legacy, “human capital“, quality of life, quality of the environment, technical infrastructure development into the „hard“ dimensions (the so-called “objective factors“). The “soft“ dimensions, also called “subjective“, represent cognitive, cultural and institutional capital of an area. These dimensions include understanding of processes and phenomena, information, relation-specific skills and knowledge, conventions, common strategies and practical policies, innovation capacity, the amounts of transaction costs, social capital, strategic reasoning development, development of communication networks and networks for interaction between various actors, subjective elements such as regional and local customs and tradition, regional mentality of the population and its particularities, etc. (Storper, 1997:20; Vujošević et al, 2010:41; Stanojević, 2014:186; Petrović, 2014a:14). Analytical attention has been directed towards the soft dimensions of territorial capital in so far as they represent the activation of “hard“resources. The latter are included in traditional supply factors, whereas the „soft“ dimensions belong to the sphere of potential, since they are not necessarily linked to the economic goals directly (Camagni and Capello, 2008). Therefore, this classification should be solely considered as ideal-typical, because there are some elements of territorial capital that have the characteristics of both groups of the factors.

The territorial capital enhancing has also been directly linked to city branding strategy. Namely, the elements of territorial capital represent the basis of a city’s branding development strategy, and they have become a significant precondition of successful competition in the field of image – symbolic value. As for the process of (re)branding it is necessary to consider a territory’s structural elements (territorial capital), but the identification of non-activated local resources (territorial potential) is even more important (Stanojević, 2014:188). The importance the soft dimensions of territorial capital for a possible positive effect of the total territorial capital of an area as well as a possibility of its rebranding has been confirmed by the European documents related to economic development (Devetaković, 2012:32-33). A managerial approach to city (re)branding primarily emphasizes innovation, which links its success to the potentials associated with the soft dimensions of territorial capital. City rebranding is often faced with contradictory requirements: a city should emphasize or preserve its authenticity, but also provide a standardized experience of the urban milieu which often means a commodification of urban space and local culture, thus diminishing their authenticity (Zukin, 1996:237; Ritzer, 2001; Jayne, 2006:121;

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A city’s physical features are quite important for conversion of local resources into territorial capital, but social structures and relations, i.e. the actors’ capacity to use the resources in a way which creates the value of common interest or in which the local social structure contributes to the city’s economic development are essential (Camagni and Cappelo, 2008). Thus, local (economic) development has also been considered a strategic project of a local community (Cox, 1997). A strong internal culture is what builds a city’s good reputation and directly affects its economic, political, social and cultural development (Anholt, 2007).

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Petrović, 2009:92-93). Therefore, a critical approach to branding also discusses an issue of “invented traditions” (Hobbsbawm and Ranger, 1983), i.e. a phenomenon of a city’s image presentations being increasingly separated from reality (Anholt, 2007). The critics also refer to the fact that city (re)branding implies a decontextualization of traditional culture as well as removing all potentially negative elements of the iconography of a city (crime, ugly architecture, unemployment, etc.), while the city’s historical legacy and the re-creation of historical narrative have been economically valorized through tourism (Horlings, 2012; Storper, 1997; Petrović, 2014:72; Petrović, 2009:90, 92, 96; Zukin, 1995; Miles and Miles, 2004:5; Anholt, 2007). It is these critical remarks that suggest to be cautious in linking the concept of territorial capital to a city’s image. Namely, although the concept of territorial capital is dynamic, since it implies that local actors strategically examine structural predispositions of their acting within a city’s framework, the city’s image cannot be changed quickly. This is due to the strong beliefs, i.e. impressions that social actors have about a particular city (Anholt, 2007). These beliefs cannot be easily changed only by marketing strategies (a city’s new logo and slogan), and in this sense the city brand, i.e. the city reputation as an important brand dimension, cannot be constructed, but it may only be deserved. This means that a change in the actors’ behavior, i.e. the actual conditions/quality of life is what can affect a different perception of the city (Anholt, 2007; Anholt, 2010). According to the Anholt: “but there appears to be no evidence to suggest that using marketing communications to influence international public perceptions of an entire city, region or country is anything other than a vain and foolish waste of taxpayers’ money” (2008:1).

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Keith Dinnie (2011) states that city branding is a topic of significant interest to both academics and policy makers. While the concept of city branding is often identified with the marketing activities to promote the cities and to address the target groups on the market, scientific sub-disciplines such as urban and regional economics, economic geography, cultural studies and social geography significantly have contributed to broader understanding of city branding (Luković, 2013:21).

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Urban policy researchers advocated in particular two approaches: historical, which sees the promotion of cities as a part of a broader process of economic and social change; and critical, which emphasizes that cities are not typical products and opposes to marketing techniques, since they neglect cultural and social characteristics of cities (Hankinson, 2010:8). The historical approach is quite close to the sociological perspective which we want to link with Anholt’s interpretation of place branding, as we believe it acknowledges the importance of achieving broader economic, social and cultural benefits within the process of branding, and insists on the conceptual separation of branding places and branded products. Anholt describes place branding as a powerful instrument for the implementation of broad social and cultural changes (Anholt, 2005:140). Therefore, it is indisputable that the concept of place branding involves a wider social perspective and specific developmental relevance that cannot be placed under the umbrella of technique of strategic planning and the application of social marketing (Luković, 2013).


M. Toković, M. Petrović: The Brand Potential of „Soft“ Factors of the Territorial Capital...

Anholt has even substituted the term brand by the notion of competitive identity in order to further emphasize that branding is not exclusively related to marketing communication. He believes that cities are assessed according to the way they function, not the way they communicate, a city’s reputation may not be built nor changed by the means of communication (design/advertising), but by the means of major changes in political and social fabric of the modern society (Anholt, 2015:40, 43). In one of the rare sociological books dedicated to brands, Celia Lury emphasized exactly the same point by suggesting that it was a sociological imperative to consider brands as a platform for activity patterning, as an open object extending or implicating social relations, and as an object of possibility (2004:1-14). By accepting such sociological interpretation of brands in general, we found Anholt’s approach suitable for observing the city brand potentials through soft dimensions of territorial capital. Within the scope of this paper we constrained the analysis on the city residents’ perception and opinions that are recognized as significant input in city branding by both academic and policy literature that acknowledges broader meaning of this notion (Kavaratzis and Ashwort, 2010; Houghton and Stevens, 2011; Anholt, 2007; 2010; Ashwort, Kavaratzis and Warnaby, 2015; Švob - Đokić, 2007; Kotler et al, 1999). Therefore, the residents’ attitudes are taken as a specific cognitive (soft) dimension of territorial capital that we analyze by analogy with certain dimensions of Anholt’s City Brand Index.

3. Territorial capital and city branding potential in Serbia: empirical research findings

The events in recent history (the breakup of Yugoslavia, disappearance of the former common market, international sanctions and isolation of the country, etc.) have influenced the unfavorable development of Serbia and its territorial capital. Serbia went through the periods of a long-lasting economic stagnation and very complex processes of re/territorialization (Petrović, 2014:72), with huge concentration of development potentials in few cities (Devetaković, 2012:32-33; Molnar, 2013:68). Apart from Belgrade and Novi Sad, metropolitan areas that occupy about 7% of the total territory of Serbia, but with 27,1% of the population, 41,6% of the employees and 45,6% of the national income, other cities are stagnating, while some (mono)industrial cities and rural areas are facing almost complete collapse (Vujošević et al. 2010; Vujošević, 2014). As in most post-socialist countries, the change of the dominant political culture and the prevailing value patterns (Cvejić, 2010), primarily the acceptance of individualistic-liberal norms with market relations and retention of collectively-redistributive values (Lazić, 2011), were crucial for stabilization of the new social order in Serbia. Both pre-socialist and socialist legacy are considered inadequate for a rapid and successful institutional transformation towards a capitalist city. Urban transition stimu-

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Before we turn to a more detailed presentation of applied methodology and data analysis we will concisely describe the context of Serbian society having in mind the link between the quality of territorial capital and the city branding process.

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lates the market development, commercialization of the cities’ historical cores, and a growth of socio-spatial segregation while diminishing the importance of urban planning (Petovar, 2003; Vujović, 2014; Petrović, 2009; Backović, 2005). These problems are hard to tackle due to the significant weakness of soft dimensions of territorial capital. Namely, there is a lack of “planning culture“ and strategic management that indicates the “institutional sclerosis“, i.e. the institutions resistant to changes. The strategies are not adopted thanks to their importance for the initiation of development, but only as a condition for the assets withdrawal from either national or foreign funds. The participative approach was largely neglected, particularly regarding the inclusion of citizens and respecting their opinions and attitudes. A lack of autonomy and competence of city administration may be observed as legacy of redistributive development concept based on the top-down transfers, which is still preferable. As such it has been a considerable obstacle to the implementation of development strategies based on local resources and the city branding process as its integral part (Lazarević-Bajec, 2009; Vujošević et al, 2010; Vujošević, 2014; Petrović, 2009; Petrović, 2014).

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3.1. Methods employed in the analysis

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The way residents perceive their cities as a specific (cognitive) soft dimension of territorial capital is completely neglected in Serbia. Following the Anholt’s statement that city branding involves the beliefs or impressions that social actors have about a particular city, and the fact that city residents are among the important actors (stakeholders) in the city branding process who actually build the city brands (Ashworth et al., 2015:5-6), we focused our analysis on the residents’ perception about their cities. The analysis is based on the empirical survey findings obtained through questionnaire technique within the project “Territorial capital in Serbia: structural and operational potential of local development“, which was conducted by the Institute for Sociological Research in three stages between 2013 and 2015, in eight medium-sized cities (80-120 000 inhabitants). That type of cities was chosen since both the academic community and policy makers show a great interest in small and medium-sized cities and consider the concept of territorial capital as of particular importance for stimulating their endogenous development (Devetaković, 2012:36; Petrović, 2014:57-58). The exact cities were chosen for having a status of functional urban areas of national interest. In each city, the sample of residents was representative regarding the basic socio-demographic characteristics: sex, age and education. The surveyed cities are the following: Kragujevac (N=379), Šabac (N=346), Užice (N=322), Novi Pazar (N=299), Sombor (N=288), Zrenjanin (N=304), Leskovac (N=301), Zaječar (N=313). The questionnaire was developed to cover residents’ opinion concerning various aspects of the territorial capital. For the purpose of this paper, we focused only on the following: residents’ opinions on what makes their city recognizable; the symbols of their city or characteristics of which the city residents are well-known; a specific atmosphere of their city. We argue that results have specific potential for city branding because they reflect the existing reality in the examined cities, which


M. Toković, M. Petrović: The Brand Potential of „Soft“ Factors of the Territorial Capital...

might be taken as a starting point in their city branding. We presume that residents’ views contain neglected positive aspects of the otherwise unfavorable features of the observed cities’ territorial capital. In order to read the obtained questionnaire results from city branding perspective we employed certain dimensions of Anholt’s City Brand Index (CBI). We used Anholt’s technique by method of analogy regarding the meaning of questions employed, as we did not use the identical questions. Namely, we found that certain questions we developed to measure soft dimensions of territorial capital cover the meanings of three CBI’s dimensions: presence, pulse and people. The whole CBI has six dimensions (as illustrated in Figure 1, for more details see Anholt 2007; Vasiljević, 2009) which reflect both dimensions of the territorial capital, ’soft’ and ‘hard’ (as points of a hexagon). We will briefly explain just the three chosen and indicate the corresponding questions from our questionnaire. Figure 1 The City Brands Index hexagon The presence

The place

The potential

The pulse

The people

The prerequisites

Presence means a city’s standing and status within (inter)national environment, attendance, contribution to science, culture and familiarity/knowledge of a particular city. The corresponding questions are the following: “According to you, what makes your city recognizable?“; „Are there any symbols of your city?“; „Is there any product that makes your city recognizable?“; „Is there any product by which your city used to be recognizable, but it is not any longer?“ Pulse is an important component of a city’s image, and it is especially significant for branding process, since it represents an irrational element suitable for creating the city’s added value. It corresponds to the presence of lively urban lifestyle or its absence, i.e. the perception of how much people are delighted with the city. It refers to the excitement that is short-term for the visitors and long-term for the residents. The corresponding question is the statement: “The city possesses an atmosphere – the soul which makes it especially appealing”, evaluated by resident on the fivepoint Likert scale.

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Resource: Anholt, 2007: 60

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The last dimension relates to people, the inhabitants, i.e. “software” of a city, their language, culture, openness and kindness of a local population, hospitality, friendliness on the one hand or prejudices and negative attitude on the other. This component also includes the aspect of a city’s safety. In our research the people dimension is covered by the question: „Are there any traits which the residents of this city are known for?“ We are turning to the discussion of the results through the lens of the chosen CBI’s dimensions now. The results are presented by descriptive statistics, which we found suitable for the employed comparison with the CBI dimensions.

3.2. Results obtained according to the CBI’s dimensions Presence Table 1 shows up to three most frequent answers2 to the question „According to you, what makes your city recognizable?“, for each of the examined cities. Table 1 Features by which a city is recognizable FEATURES BY WHICH A CITY IS RECOGNIZABLE ŠABAC SOMBOR ZRENJANIN

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

UŽICE

KRAGUJEVAC

NOVI PAZAR

ZAJEČAR LESKOVAC

2

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Events and festivals (43.8%) Historic-cultural monuments/cultural/educational (22.1%), Beauties of nature (53%) Historic-cultural monuments/cultural/educational (18.8%) Adverse phenomena (20.6%), Celebrities (14.6%) Events and festivals (10.6%) Historic-cultural monuments/cultural/educational (31.5%) Traditional food and beverage (28%) Factories and industrial products (12.6%) Historic-cultural monuments/cultural/educational (44.7%) Factories and industrial products (32.9%) Activity typical of the city (15%) Historic-cultural monuments/cultural/educational (23.4%) Factories and industrial products (19.5%) Traditional food and beverage (16.3%) Events and festivals (34.2%) Historic-cultural monuments/cultural/educational (22.4%) Traditional food and beverage (10.9%) Traditional food and beverage (59 %)

The answers given by more than 10% of respondents.

institutions and associations institutions and associations

institutions and associations

institutions and associations

institutions and associations

institutions and associations


M. Toković, M. Petrović: The Brand Potential of „Soft“ Factors of the Territorial Capital...

Based on these results, the cities of Šabac (43.8%) and Zaječar (34.2%) are recognized by the respondents as festival cities, Sombor is mostly recognized as a city of nature beauties (53%), Užice and Novi Pazar are mainly recognized by historic/ cultural monuments and cultural institutions, whereas in Leskovac traditional food has been singled out as its main feature (Leskovac barbecue - kebab). That type of food (mantije – a sort of meat pie) is also recognized as local specificity in Novi Pazar, but in a significantly lower percentage, as the city was also recognized for historic/cultural monuments and industrial products. Zrenjanin is seen as the biggest transformation loser, since a negative image of the city dominates (poor economic conditions, unemployment). From the aspect of city (re)branding, this finding is disturbing, since the city’s negative image is particularly resistant to changes. The data about other cities are more optimistic, since all the aforementioned features (festival nature, natural resources, cultural/historical heritage, and gastronomy) indicate that significant group of respondents recognizes other than industrial attributes as being important for the “presence” of the their city, which points that the cities could move away from the image of industrial cities to the cities of consumption, culture and tourism.3 Table 2 gives the most frequent answers to the question „Are there any symbols of your city?“, including a percentage of the respondents who did not recognize any symbol at all, since we considered it relevant as a good indication of an underprofiled city image, which appeared to be the most frequent answer in five of the observed cities (Zrenjanin, Užice, Kragujevac, Novi Pazar and Leskovac).

CITY

CITY SYMBOLS

ŠABAC

None/I cannot tell (23.4%), Historic monuments (23.3%), Dowel pin (21.1%),

SOMBOR

Coat of arms (25.4%), None / I cannot tell (25%), Fiacre (13.4%)

ZRENJANIN

None / I cannot tell (31%), Four fat horses (22.3%), Historic monuments (19.7)

UŽICE

None / I cannot tell (45.6%), Historic monuments (25.2%), Coat of arms (13.8%)

KRAGUJEVAC

None / I cannot tell (31.4%), Šumarice memorial park (28.5%), Cross (17.7%)

NOVI PAZAR

None / I cannot tell (31.2%), Historic monuments (23.5%). Altun-alem Mosque (19.1%)

ZAJEČAR

None / I cannot tell (27.6%), Coat of arms (33.3%)

LESKOVAC

None / I cannot tell (55.5%), Traditional food and beverage (20.4%), Flag and coat of arms (12.7%)

3

However, further product analysis will show that the residues of industrial heritage are still present.

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Table 2 City symbols

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The respondents in Leskovac have the least profiled perception of what symbolize their city (55.5% stated that there are no symbols of the city, i.e. they could not tell). That might be related to the fact that respondents predominantly saw Leskovac as a city recognizable by traditional food that is difficult to code as a symbol.4 The respondents saw the symbols of their cities most frequently in historic monuments (Kragujevac 28.5%, Užice 25.2%, Novi Pazar 23.5%, Šabac 23.3%, Zrenjanin 19.7%), while just in two cities the official emblems of the cities – the coat of arms and the flag were indicated as city symbols (Zaječar 33.3%, Sombor 25.4%). In terms of city (re)branding, the historic monuments recognized as city symbols play an important role from the aspect of a tradition (re)valorization. These results provide us an insight into how the residents recognize the cities’ significant history through visual symbols, keeping their memories of certain events from the past alive and thus reproducing a particular image of the city. Thus, we found that, in Kragujevac, the memorial park from the Second World War (Šumarice) is dominant in relation to the city’s new religious symbols (Cross), in Užice, the socialist heritage is embedded in the residents’ cognitive maps, in Šabac respondents disclosed the pride of their city for being a forerunner in Serbian modernization (by emphasizing the first piano in Serbia, for example)5 whereas, in Novi Pazar, respondents pointed to multiculturalism by emphasizing churches and mosques as a city symbols. Besides the (re)valorization of tradition, the symbols specific to certain cities were revealed, which, in the period of globalization, could indicate to a special local potential: Šabac (Dowel pin - 21.1%)6, Zrenjanin (Four Fat Horses mural - 22.3%), Sombor (Fiacre - 13.4%).

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The next question related to the CBI’s dimension of presence is about the product the respondents considered as being typical of the city, both currently and in the past. By this we wanted to examine the cognitive frameworks set by the residents in terms of continuity, i.e. discontinuity of certain development potentials of their cities. This is particularly important to the post-socialist cities which have undergone significant and, compared to other parts of the developed world, delayed changes in respect of the transformation from industrial or Fordist to post/industrial or postFordist model of capitalism. The time continuum contained in the question enables specifying the cities’ advantages in the past as well as their (in)capacity to reactivate the process of cities’ (re)branding. If we compare the products that respondents named as their city was/is recognizable for in the past/present (Table 3 and Table 4) a shift from the products related to large industrial systems towards products linked to small local production is detected. Thus the local food/beverage has been recognized as a dominant product in high percentage: in Leskovac, even 90.6% 4

However, the extent to which this local specificity is dominant in the city of Leskovac has been supported by the fact that a considerable percentage of the respondents (20.4%) still code traditional food as the city’s symbol. 5

For more information about tradition of modenization in Šabac. (See Backović and Spasić, 2016; Backović and Spasić, 2014a; Backović and Spasić 2014b) 6

The term denotes the sense of humor and cheerful spirit of the residents of Šabac, but is also used as a synonym for a rogue or a scoundrel (Stanojević, 2014:195).


M. Toković, M. Petrović: The Brand Potential of „Soft“ Factors of the Territorial Capital...

(Leskovac barbecue), Zaječar 76.6% (Zaječar beer), Užice 72.6% (komplet lepinja – a sort of flatbread bun), Šabac 39.6%, Novi Pazar 25.9% (mantije). The discontinuity in respect of the past and the present product is most evident in Leskovac7 and Užice8, although all of the examined towns developed as significant industrial centers during the socialist period and faced, due to economic restructuring and privatization processes, drastic decline in employment rates (mostly in industrial sector), particularly in the period 2001-2011 (Petrović, 2014a:65, 110). Therefore, the mentioned shift in the respondents’ perception of products that make their city recognizable might also be a positive sign in terms of city branding. However, industrial ethos has still been embedded in the residents’ cognitive maps, as respondents in all cities, in one way or another, expect the reactivation of industrial heritage in their city and take the case of Kragujevac in respect of automotive industry9 as the most successful strategy of the city recovery.

CITY

PRODUCTS BY WHICH A CITY IS RECOGNIZABLE

ŠABAC

None/I cannot tell (32.9%), traditional food (39.6), factories and industrial products (21.7%)

SOMBOR

None/I cannot tell (25.3%), food industry (cheese and dairy) (64.9%)

ZRENJANIN

None/I cannot tell (34.5%), food industry (oil, margarine, grains, seeds) (53%)

UŽICE

None/I cannot tell (12.8%), traditional food (72.6%)

KRAGUJEVAC

None/I cannot tell (7.4%), Fiat (82.3%)

NOVI PAZAR

None/I cannot tell (7.4%), traditional food (25.9%), Jeans (62.6%)

ZAJEČAR

None/I cannot tell (16.6%), traditional beverage (76.6%)

LESKOVAC

None/I cannot tell (4.7%), traditional food (90.6%)

7

Leskovac possessed a pronounced industrial potential in the past. This is supported by the city’s former nickname „Little Manchester“ (http://www.juznasrbija.info/lat/biznis/leskovackako-je-nestao-srpski-mancester.html, 10th March 2017). 8

During the period of socialism, Užice was ranked as a primarily industrial city, but, in the current period, it has completely lost that type of identity. 9

Thanks to the state subsidies provided to „Fiat“, Kragujevac has restructured its car plant and significantly recovered economically since 2008.

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Table 3 Products by which a city is recognizable

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Table 4 Products by which a city was recognizable CITY ŠABAC

PRODUCTS A CITY WAS KNOWN FOR None/I cannot tell (17.4%), Zorka factory (34.1%), traditional food and beverage (21.7%)

SOMBOR

None/I cannot tell (25.3%), cheese and dairy (64.9%)

ZRENJANIN

None/I cannot tell (34.5%), oil, margarine, grains, seeds (53%)

UŽICE

None/I cannot tell (65.8)

KRAGUJEVAC

None/I cannot tell (23.2%), Zastava automobiles (66.7.3%)

NOVI PAZAR

None/I cannot tell (64.8%), crafts (12.5%)

ZAJEČAR

None/I cannot tell (14.4%), factories and industrial products (64.4%), food industry (15.7%)

LESKOVAC

None/I cannot tell (16.3.7%), textile (68.4%)

City Pulse This CBI dimension represents the most irrational aspect and is rather difficult to measure. We considered it on the basis of the respondents’ answers to the question: The city possesses an atmosphere – the soul which makes it especially appealing10 on the five-point Likert scale.

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Table 5 The city pulls

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CITY

NUMBER OF RESPONDENTS

MEAN VALUE

STANDARD DEVIATION

Užice

320

3.52

1.298

Zrenjanin

302

3.60

1,022

Zaječar

313

3.63

0.907

Novi Pazar

294

3.73

1.186

Kragujevac

373

3.77

1.287

Leskovac

301

3.79

1.100

Šabac

342

3.85

1.119

Sombor

288

4.08

0.841

10

During the first phase of the field research, the last question was slightly different: Does the city atmosphere („soul of the city“) represent a prerequisite/potential for the development of your city and to what extent?, but we believe that the meaning of the question has not been changed so that we consider it unique in the analysis. The suggested answers to this question on a scale from 1 to 5 were as follows: Strongly agree, Agree, Neither agree or disagree, Disagree, Strongly disagree, with a higher value indicating a strong agreement.


M. Toković, M. Petrović: The Brand Potential of „Soft“ Factors of the Territorial Capital...

Among the observed cities, there are statistically significant but slight differences in the assessment of the atmosphere („soul“) of the city (Table 5). In relative terms, the respondents in Sombor and Šabac gave it the highest score and in Užice and Zrenjanin the lowest. Having in mind the dimension of presence, in which Šabac and Sombor were singled out by their specific local features, it came as no surprise that they were also recognized as the cities of “the most powerful“ pulse. This refers to Šabac in particular, which was recognized as a festival city as well. In this sense, a higher ranking was expected for the city of Zaječar. The lowest mean value in the case of Zrenjanin might be related to the frequent mentioning of the adverse phenomena by the respondents (economy decline, poor infrastructure, dissolution of factories), which is undoubtedly significant structural limitation in the city rhythm development. The low mean value of the city of Užice could indicate to an insufficiently defined or even lost identity of the industrial city which tries to redefine symbols and searches for new recognizable products in the field of gastronomy.

People This last CBI dimension we analyzed is considered on the basis of respondents’ answers to the question: „Are there any traits which the residents of this city are known for?“

CITY

TRAITS

ŠABAC

Cheerful, witty (29.3%)

SOMBOR

Calm, slow (21.2), friendly (10.8), negative traits (10.4)

ZRENJANIN

Negative traits (17.8), slow (15.1), generous, compassionate (12.1)

UŽICE

Cheerful, witty (21.7%), friendly (12.2%), competent (10.8%)

KRAGUJEVAC

There are no such traits (36.6.3%), negative traits (9.4%), hospitable (9.4%)

NOVI PAZAR

Hospitable (49.8%), generous and compassionate (14.5%)

ZAJEČAR

Negative traits (26.2%)

LESKOVAC

Negative traits (19.8%), hospitable (18.7%)

From the city branding perspective, the traits of a city’s residents are very important as they reflect the actors’ (in)capacity to activate the recognized local potentials. A lack of hospitality, for example, will make it hard to (re)activate the potential identified in the sphere of tourism. On the other hand, the positive traits of the residents will contribute to a positive image of the city in spate of the existing structural development constraints.

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Table 6 Traits of the residents

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Novi Pazar provides an optimistic image when it comes to the traits of its residents. Hospitality is recognized in a significant percentage (49.8%) as well as compassion (14.5%), which might represent a good basis to overcome the structural constraints of the city. Although respondents in Novi Pazar emanate an image of the industrial city in terms of recognizable products, their perception of the residents’ traits might be taken as a positive fact for activating the local resources perceived as specific for this city - multiculturalism and gastronomy. On the other hand, Kragujevac as the city with a strong identity potential, reflected in the well profiled city symbols (cultural - historic monuments), and successfully redefined industrial image in the current period, showed the weaknesses with regard to the dimension of ‘people’. Namely, the respondents in Kragujevac mostly did not recognize typical traits of their fellow citizens, which might diminish the city image positive promotion. Similar weakness was observed in Leskovac. Although the hospitality, a trait important to activate the specific local features of Leskovac, such as gastronomy, was recognized as typical by 18.7% of respondents, the perception of negative traits prevailed (19.8%). Contrary to Kragujevac, and Leskovac to a certain extent, Užice, a city which suffered the greatest discontinuity in its identity and a city of “the least powerful pulse“, showed the upbeat results, similarly as Novi Pazar, regarding the traits of the residents. It appeared as the city of cheerful (21.7%), friendly (12.2%) and competent (10%) inhabitants.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Šabac and Zaječar, the cities where festivals and nature were recognized as distinguished for the city image, showed divergent results in terms of the people’s traits. Whereas Šabac singled out as the city of cheerful and witty people (29.3%), in Zaječar negative traits (apathy, a lack of agility, etc.) prevailed, which corresponds to the fact that the pulse in this city ranked lower than in Šabac. On the other hand, it is interesting that the residents of Sombor, the city of „the most powerful pulse“, are perceived as predominantly calm and slow (21.2%). Respondents in Zrenjanin appeared rather consistent in results, as they perceived their city as the biggest transformation loser, frequently emphasized adverse phenomena related to the city and negative traits of the city residents (29,9%) (apathy, depression, dissatisfaction, slowness).

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4. Conclusion Following the Anholt’s view that organically developed cities’ reputation (strong or weak, positive or negative) should be taken a starting point of a comprehensive social efforts to develop a city brand (Anholt, 2007:15), this paper linked three CBI dimension (presence, pulse, people) to the way residents perceive their cities, which is at the same time considered as a specific (cognitive) soft dimension of territorial capital. The city (re)branding is understood as integral part of complex processes of recognizing local potentials and turning them into development resources (territorial capital). Therefore, the residents’ perception is taken as a segment of the city internal culture which might indicate to potentials or obstacles to the city development and branding.


M. Toković, M. Petrović: The Brand Potential of „Soft“ Factors of the Territorial Capital...

The presented analysis pointed to at least two aspects of the respondents’ perception that have potential for city rebranding of the surveyed cities. Firstly, that refers to other than industrial attributes recognized by respondents as important for the presence of their city, which indicates to the slow emergence of new city identities. These attributes are: gastronomy (Leskovac, Novi Pazar), nature beauties (Sombor), festival atmosphere (Šabac and Zaječar), historic/cultural monuments and cultural institutions (Užice and Novi Pazar). Data gathered by comparison of the products that respondents considered as being typical of the city, both currently and in the past, also confirm the positive shift form city identity linked to large industrial systems towards the one related to locally based production, mostly in the area of gastronomy (Leskovac, Zaječar, Užice, Novi Pazar, Šabac). However, industrial ethos is still firmly embedded in the respondents cognitive maps almost in all of observed cities. Secondly, the cities that have ’’greater soul’’ - ’’stronger pulse’’ (Šabac i Sombor), and desirable characteristics of people (Novi Pazar, Šabac, Užice) might be taken as cities with greater chance to activate recognized benefits in the process of (re)branding. Symbolic reading in all eight cities is not consistent, therefore all of them face more or less obstacles regarding the researched dimensions. Thus, even the respondents in Zrenjanin emanated the most negative city image, the majority of respondents in Užice, Kragujevac, Novi Pazar and Leskovac also could not identify any symbol of their city, as one of the elements through which we explored the presence as CBI dimension. Besides Zrenjanin, greater obstacles are also expected in Užice when it comes to the pulse, and in Zaječar when desirable characteristics of people are concerned.

References 1. Anholt, S. (2005). Brand New Justice: How Branding Places and Products Can Help the Developing World. Amsterdam: Elsevier Butterworth Heinemann. 2. Anholt, S. (2007). Identity. The New Brand Management for Nations, Cities and Regions. Great Britain: Palgrave Macmillan. 3. Anholt, S. (2008). Place branding: Is it marketing or isn’t t? Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 4 (1): 1-6. 4. Anholt, S. (2010). Places. Identity, Image and Reputation. Great Britain: Palgrave Macmillan.

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In conclusion, we observed residents’ perspective as a very important soft aspect of the territorial capital that should be taken into consideration in the processes of city rebranding and development. The presented findings indicate that significant potential exists in the observed cities. However, the recognition of the importance of the residents’ view depends, inter alia, on other soft dimensions of territorial capital (planning culture, institutional sclerosis, etc.) which stayed out of scope of this paper. The research is just a pioneering step towards a further research of city (re)branding and territorial capital as related concepts through sociological surveys, which might significantly contribute to integral territorial development in both academic and policy field.

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24. Kotler, P.; Asplund, C.; Rein, I.; Haider, D. (1999). Marketing Places Europe: How to Attract Investments, Industries, Residents and Visitors to Cities, Communities, Regions and Nations in Europe. UK: Financial Times. 25. Lazarević-Bajec, N. (2009). Lokalno strateško planiranje u Srbiji: evaluacija rezultata, Regionalni razvoj, prostorno planiranje i strateško upravljanje. Beograd: Institut za arhitekturu i urbanizam Srbije. 26. Lazić, M. (2011). Čekajući kapitalizam:nastanak novih klasnih odnosa u Srbiji. Beograd: Službeni glasnik. 27. Luković, D. (2013). Brendiranje gradova i regiona: teorijske osnove i prakse u Istočnoj i Zapadnoj Evropi. Beograd: Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet političkih nauka. 28. Lury, C. (2004). Brands. The logos of the global economy. London & New York: Routledge. 29. Miles, S. and Milles, M. (2004). Consuming Cities. Basingstoke: Palgrave. 30. Molnar, D. (2013). Činjenice o regionalnim razlikama u Srbiji, Kvartalni monitor ekonomskih trendova i politika u Srbiji. Beograd: Fondacija za razvoj ekonomske nauke (FREN), Ekonomski fakultet UB. 31. Petovar, K. (2003). Naši gradovi između države i građanina. Beograd: Geografski fakultet, Arhitektonski fakultet, Institut za arhitekturu i urbanizam. 32. Petrović, M. (2009). Transformacija gradova:ka depolitizaciji urbanog pitanja. Beograd: Čigoja štampa, ISI FF. 33. Petrović, M. (2014). Pojam teritorijalnog kapitala kao okosnica istraživanja lokalnog-urbanog razvoja, u: Petrović Mina (Ur.). Strukturni i delatni potencijal lokalnog razvoja. Beograd: ISI FF i Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore. 34. Petrović, M. (2014a). Društvo i gradovi: između lokalnog i globalnog. Beograd: Čigoja štampa, Institut za sociološka istraživanja, FFUB. 35. Petrović M. i Toković M. (2016). Neoendogeni razvoj i ekološki paradoks:studija slučaja šest gradova. Sociologija, 58 (Posebno izdanje): 181-209. 36. Ritzer, G. (2001). Explorations in the Sociology of Consumption: Fast Food, Credit Cards and Casinos. US: Sage Publications. 37. Stanojević, M. (2014). Potencijali lokanog razvoja gradova: kreativna upotreba lokalne tradicije, u: Petrović Mina (Ur.). Strukturni i delatni potencijal lokalnog razvoja. Beograd: ISI FF i Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore. 38. Storper, M. (1997). The Regional World. New York: Guilford. 39. Švob-Ðokić, N. (Ur.). (2007). Cultural Transitions in Southeastern Europe. The creative city: Crossing visions and new realities in the region. Zagreb: Institute for International Relations. 40. Vasiljević, A. (2009). Kreiranje identiteta - brendiranje grada. Časopis Kultura, 122/123: 104-119. 41. Vujošević, M. (2014). Kriza strateškog istraživanja, mišljenja i upravljanja u Srbiji: otvorena pitanja upravljanja teritorijalnim kapitalom na lokalnom i regionalnom nivou. Kako je Beograd potčinio periferiju Srbije?, u: Petrović Mina (Ur.). Strukturni i delatni potencijal lokalnog razvoja. Beograd: ISI FF i Sociološko udruženje Srbije i Crne Gore. 42. Vujošević, M.; Zeković, S. i Maričić, T. (2010). Postsocijalistička tranzicija u Srbiji i teritorijalni kapital Srbije. Stanje, neki budući izgledi i predvidljivi scenariji. Beograd: Institut za arhitekturu i urbanizam Srbije.

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43. Vujović, S. (2014). Socioprostorni identitet Beograda u kontekstu urbanog i regionalnog razvoja Srbije. Sociologija, 56 (2): 145-166. 44. Zukin, S. (1995). The culture of Cities. Cambridge, Massachusetts/Oxford: Blackwell. 45. Zukin, S. (1996). Postmodern Urban Landscapes: Mapping Culture and Power, in: Harloe Michael (Eds.). The Sociology of Urban Communities III. Chelthenham: E. Elgar.

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Pregledni rad

Milena Toković Sveučilište u Beogradu, Filozofski fakultet, Srbija e-mail: mstanojevic85@gmail.com Mina Petrović Sveučilište u Beogradu, Filozofski fakultet, Srbija e-mail: mipetrov@f.bg.ac.rs

Potencijal “mekih“ faktora teritorijalnog kapitala u procesu brendiranja: istraživanje osam gradova srednje veličine u Srbiji Sažetak

Ključne riječi: brendiranje gradova, teritorijalni kapital, „meki“ činioci teritorijalnog kapitala, Srbija.

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Cilj rada ispitivanje je potencijala za brendiranje „mekih“ činilaca teritorijalnog kapitala u gradovima srednje veličine u Srbiji. Koncept teritorijalnog kapitala odnosi se na ukupni potencijal gradskog razvoja koji kombinira objektivne, „tvrde“ i subjektivne, „meke“ činioce kako bi privukao investicije i ostvario lokalni razvoj određenog područja. Budući da je brendiranje gradova postalo imperativ lokalnih razvojnih strategija, rad ima za cilj povezati te koncepte kako bi se naglasio mogući potencijal za brendiranje mekih dimenzija teritorijalnog kapitala. U radu su korišteni podaci istraživanja provedenog u periodu od 2013. do 2015. godine u okviru Instituta za sociološka istraživanja Filozofskog fakulteta Univerziteta u Beogradu, na reprezentativnom uzorku stanovništva od 18 do 65 godina u osam gradova. U prvom dijelu teksta raspravlja se o konceptu teritorijalnog kapitala, koji se dovodi u vezu s procesom brendiranja grada. U drugom dijelu teksta analizira se društvo Srbije. Najprije se sumiraju glavne karakteristike društveno-prostorne transformacije u postsocijalističkom periodu i ukazuje se na neusklađenost između teritorijalnog kapitala i procesa brendiranja gradova. Dalje je predstavljena metoda istraživanja, koja se fokusira na percepciju ispitanika/građana, zapostavljenu meku dimenziju teritorijalnog kapitala. Vodeći se perspektivom brendiranja gradova kao postavljenim analitičkim ciljem, u tumačenju dobivenih rezultata primijenjene su prilagođene dimenzije modela CBI (prepoznatljivost, puls, ljudi). Rezultati istraživanja tumačeni su iz perspektive korištenih koncepata u radu. U zaključku se u kratkim crtama sumira zašto i na koji se način promatrane meke dimenzije teritorijalnog kapitala mogu prepoznati kao relevantan potencijal u procesu (re)brendiranja istraživanih gradova.

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Sociologija i prostor, 55 (2017) 207 (1): 154-158 DOI 10.5673/sip.55.1.8

Marko Kovačić i Martina Horvat (ur.)

Od podanika do građana: razvoj građanske kompetencije mladih

OD PODANIKA

DO GRAĐANA:

RAZVOJ GRAĐANSKE KOMPETENCIJE MLADIH

Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu i GONG, Zagreb, 2016., 266 str. Prema riječima Almonda i Verbe (1963.), „za učinkovitost demokracije nisu toliko presudne institucije […] koliko mišljenja i stavovi građana o političkim procesima te o ulozi pojedinca i mogućnosti njegova utjecaja na te procese“ (str. 113), tj. politička kultura. Upravo koncept političke kulture uvodi u temu, ali i objašnjava samo ime zbornika Od podanika do OD PODANIKA građana: razvoj građanske kompetencije mladih, čiji je cilj utvrditi razumiju li mladi u Hrvatskoj političDO GRAĐANA: ke procese, artikuliraju li svoje zahtjeve te nastoje li RAZVOJ GRAĐANSKE KOMPETENCIJE MLADIH ih ostvariti, odnosno može li se govoriti o njihovoj participacijskoj političkoj kulturi ili ona i dalje ima karakteristike parohijalne (politička neosviještenost) i podaničke (politička pasivnost) kulture, kojima u demokratskom uređenju nije mjesto. Zbornik okuplja deset radova i podijeljen je u dva dijela: prvi uključuje radove koji se bave prikazom razvoja građanskog odgoja i obrazovanja (dalje u tekstu GOO) te stanjem političke pismenosti mladih u Hrvatskoj, utvrđenoj temeljem rezultata istraživanja inicijative GOOD i IDIZ-a provedenog 2015. godine, dok se drugi odnosi na regionalni kontekst uspostave i razvoja GOO-a, odnosno na njegovu provedbu u Srbiji, Sloveniji i Bosni i Hercegovini.

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Urednici: Marko Kovačić i Martina Horvat

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Urednici zbornika Marko Kovačić i Matina Horvat u uvodnom radu, „Razvoj političkih i građanskih kompetencija mladih – pregled uvođenja građanskog odgoja i obrazovanja u hrvatski obrazovni sustav“, nude pregled istraživanja o provedbi GOO-a u Hrvatskoj te donose zaključak o njegovoj sporednoj i neobaveznoj ulozi, ali i neadekvatnoj inkorporiranosti u programe. Ono je na osnovnoškolskoj razini, umjesto u višim razredima, smješteno u prve razrede u okvir predmeta Priroda i društvo, dok na srednjoškolskoj razini postoji razlika u njegovoj prisutnosti i kvaliteti ovisno o vrsti škole, što povlači pitanje potencijalne socijalne segregacije učenika (str. 23). Rad nudi i pregled zakonskih odredbi razvoja građanskih kompetencija mladih u RH-u, koje su dovele do eksperimentalnog uvođenja Kurikuluma građanskog odgoja i obrazovanja 2012. godine, temeljem kojeg se, bez uvažavanja preporuka učenika,


Recenzije i prikazi

nastavnika i stručnjaka, godinu dana nakon donosi i program GOO-a kroz isključivo međupredmetnu provedbu. Sljedeća dva poglavlja iznose rezultate gore spomenutog istraživanja vezane uz političko znanje maturanata, a s obzirom na različite metode analize pojedini se rezultati različito i tumače. Prema analizi Bojane Ćulum, Anje Gvozdanović i Nikole Bakete u radu „Politička znanja hrvatskih maturanata i značajnost odrednica koje ih oblikuju“, učenice bolje razumiju temeljne političke pojmove, a učenici su politički informiraniji, dok se po poznavanju ustavno-političkog ustrojstva i po ukupnom političkom znanju ne razlikuju. Učenici čiji su očevi obrazovaniji te koji pohađaju gimnaziju ostvarivali su bolje rezultate, kao i oni uspješniji u školi te, u manjoj mjeri, oni koji sudjeluju u volonterskim i humanitarnim aktivnostima. Suprotno očekivanjima autora, članovi nevladinih organizacija i oni skloni nekonvencionalnoj političkoj participaciji (bojkot proizvoda, demonstracije i peticije) lošije su upoznati s temeljnim političkim pojmovima. Autori zaključuju da političko znanje najviše oblikuju obrazovni faktori, pri čemu je vrsta srednje škole njegov najsnažniji prediktor, zatim školski uspjeh, dok, zanimljivo, samo pohađanje predmeta GOO-a to nije uopće (str. 41).

Unatoč različitoj interpretaciji rezultata, spomenuta dva rada donose isti generalni zaključak – razina političkog znanja hrvatskih maturanata je niska, a tamo gdje znanje i postoji, površno je te ga učenici ne mogu primijeniti na konkretnu političku situaciju. Složni su i po pitanju vrste škole kao ključnog prediktora razine političkog znanja učenika, te, kao i autori prvog poglavlja, upozoravaju na potencijalnu segmentaciju učenika ovisno o školi, što je posebice zabrinjavajuće s obzirom na to da više od dviju trećina svih učenika srednjih škola pohađa strukovne programe (str. 45). Potrebno je, kako navode Bagić i Šalaj, uvesti jedinstven program političke edukacije mladih koji bi anulirao, a ne proizvodio i potencirao razlike u njihovim građanskim kompetencijama (str. 70). Kosta Bovan i Daniela Širinić u radu „(Ne)demokratski stavovi maturanata u Hrvatskoj – prisutnost i odrednice“ upućuju na generalno prihvaćanje demokratskih stavova među hrvatskim maturantima, uz umjereni stupanj autoritarnosti i političkog ci-

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Dragan Bagić i Berto Šalaj nastojali su u radu „Kako mladi stječu političko znanje? Analiza čimbenika političke pismenosti hrvatskih maturanata“ uvidjeti utjecaj spomenutih faktora na političko znanje uz isključenje potencijalnih intervenirajućih varijabli (obrazovanje roditelja, prosjek ocjena, članstvo u strankama i nevladinim udrugama, društvena i politička informiranost te školska atmosfera, tj. odnosi u školi). I tom se analizom tip obrazovanja pokazao kao ključan čimbenik razine političkog znanja, ali značajnim se prediktorom pokazao i spol, te učenici sada ostvaruju bolje rezultate od učenica na svima četirima razinama političkog znanja (str. 63). Značajnim su se prediktorima pokazali i uspjeh u školi (na svim skalama), članstvo u političkim organizacijama (osim na skali poznavanja temeljnih političkih pojmova) te atmosfera škole (osim na skali informiranosti), dok ostala obilježja, za razliku od prethodne analize, nisu doprinijela tumačenju razlika u razini političkog znanja.

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nizma1, ali i podzastupljenost etnocentričnih stavova, uz znatan napredak u odnosu na podatke iz 2011. godine. Utvrđeno je i egalitarnije poimanje rodnih uloga, ali je s druge strane utvrđen i visok stupanj homofobije. Vrsta škole opet se pokazala kao najvažnija odrednica stavova, pri čemu učenici gimnazija pokazuju manju sklonost autoritarnosti, etnocentrizmu, rodnom neegalitarizmu te homofobiji, što u manjem intenzitetu vrijedi i za učenike koji su politički pismeniji i manje religiozni. Također, učenici su skloniji neegalitarizmu i homofobiji od učenica, a oni politički informiraniji, što je iznenađujuće, skloniji etnocentrizmu, političkom cinizmu i homofobiji (str. 82). Obrazovanje roditelja i članstvo u organizacijama civilnog društva i u ovom su se, kao i u prethodnom, radu pokazali kao loši prediktori stavova.

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Nakon što su prethodna poglavlja dala uvid u razinu političkog znanja i vrijednosti maturanata, sljedeća se dva osvrću na njihovu političku participaciju, koju Vlasta Ilišin u poglavlju „Socijalna i politička participacija maturanata“ analizira kroz širi (sudjelovanje ukućana) i uži aspekt (osobno sudjelovanje). Ukućani maturanata više su uključeni u stranačke nego civilne organizacije2, što utječe na angažman samih maturanata u istom smjeru (str. 104). Potvrđena je i slaba informiranost maturanata, koji preferiraju fragmentirane i pristrane izvore informacija (društvene mreže, razgovori s vršnjacima i roditeljima, internetski portali). Najčešća je njihova neformalna participacija (humanitarne akcije, volontiranje i peticije), rjeđa formalna (glasovanje3 i predstavnička tijela mladih), a najrjeđa ona u prosvjedima ili bojkotima. Obrazovni program i školski uspjeh opet najviše određuju razlike među učenicima. Gimnazijalci s boljim školskim uspjehom najviše su informirani, učenici četverogodišnjih škola više sudjeluju u neformalnim i formalnim oblicima, dok učenici trogodišnjih škola više bojkotiraju proizvode, a oni strukovnih sudjeluju u prosvjedima. Na te se rezultate nadovezuje i rad „Participativna demokracija, učenje za aktivno građanstvo i školska kultura“ Vedrane Spajić-Vrkaš i Martine Horvat, koje naglašavaju tek djelomičnu obuhvaćenost tema koje pridonose razumijevanju demokracije i uloge građana redovnim školskim programom te slabu prisutnost izvanrednih aktivnosti i slab interes maturanata za njih, no opet uz određene razlike među školama. Pritom gimnazijalci češće sudjeluju u programima razvoja talenata i volontiranja, a učenici trogodišnjih škola u onima za pomoć u učenju i suzbijanje nasilja te građanskom i zdravstvenom odgoju4. Školsku kulturu u Hrvatskoj autorice vide kao kombinirani model „suradničke škole“, s horizontalnom suradnjom među učenicima te verti-

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1

Odgovori maturanata mogu upućivati i na nezadovoljstvo političkom situacijom, ne toliko sklonost autoritarnosti i cinizmu. 2

Podatak, ako je istinit, zabrinjava jer je broj političkih stranaka (153) znatno manji od onog civilnih udruga (53 160), dok je, ukoliko se radi o krivoj percepciji učenika, još jedan pokazatelj niske političke pismenosti. 3

Velik dio ispitivane populacije, pogotovo one trogodišnjih škola, još nije punoljetan, tako da taj nalaz treba uzeti s oprezom. 4

Zanimljivo je ali i, kako navode autorice, nejasno da za programe građanskog i zdravstvenog odgoja, koji su obavezne međupredmetne teme, više od 30% učenika tvrdi da se ne provode – ili je dio učenika ostao izvan provedbe ili učenici ne prepoznaju spomenute teme (str. 132).


Recenzije i prikazi

kalnom između učenika i profesora, i „škole bez nasilja“, koju karakterizira nulta tolerancija na nasilje i potiskivanje problema, ali ne i poticanje suradnje, rješavanja problema i osjećaja zajedništva (str. 143). U posljednjem poglavlju prvog dijela zbornika, „Istraživanja građanskog odgoja i obrazovanja: višerazinski pregled“, autorice Vedrana Spajić-Vrkaš i Mateja Čehulić iznose zaključke međunarodnih istraživanja (CIVED i ICCS5), koji upućuju na trend zamijećen i u Hrvatskoj – većina učenika poznaje temeljna demokratska načela, ali njihovo je razumijevanje površno (str. 156). Rezultati ukazuju i na varijabilnost modela GOO-a među zemljama, dok usporedba dvaju istraživanja pokazuje da znanje učenika u gotovo svim zemljama stagnira ili nazaduje. I istraživanja na europskoj razini ukazuju na neujednačenost modela GOO-a te na jaz između „starih“ demokracija, koje su ozbiljno shvatile potrebu za njegovim provođenjem i „novih“, u kojima se ono zadržalo na razini političke retorike (str. 170). U Jugoistočnoj Europi znanje i razumijevanje demokratskih procesa ispod je osrednjeg, a najbolji rezultat ostvaruje BiH, koja je GOO uvela nešto ranije kao obvezan poseban predmet, što je indikativan rezultat. Upravo je završni rad prvog dijela zbornika i svojevrstan uvod u tematiku drugog dijela, u kojem se izučavaju specifičnosti predmeta GOO-a u Sloveniji, Srbiji i BiH.

Kako navode Dragana Gundogan, Mladen Radulović i Milan Stančić u radu „Građansko vaspitanje u Srbiji – perspektive nastavnika i učenika srednjih škola“, GOO je u Srbiju uveden 2001. godine kroz izborni predmet Građansko vaspitanje (GV), koji je alternativa Vjeronauku. Godinu kasnije ono dobiva status obaveznog izbornog predmeta, ali se smanjuju kriteriji kompetencija nastavnika za njegovo izvođenje. Problem nekompetentnosti u nastavi naglašavaju i sami nastavnici, koji smatraju da je gradivo suhoparno, ponavljajuće i učenicima nezanimljivo. S druge strane, učenici gradivo GV-a smatraju zanimljivim i zadovoljni su stečenim znanjima, iako ga većinom upisuju jer je jedina alternativa Vjeronauku (str. 213). I nastavnici i učenici naglašavaju potrebu uvođenja GV-a kao obaveznog predmeta koji se bavi aktualnim i svakodnevnim temama, no, prema zaključku autora, kreatori obrazovnih politika te 5

Civic Education Study (1999.) i International Civic and Citizenship Study (2009.).

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Prema Marjanu Šimencu i Mitji Sardoču, u poglavlju „Multiple Dimensions of Citizenship Education Implementation in Slovenia“, slovenski obrazovni sustav karakterizira često mijenjanje samog imena i sadržaja predmeta GOO-a, koji se razvija od 1980-ih, kada je bio vezan uz ideologiju, do 2011. godine, kada dobiva ime Državljanska in domovinska kultura in etika i određuje suvremene ciljeve razvoja političke pismenosti, kritičkog mišljenja te aktivne participacije učenika (str. 192). Autori se referiraju i na već spomenuta istraživanja (CIVID i ICCS), prema kojima su slovenski učenici kroz deset godina jedini napredovali na razini političkog znanja, ali i povjerenja prema institucijama, stavova prema imigrantima i njihovim pravima te klimi u školi. Ipak, iako su učenici pokazali bolje znanje, njihovo je razumijevanje osnovnih demokratskih koncepata, zaključuju autori, i dalje nisko (str. 197).

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preporuke ne uzimaju dovoljno u obzir, što je, kako smo vidjeli u prvom poglavlju, bio slučaj i u Hrvatskoj. „Pregled provedbe građanskog odgoja i obrazovanja u Bosni i Hercegovini“ autorice Nejra Neimarlija Roić i Belma Gijo započinju 2003. godinom, kada se uvodi zaseban predmet Demokracija i ljudska prava, obavezan za sve srednje škole, osim za one u kojima se nastava odvija na hrvatskom jeziku, koje imaju predmet Politika i gospodarstvo. U drugom dijelu rada autorice se pozivaju na već spomenuto istraživanje u zemljama Jugoistočne Europe te naglašavaju da, iako su učenici BiH ostvarili najbolje rezultate, njihovo znanje varira i, kao i u Hrvatskoj, ovisi o vrsti škole i školskom uspjehu. Ono varira i po kantonima te, što je posebno zanimljivo, prema jeziku izvođenja nastave, pri čemu učenici po završetku GOO-a na bosanskom jeziku ostvaruju bolje rezultate od učenika koji ga pohađaju na hrvatskom i srpskom (str. 235). Kada se, nakon čitanja svih radova zbornika, ponovno postavi pitanje o transformaciji mladih od poslušnih u asertivne, odgovor koji se na prvu nameće u smjeru je zaključka o perzistentnoj podaničkoj i pasivnoj, pa čak i parohijalnoj i politički neosviještenoj kulturi mladih u Hrvatskoj, koju održava specifična nepoticajna školska kultura, usmjerena prvenstveno na održavanje reda i poštivanje pravila te usvajanje znanja, a ne i poticanje suradnje te razvoj kritičkog mišljenja i participacije učenika. Uzme li se u obzir da se u hrvatskom istraživanju, za razliku od međunarodnih, status roditelja nije pokazao kao prediktor znanja, što ukazuje na to da politička pismenost mladih ovisi o školama, koje ju sustavno ne potiču, navedeni zaključak još je problematičniji.

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Ipak, unatoč niskim razinama političke pismenosti maturanata, u većini je njezinih segmenata zabilježen uzlazni trend u odnosu na slična istraživanja provedena 2010. godine, što daje naznaku da bi se, naravno uz dodatan na rad na razvoju kurikuluma GOO-a i njegovim eventualnim uvođenjem kao jedinstvenog i za sve škole obaveznog predmeta te praktičnu primjenu, s vremenom mogao očekivati svojevrstan napredak, kako u Hrvatskoj tako i ostalim zemljama regije koje su prošle slične zakonodavne preinake te bilježe srodne probleme u njihovoj provedbi.

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Isto tako, iako ovaj zbornik nudi uistinu korisne uvide u stanje pismenosti maturanata, ne treba zaboraviti da skupinu mladih čine i druge populacije (studenti i zaposleni), pri čemu bi podaci o njihovoj pismenosti, ali i onoj ostalih generacijskih skupina, uz već dostupna komparativna međunarodna istraživanja, omogućili bolju predodžbu građanskih kompetencija maturanata. Ivana Čavar Magistra sociologije, Zagreb


Recenzije i prikazi DOI 10.5673/sip.55.1.9

Branislava Baranović (ur.)

Koji srednjoškolci namjeravaju studirati? Pristup visokom obrazovanju i odabir studija Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu, Zagreb, 2015., 302 str. Interes za istraživanjem visokog obrazovanja povećao se u posljednjem desetljeću budući da se visokoobrazovano stanovništvo smatra preduvjetom ekonomskog i društvenog razvoja zemlje, naglašava urednica zbornika Branislava Baranović. Bez obzira na navedeno, društvene nejednakosti u visokom obrazovanju, kao i na nižim razinama obrazovanja, još uvijek postoje, a ova se knjiga bavi tim problemom i nudi potencijalna rješenja.

Urednica Branislava Baranović u prvom radu zbornika („Razvoj i socijalna dimenzija visokog obrazovanja u Hrvatskoj“) prikazuje razvoj visokog obrazovanja u Hrvatskoj u razdobljima socijalizma i postsocijalizma te kao najznačajniju promjenu navodi uvođenje bolonjskog sustava, odnosno uvođenje ideje smanjenja društvenih nejednakosti u visokom obrazovanju. No istraživanja pokazuju kako i dalje postoje društvene nejednakosti u visokom obrazovanju te da njima prethode nejednakosti u osnovnoškolskim i srednjoškolskim obrazovnim razinama. Društvene su nejednakosti povezane s obiteljskim porijeklom, ali i vrstom završene srednje škole, odnosno problematizira se državna matura, koja predstavlja dodatnu prepreku upisivanju studija učenicima trogodišnjih strukovnih škola. Autorica također naglašava da su unatoč promjenama u obrazovanju žene u nekim područjima i dalje podzastupljene te zaključuje kako je dioba studija prema spolu dugotrajan problem visokoškolskog obrazovanja u Hrvatskoj (str. 30).

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Zbornik se sastoji od triju dijelova, odnosno 11 radova, a započinje predgovorom urednice i završava podacima o autorima. Prvi dio zbornika prezentira razvoj visokog obrazovanja u Hrvatskoj, daje pregled literature i teorija o društvenim nejednakostima u obrazovanju i rodnim razlikama u odabiru studija i uspjeha na studiju. Opis i prikaz rezultata samog istraživanja na temelju kojeg je nastao zbornik tema je drugog dijela. Naposljetku, treći dio zbornika okupio je radove na temu javnih politika o društvenim nejednakostima te daje konkretne prijedloge za uklanjanje tih nejednakosti u visokom obrazovanju.

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Temu rodne dimenzije u visokom obrazovanju detaljnije je obradila Ivana Jugović („Teorijsko-empirijski pregled objašnjenja rodnih razlika u obrazovnim odabirima i uspjehu“), a cilj joj je bio odgovoriti zašto se djevojke i mladići razlikuju u obrazovnim odabirima i postignućima kroz pregled teorijskih i empirijskih objašnjenja čimbenika koji bi mogli imati utjecaja na odabir studija i uspjeh na studiju. Navode se biološka objašnjenja, razlike u motivaciji za obrazovno područje, razlike u podršci okoline, nedostatak rodno nestereotipnih uzora, rodni stereotipi u obrazovnim područjima i zanimanjima te nesklad između rodnih uloga i predodžbi u obrazovnim područjima ili zanimanjima kao glavni čimbenici razlike među spolovima u odabiru i uspjehu na studiju. Zaključuje da prijašnja istraživanja najčešće nisu uključivala ulogu stereotipa i rodnih uloga, te se istraživanjima pristupalo u okviru stereotipne muške domene (npr. STEM), a utjecaji šireg društvenog okruženja i obiteljske situacije na odabire i uspjehe u studiju rijetko su istraživani (str. 92). Naglasak je na teorijskom modelu očekivanja i vrijednosti Eccles i suradnika, koji, iako sveobuhvatno pristupa rodnoj dimenziji obrazovnih odabira i postignuća, ne obuhvaća šire društveno okruženje ni obiteljske situacije, za koje se pretpostavlja da imaju veliku ulogu u odabiru studija i obrazovnom uspjehu djevojaka i mladića.

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Saša Puzić i Iva Košutić („Sociološki pristupi razumijevanju društvenih nejednakosti u obrazovanju“) pristupili su temi društvenih nejednakosti u obrazovanju koristeći nalaze socioloških teoretičara. Rad nudi pregled obrazovanja kroz funkcionalističke i konfliktne perspektive, referira se na teoriju racionalnog izbora i Boudonovu pozicijsku teoriju te njihove kritike. U fokusu rada Bourdieuova je teorija prakse, koja je bila teorijska osnova istraživanja. Bourdieu je odabran kao referenca jer se bavi pitanjem na koji način pojedinci i grupe koriste razne modele kapitala kako bi unaprijedili svoj položaj u društvu. U radu se daje pregled vrsta kapitala prema Bourdieu te se problematizira prijenos kulturnog kapitala.

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Drugi dio knjige započinje radom Branislave Baranović, Karin Doolan, Ivane Jugović, Olgice Klepač, Ive Košutić te Saše Puzića „Teorijske osnove, ciljevi i metodologija istraživanja“, u kojem postavljaju istraživačka pitanja: koje su to društvene karakteristike učenika koje oblikuju njihove odluke o nastavku školovanja, koju ulogu imaju srednje škole te kako su rodne karakteristike i vrijednosti povezane s obrazovnim putem. Teorijski koncept oslanjao se na već prije spomenute teorije, one Bourdieua i Eccles. Provedeno je empirijsko kvantitativno i kvalitativno istraživanje, a neki od rezultata slijede u nastavku. Iva Košutić, Saša Puzić i Karin Doolan u sljedećem radu, „Društveni i institucionalni aspekti odluke o studiranju i odabira visokoškolske institucije“, s analizom kreću od pretpostavke da učenici koji namjeravaju nastaviti obrazovanje posjeduju više kulturnog, ekonomskog i socijalnog kapitala kao i da procjenjuju svoju srednju školu akademski poticajnom i školom visokog statusa. Dobiveni rezultati u skladu su s teorijom i pretpostavkama. Kao važni akteri u procesu donošenja odluke o studiranju pokazali su se obiteljski i drugi neformalni čimbenici, a nastavnici ili profesionalni savjetnici slabo su povezani s procesom donošenja te odluke. Zanimljivo je da učenici koji planiraju nastaviti školovanje na sveučilišnoj razini posjeduju više kulturnog i ekonomskog kapitala, dok oni koji planiraju nastaviti na veleučilišnoj razini posjeduju više socijalnog kapitala.


Recenzije i prikazi

Ivana Jugović u radu „Rodna dimenzija odabira područja studija“ analizirala je razlikuju li se učenici koji biraju različite studije prema konceptima Ecclesine i Bourdieuove teorije. U prijašnjim je istraživanjima fokus bio na objašnjavanju odabira studija djevojaka u stereotipnim muškim zanimanjima i profesijama, a ovo se istraživanje jednako usmjerilo na odabire tipično muških, tehničkih studija i ženskih, društvenohumanističkih. Zaključci istraživanja potvrđuju prethodna, a to je da više od polovice ispitanih učenica planira upisati društveno-humanistički studij te više od polovice učenika namjerava upisati neki od tehničkih studija.1 Istraživanje je pokazalo da su rodni stereotipi o zanimanjima vrlo važan čimbenik u odabiru daljnjeg studija, odnosno da je uvjerenje o slabijem talentu vlastite rodne skupine za određeno područje povezano s manjom vjerojatnošću odabira tog područja za studij (str. 182). Zanimljivo je da djevojke koje se odlučuju za tehnički studij slabije prihvaćaju stereotip o većem talentu muškaraca za tehničke znanosti, dok je zabrinjavajući podatak kako ostale skupine ispitanih učenica i učenika prihvaća taj društveno konstruiran i prihvaćen stereotip. Također je iznenađujuće da učenice koje biraju društveno-humanističko područje za daljnje obrazovanje najviše prihvaćaju stereotip da su žene talentiranije za to područje, dok ga učenici odbacuju (str. 176). Rezultati su također pokazali da postoje razlike kod mladića u odabiru stereotipnih muških ili ženskih studija ovisno o njihovom kulturnom kapitalu. Učenici koji planiraju nastaviti obrazovanje na društveno-humanističkim studijima posjeduju veći kulturni kapital, dok oni koji planiraju nastaviti na tehničkom studiju imaju veći ekonomski kapital. Kod djevojaka ne postoji razlika u posjedovanju kulturnog kapitala s obzirom na to koji su studij odabrale, razlika postoji u čitalačkoj praksi.

Pavel Zgaga započinje treći dio knjige radom „The Social Dimension in the European Higher Education Area“. Daje iscrpan pregled bolonjskog procesa te razvoja njegovog koncepta socijalne dimenzije i načina na koji se primjenjuje. Naglašava se uloga studenata u razvijanju bolonjskog procesa budući da su oni ti koji su istaknuli problem pristupa visokom obrazovanju (str. 213). Koncept socijalne dimenzije problematičan je jer nije postojala njegova jasna i nedvosmislena definicija, što ga je činilo podložnim različitim interpretacijama, stoga je 2007. godine službeno definiran te su dogovorene nacionalne strategije za mjerenje i evaluiranje socijalne dimenzije. Nakon što je Europski prostor visokog obrazovanja službeno osnovan, povećao se i broj istraživanja socijalne dimenzije – istraživanja Eurydice i Eurostudent te istraživanja Europske komisije o nejednakosti u obrazovanju. U zaključcima istraživanja ističe se da je potrebno još mnogo rada na napretku socijalne dimenzije, 1

Analize su provedene samo na uzorku učenika koji planiraju nastaviti školovanje.

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„Regionalni aspekti odluka o studiranju, distribucija kapitala i namjera studiranja“ rad je Olgice Klepač, čiji je cilj bio ustanoviti postoji li razlika u distribuciji kapitala prema Bourdieuovoj teoriji kojim raspolažu učenici ovisno o regiji iz koje dolaze. Rezultati pokazuju da učenici zagrebačke regije imaju prednost u posjedovanju kulturnih, ekonomskih i socijalnih resursa u odnosu na učenike iz ostalih regija. Najslabije resurse, ali i najmanje izglede obrazovne uspješnosti imaju učenici Sjeverozapadne i Središnje Hrvatske te Slavonije.

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a osim toga pokazala se i potreba za jedinstvenom metodologijom i sustavnim praćenjem napretka. Iako su istraživanja pokazala povećanje broja studenata u visokom obrazovanju, autor zaključuje kako veće sudjelovanje studenata nije obilježje pravednijeg društva s obzirom na to da se povećao broj studenata iz više i srednje klase, ali ne i iz niže klase.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Na rad autora Zgage nadovezuje se i Thomas Farnell („Od empirijskih istraživanja do obrazovne politike: okvir za formuliranje preporuka za socijalnu dimenziju visokog obrazovanja“), koji iznosi konkretne preporuke za obrazovnu politiku u Hrvatskoj pozivajući se na rezultate prijašnjih istraživanja. Autor je kroz faze policy ciklusa dao preporuke međunarodnih dionika za formuliranje politika za socijalnu dimenziju visokog obrazovanja. Smatra kako bi politike vezane za obrazovanje trebale biti kvalitetne i djelotvorne, te se zbog toga moraju donositi na temelju podataka, moraju uključiti stručnjake, ali i javnost te bi trebale biti kontinuirano praćene i evaluirane (str. 240). Daje kritiku obrazovnog sustava u Hrvatskoj, smatra da je društvena nejednakost u našem obrazovnom sustavu vidljiva na svim razinama. Također spominje nisku razinu javnog financiranja obrazovanja, financijske prepreke za pristup obrazovanju i regionalne razlike u kvaliteti škola te stipendiranja na temelju izvrsnosti umjesto na temelju socijalnih kriterija (str. 243). Zaključuje s tabličnim prikazom preporuka konkretnih mjera i intervencija za unapređenje socijalne dimenzije visokog obrazovanja te prikazuje mjere i intervencije iz dokumenata bolonjskog procesa i Europske unije te iz nekih analiza međunarodnih praksi (str. 246).

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S obzirom na to da je jedan od fokusa knjige i rodna dimenzija u obrazovanju, Helena Štimac Radin u radu „Pregled javnih politika vezanih uz uspostavu jednakih obrazovnih mogućnosti za žene i muškarce“ nudi preporuke za uklanjanje rodnih stereotipa i nejednakosti u obrazovanju. Započinje pregledom javnih obrazovnih politika u Hrvatskoj, navodi Zakon o ravnopravnosti spolova i Nacionalnu politiku za ravnopravnost spolova kao najvažnije akte koji doprinose unapređenju uvođenja rodno osjetljivog obrazovanja. Ured za ravnopravnost spolova 2008. godine donio je Preporuku o uvođenju kolegija ženskih studija na preddiplomske, diplomske i poslijediplomske studije, a Nacionalno vijeće za znanost 2009. godine donijelo je Pravilnik o znanstvenim i umjetničkim područjima, poljima i granama u koji je uvršteno polje rodnih studija (str. 261-262). Te su akcije otvorile put k institucionaliziranju ženskih studija. Autorica navodi još niz dokumenata koji doprinose uklanjanju stereotipa, no zaključuje kako bez obzira na to još uvijek postoje tradicionalni obrasci ponašanja i stereotipi koji imaju utjecaja na izbor srednjih škola i studija, ali i na nejednak položaj žena i muškaraca na tržištu rada. Nadalje, daje pregled instrumenata kojim se služe Ujedinjeni narodi, Vijeće Europe i Europska unija u borbi protiv rodne nejednakosti i diskriminacije u sferi obrazovanja, kao što su Konvencija o suzbijanju svih oblika diskriminacije žena, Strategija za ravnopravnost spolova te Strategija za ravnopravnost između muškaraca i žena Europske komisije. Iako postoje i primjeri dobre prakse u Hrvatskoj, zaključak je da postoji rodna diskriminacija u obrazovanju koja se preslikava i na tržište rada. Helena Štimac Radin na kraju daje preporuke za uklanjanje rodnih stereotipa te samim time i diskriminacije u obrazovanju.


Recenzije i prikazi

Urednica Branislava Baranović u posljednjem se radu („Pristup visokom obrazovanju i preporuke za smanjivanje nejednakosti – zaključna razmatranja“) osvrće se na radove u zborniku te daje svoje preporuke za uklanjanje društvene nejednakosti u visokom obrazovanju: uključivanje i suradnja svih relevantnih aktera i sagledavanje sustava obrazovanja na svim razinama (str. 295), zagovara zadržavanje osmogodišnjeg sustava osnovnoškolskog obrazovanja, reformu srednjoškolskog obrazovanja, naročito programa trogodišnjih strukovnih škola na način da im se olakša pristup visokom obrazovanju. Smatra da bi ulogu nastavnika, profesora i savjetnika trebalo osnažiti kako bi mogli bolje pomoći učenicima u odabiru daljnjeg obrazovanja. Preporučuje fokusiranje na jačanje kulturnog kapitala učenika putem informiranja te se zalaže za nastavak mjera financijske potpore, ali na temelju socijalnih kriterija, a ne kriterija izvrsnosti s obzirom na to da je akademski uspjeh povezan s ekonomskim, kulturnim i ostalim aspektima (str. 296-297). Ova je knjiga iznimno zanimljivo i vrijedno štivo, preporučljivo osobama svih struka povezanih s obrazovanjem na srednjoškolskoj i visokoškolskoj razini. Pruža iznimno detaljan i iscrpan teorijski pregled, ali i pregled dosadašnjih stranih i domaćih istraživanja. Knjiga se temelji na sveobuhvatnom istraživanju o društvenim nejednakostima u visokoškolskom obrazovanju iz perspektive sociologije i psihologije. Autori daju i konkretne argumentirane prijedloge za uklanjanje društvene nejednakosti u obrazovanju. Također, knjiga otvara i neka nova pitanja te je time stvorila temelj za daljnja istraživanja, i to za stručnjake raznih profila i na svim razinama obrazovanja.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Nadja Čekolj Filozofski fakultet Sveučilišta u Rijeci, Odsjek za pedagogiju

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UPUTE SURADNICIMA SOCIOLOGIJA I PROSTOR – četveromjesečnik za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja objavljuje samo znanstvene radove iz sociologije prostora (urbane i ruralne sociologije) i srodnih znanstvenih područja koja proučavaju selo, grad, prostor (urbanizma, arhitekture, socijalne geografije, urbane ekonomije, urbane antropologije, socijalne ekologije, demografije i dr.). Primaju se samo neobjavljeni radovi, a u časopisu se objavljuju na hrvatskom i engleskom jeziku. Svi radovi prolaze kroz anonimni recenzentski postupak (s obavezno dvije recenzije - double-blind review, iznimno tri). Članci – uključujući bilješke, literaturu, tablice, grafičke prikaze i sažetak, ne smiju prelaziti 27 kartica teksta (1.800 znakova s bjelinama jedna je kartica teksta). Članku se prilažu sažeci na hrvatskom i engleskom jeziku, opsega do 250 riječi, a iza sažetka navodi se popis najvažnijih ključnih riječi (do 8 riječi), odnosno ključnih pojmova kojima se u rukopisu označavaju spominjani teorijski pristupi, metodologija, iskustveni rezultati ili pravac promišljanja. Recenzije i prikazi nisu strogo prostorno profilirani te ne smiju prelaziti 8 kartica teksta. Knjige i časopisi koji se prikazuju ne smiju biti stariji od tri godine. U prikazu se, osim imena i prezimena autora čije se djelo prikazuje te naslova djela, navodi naziv izdavača, mjesto izdavanja, godina izdavanja i broj stranica. Na kraju samoga prikaza autor prikaza stavlja svoj potpis punim imenom i prezimenom. Radovi se šalju u Word formatu elektronskom poštom na adresu / e-mail: svircic@idi.hr i sip@idi.hr. Na prvoj stranici rada navodi se ime i prezime autora, naziv i adresa ustanove u kojoj je autor zaposlen, e-mail adresa i naslov rada. Numeracija stranica označava se u donjem desnom kutu na svakoj stranici (uključujući i stranice s bibliografijom). Bilješke (fusnote) dolaze na podnožju stranice gdje se nalazi brojčana oznaka fusnote. Svaka tablica i slika moraju biti numerirane i imati naslov ili ukoliko su uzete iz drugog izvora onda taj izvor mora biti naveden. Tablice moraju biti crno-bijele i izrađene u programima MS Officea standardiziranom tabulacijom. Izbjegava se pisanje u kurzivu osim ukoliko želite određeni pojam naglasiti u kontrastu prema ostalim pojmovima u tekstu. Pojedinačne riječi ili fraze koje se koriste iz stranih jezika – ukoliko nisu citati – pišu se u kurzivu. Naslovi filmova, glazbenih djela ili likovnih djela navode se kurzivom (Let iznad kukavičjeg gnijezda, Trubadur, Da Vincijeva Mona Lisa). Datumi se navode u sljedećoj formi: 7. prosinca 1981. Brojevi kojima započinje rečenica i aproksimativni brojevi izražavaju se riječima – tisuću, milijun, stotina i sl. Brojevi od 10,000 prema više koriste interpunkcijsku oznaku zareza npr.: 105,278. Ukoliko ima više od 6 znamenaka, koristi se isto oznaka zareza i to odvajajući po tri znamenke brojeći s desne strane broja npr. 8,753,875,000. Citirati se može izravno – koristeći navodnike, i neizravno – prepričavanjem. Citat koji se izravno prenosi iz teksta drugog autora stavlja se u navodne znakove. Ako se izravno citira veći dio teksta, a jedan se dio želi ispustiti, ispušteni dio označava se znakom […]. Radovi u bibliografskom popisu navode se abecednim redom. Ukoliko se navodi više radova istog autora, koji imaju istu godinu izdanja, treba ih razlikovati slovima (a, b, c itd.) iza godine izdanja.


INSTRUCTIONS TO AUTHORS SOCIOLOGY AND SPACE is a quarterly journal for spatial and socio-cultural development studies. It publishes only scientific papers dealing with the sociology of space (both urban and rural) and related disciplines (urbanism, architecture, social geography, demography, urban economics, urban anthroplogy, social ecology, etc.). Submitted articles receive two (occasionally three) double-blind peer reviews, cannot be previously published and are in the Croatian and English language. Articles (including footnotes, bibliography, charts and tables, abstract) may be up to 27 cards of text in length (one card of text consists of 1,800 characters with spaces). Each article is preceded by an abstract in Croatian and English, up to 250 words in length, followed by keywords (maximum number of words is 8) which reveal the theoretical approaches, methodology, empirical results or the line of reasoning in the manuscript. Reviews are not strictly limited to space issues and cannot have more than 8 cards of text. Reviewed books and journals have to be published within the last three years. Each review states the name of the author and the title of the reviewed work, the publisher, the place and date of publication and the number of pages. Each review is signed by the reviewer’s full name. All papers are submitted electronically in Word format to the following e-mail address: svircic@idi.hr i sip@idi.hr. The first page of the paper contains the author’s full name, e-mail address, the place of employment (name and address), the paper title. Pages are numbered at the bottom right hand corner (bibliography pages included). Footnotes are numbered and placed at the bottom of the page. Each table and figure is numbered and clearly captioned, their source mentioned. Tables are black and white in standard MS Office programmes. Italic type is to be avoided unless it is used for terms which are in contrast with the rest of the text. Words and phrases from foreign languages (unless they are quotes) are written in italic type. Movie titles, art and music works are also written in italic (One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest, the Troubadour, da Vinci’s Mona Lisa). Dates are written as follows: 7th December 1981. Numbers which are at the beginning of a sentence and approximate numbers are written as follows: a hundred, a thousand, a million. Numbers over 10,000 are written using commas, e.g. 105,278; 8,753,875,000. For direct quotes, quotation marks are used. A direct quote from another author’s text is put in quotation marks. If a part of the quoted text is omitted, this is marked as follows: […]. Works in the bibliography are listed in alphabetical order. If several works of one author are listed and the year of release is the same, letters a, b, c etc. are put after the year of publication. Primjeri/Examples: Knjiga - jedan autor u tekstu

(Kuvačić, 2004.)

Kuvačić (2004.)

(Kuvačić, 2004.:235)

bibliografski popis Kuvačić, I. (2004). Uvod u sociologiju. Zagreb: Golden marketing – Tehnička knjiga.


Knjiga - dva autora u tekstu

(Tomić-Koludrović i Leburić, 2002.) Tomić-Koludrović i Leburić (2002.) (Tomić-Koludrović i Leburić, 2002.:169)

bibliografski popis Tomić-Koludrović, I. i Leburić, A. (2002). Sociologija životnog stila. Zagreb: Jesenski i Turk. Knjiga - tri autora u tekstu

(Ilišin, Marinović Bobinac i Radin, 2001.) – prvi put navesti sva tri autora, zatim: (Ilišin i sur., 2001.) Ilišin i sur. (2001.) (Ilišin i sur., 2001.:93)

bibliografski popis Ilišin, V., Marinović Bobinac, A. i Radin, F. (2001). Djeca i mediji. Zagreb: IDIZ. Knjiga - više od tri autora u tekstu

(Sekulić i sur., 2004)

Sekulić i sur. (2004.)

Sekulić i sur., 2004.:105)

bibliografski popis Sekulić, D.; Šporer Ž.; Hodson R.; Massey, G.; Županov, J. (2004). Sukob i tolerancija: O društvenoj uvjetovanosti nacionalizma i demokracije. Zagreb: Hrvatsko sociološko društvo. Članak u časopisu - jedan autor u tekstu

(Marinović Jerolimov, 2005.) (Marinović Jerolimov, 2005.:317)

Marinović Jerolimov (2005.)

bibliografski popis Marinović Jerolimov, D. (2005). Tradicionalna religioznost u Hrvatskoj 2004.: između kolektivnog i individualnog. Sociologija sela, 168 (2):303-338. Članak u časopisu - dva autora u tekstu

(Perasović i Bartoluci, 2007.) (Perasović i Bartoluci, 2007.:108)

Perasović i Bartoluci (2007.)

bibliografski popis Perasović, B. i Bartoluci, S. (2007). Sociologija sporta u hrvatskom kontekstu. Sociologija i prostor, 175 (1):105-120. Članak u časopisu - tri autora u tekstu

(Štulhofer, Jureša i Mamula, 2000.) – prvi put navesti sva tri autora, zatim: (Štulhofer i sur., 2000.) Štulhofer i sur. (2000.) (Štulhofer i sur., 2000.:869)

bibliografski popis Štulhofer, A.; Jureša, V. i Mamula, M. (2000). Problematični užici: rizično seksualno ponašanje u kasnoj adolescenciji. Društvena istraživanja, 50 (6):867-896. Članak u časopisu - više od tri autora u tekstu

(Balenović i sur., 2000.)

Balenović i sur. (2000.) (Balenović i sur., 2000.:813)

bibliografski popis Balenović, T.; Hromatko, I.; Markovina, J.; Perica, V.; Paratušić, A.; Poljanić, S. (2000). Studentska percepcija seksualnog uznemiravanja. Društvena istraživanja, 50 (6):811-828.


Zbornik u tekstu

(Grubišić i Zrinščak, 1999.) (Grubišić i Zrinščak, 1999.:143)

Grubišić i Zrinščak (1999.)

bibliografski popis Grubišić, I. i Zrinščak, S. (Ur.) (1999). Religija i integracija. Zagreb: Institut društvenih znanosti Ivo Pilar. Članak u zborniku u tekstu

(Jukić, 1999.)

Jukić (1999.)

(Jukić, 1999.:60)

bibliografski popis Jukić, J. (1999). Religijske integracije i uloga pomirenja, u: Grubišić Ivan i Zrinščak Siniša (Ur.). Religija i integracija. Zagreb: Institut društvenih zna- nosti Ivo Pilar. Članak u novinama u tekstu

(Dumenil i Bidet, 2007.) (Dumenil i Bidet, 2007.:24)

Dumenil i Bidet (2007.)

bibliografski popis Dumenil, G. i Bidet, J. (2007). Jedan drugi marksizam za jedan drugi svijet. Le Mond diplomatique, listopad 2007. Institucionalne publikacije u tekstu

(Državni zavod za statistiku [DZS], 2006.) – prvi put navesti puni naslov institucije (DZS, 2005.) DZS (2006.) (DZS, 2006.:987) – u sljedećim navođenjima koristiti akronim

bibliografski popis Državni zavod za statistiku (2006). Statistički ljetopis 2006. Zagreb: Državni zavod za statistiku. Radovi s interneta u tekstu

(Cedermann, 2007.) Cedermann (2007.) (Cedermann, 2007.:86)

bibliografski popis Cedermann, L-E. (2007). Computational Models of Social Forms: Advancing Generative Process Theory. American Juornal of Sociology, 110 (4). Pregledano 29. studenog 2007. (http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/AJS/journal/con- tents/v110n4. html?erFrom=-1669774549191795122Guest). Zakoni i pravilnici u tekstu

(Zakon o zaštiti okoliša [ZOZO], NN 110/07) – prvo navođenje (ZOZO, NN 110/07) – sljedeća navođenja

bibliografski popis Zakon o zaštiti okoliša, Narodne novine 110 od 2007. Molimo suradnike časopisa da se pridržavaju ovih pravila i da poštuju i slijede norme hrvatskoga standardnog jezika. Uredništvo časopisa ima slobodu ne prihvaćati tekstove autora ukoliko se ne pridržavaju ovih naputaka. Za sva ostala pitanja autori se mogu javiti uredništvu koje će u najkraćem mogućem roku pronaći rješenje. Uredništvo


Profile for Institute for Social Research in Zagreb

Sociologija i prostor / Sociology and Space - Vol.55 No.1 (207)  

Časopis za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja / Journal for Spatial and Socio-Cultural Development Studies

Sociologija i prostor / Sociology and Space - Vol.55 No.1 (207)  

Časopis za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja / Journal for Spatial and Socio-Cultural Development Studies

Profile for idiz
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