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Ivan Šulc, Mila Zlatić: Demographic Challenges to Sustainability of Small Adriatic Islands: the Case Study of Ilovik, Croatia

Lana Slavuj: Problem određivanja složenih (objektivnih i subjektivnih) indeksa kao cjelovitih mjera kvalitete života

Dubravka Vranić: The Resistance of Architecture to Political Regime(s):

UDK 316.334:316.4 ISSN 1846-5226

The Case of Novi Zagreb

Damir Demonja: The Overview and Analysis of the State of Rural

Časopis za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu

Tourism in Croatia

Goran Goldberger: Reprezentacija islama i muslimana u hrvatskim dnevnim novinama od 1990. do 2006. godine

U ovom broju pišu:

Sociologija i prostor, 52 (2014) 198 (1): 1–117

Ivan Šulc, Mila Zlatić, Lana Slavuj, Dubravka Vranić, Damir Demonja, Goran Goldberger Sociologija i prostor, godina 521., broj 198 (1), str. 1–117, Zagreb, siječanj–travanj 2014.

198 (1)


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Časopis za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja Godina 52. Zagreb, siječanj-travanj 2014. Broj 198 (1) str. 1-117

Sadržaj Članci Ivan Šulc, Mila Zlatić: Demographic Challenges to Sustainability of Small Adriatic Islands: the Case Study of Ilovik, Croatia......................................................................3 Lana Slavuj: Problem određivanja složenih (objektivnih i subjektivnih) indeksa kao cjelovitih mjera kvalitete života....................................................................................23 Dubravka Vranić: The Resistance of Architecture to Political Regime(s): The Case of Novi Zagreb....................................................................................................................41 Damir Demonja: The Overview and Analysis of the State of Rural Tourism in Croatia..........................................................................................................................69 Goran Goldberger: Reprezentacija islama i muslimana u hrvatskim dnevnim novinama od 1990. do 2006. godine............................................................................91 Recenzije i prikazi

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Nikola Pastuović: Obrazovanje i razvoj: kako obrazovanje razvija ljude i mijenja društvo, a kako društvo djeluje na obrazovanje (Iva Košutić)................................................111 Russel J. Dalton (ed.): Engaging Youth in Politics: Debating Democracy’s Future (Marko Kovačić)............................................................................................................115

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Journal for Spatial and Socio-Cultural Development Studies Volume 52 Zagreb, January-April 2014 Number 198 (1) pp. 1-117

Contents Articles Ivan Šulc, Mila Zlatić: Demographic Challenges to Sustainability of Small Adriatic Islands: the Case Study of Ilovik, Croatia......................................................................3 Lana Slavuj: Issues of Derivation of Composite (Objective and Subjective) Indices as Integral Measures of the Quality of Life Concept.......................................................23 Dubravka Vranić: The Resistance of Architecture to Political Regime(s): The Case of Novi Zagreb...................................................................................................................41 Damir Demonja: The Overview and Analysis of the State of Rural Tourism in Croatia..........................................................................................................................69 Goran Goldberger: Representation of Islam and Muslims in Croatian Daily Newspapers from 1990 to 2006.........................................................................................................91 Reviews and presentations

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Nikola Pastuović: Education and Development: How Do People Grow through Education and How Does Society Change? What Effect Does Society Have on Education? (Iva Košutić).........................................................................................111 Russel J. Dalton (ed.): Engaging Youth in Politics: Debating Democracy’s Future (Marko Kovačić)............................................................................................................115

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DOI 10.5673/sip.52.1.1 UDK [314.8:504.03]:316.42(497.5 Ilovik) Izvorni znanstveni rad

Demographic Challenges to Sustainability of Small Adriatic Islands: the Case Study of Ilovik, Croatia Ivan Šulc University of Zagreb, Faculty of Science, Department of Geography, Croatia e-mail: isulc@geog.pmf.hr

Mila Zlatić University of Maryland, Department of Geographical Sciences, Maryland, USA e-mail: mila.zlatic@umd.edu

Key words: depopulation, sustainable development, small islands, Ilovik, Adriatic islands, Croatia.

Copyright © 2014 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

ABSTRACT The traditional way of life on small islands throughout the word is in danger. This paper, a case study of Ilovik, one particular small island in the Adriatic Sea, examines how negative demographic trends impact socio-economic and environmental processes and present special challenges to planning and implementing sustainable development. The primary research was conducted by collecting survey responses from the island’s residents for two weeks in mid-June of 2011 on their current socioeconomic status, the natural environment, the residents’ and vacation home owners’ perception of tourism, the government’s impact on socio-economic change, and the perception of the influence of the EU on future development. The results were analyzed and compared with the official data from government sources (censuses and live statistics). The analysis was performed with the central goal of examining the current sustainability of Ilovik and providing an understanding of its future fragile development perspectives which would depend on the population recovery and further increase of employment opportunities, always bearing in mind the delicate ecosystem and the unique cultural heritage of the small island.

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Sociologija i prostor, 52 (2014) 198 (1): 3-22

1. Introduction Negative demographic trends on the Adriatic islands predominantly caused by economic factors have had serious impacts on their socio-economic and environmental processes. These processes are even more amplified on small remote Adriatic islands. With the present population trends and economic capacity, do these islands have any opportunity for sustainable development in the future? The definition of the term sustainable development has been attributed to the report of the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED): Our Common Future, whose main goal is to recognize “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (WCED, 1987).

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Because small islands’ development options are limited, they present special challenges to planning and implementing sustainable development (Bayle-Ottenheim et al., 2001). Sustainable development theorists posit that global sustainability can be attained through small “islands” (contained local communities), because such communities deal with issues of resource management and carrying capacity at a smaller scale (Deschenes and Chertow, 2004). Therefore, an isolated island community could provide a model for responsible economic development (Mackelworth and Carić, 2010).

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The aim of this paper is to provide an insight into the sustainable development of a small Croatian island, Ilovik, situated at the far end of the Kvarner archipelago, near the island of Lošinj (in the northern Adriatic Sea). Neglected due to its small size, lack of resources, reduced manpower, and relative inaccessibility, Ilovik faced considerable vulnerability and sustainability challenges. For decades the island did not have daily connection to county or regional centers. Only recently a regular daily boat line is linking the island with the country center, Mali Lošinj. Ilovik has a surface area of 4.6 square kilometers (Duplančić Leder, Ujević and Čala, 2004) (Figure 1), only one settlement with 85 permanent residents in June 2011 (University of Maryland [UMD], 2011a), and about 180 building structures. It is quite literally an island community, and exploring the possibilities for sustainable development on Ilovik has weight in the larger discourse of sustainability. Presently, Ilovik is facing many of the issues other small islands, as well as Croatia itself faces: depopulation, an aging population, and an unhealthy economy (Faričić, Graovac and Čuka, 2010; Lajić, 2005; Lončar and Maradin, 2009; Starc, 2001; Šulc and Valjak, 2012). While in the past Ilovik was self-sustaining through agriculture and fishing, its current economy depends primarily on tourism. It has been universally accepted that tourism is a vital factor in the development of remote and small communities by enabling their transition from agriculture-based to service economies (Buhalis, 1999; Magaš, Brkić Vejmelkaand, Faričić, 2000; Faričić and Mikuličić, 2010; Magaš, 2008). But, it has also raised questions about whether rapid development stands in the way of the prosperity of local people as well as the sustainability of local resources (Nunkoo, Gursoy and Juwaheer, 2010).


I. Šulc, M. Zlatić: Demographic Challenges to Sustainability of Small Adriatic Islands...

Figure 1 Geographic situation of Ilovik in the northern Adriatic Sea

Source: State Geodetic Administration [SGA] (2005) (modified)

This paper will describe and illustrate the state of the current population, this small isolated island’s economy and tourism, the effectiveness of government, and the possible impact of the accession to the European Union (EU) on the island’s development. The goal of this paper is to determine the sustainability of Ilovik’s future development by taking into consideration past and current rates of depopulation and socio-economic transformation, the residents’ perception of the government’s impact on socio-economic change, as well as the perception of the influence of the EU on future development. Although the main conclusions for the population analysis were drawn from the data collected and/or the interviewed permanent residents, the other interviewees (dual citizens and vacation homeowners) perceptions on future course of development were presented as they have significant influence on the prospects of Ilovik.

Ilovik’s remote location, away from the county center Mali Lošinj, or regional center Rijeka, and long lasting limited connections to the rest of the region added to its economic and demographic decline making it especially interesting as a case study for sustainability development of a truly isolated community. In June 2011, a research team, five members from the Department of Geographical Sciences, University of Maryland and one member from the Department of Geography, Faculty of Science, University of Zagreb, conducted an extensive interview for nearly the entire population present during the research period. The interviews were conducted in Croatian and/or English as many interviewees spoke English fluently. Besides, two interviews were conducted in Italian. The survey covered the demographics, socio-economic, and environmental conditions on Ilovik, and present use of all building structures

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2. Methodology

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Sociologija i prostor, 52 (2014) 198 (1): 3-22

in order to determine past development, present condition, and future prospects of the island. The interviewees were divided into three groups: (1) permanent residents (have their residency on Ilovik and live on the island year-round, including longterm renters), (2) dual residents (have permanent residency in another place, but live at least 6 months per year on Ilovik), and (3) vacation home owners (live off of the island and spend their vacation on Ilovik). Fifty seven heads of households were interviewed, representing almost all permanent residents, including home owners and long term renters. Dual residents and vacation home owners who were residing on the island at the time of the survey were also interviewed. The structured interviews included general information about the respondents and members of their households, their socio-economic status, property ownership and land use changes, tourism, interviewees’ perception of the environment, their view on the effects of the accession of Croatia to the EU, and the government’s role in the development of the island. Local business owners were also interviewed using a modified version of the survey.

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We analyzed population data obtained from the survey about permanent residents, but not dual residents and vacation home owners. The information includes: age characteristics, sex composition, educational attainment, economic structure, and size of the household. The population ageing was evaluated by using a classification of population according to the share of young (0-19) and elderly (60 and above) in the total population (Nejašmić, 1992:28; Nejašmić and Mišetić, 2006:305; modified according to Klemenčić, 1990:77-78)1. Educational attainment includes only population older than 15 years, and is expressed by educational index based on finished level of education of this segment of population (IE = (EII x EIII) / <EI) (modified according to: Nejašmić, 2005:203). Besides analyzing the survey results in 2011, we investigated population processes using census data from 1857 to 2001 and vital statistics (live births and deaths) and net-migration from 1961 to 2011, thus enabling projections for future population development on the island.

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In addition to the general population and household analysis, we explored the state of economic development on Ilovik. Data on private businesses and their employees was collected from the modified version of the interview, providing non-residential socio-economic data to complete the village’s dataset. Owners of all private businesses on the island were interviewed, and the information about employment in the public sector was obtained by the employees. The data was sorted by the sector of activity (primary or tertiary), the ownership (public and private), type of 1

According to Nejašmić modified model, there are seven classes (types) of ageing according to the points assigned to the share of young (0-19) and elderly population (60 and above) in the total population. The share of young population is scored from 0.0 to 30.0 points (the higher share of the young population is the higher score) and the share of elderly population from 0.0 to 70.0 (the higher share, the lower score). Eventually, the scores assigned to both groups are counted. Lower score refers to aged population and higher score to less aged population. According to the total score seven classes (groups) of ageing are formed: (1) the threshold of ageing, (2) ageing population, (3) aged population, (4) old population, (5) very old population, (6) extremely old population and (7) ultimately old population.


I. Šulc, M. Zlatić: Demographic Challenges to Sustainability of Small Adriatic Islands...

employment (full or part time), and the place of residency (permanent residency on the island or migrants). The survey conducted in June 2011 included a section on the perception of the island’s population on the government’s impact on economic development, as well as their perception of the EU’s influence on future development. The results of the above topics were included in the analysis to reinforce the major purpose of this study: to assess sustainability of future development on Ilovik.

3. Data analysis In June 2011, data was collected through an extensive survey of 57 households and all 10 business owners on the island. Of all the interviewed households, 30 were permanently residing on Ilovik. The other interviewees were either dual citizens (four households) or vacation home owners (24 homeowners). Most permanent residents’ households owned the house they lived in; three were long term renters. In this population analysis the survey results have been compared with the historic data from government sources (censuses and live statistics) only for the permanent residents, because they have a significant impact on the overall socioeconomic and environmental development of the island. Although other homeowners (vacationers or dual citizens) who own more than 50 percent of housing units impact development of the island, their contribution in population development is beyond the scope of this paper. Their views will be included in the analysis of the research only in respect to future development of the island 2011.

At the time of the survey, there were a total of 37 permanent residents’ households with a total of 852 residents on Ilovik; of those 7 households were not interviewed (6 one-member households and one two-member household). The 30 permanent resident households interviewed represented over 90% of the total population. Fifteen households were one-person households, 14 were two-person households, and only eight had three and more members. Compared with 1961, there were three times fewer permanent resident households on the island in 2011. One and two-person households have doubled their share in the number of all households, three-person households have been cut in half, four-person households have been reduced to one fifth, and households with five and more members were reduced to one third of their share since 1961 (Table 1).

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In Census on 31 March 2011 recorded the same number of people, but with slightly different age-sex composition (Croatian Bureau of Statistics [CBS], 2012).

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

3.1. Population dynamics

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Sociologija i prostor, 52 (2014) 198 (1): 3-22

Table 1 Composition of the households on Ilovik by size in 1961 and 2011

Members in the household One Two Three Four Five or more Total

1961 Number of households 21 19 17 15 32 104

2011 Share (%)

Number of households

Share (%)

20,2 18,3 16,3 14,4 30,8 100,0

15 14 3 1 4 37

40.5 37.9 8.1 2.7 10.8 100,0

Sources: Savezni zavod za statistiku [SZS] (1965d); UMD (2011a)

Demographic development of Ilovik can be divided into three main periods: First, population growth from 1857 to 1921 characterized by steady growth3. The population grew by 33% (from 385 to 512 people) from 1857 to 1921; second, moderate depopulation 1921-1961 and third, extreme depopulation 1961-present. In the first period, similar population growth was observed on almost all Kvarner islands, with the exception of Vele Srakane and Male Srakane (Lajić, 2006). In the period 19211961 the decline of the population of Ilovik was more severe than on the Croatian island (in total), Kvarner islands and Susak, but less severe than on Unije (Magaš, Faričić and Lončarić, 2006:211). After moderate depopulation at the beginning of the period 1961-2011, Kvarner and Croatian islands have recorded mild increase. On the other hand, depopulation of Ilovik was accelerated but it has been less intensive than on Unije and Susak. Therefore, the current small number of inhabitants on Ilovik is a result of enduring depopulation since 1921 (Figure 2). Figure 2 Index of total population change on Ilovik, Susak, Unije, Kvarner islands and Croatian islands 1857-2011* Index of population change (1857=100) 160 140 120 100

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80

8

60 40 20 0 1857 1869 1880 1890 1900 1910 1921 1931 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011 Year Ilovik Susak

Kvarner islands Unije

Croatian islands

Sources: CBS (1996.); CBS (2005.); CBS (2012.);UMD (2012a) Sources: CBS (2012.);UMD (2012a) *In (1996.); 1991, onlyCBS the (2005.); contingent CBS Population in the country was analyzed. *In 1991, only the contingent Population in the country was analyzed.

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th TheThe intensity of depopulation was the highest in in the census period (average annualseveral island was populated the late 181961-1971 century when

inhabitants permanently fishing (Magaš, Faričić and last three census2005.).Still, periods have been characterized bydata lower, but still negative 1981-1991 Lončarić, population before the rates: firstinpopulation census (in 1857) was irregu(-1.8 percent), 1991-2001 (-1.6 percent), 2011-2011 this 1857 whole period lar and questionable, hence only (-1.8 the percent). periodDuring since has ofbeen analyzed. rate of population -3.8 percent), followed by the engaged period 1971-1981 percent). The and moved fromchange Veliof Lošinj. They were in (-3.1 agriculture

negative population change, more than half (52.1 percent) refers to the negative net-migration, and 47.9 percent to the negative natural change (natural fall). The net-migration was the highest in the period 1961-1971 (-108), followed by the period 1971-1981 (-38). From 1981 to 2001 the net-migration was low but positive, and in the last decade (2001-2011) the number of newcomers


I. Ĺ ulc, M. ZlatiÄ&#x2021;: Demographic Challenges to Sustainability of Small Adriatic Islands...

The intensity of depopulation was the highest in the census period 1961-1971 (average annual rate of population change of -3.8 percent), followed by the period 19711981 (-3.1 percent). The last three census periods have been characterized by lower, but still negative rates: in 1981-1991 (-1.8 percent), 1991-2001 (-1.6 percent), 20112011 (-1.8 percent). During this whole period of negative population change, more than half (52.1 percent) refers to the negative net-migration, and 47.9 percent to the negative natural change (natural fall). The net-migration was the highest in the period 1961-1971 (-108), followed by the period 1971-1981 (-38). From 1981 to 2001 the net-migration was low but positive, and in the last decade (2001-2011) the number of newcomers was equal to the number of people that left the island (Table 2). Table 2 Total population change, natural change and net-migration on Ilovik 1961-2011 (by census periods)*

Period

Live births

Deaths

Natural change

Netmigration

Netmigration

1961-1971

13

38

-25

-108

-133

1971-1981

15

43

-28

-38

-66

1981-1991

5

35

-30

7

-23

1991-2001

7

30

-23

3

-20

2001-2011

10

29

-19

0

-19

1961-2011

50

175

-125

-136

-261

* Net-migration has been calculated as the difference between total population change and natural change. Source: CBS (2010.); UMD (2011a)

The number of live births during the past decades was very low (5-10 per decade), with the exception of the last decade (2001-2011) when the number of life birth was higher than 10 per decade, rather unusual for Ilovik4.

There was a slight imbalance between sexes â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 44 inhabitants were male and 41 were women (sex-ratio is 107.3) (Table 3). While women prevailed in elderly population (sex-ratio 80.0), men were predominant in the working age group (sex-ratio 128.6).

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Birth and death rates have been calculated as average number of live births and deaths in the period from one year before the observed year to one year after the observed year and divided by the estimated population in the middle of the census period. The number of live births amounted to 6.4 pro mille in 1966; 5.6 in 1976; 4.4 in 1986; 3.5 in 1996; 10.6 in 2006 (calculated according to: CBS, 2005; 2010; 2012). Birth rate in 2006 is result of 3 live births in three years (2006-2008), resulted in higher than 10 birth in a decade.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

The absolute number of deaths on the island had been increasing slowly until the period 1981-1991 when it reached its peak of 30 deaths in ten years. During the last two decades a mild decrease was recorded. On the other hand, death rates have steadily increased: 13.6 deaths per thousand people in 1966: 28.9 in 1976, 28.0 in 1986; 31.6 in 1996; 21.1 in 2006 (calculated according to CBS, 2005; 2010; 2012).

9


Sociologija i prostor, 52 (2014) 198 (1): 3-22

Present imbalance among younger adults (sex-ratio 150.0) is especially worrisome for continues bio-reproduction on the island. In 2011, the median age for permanent residents on Ilovik was 58 years, 15 years higher than in Croatia; the male population being older than females (calculated according to CBS, 2012). Of the total population 11.7 percent were young (0 – 14), 56.5 percent are of working age (15 – 64) and 31.8 percent were elderly (65 and older). The share of elderly was 2.7 times higher than the share of young people placing the population of Ilovik among ageing populations according to all classifications (UN, 1956:7 cited in: Wertheimer-Baletić, 1982:248; Nejašmić, 2005:182). Among the working age population, older adults numerically dominated (28 persons or 58.3 percent), while younger adults had a share of 41.7 percent (20 persons). The age index was 270.0 and the old age dependency index was 56.3 (Table 3). According to the classification of ageing, Ilovik belongs to the sixth (penultimate) class of ageing: “extremely old population”5. Besides the proportion of the working age population, educational composition is one of the key factors of socio-economic development. There were 75 permanent residents older than 15 years on the island in 2011. Seven had not finished eight years of primary education (<EI), 21 had completed primary school (EI), 22 had graduated from high school (EII), 8 had two or more years of college education (EIII), and 17 did not answer the question. Interestingly, among the best educated group, four were elderly (65 and above), two in the 25-44 age group, and two in the age group 45-64. Those with unfinished primary education were elderly, with the exception of those with documented learning disabilities in other age groups. Table 3 Age-sex composition of the population of Ilovik in 2011

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Age group

10

1961

2011

M

F

Total

M

F

Total

Young (0-14 y.)

-

-

105

5

5

10

Younger adults (15-44)

-

-

101

12

8

20

Older adults (45-64)

-

-

80

15

13

28

Adults (15-64)

-

-

181

27

21

48

Elderly (65 and above)

-

-

60

12

15

27

144

202

346

44

41

85

Total Source: SZS (1965.b); UMD (2011a)

5

Final result represents a sum of 12.0 points assigned to the share of the young population in age 0-19 (11.8 percent) and 27.0 percent assigned to the share of elderly population in age 60 and above (43.5 percent).


I. Šulc, M. Zlatić: Demographic Challenges to Sustainability of Small Adriatic Islands...

In 1961, the age composition was more favorable; 30.4 percent of the population was young, 52.3 percent was of working age, and 17.3 percent were elderly. Still, the share of elderly was rather high. The younger, working age group outnumbered the elderly with 55.8 percent of the population. The old age dependency coefficient was 33.1. Because of the higher share of elderly, the population of Ilovik belonged to the third class of ageing (“aged population”) with total of 78 points. The educational level of the population of Ilovik has improved significantly in the last 50 years. In 1961, 13.4 percent of population older than 15 years did not have primary education, 84.9 percent had primary education, and only 1.7 percent had secondary education. No one on the island had any higher education (SZS, 1965c). In 2011, the educational index of the Ilovik’s population was 43.3, significantly higher than the Croatian average in 2001 (30.4) (CBS, 2003), and the trend continued through that decade.6

3.2. Economic attainment The economic development of Ilovik is intertwined with the population characteristic on the island. As Ilovik’s economic dynamics havebeen greatly influenced by the population changes, the present economic composition of permanent residents on Ilovik is compared to the situation in 1961, when intensive deagrarization began, pushing people to leave the island and causing economic restructuring.

In 2011, two thirds of permanent residents were employed in services, four in construction (one full time, and three seasonally), three worked in agriculture, and four were fishermen. Several households still tended a few sheep, most grew their vegetable gardens, and 16 households fished for their own needs. This was in sharp contrast to half a century earlier, when just over ten percent were employed in services (public) and almost 90 percent in agriculture, tending sheep, vineyards and olive gardens, and fishing (Table 4).

6

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

We analyzed the employment structure to determine if the present population structure could sustain economic development. At the time of the survey there were more than 60 people employed on the island (23 full time, three part time and 39 seasonally). A slight majority (34) of those employed was permanent residents (including seasonally employed and half-time employees), one permanent resident among the active population group was unemployed, and one was on maternity leave. 31 permanent residents had a personal (retirement) income and 18 were dependent (children, disabled, and housewives). In 1961, the population of the island was almost four times larger. About 30 percent were active and all were permanent residents, 7 percent had personal income, and 63percent were dependent, mostly children (SZS, 1965a).

Data for the Census 2011 on education is not yet available.

11


Sociologija i prostor, 52 (2014) 198 (1): 3-22

Table 4 Composition of the working population on Ilovik by the sector of activity in 1961 and 2011

1961

2011

Sector of activity

Number

Share (%)

Number

Share (%)

Primary

90

88.2

7

20.6

Secondary

1

1.0

4

14.7

Tertiary

11

10.8

23

64.7

Total

102

100.0

34

100.0

Sources: SZS (1965.a), UMD (2011a)

At the time of the survey, the public sector had 4 full time and 3 part time employees including a teacher,a post office employee, who is also additionally working in the tourist office, a port authority employee, one full time and one half time garbage collector, all of whom were permanent residents. A doctor and a priest came to the island once a week. Private businesses including a construction business, a nautical tourism business, fishing, and rental business, a souvenir shop, a grocery shop, two boat taxi businesses, a cafĂŠ, and five restaurants employed 58 people7, of whom19 were employed full-time and 39 worked seasonally. All full time and only 4 seasonal workers in the private sector were permanent residents (Table 5). Table 5 Entities by ownership and employees by the type of employment and residence on Ilovik in 2011

Public services

Private businesses

Total

Number of entities

7

12

19

Number of employees

7

58

65

Full time (year-round)

4

19

23

Part time (year-round)

3

0

3

Seasonal

0

39

39

Permanent residents

5

20

25

Other

2

38

40

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Employees by working time

12

Employees by residence

Source: UMD (2011b)

7

Since the survey one restaurant with one full-time and seven seasonal employees has been closed, so one permanent resident on Ilovik and seven people from outside lost their jobs. The construction business owner (permanent resident and a renter) closed his business and left, but the seasonal construction workers have remained working on the island.


I. Šulc, M. Zlatić: Demographic Challenges to Sustainability of Small Adriatic Islands...

The majority of private businesses are operating only during the summer season. Only, the village grocery shop and one restaurant are open for public year round. Restaurant businesses, the most important economic activity on the island, employed 29 persons (9 full-time and 20 seasonally) in 2011. The café and the nautical tourism each employed seven workers (the café - 1 full-time and 6 seasonal workers; the nautical tourism office - 3 full-time permanent residents and 4 seasonal workers). Two water taxi businesses employed one full time permanent resident each, the grocery shop three seasonal employees, and the souvenir shop one seasonal employee. The construction business had one full-time permanent resident employee and 5 seasonal workers. The fishing business employed three permanent residents full-time.

Interestingly, similar views towards the tourism industry have been registered among dual residents, and interviewed homeowners who have their permanent residency elsewhere in the country or abroad. Two thirds believed tourism should increase, while others desired no change. Only one person viewed present level of tourist development as too high. The preferred growth in tourist industry is in nautical tourism, followed by increase in long-term room and apartment rentals, and daily excursions. Almost two thirds of vacation owners and dual residents believe new owners and renters would change the way of life on the island; one third do not view them as the agents of change.

3.3. Accession to the European Union, and Government Involvement in Development Survey participants’ views on the accession of Croatia to the EU, and its potential impact on the sustainable development of the island were similarly distributed among the age groups. Almost half of the heads of permanent resident households(45 percent) were for the admission to the EU, a third against, while one fifth was undecided. Slightly stronger support to the accession of Croatia to the EU is observed

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Views of the permanent resident towards the tourism industry, the most important economic factor in the development of the island, showed that the vast majority (71 percent) believed that tourism should increase, while others believed it should remain on the present level. The preferred way of growth is continued development of nautical tourism, followed by increase in long-term room and apartment rentals, and an increase in the number of daily excursions. Camping is viewed as the least desirable or completely unwanted type of tourism in the village. Still, all of the respondents in the survey would not object if a camp was placed on the island, away from the village. Permanent residents are not eager to have “newcomers” on the island, although a large number of building structures remain empty and decaying. A majority (58 percent)view potential new house owners or long term renters as the agents of change, 16 percent are unsure of their influence, and only a quarter do not believe the new “newcomers” would change the lifestyle on Ilovik.

13


Sociologija i prostor, 52 (2014) 198 (1): 3-22

among men and working age respondents, than among women and the elderly. More than a half (55 percent) of the participants expected significant changes (both positive and negative) upon admission into the EU, about a third did not expect significant changes, and the rest were not sure about the outcome, or did not answer the question (Table 6). Among the 25 non-residents the views were slightly different. Ten were in favor, and ten were against the admission of Croatia to the EU, four were undecided, and only one did not answer. The support of accession to the EU is equally distributed among the age groups, while stronger support is observed among men than women (Table 7). More than half (13respondents)expected significant change after the accession, 10 did not expect any changes, and 2did not know what to expect. Majority who is expecting significant changes are pessimistic, believing the situation will worsen (e. g. higher taxes and prices),but some were expecting more order after Croatia is admitted to the EU. Table 6 Views of the permanent residents on the accession of Croatia into the European Union by sex and age, in 2011

Age/Sex

For

Against

Undecided

Did not participate

Total

15-44

1

0

1

0

2

45-64

7

5

2

1

15

65+

6

5

3

6

20

Male

9

6

2

2

19

Female

5

4

4

5

18

Total

14

10

6

7

37

Source: UMD (2011a)

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Table 7 Views of the dual residents and vacation home owners on the accession of Croatia into the European Union by sex and age, in 2011

14

Age/Sex

For

Against

Undecided

Did not participate

Total

15-44

1

1

0

0

2

45-64

3

3

1

1

8

65+

6

6

3

0

15

Male

9

6

2

1

18

Female

1

4

2

0

7

Total

10

10

4

1

25

Source: UMD (2011.a)


I. Šulc, M. Zlatić: Demographic Challenges to Sustainability of Small Adriatic Islands...

The expectation of the local community from all levels of the government involvement in the island’s local business and development is divided. Half of the participants believe the government has not paid enough attention to their needs, a third judge government participation as sufficient, four are undecided, and two have not answered the question. When asked about their priorities for projects to be carried out with the government and its financial contribution, building marina was at the top of the list (6 respondents), followed by the water supply system (5), sewer system (3) and pier reconstruction (3)8. Only three respondents stated that all the projects, permits, or proposals submitted by the islanders to the government were successfully finished, and eight were not sure about the extent of the government involvement in the development of Ilovik.

Although the non-residents do not have the same weight on decision making and negotiations with the county and regional government as the permanent residents do, they, as property owners, have very high stake in community development. Their expectation from all levels of the government involved in the island’s development is equally divided as from the permanent residents. Almost half of the respondents believe the government has not paid enough attention to the island’s needs and the third say involvement issufficient; others do not have an opinion about the extent of the government involvement in the development of the island. On the other hand, unlike permanent residents, they are less informed about the local community development proposals to be carried out by the government. Majority could not point out a single project that was proposed by the local community but not yet carried out by the government. Still, their priorities for Ilovik’s development are equal to those of the permanent residents: construction of water and sewer system, solving transportation problems (e.g. enlargement of the main pier, connection of Ilovik with Mrtvaška on Mali Losinj), and increasing the number of young population by providing better job opportunities on the island.

8

Since the survey was carried out in June 2011, the pier was rebuilt to serve larger boats.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

When asked their preferences for the government engagement in providing better services on the island majority listed the initiatives (projects) already in the government development program for the island (e.g. pier reconstruction/delivered in May 2012), sewer and water system (in progress), road connecting from Mrtvaška on the island Lošinj (700 meters from Ilovik) to the city of Mali Lošinj (under construction) and minibus connection (in place since 2012). In addition, more money needed for the development, a need for more children on the island, better organized tourist board, etc. was on their list. They also expressed their dissatisfaction with the government (e.g. corruption, politicians). Only four people mentioned that the local community should be more engaged in the development of the island (e.g. better coordination between the island’s local committee, and the county government, local community should press harder for government involvement), and only three respondents were satisfied with the present situation.

15


Sociologija i prostor, 52 (2014) 198 (1): 3-22

4. Discussion Population dynamics have a significant influence on sustainable development of small islands (United Nations Population Fund [UNFPA], 2011). The demographic imbalance of Ilovik is a result of long term out-migration and negative natural growth rate of the population.(Lajić, 2005). After reaching its peak in 1921, a steady population decrease has been experienced ever since. Initially, those who migrated out of Ilovik in search for work eased some population pressures on land as subsistence agricultural on the island could not sustain growing population. After the initial benefits, the negative effects of their absence and the absence of their future generations started to take effect. Long lasting emigration and out-migration, caused by agricultural density and other unfavorable economic factors, soon resulted in total depopulation of Ilovik and other small remote Croatian islands (Smoljanović, Smoljanović and Nejašmić, 1999; Magaš, Faričić and Lončarić, 2006:210-211; Faričić, 2012; Graovac, 2008:483-484; Klempić Bogadi and Podgorelec, 2011.). It prompted decrease in the birth rates and resulted in ageing population causing higher death rates, and consequently negative natural change. Beside the change in age composition, decrease in the birth rates was influenced by the lack of the cohorts in reproductive age (Lajić and Mišetić, 2006).

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Already in 1961 the natural growth rate of the population of Ilovik continues to decline reaching higher number of deaths then live births. Since 1961 the natural decrease of Ilovik´s population has been intensifying and it has had an increasing role in total depopulation. Therefore, the natural decrease since the 1961 is a result of persistently higher number of deaths then live births, as well as the continued decrease of women of fertile age.

16

Slowing down of depopulation in the 1980s and 1990s was a result of change in the direction of migration, although rather high negative natural change persisted. Positive net-migration in that period was connected to: (1) the exhaustion of the potential emigrant contingent (everyone that had wanted to leave the island, already left and only elderly people less inclined to migration stayed on the island), (2) development of tourism starting slowly from the 1980sincreasing employment opportunities, and (3) return migration flow, mainly retirees from overseas. Accelerated depopulation started in 2001-2011, when the island lost one fourth of its population as a result of negative net-migration. Once again younger adults and their children were leaving the island because of insufficient job market, or inadequate education for children9, and insufficient return migration flow could not overturn negative net-migration (Šulc and Valjak, 2012:167-169). Instead, the older age composition in 2011 was a result of age selective out-migration and return retiree in-migration stream. Lack of women in fertile age, and disrupted age-sex composition domi-

9

There is one elementary school with one employed teacher on the island. At the time of the survey, there were 6 children of different age enrolled in the school. Besides, students in higher classes (5 to 8) are connected by internet to a school in Mali Lošinj where they take different subject courses (science, language,..).


I. Šulc, M. Zlatić: Demographic Challenges to Sustainability of Small Adriatic Islands...

nated by elderly population negatively effects demographic resources and reduces prospects for demographic revitalization, jeopardizing sustainability of development on Ilovik and other small remote Croatian islands (Nejašmić, 1992:31; Graovac, 2008:494; Magaš and Faričić, 2002). Dependency ratio, an indicator of a potential burden on the working-age population, is high on the island, with a prospect for further increase. Any natural increase of population becomes less likely in the future as the average population age increases, women in their reproductive age diminish, and the employment opportunities stagnate. It is questionable whether such negative present population dynamic, or even slight increase in the population numbers in the near future, could sustain forthcoming economic structure and employment requirements on the island and weather present socio-economic conditions could attract newcomers, other than retirees, to the island (Graovac, 2008). On the other hand, having in mind low job opportunities, lack of houses for sale, and resistance to rent, it is unlikely to expect younger newcomers, who would be able to influence population revitalization process, to arrive to the island.

Lack of economic activities, social and physical infrastructure to support jobs that attract younger population and increase in-migration and natural increase, further limits the population and economic recovery of the island. Although population of Ilovik is generally better educated than Croatia, the population with the highest level of education on the island is elderly, returned migrants. Still, long-term tourists, and return migrants, bring with them the need for increase of living standard, which pushes for further economic development. Unfortunately, present population development cannot sustain such demands. Majority of the people on Ilovik view the accession to the European Union as a new challenge. Whether they are for or against accession, they are worried it could bring new rules, and more problems, together with new real estate buyers and more tourists to the island. The villagers want to preserve tranquility of the environment and their lifestyle, but at the same time they are aiming for continues economic growths and infrastructure investments. The other interviewed owners, majority of

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Economic development of Ilovik is inseparably related to population changes. Favorable employment opportunities are generally an important factor in keeping the population in check and attracting newcomers. A lack of jobs and poor opportunities to earn a living are key push factors of out-migration and emigration. Changes in the number and composition of households are directly related to the demographic and general socio-economic transformation on the island. Over the past century, lack of jobs and poor opportunities to earn for living were key push factors of outmigration and emigration. Besides, these migrations significantly reduced population in the reproductive age, and played an important role in fast population ageing. In the late 1950s and 1960s, intensive deagrarization began, pushing people from the island and causing economic restructuring. In several decades, predominantly agricultural and fishing activities on the island have been replaced with tourism and dependent elderly population.

17


Sociologija i prostor, 52 (2014) 198 (1): 3-22

who were residents on the island prior to emigration, had similar views. Although they are more prone to change, they are not eager to have “newcomers” who may change the lifestyle on the island. Homeowners who have never been residents on Ilovik, and are themselves considered as “newcomers,” are cautious of change, but open to new challenges of the accession to the European Union. The survey results indicate that the residents of Ilovik have limited knowledge and understanding about government involvement in revitalization and financing development of the island. Even less informed are the non-resident participants, who often are not aware of proposed programs and plans for government action. According to the information gathered from the survey, as well as the interviews with the local officials, it was evident that the small island had been getting a significant attention and financial help from the government to further develop the island’s infrastructure and connection with the mainland in an effort to reduce the effects of depopulation and the island limited economic capacity. Work on most projects indicated to be essential for further progress of the island, have either already been in progress at the time of the interviews, or scheduled to start in the near future. Therefore, there is a dire need for better planning and coordination between the local community, private business development, non-resident stakeholders, and the infrastructure provisions by the government on the island.

5. Conclusion

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

The small island of Ilovik provides the compactness and isolation needed to fully analyze interrelationships among the population, its socio-economics status, its natural and built environment. It faces considerable vulnerability and sustainability challenges due to its aging population, economic dependability on tourism, low employment opportunities, and resistance to change by the local population. Nevertheless, the island unique characteristics make it desirable for future development.

18

Although population is no longer out-migrating in large numbers, and there are some tendencies of balance the population with in-migration retirees, natural growth rates is too low to offset a decline of the population on Ilovik. The aging population of the island’s permanent population will have wide range implications on the future development. Economically, it is vulnerable to both internal change and external markets. Therefore, it is important to attract the type of tourism that would contribute to Ilovik’s unique characteristics. Socially it has limited human resources and depends on in-migration for any positive change. While there is no doubt that permanent population on the island should have a major role in the future development of Ilovik, a large number of non-resident home owners have also high interest in balanced development of the island. They are equally interested in preserving Ilovik’s traditional values and protection of natural resources, but less oppose to necessary changes leading to better services, stronger in-migration, vibrant housing market, and better economic development. Due to its marginalisation, Ilovik’s insularity might impede a timely response for the needed resources and action. The consequences of inaction could be worse than at another less isolated location experiencing similar vulnerabilities. Therefore, it should be government priority to


I. Šulc, M. Zlatić: Demographic Challenges to Sustainability of Small Adriatic Islands...

closely work with the local community and other stakeholders in preserving the small island’s fragile socio-economic and natural environment. The long term development perspectives on Ilovik are fragile and will depend on population recovery and further increase of employment opportunities. It is eminent to protect the traditional values of the Ilovik society and maintain the landscape of the island, whilst allowing for the balanced development of compatible activities, especially tourism. At this point the villagers are aware of theirs defenselessness, and are skeptical of getting sufficient help from the government to prevent undesirable investments on Ilovik. Still, delicate eco system and unique cultural heritage of the small island should be protected from excessive growth and change. The challenges of managing the vulnerabilities of Ilovik’s culture and natural resources, and of achieving sustainability through such action, are enormous.

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S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

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12. Faričić, J.; Graovac, V. and Čuka, A. (2010). Croatian Small Islands – Residential and/or Leisure Area. Geoadria, 15 (1): 145-185. 13. Graovac, V. (2008). Depopulacija otoka Rave, in: Faričić Josip (ed.). Otok Rava. Zadar: Sveučilište u Zadru, Zadar za prirodne znanosti HAZU, 479-496. 14. Klemenčić, M. (1990). Postupak vrednovanja dobnog sastava stanovništva. Radovi, 25: 73-80. 15. Klempić Bogadi, S. and Podgorelec, S. (2011).Socio-geographic changes in small island communities – the example of the island of Zlarin. Geoadria, 16 (1): 189209. 16. Lajić, I. (2005). Present Demographic Situation on the Island of Ilovik, in: Črnjar Mladen and Šišić Sonja (ed.). Analiza razvojnih potencijala otoka. Međunarodna radionica. Zbornik radova. Rijeka: UNESCO Venice Office, Primorsko-goranska županija, Županijski zavod za održivi razvoj i prostorno planiranje, IUAV di Venezia, 58-63. 17. Lajić, I. (2006). Kvarnerski otoci – demografski razvoji povijesne mijene. Zagreb: Institut za migracije i narodnosti. 18. Lajić, I. i Mišetić, R. (2006). Otočni logaritam. Aktualno stanje i suvremeni demografski procesi na jadranskim otocima. Zagreb: Institut za migracije i narodnosti, Ministarstvo mora, turizma, prometa i razvitka. 19. Lončar, J. and Maradin, M. (2009). Environmental challenges for sustainable development in the Croatian North Adriatic Littoral Region. Dela, 31: 159-173. 20. Mackelworth, P. C. and Carić, H. (2010). Gatekeepers of island communities: exploring the pillars of sustainable development. Environment Development and Sustainability, 12(4): 463-480. 21. Magaš, D. (2008). Geografske posebnosti razvitka malih hrvatskih otoka, u: Faričić Josip (ed.). Otok Rava. Zadar: Sveučilište u Zadru, Zadar za prirodne znanosti HAZU, 19-40. 22. Magaš, D. and Faričić, J. (2002).Problemi suvremene socio-geografske preobrazbe otoka Oliba. Geoadria, 7 (2): 35-62. 23. Magaš, D.; Brkić Vejmelka, J. and Faričić, J. (2000). New Geographic Concepts of Developing Tourism on the Small Croatian Islands. Conditions of the Foreign Tourism Development in Central and Eastern Europe, 6, 239-270. 24. Magaš, D.; Faričić, J. i Lončarić, R. (2005). Osnovni geografski čimbenici suvremen preobrazbe Ilovika. Geoadria, 10 (1): 21-51. 25. Magaš, D.; Faričić, J. and Lončarić, R. (2006). Geographical basis of socio-economic revitalization of Unijeisland, Croatia. Geoadria, 11 (2): 173-239. 26. Nejašmić, I. (1992). Promjene u dobno-spolnom sastavu stanovništva istočno jadranskog otočja. Acta geographica Croatica, 27: 15-34. 27. Nejašmić, I. (2005). Demogeografija: stanovništvo u prostornim odnosima i procesima. Zagreb: Školskaknjiga. 28. Nejašmić, I. and Mišetić, R. (2006). Depopulation of Vis island, Croatia. Geoadria, 11 (2): 283-309. 29. Nunkoo, R.; Gursoy, D. and Juwaheer, T. D. (2010). Island residents’ identities and their support for tourism: an integration of two theories. Journal of Sustainable Tourism, 18 (5): 675–693. 30. Savezni zavod za statistiku (1965a). Popis stanovništva 1961. – Knjiga XIV: aktivnost i delatnost, rezultati za naselja. Beograd: Savezni zavod za statistiku.


I. Šulc, M. Zlatić: Demographic Challenges to Sustainability of Small Adriatic Islands...

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31. Savezni zavod za statistiku (1965b). Popis stanovništva 1961. – Knjiga XI: pol i starost, rezultati za naselja. Beograd: Savezni zavod za statistiku. 32. Savezni zavod za statistiku (1965c). Popis stanovništva 1961. – Knjiga XIII: školska sprema i pismenost, rezultati za naselja. Beograd: Savezni zavod za statistiku. 33. Savezni zavod za statistiku (1965d). Popis stanovništva 1961. – Knjiga XVI: veličina i izvori prihoda domaćinstava, rezultati za naselja. Beograd: Savezni zavod za statistiku. 34. Smoljanović, M.; Smoljanović, A. i Nejašmić, I. (1999). Stanovništvo hrvatskih otoka. Split: Zavod za javno zdravstvo Splitsko-dalmatinske županije. 35. Starc, Nenad (2001). Managing island development: the Croatian case. Sociologija sela, 39 (1-4) (151-154): 15-36. 36. State Geodetic Administration (2005). Središnji registar prostornih jedinica RH. Zagreb: State Geodetic Administration. 37. Šulc, I. i Valjak, V. (2012). Zaštićena područja u funkciji održivog razvoja hrvatskog otočja – primjer otoka Mljeta. Hrvatski geografski glasnik, 74 (1): 161-185. 38. United Nations Population Fund (2011). Population Matters for Sustainable Development. Interagency Consultation on Population and Sustainable Development. New York: United Nations Population Fund. 39. University of Maryland (2011a). Population Survey on Ilovik in June 2011. 40. University of Maryland (2011b). Business Owners Survey on Ilovik in June 2011. 41. Wertheimer-Baletić, A. (1982). Demografija. Stanovništvo i ekonomski razvitak. Zagreb: Informator. 42. World Commission on Environment and Development (1987). Report of the World Commission on Environment and Development: Our Common Future. UN document A/42/427. Accessed 2nd January 2013 (http://www.un-documents. net/wced-ocf.htm).

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Izvorni znanstveni rad

Ivan Šulc Prirodoslovno-matematički fakultet, Geografski odsjek, Sveučilište u Zagrebu, Hrvatska e-mail: isulc@geog.pmf.hr Mila Zlatić Sveučilište Maryland, Geografski odsjek, Maryland, SAD e-mail: mila.zlatic@umd.edu

Demografski izazov održivosti malih jadranskih otoka: slučaj Ilovika u Hrvatskoj Sažetak Tradicionalni način života na malim otocima ugrožen je širom svijeta. Ovaj rad pruža uvid u razvoj malog hrvatskog otoka Ilovika u Jadranskom moru zahvaćenog negativnim demografskim trendovima koji utječu na društveno-gospodarske i okolišne procese, te predstavljaju poseban izazov za planiranje i postizanje održivog razvoja otoka. Sredinom lipnja 2011. g., u razdoblju od dva tjedna, provedeno je istraživanje sa stalnim stanovništvom, povremenim stanovništvom i vlasnicima vikendica (ili kuća za odmor) Ilovika koje je obuhvatilo njihov društveno-gospodarski položaj, okoliš, percepciju turizma, utjecaj vlasti na društveno-gospodarske promjene te utjecaj Europske unije na budući razvoj. U radu su analizirani rezultati istraživanja i uspoređeni su sa službenim podacima iz prijašnjih popisa stanovništva i vitalne statistike. Glavni cilj rada bio je istražiti sadašnji stupanj održivosti Ilovika i omogućiti razumijevanje njegove slabije razvojne perspektive koja će ovisiti o demografskoj revitalizaciji i poboljšanju mogućnosti zapošljavanja, uzimajući pritom u obzir osjetljiv ekosustav i jedinstvenu kulturnu baštinu malog otoka.

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Ključne riječi: depopulacija, održivi razvoj, mali otoci, Ilovik, jadranski otoci, Hrvatska.

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DOI 10.5673/sip.52.1.2 UDK 316.728:303 Pregledni rad

Problem određivanja složenih (objektivnih i subjektivnih) indeksa kao cjelovitih mjera kvalitete života Lana Slavuj Prirodoslovno-matematički fakultet, Geografski odsjek, Sveučilište u Zagrebu, Hrvatska e-mail: lslavuj@geog.pmf.hr SAŽETAK U radu se raspravlja o problematici određivanja složenih (objektivnih i subjektivnih) indeksa kao cjelovitih mjera kvalitete života. Integracija velikoga broja pokazatelja u jedan indeks intrigantna je ideja koja čini važan dio istraživanja kvalitete života. Temelji se na pretpostavci da ljudi ne izoliraju pojedine aspekte svojih života, nego posjeduju jedinstven osjećaj zadovoljstva životom. No, to je ujedno i jedna od najkontroverznijih pojedinosti koje se vežu uz ovakva istraživanja jer su načini na koje se složeni indeksi određuju podložni brojnim kritikama. Istraživanja problematike pokazuju da nije jednostavno konstruirati jedinstveni indeks koji će biti dovoljno cjelovit da nedvosimisleno uključuje sve aspekte individualne ili kolektivne kvalitete života. Iako se složeni indeksi kvalitete života često primijenjuju (pogotovo za iskazivanje stanja na razini pojedinih država i za usporedbe među njima), dosadašnja iskustva pokazuju da ih je primjerenije zamijeniti neagregiranim skupovima objektivnih podataka ili izravnim pitanjem pojedincima o njihovoj ukupnoj kvaliteti života. Ključne riječi: indeksi kvalitete života, objektivni pokazatelji, subjektivni pokazatelji, ponderiranje pokazatelja.

U istraživanju koncepta kvalitete života primjenjuju se objektivni i subjektivni pokazatelji. Objektivni pokazatelji odražavaju objektivna stanja i promjene neovisno o osobnim evaluacijama, a subjektivni pokazatelji naglašavaju individualnu percepciju i evaluaciju, te ukazuju do koje su razine ispunjena subjektivna očekivanja pojedinca. Posebno intrigantna ideja, koja čini važan dio istraživanja kvalitete života, problematika je integracije velikoga broja pokazatelja u jedan indeks, odnosno redukcija ovoga iznimno kompleksnoga fenomena na jednu brojku. Temelji se na pretpostavci da ljudi ne izoliraju pojedine aspekte svojih života, nego ih kombiniraju u ukupno iskustvo života. Također, motivacija za razvoj složenih indeksa proizašla je iz potrebe da se koncizno odgovori na jedno od temeljnih pitanja – kako neki prostor napreduje u pogledu socijalnih uvjeta tijekom vremena, kao i u usporedbi s drugim prostornim cjelinama. Copyright © 2014 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

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1. Uvod

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No, sažimanje različitih pokazatelja u jedinstven indeks jedna je od najosporovanijih i najkontroverznijih pojedinosti koje se vežu uz istraživanja kvalitete života. Razlog tomu su načini na koji se podaci sažimaju u indeks. Naime, iako se mnogo koriste u istraživanjima, agregacijske su tehnike podložne brojnim kritikama. Pitanje agregacije objektivnih i subjektivnih pokazatelja jedan je od najvećih problema oko kojega se rasprave vode još od 1960-ih. Općenito, te su rasprave podijelile autore istraživanja na one koji se zalažu za agregaciju pokazatelja u jedan indeks i na one koji zagovaraju neagregirane skupove pokazatelja. Ipak, činjenica je da se složeni indeksi vrlo često primjenjuju u analizama i prezentaciji rezultata istraživanja kvalitete života. Do danas su razvijeni brojni indeksi blagostanja i to na svim razinama, od nacionalnih, regionalnih do lokalnih. Kao primjer mogu se navesti sljedeći: Index of Social Health (Institute for Innovation in Social Policy, 2013.), Quality of Life Index (UIC, 2013.), Social Progress Index (The Social Progress Imperative, 2013.), Genuine Progress Indicator (Genuine Progress, 2013.), Index of Human Progress (Emes i Hahn, 2001.), Human Development Index (UNDP, 2013.), Better Life Index (OECD, 2013.), Gini Index (The World Bank, 2013.), Economist Intelligence Unit’s Quality-of-life Index (Economist Intelligence Unit, 2013.) i brojni drugi. Mnogi od navedenih indeksa kombinacija su jednih i drugih pokazatelja, čime se nastoji obuhvatiti složenost koncepta. U cilju što boljega razumijevanja kvalitete života primjereno je koristiti obje vrste pokazatelja jer niti jedan tip mjera sam po sebi nije potpun, a i svaki od njih zahvaća različite aspekte kvalitete života.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Svrha ovoga rada jest pružanje detaljnoga pregleda problema i nedoumica s kojima se istraživači susreću prilikom određivanja indeksa kvalitete života, a u cilju što boljega razumijevanja i pojašnjenja navedene problematike. Brojna istraživanja primjenjuju indekse kvalitete života, no pritom ih se tek mali broj kritički osvrće na nedostatke i poteškoće koje proizlaze iz konstrukcije jedinstvenih pokazatelja. Objektivni i subjektivni pokazatelji različite su mjere pa su i problemi koji nastaju prilikom njihove integracije drugačije prirode. Stoga je u radu taj problem obrađen odvojeno, odnosno najprije su raspravljena pitanja vezana uz deriviranje indeksa koji nastaju na temelju objektivnih pokazatelja, a potom indeksa na temelju subjektivnih pokazatelja.

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2. Indeksi temeljeni na objektivnim pokazateljima Smith (1973.) je još u 1970-ima dobro sažeo bit problema agregacije objektivnih pokazatelja. Naime, konstrukcija složenoga indeksa podrazumijeva tzv. spajanje nespojivoga jer se sumiraju različiti pokazatelji, npr. smrtnosti dojenčadi i broja krađa automobila. U ekonomskom izračunavanju indeksa postoji zajednički nazivnik, poput dolara ili neke druge valute, što u primjeru kvalitete života ne može biti slučaj. Koncept kvalitete života uključuje mnoge dimenzije, tako da ne postoji jednostavan i potpuno opravdan način za pribrojavanje “mrtve dojenčadi, psihopata i ukradenih automobila” (Smith, 1973.:60). Problem integracije različitih aspekata kvalitete života, koji se pojavljuju u različitim mjernim jedinicama, moguće je statistički riješiti tehnikama standardizacije vrijednosti pokazatelja (npr. pomoću Z-vrijednosti). No, pritom još uvijek ostaje neriješeno pitanje relativne vrijednosti pojedinih pokazatelja


L. Slavuj: Problem određivanja složenih (objektivnih i subjektivnih) indeksa...

za ukupnu kvalitetu života. Naime, može se pretpostaviti da nisu svi aspekti koje uključuje koncept kvalitete života za sve ljude jednako važni. Stoga, iako je ideja primjene jednostavnih surogata za složene koncepte privlačna, jer donekle olakšava razumijevanje koncepta, agregacija pokazatelja u jedan indeks ne mora nužno predstavljati i najbolje rješenje. Konstrukcijom složenih indeksa mogu se izgubiti mnogi vrijedni podaci iz originalnoga skupa podataka, pa postoji mogućnost donošenja pogrešnih zaključaka (Pacione, 1982.). Van de Ven, Kazemier i Keuning (1999.) također kritiziraju agregaciju i smatraju da treba napustiti pristup koji se temelji na jednom pokazatelju. Argumentiraju da je socijalno blagostanje višedimenzionalan fenomen, pa je agregacija njegovih mnogih i, međusobno različitih aspekata, zapravo nemoguća. Osim toga, ističu da jedan ukupan pokazatelj ne može biti relevantan za politike, a upravo bi to trebao biti glavni zadatak proučavanja blagostanja u društvu. Umjesto jednoga složenoga pokazatelja, potrebni su mnogi koji će se odnositi na različita područja upravljanja društvom (ekonomska politika, socijalna politika, okolišna politika i dr.). S druge strane, zagovornici složenih indeksa kvalitete života smatraju da je agregacija pokazatelja, ne samo moguća, nego i poželjna, te da je taj postupak nužan element znanstvenoga pristupa u procesu razumijevanja koncepta. Indeksi mogu vrlo dobro ukazivati na promjene u trendovima promatranoga fenomena. Primjerice, pad vrijednosti indeksa može upućivati da postoji određeni problem, a na istraživačima ili donosiocima odluka je da detaljnije istraže u kojem se segmentu koncepta pojavio i koje je akcije potrebno poduzeti (Sharpe, 1999.). Moguće je razlučiti dva generalna pristupa koja se primjenjuju u agregaciji objektivnih pokazatelja u indeks kvalitete života: 1. svi odabrani pokazatelji jednako su vrijedni za koncept kvalitete života 2. odabrani pokazatelji razlikuju se po važnosti za koncept kvalitete života te je nužno definirati njihove relativne vrijednosti (pondere).

Skup objektivnih pokazatelja

Objektivni neponderirani indeksi

Nestatističke metode ponderiranja

Statističke metode ponderiranja

Objektivni ponderirani indeksi

Izvor: autorica

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Slika 1. Shematski prikaz mogućih manipulacija objektivnih pokazatelja u složeni indeks kvalitete života

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2.1. Indeksi temeljeni na jednako vrijednim objektivnim pokazateljima

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Prvi pristup, dakle, podržava ideju da su svi pokazatelji odabrani u skup jednako vrijedni za koncept kvalitete života. Na tom je principu 1990. u sklopu UN-ova programa za razvoj (UNDP) razvijen Human Development Index (HDI), koji uspoređuje i rangira države svijeta, te ih dijeli na: razvijene zemlje, zemlje u razvoju i nerazvijene zemlje. Indeks čine tri dimenzije koje predstavljaju važna područja ljudskoga razvoja: 1) dug i zdrav život, 2) znanje, 3) standard života. UNDP pod razvojem podrazumijeva proces povećavanja mogućnosti koje ljudi imaju na raspolaganju, te smatraju da ga ove tri dimenzije dobro opisuju. Ako navedene mogućnosti nisu dostupne, onda će i mnoge druge ostati neispunjene (HDR, 1993.). Pokazatelji koji predstavljaju navedene dimenzije su: očekivana životna dob pri rođenju, razina pismenosti kod odraslih te bruto domaći proizvod po glavi stanovnika prilagođen kupovnoj moći. No, HDI je vrlo brzo nakon pojavljivanja doživio kritike iz više razloga. Jedna od njih tiče se istih vrijednosti koje nose ova tri pokazatelja za ukupan koncept (Smith, 1996.). Također, zamjera mu se što ne uzima u obzir okolišna pitanja koja danas čine okosnicu mnogih razvojnih programa.

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Također, brojni samostalni istraživači na ovom principu agregiraju pokazatelje u indeks kvalitete života. Primjerice, jednu od prvih takvih studija kvalitete života, koja je imala veliki utjecaj na kasnija slična istraživanja, proveo je Liu (1976.) u 243 metropolitanskih područja SAD-a, pri čemu je uključio 123 objektivna pokazatelja u ukupan indeks. Autor je smatrao da je jednako bodovanje pokazatelja jednostavnije i bolje. Pogotovo, s obzirom na činjenicu da postoji još manji konsenzus oko pitanja koji pokazatelj koliko vrijedi za koncept, nego oko često postavljanoga pitanja o tome koji je definitivni popis domena koje čine koncept kvalitete života (Pacione, 1982.). Istraživanja koja se bave kvalitetom života unutar jedne države, vjerojatno su ipak manje podložna problemima definiranja pondera, nego ona istraživanja koje karakteriziraju međunarodne usporedbe. Naime, podaci za različite dijelove iste države vjerojatno su prikupljeni na temelju istih principa i definicija, te sa sličnom razinom točnosti. Također, za pretpostaviti je da postoji konsenzus na razini države oko sastavnica dobroga života, za razliku od međunarodnih usporedba gdje se kontrastiraju i države koje imaju sasvim drugačije kulturne tradicije i vrijednosne obrasce, pa je manje logično očekivati da aspekti koncepta imaju jednake vrijednosti (Smith, 1996.). Općenito govoreći, glavne prednosti derivacije indeksa na principu jednako vrijednih, neponderiranih pokazatelja, su: lakša interpretacija rezultata (jer ne uključuju složene statističke analize) te financijska i vremenska manja zahtjevnost (jer ne uključuju, primjerice, skupa anketna istraživanja). Ipak, jednostavnost je i njihov nedostatak jer je malo vjerojatno da svi pokazatelji kvalitete života imaju za sve ljude jednaku vrijednost.


L. Slavuj: Problem određivanja složenih (objektivnih i subjektivnih) indeksa...

2.2. Indeksi temeljeni na objektivnim pokazateljima koji nose različite vrijednosti za koncept Drugi pristup agregacije skupa objektivnih pokazatelja u složeni indeks polazi od pretpostavke da važnost pojedinih pokazatelja varira među grupama ljudi, odnosno da su neki aspekti života više važni, a drugi imaju puno manji utjecaj na stvaranje ukupnoga osjećaja zadovoljstva životom. Stoga je potrebno odrediti koje su relativne vrijednosti ili ponderi pokazatelja uključenih u koncept. Najvažnije pitanje pritom jest na koji način saznati koja je važnost pojedinoga pokazatelja. Općenito, moguće je izdvojiti dva glavna pristupa koja se u istraživanjima primjenjuju za definiranje pondera pokazatelja: nestatističke metode i statističke metode (tablica 1.). U nestatističke metode određivanja pondera pokazateljima mogu se uvrstiti: samostalne procjene autora istraživanja, mišljenje stručnjaka, literatura posvećena istoj ili sličnoj problematici te istraživanja javnoga mnijenja putem anketa ili fokusnih grupa. Najprimjenjivanije statističke metode određivanja pondera su analiza regresije i faktorska analiza (Wong, 2006.; Malkina-Pykh i Pykh, 2008.; Eyles, 1994.). Najveća prednost nestatističkih metoda definiranja vrijednosti pokazatelja jest to što su jednostavne i lako razumljive. Naime, načini na koji su ponderi određeni mogu se jasno prepoznati i time biti otvoreni za širu raspravu i kritiku, ukoliko je potrebno (Wong, 2006.). No, jednostavniji način ne mora uvijek biti najsretniji izbor, pogotovo stoga što su nestatističke metode prožete arbitrarnim i subjektivnim prosudbama. Primjerice, teško je odrediti vrijednost pokazateljima koji se odnose na ekonomski razvoj ili na zagađenje okoliša, kada je ekonomski napredak važan za kvalitetu života, ali s druge strane može imati negativan utjecaj na prirodni okoliš, koji je također njen značajan aspekt. Takve subjektivne nedoumice nastoje se izbjeći primjenom objektivnih statističkih metoda. Međutim, njihov veliki nedostatak je kompliciranost i složenost, što cijeli postupak ponderiranja čini manje transparentnim i razumljivim (Wong, 2006.).

Nestatističke metode

Statističke metode

Procjena istraživača

Analiza regresije

Mišljenje stručnjaka

Faktorska analiza

Literatura

Anketna istraživanja i fokus grupe

Izvor: Wong, 2006.; Eyles, 1994.; Malkina-Pykh i Pykh, 2008.

Svaki od navedenih načina definiranja vrijednosti pondera razmotren je detaljnije. Autori studija prema vlastitom nahođenju i procjeni mogu određivati pondere po-

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Tablica 1. Dva glavna pristupa u definiranju vrijednosti (pondera) objektivnih pokazatelja

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jedinim dimenzijama koncepta kvalitete života. Međutim, na taj način, kako kažu kritičari, nisu dobili kvalitetu života onako kako je vide stanovnici analiziranih područja, nego svoju vlastitu. Također, time se zanemaruje činjenica da se kvaliteta života može u istom prostoru razlikovati s obzirom na različite socijalne grupe. Primjerice, ako je jedan od pokazatelja kvalitete života u gradu broj dobrih restorana, postavlja se pitanje što to znači za stanovnike slaboga materijalnog statusa. Možda je za određenu studiju korisno prikupiti podatak o brojnom, objektivnom stanju restorana u gradu, no većina znanstvenika slaže se da je još važnije značenje tih objektivnih uvjeta koje im pripisuju sami stanovnici. Jesu li ti restorani zaista dobri prema kriterijima ljudi koji žive u njihovoj blizini, koliko često ih posjećuju te koliko je taj element uopće važan, odnosno pridonosi li njihovoj ukupnoj kvaliteti života (Marans i Couper, 2000.). Drugim riječima, ukoliko istraživači sami definiraju pondere, onda proizašli rezultati više reflektiraju njihove osobne preferencije i predrasude, nego kvalitetu života stanovnika. Vrijednosti pokazatelja mogu se odrediti i na temelju mišljenja stručnjaka za pojedinu domenu (Malkina-Pykh i Pykh, 2008.). Prednost ovoga načina jest što se u analizu integrira praktično iskustvo profesionalaca koji se tim područjem bave. Međutim, ponekad je teško odrediti tko su najbolji stručnjaci za pojedinu domenu, a nedostatak je i što se u istraživanje mogu uplesti osobne vrijednosti, profesionalni interesi i pristranost (Wong, 2006.), odnosno “profesionalni imperijalizam” (Smith, 1996.).

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Vrijednosti pokazatelja mogu biti izvučeni iz literature na temelju prijašnjih sličnih studija. Međutim, malo je vjerojatno da već postoji istraživanje koje pokriva potpuno iste ključne teme kao neka druga studija, pogotovo u slučaju kvalitete života koju karakterizira nekohezivnost u definiranju i mnogi različiti načini mjerenja (Wong, 2006.).

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Anketnim istraživanjem moguće je saznati važnost pojedinih pokazatelja za danu populaciju. No, takva vrsta istraživanja zahtijeva velike materijalne troškove i vremenski je zahtjevna. Morris, Findlay i Rogerson (1988.) proveli su studiju kvalitete života u britanskim gradovima kombinirajući subjektivne i objektivne pokazatelje. Ispitanici (N = 1400) su na skali od 1 do 5 određivali važnost svakoga od 20 elemenata izabranih da prezentiraju koncept kvalitete života. Prosjek njihovih odgovora činio je pondere koji su kasnije pridodani objektivnim podacima prikupljenim u 38 najvećih britanskih gradova u konstrukciji indeksa kvalitete života. Autori ističu da je posebno važan i indikativan rezultat njihovoga istraživanja činjenica što su socijalni i okolišni aspekti kvalitete života visoko rangirani po važnosti. Pogotovo stoga što brojne studije, koje uspoređuju regije ili gradove, primjenjuju ekonomske pokazatelje kao najvažnije aspekte kvalitete života, a što u kontekstu ovoga njihovog rezultata nikako nije opravdano. Fokus grupe obuhvaćaju manji broj ispitanika i nisu toliko vremenski i materijalno zahtjevne. Sharpe (1999.) ističe da su anketna istraživanja i fokus grupe najprihvatljiviji načini za određivanje pondera pokazatelja. Moguća je i kombinacija spomenutih metoda, primjerice mišljenje stručnjaka, te fokus grupe koju čine neprofesionalci (građani) (Lofti i Solaimani, 2009.).


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Spomenuto je da su najčešće primjenjivane statističke metode za određivanje pondera analiza regresije i faktorska analiza. Vrijednosti pojedinih pokazatelja (nezavisne varijable) mogu se odrediti na temelju njihovoga doprinosa u objašnjavanju jedne mjere (zavisne varijable) u sklopu analize regresije. Regresijski koeficijent svake nezavisne varijable omogućava automatsko ponderiranje zavisne varijable koju objašnjava. Najveći nedostatak ove metode jest u pronalaženju jedinstvene varijable koja dovoljno dobro predstavlja cijeli koncept (Wong, 2006.; van Poll, 1997.).

Navedene metode prikupljanja informacija o tome koliko pojedini pokazatelj vrijedi za ukupnu kvalitetu života, ne iscrpljuju sve mogućnosti, ali predstavljaju neke od najprimjenjivanijih metoda u istraživanjima. Njihovi nedostaci ukazuju na činjenicu da je konstrukcija objektivnih indeksa kvalitete života problematična i da nije pronađeno jedinstveno zadovoljavajuće rješenje. Dodjeljivanje pondera objektivnim pokazateljima nužno uključuje manju ili veću dozu subjektivnosti, ovisno o načinu na koji se oni izvode. Neponderiranim indeksima zamjera se jednako vrednovanje svih komponenata. Očigledno je da nije lako sažeti kompleksnu realnost na jednu brojku koja će biti sveobuhvatna i nedvosmisleno ukazivati gdje je kvaliteta života bolja ili lošija. Prema nekim autorima (npr. Sawicki i Flynn, 1996.) složeni su indeksi prikladniji za pregledan prikaz stanja na višim prostornim razinama (npr. država), no nisu odgovarajući za analiziranje problematike na nižim razinama prostorne hijerarhije (lokalna razina). Osim toga, kako je već spomenuto, primjena složenih indeksa podrazumijeva redukciju inicijalnoga skupa podataka, što može dovesti do prikrivanja detaljnijih informacija o različitim aspektima kvalitete života. Očigledno, nije jednostavno konstruirati jedinstveni indeks koji bi bio potpuno cjelovit i uključivao sve aspekte individualne ili kolektivne kvalitete života (Massam, 2002.).

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Faktorska analiza koristi se za identifikaciju relativno maloga broja faktora unutar većega skupa varijabli. Prednost ove metode jest da dobiveni faktori olakšavaju razumijevanje općega koncepta na temelju empirijskih veza sa skupom pokazatelja. Također, faktorska analiza omogućava automatsko statističko ponderiranje svake varijable u faktoru. Dobivene faktorske vrijednosti (bodovi) mogu biti korišteni kao ponderi. Ipak, faktorska analiza ima i svoje nedostatke. Aplikacija faktorske analize uključuje neke kritične odluke, kao npr. koje statističke mogućnosti koristiti u statističkim procedurama te koliko faktora treba biti primijenjeno. Nadalje, faktori se često sastoje od nekoliko varijabli čije značenje za kvalitetu života nije uvijek jednoznačno. Zbog toga je potrebna subjektivna procjena istraživača za određivanje predznaka faktora, odnosno utječu li pozitivno ili negativno na ukupnu kvalitetu života. Ambivalentnost značenja faktora je veliki problem u korištenju faktorske analize za računanje složenih indeksa. Proces određivanja naziva svakom faktoru prema njegovim atributima također je subjektivan proces. Faktorska analiza je usprkos navedenim nedostacima često korištena metoda za definiranje pondera pokazatelja (Li i Weng, 2007.; Sereke Tesfazghi, 2009.; Zebardast, 2009.; Das, 2008.; Sharpe, 1999.; Hasan, 2007.; Hagetry i sur., 2001.).

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Također, vrlo je često krajnji cilj konstrukcije indeksa, rangiranje i formiranje tablica najboljih i najlošijih prostornih entiteta prema kvaliteti života, poput primjerice knjige Places Rated Almanac: The Classic Guide for Finding Your Best Places to Live in America. Knjiga je tipičan predstavnik studija rangiranja gradova koje su medijski vrlo popularne. Naime, rangiranja gradova prema indeksima kvalitete života redovito provode i objavljuju časopisi: The Economist, The Money Magazine, Asia Week, The Fortune Magazine ili internetske stranice poput Mercer Global Quality of Living City Rankings. Ovakve studije predstavljaju jednostavan i popularan pristup kvaliteti života kojima je jednako važno informirati javnosti o tome gdje je najbolje živjeti, zaposliti se, otići na odmor, kupiti nekretninu i sl., kao i zabaviti publiku. Njihov komercijalni uspjeh pokazuje da postoji veliko zanimanje publike za temu kvalitete života pa se od 1990-ih rezultati ovakvih studija sve više koriste i u sklopu marketinških promocija gradova (Hasan, 2007.; Rogerson, 1999.). Koliko je relativna vjerodostojnost takvih indeksa, priznaju i sami autori knjige Places Rated Almanac pa u novijim izdanjima ostavljaju mogućnost da čitatelji sami, prema svojim preferencijama, dodaju pondere i računaju indekse (Savageau, 2007.).

2.3. Alternativni pristup analiziranja i prikazivanja objektivnih pokazatelja kvalitete života

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Postoje i drugačiji načini pojednostavljivanja strukture pokazatelja i njihovoga prikazivanja od sažimanja pokazatelja u indeks. U literaturi se u te svrhe navode opisni profili prostornih cjelina, skupovi reprezentativnih pokazatelja i višedimenzionalne prezentacijske metode.

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Jedan od mogućih načina jest identifikacija prostora prema skupu varijabli koje čine operacijsku definiciju koncepta. Ovaj način predlagao je još Knox (1978.), a njegova prednost je da dolazi do manjega gubitka informacija nego s agregacijskim pristupima, što ga odlikuje većom osjetljivošću za višedimenzionalnost konstrukta. Navedeni pristup podrazumijeva povezivanje određenoga broja pokazatelja, koji odražavaju iste ili slične aspekte proučavanoga fenomena, u skupove, a može se izvesti primjenom multivarijantnih analiza, kao što su faktorska ili klaster analiza. Spomenute analize mogu rezultirati prostornim obrascima ili opisnim profilima prostornih cjelina koje naknadno mogu poslužiti kao okvir za daljnje, detaljnije analize (primjerice anketna istraživanja). Wong (2006.) smatra da je bit primjene pokazatelja upravo u naglašavanju i korištenju njihove analitičke snage, a ne samo njihova tehnička sinteza. Sljedeća mogućnost pojednostavljivanja strukture skupa pokazatelja je izdvajanje pojedinih ključnih, reprezentativnih pokazatelja (eng. key/headline/flagship indicators) (van de Ven i sur., 1999.). Njihova primjena omogućava balans između osiguravanja dovoljne količine informacija te potrebe za što jednostavnijim načinom prikazivanja prikupljenih podataka. Ni u ovom slučaju ne postoji jedinstveno primjenjiv koncept izbora takvih ključnih pokazatelja. Većinom se izabiru na temelju subjektivnih procjena istraživača prema glavnim ciljevima istraživanja ili uz pomoć statističkih metoda (poput korelacijske analize kojom se mogu izdvojiti oni pokazatelji što jako


L. Slavuj: Problem određivanja složenih (objektivnih i subjektivnih) indeksa...

koreliraju s drugima te mjere iste aspekte promatranoga fenomena) (Wong, 2006.). Primjerice, UN-ovi pokazatelji za održivi razvoj (United Nations Indicators of Sustainable Development, 2007.) predstavljeni su s 50 ključnih pokazatelja, iako se cijeli skup sastoji od 96 pokazatelja. OECD (2008.) primjenjuje 10-13 ključnih okolišnih pokazatelja, dok se cijeli skup sastoji od ukupno 40-50 okolišnih pokazatelja. Pri prezentaciji odabranih ključnih pokazatelja moguće je primijeniti višedimenzionalne dijagrame za prikaz pokazatelja, čime se naglašavaju vrijednosti više reprezentativnih pokazatelja umjesto da se ističe samo jedan ukupan. Primjer takvih višedimenzionalnih prezentacijskih metoda su radijalni dijagrami (Wong, 2006.). Vrijednost pojedinih pokazatelja raspoređuju se duž radijalnih osi od kojih svaka predstavlja pojedini pokazatelj. Uključene su minimalne i maksimalne vrijednosti. Ovakav način primijenili su, primjerice, Kenji, Masanobu i Hitomi (2008.) za prikazivanje i uspoređivanje performansi po pet ključnih domena u japanskom gradu Takamatsu (ekonomski potencijali, kulturne i opskrbne mogućnosti, sigurnost, stanje okoliša) na njegovoj periferiji i u centru. Radijalne dijagrame primijenila je i Azijska banka za razvoj kako bi mogla pratiti i uspoređivati stanje u nekoliko gradova prema određenom spektru pokazatelja (Wong, 2006.). Navedena metoda prezentacije primjenjuje se i za prikaz rezultata dobivenih subjektivnim pokazateljima.

3. Indeksi temeljeni na subjektivnim pokazateljima Rasprava je do sada bila posvećena problematici konstrukcije indeksa nastalih na temelju objektivnih pokazatelja. Objektivni pokazatelji inherentno ne sadržavaju komponentu subjektivne važnosti pa se debate vode je li im uopće potrebno i na koje načine najefikasnije moguće naknadno pridružiti pondere. U tu svrhu navedene su najčešće korištene metode te njihove prednosti i nedostaci, kao i rasprava je li konstrukcija subjektivnih indeksa nužna i na koji način se treba provoditi. I subjektivni indeksi mogu se podijeliti u dvije kategorije. Jedni nastaju sumiranjem jednako vrijednih pokazatelja, a drugi sumiranjem pokazatelja koji nose različite vrijednosti za ukupan koncept (slika 2.).

Skup subjektivnih pokazatelja

Neponderirani subjektivni indeksi Izvor: autorica

Ponderirani subjektivni indeksi

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Slika 2. Shematski prikaz mogućih manipulacija subjektivnih pokazatelja u složeni indeks

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Primjer indeksa koji uvažava subjektivno iskustvo kvalitete života, a koji nastaje sumiranjem pokazatelja jednakih vrijednosti jest Australian Unity Wellbeing Index. Indeks se temelji na prosječnim vrijednostima zadovoljstva s pojedinim aspektima osobnoga života (zdravlje, osobne veze, osjećaj sigurnosti, standard života, postignuća u životu, osjećaj pripadnosti zajednici i buduća sigurnost) i nacionalnoga života Australije (socijalni uvjeti, ekonomska situacija, stanje okoliša, gospodarstvo, sigurnost i vlada) (Australian Unity, 2013.). No, debate oko konstrukcije subjektivnih indeksa uključuju i pitanja o važnosti pojedinih domena za koncept. O kvaliteti života uobičajeno se promišlja kao o globalnom, cjelovitom konstruktu koji se sastoji od mnogo specifičnih domena. Slijedom ideje da pojedine domene nisu jednako važne svim ljudima, u brojne instrumente za mjerenje kvalitete života su uz pitanja o zadovoljstvu domenama, uključena i pitanja o njihovoj važnosti za ispitanika. Neke od najpoznatijih takvih mjernih instrumenata sastavili su Cummins (Comprehensive Quality of Life Scale, 1997.), Ferrans i Powers (Quality of Life Index, 1985.), Frisch (Quality of Life Inventory, 1992.), Raphael i sur. (Quality of Life Profile-Adolescent Version, 1996.) (Wu i Yao, 2006.a). Instrumenti su bazirani na pretpostavci da je ukupno zadovoljstvo životom sačinjeno od zadovoljstva pojedinim domenama života i relativne važnosti tih domena koje one imaju za pojedinca. Dakle, za prikupljanje informacije o ukupnoj kvaliteti života, moguće je pomnožiti rezultate zadovoljstva s rezultatima važnosti za svaku domenu života i tek potom pristupiti sumiranju rezultata u ukupan indeks. Izraženo formulom ova ideja glasi: Subjektivna kvaliteta života = Σ (zadovoljstvo domenom x važnost domene).

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Primjerice, ukoliko se u istraživanju koristi Lickertova skala od pet stupnjeva, te izraženo zadovoljstvo nekom od domena života iznosi 3 stupnja, a važnost koja joj se pridaje 4, onda bi rezultat za tu domenu iznosio 12 (Trauer i Mackinonn, 2001.). Postupak je potrebno ponoviti za svaku domenu i potom zbrojiti njihove rezultate kako bi se dobio složen subjektivan indeks. Ponderiranje s važnošću je relativno često primjenjivan postupak u formiranju subjektivnoga indeksa kvalitete života, te ga pojedini znanstvenici smatraju ispravnim (Alcazar i Andrade, 2008.; Dzurova i Dragomirecka, 2000.).

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Ljudi različito vrednuju različite domene, pa jednostavno zbrajanje zadovoljstva po domenama, bez uključivanja važnosti koja im se pridaje, ne bi moglo adekvatno predstavljati kvalitetu života. Iako se ova ideja čini logičnom, brojna istraživanja pokazala su da je ponderiranje domena s važnosti zapravo nepotreban postupak. Naime, studije su pokazale da ponderirani rezultati ne rezultiraju većom korelacijom s ukupnom kvalitetom života od neponderiranih (Wu i Yao, 2006.b). Odnosno, da ponderirani rezultati ne poboljšavaju predikciju ukupnoga blagostanja, pa je stoga postupak ponderiranja domena suvišan. Ovu činjenicu primijetili su još pioniri istraživanja subjektivne kvalitete života, Andrews i Withey (1976.) i Campbell, Converse i Rodgers (1976.), no ta spoznaja dugo


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vremena nije bila posve prihvaćena. Naime, Andrews i Withey (1976.) zabilježili su da podaci o važnosti koju ljudi pripisuju pojedinim domenama nisu povećali točnost predikcija o ukupnom iskustvu života. Trauer i Mackinnon (2001.:580) su, s obzirom da složeni indeks može nastati kombinacijom rezultata koji pokazuju veliko zadovoljstvo, ali malu važnost, te rezultata koji pokazuju nisku razinu zadovoljstva, ali veliku percipiranu važnost, postavili sljedeće pitanje: “Je li je ispravno zaključiti da ove dvije, prilično različite situacije, prikazuju istu ‘pravu’ razinu kvalitete života?”. U svojem istraživanju pokazali su da ponderiranje domena s važnosti ima minornu ulogu za procjenu ukupne kvalitete života. Wu i Yao (2006.b) također su došli do zaključka da je multiplikativna metoda nepotrebna, nakon što su testirali različite algoritme ponderiranja korištene za mjerenje kvalitete života koje je konstruiralo nekoliko autora (Cummins, 1997.; Raphael i sur., 1996.; Ferrans i Powers, 1985. te Frisch, 1992.). Cummins (2002.) je nakon višegodišnjega rada na izradi mjernoga instrumenta odustao od ponderiranja zadovoljstva pojedinim područjem s njegovom važnošću za pojedinca. U radu iz 2002. napominje da je od 1997., kada je izašlo peto izdanje priručnika o konstrukciji indeksa subjektivne kvalitete života (Comprehensive Quality of Life Scale, 1997.a), prikupljeno mnogo informacija koje su dovele do novih spoznaja. Njegovo mišljenje slaže se s već navedenima, ali i mišljenjem mnogih drugih znanstvenika da je u postupku stvaranja indeksa kvalitete života množenje zadovoljstva s važnošću, neispravna procedura, te da ne postoji opravdanje za takav postupak.

Iako se načini konceptualizacije kvalitete života često razlikuju među autorima, istraživači ipak nastoje uključiti u koncept one dimenzije koje su općenito procijenjene kao važne za većinu ljudi. Dakle, one su a priori izabrane zbog njihove gotovo univerzalne relevantnosti. Stoga, većina domena ima za ispitanike barem djelomičnu važnost (Russell, Hubley, Palepu i Zumbo, 2006.) pa kada ispitanici odgovaraju na pitanja o razini zadovoljstva, u te je odgovore već uključena važnost koju za njih posjeduju navede domene. Ipak, ukupna kvaliteta života nije ni samo jednostavan zbroj prosječnih zadovoljstva po sastavnim domenama (Rojas, 2006.). Zaključak da je nepotrebno ponderirati zadovoljstvo s važnošću, ne znači da sve domene za sve ljude imaju jednaku vrijednost. Važnost koju ispitanici pridaju različitim aspektima ipak je značajno istraživačko pitanje u razumijevanju kvalitete života. Dapače, podaci o vrijednosti sastavnih

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Trauer i Mackinnon (2001.) smatraju da glavni razlog zašto ponderiranje zadovoljstva s važnošću ne mijenja značajno neponderirane rezultate leži u činjenici da je važnost na neki način već uključena u iskaze o stupnju zadovoljstva. Ispitanici koji navode zadovoljstvo ili nezadovoljstvo nekom domenom time istovremeno pokazuju da ta domena ima određenu važnost za njih. Pogotovo je to slučaj ukoliko iskazuju jako visoku razinu (ne)zadovoljstva. Drugim riječima, ispitanici će izražavati veće nezadovoljstvo ili zadovoljstvo evaluirajući one domene koje su im važnije, nego one koje imaju za njih manju vrijednost.

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komponenata blagostanja vrlo su vrijedni u analizi (Wu i Yao, 2006.a; Trauer i Mackinnon, 2001.) i predstavljaju još jedan djelić koncepta, koji dodatno pomaže u njegovoj evaluaciji i objašnjavanju. Podaci o, primjerice, postojanju razlika među različitim grupama ljudi, s obzirom na njihove karakteristike, poput dobi, (ne)hendikepiranosti ili etničkoj pripadnosti, mogu poslužiti za definiranje njihovih prioriteta i pomoći u planiranju usluga koje su im potrebne. S druge strane, postojeći dokazi da je nepotrebno ponderiranje rezultata zadovoljstva, nose velike prednosti. Zaključak da računanje složenih indeksa nije pravilan postupak, znatno pojednostavnjuje analize kvalitete života. Skraćuje se vrijeme potrebno za dobivanje gotovih rezultata, a i umanjuju moguće greške pri mjerenju. Russel i sur. (2006.) zaključuju da, iako je ovaj način bio vrlo popularan među istraživačima, nove spoznaje eliminiraju potencijalne izvore pogrešaka (pogotovo u slučajevima kada je potrebno računati složene indekse za velike skupove podataka). Dok se oko pitanja konstrukcije složenih objektivnih indeksa još uvijek debatira, čini se da je rasprava oko ponderiranja subjektivnih pokazatelja, polučila zaključak. Dominantno mišljenje u znanstvenoj zajednici jest da se ukupna kvaliteta života ne može ispravno konceptualizirati kao zbroj zadovoljstva domenama ponderiranih važnošću. S druge strane, ukupna kvaliteta života ne može se shvatiti ni samo kao jednostavan zbroj zadovoljstva jer je važnost pojedinih domena još uvijek značajan faktor u stvaranju ukupnoga osjećaja zadovoljstva (iako očigledno ne na način da se multiciplira s razinom zadovoljstva).

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Stoga, mnogi znanstvenici umjesto da zbrajaju rezultate po domenama kako bi dobili podatak o ukupnoj kvaliteti života, ispitanike izravno ispituju o tome (Lu, 1999.; Parkes, Kearns i Atkinson, 2002.; Oktay i Marans, 2010.; Sereke Tesfazghi, 2009.; Tuan Seik, 2000.; Das, 2008.; Pacione, 1986.; Williams, Kitchen, Randall, i Muhajarine, 2008.; Muhajarine, Labonte, Williams i Randall., 2008.). U tu svrhu primjenjuju se opća pitanja poput: “koliko ste ukupno zadovoljni životom?”, “kako biste ocijenili Vašu ukupnu kvalitetu života?” i sl. Ovako postavljenim izravnim pitanjem izbjegavaju se zamke i nedostaci koje sa sobom nosi računanje indeksa temeljem navedenih postupaka zbrajanja po domenama koncepta.

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4. Zaključak O kvaliteti života najčešće se promišlja kao o cjelovitom, složenom konstruktu koji se sastoji od mnogo specifičnih domena. Iz toga razloga postoji i potreba za sumiranjem te prikazivanjem rezultata istraživanja u jednom pokazatelju, odnosno indeksu kvalitete života. Primjena samo jednoga indeksa uvelike jednostavnijim čini usporedbe među mjestima, regijama ili državama, nego što je to usporedba prostora prema nizu pokazatelja koji čine sastavne domene koncepta. Međutim, u radu je argumentirano da niti jedan način određivanja indeksa na temelju konstruiranih objektivnih i subjektivnih pokazatelja nije idealan i potpuno za-


L. Slavuj: Problem određivanja složenih (objektivnih i subjektivnih) indeksa...

dovoljavajući, te da se svaki može osporiti i kritizirati zbog specifičnih manjkavosti. Čak je upitno koliko pojedini indeks vjerodostojno reprezentira cjelokupni koncept. Popularnost indeksa leži prije svega u atraktivnosti ideje da se mnogostruka stvarnost prikaže na jednostavan i razumljiv način, te u poimanju da ljudi ne razdvajaju striktno pojedine komponente života, nego posjeduju jedinstveni osjećaj zadovoljstva životom. No, socijalni fenomeni su vrlo slojeviti, sastavljeni od mreže složenih odnosa koje nije lako analizirati na sistematičan način. Stoga se pojednostavljivanje ovoga koncepata definitivno nije pokazalo kao lak zadatak. Cilj ovoga rada bio je kritički se osvrnuti na upotrebu jedinstvenih pokazatelja kvalitete života kako bi se skrenula pozornost na brojne probleme i nedoumice s kojima se susreću istraživači prilikom konstrukcije indeksa. Na temelju u radu iznesenih argumenata, odnosno činjenicu da ne postoji konsenzus oko ispravnoga načina agregacije pokazatelja u složeni indeks, može se zaključiti da je upotrebu takvih konstruiranih indeksa bolje izbjegavati. Ukoliko se indeksi ipak primjenjuju, onda je važno da ne budu jedini način na koji su prikazani rezultati analize. Složeni indeksi mnogo se koriste, ali su svakako prikladniji za pregledan prikaz stanja na višim prostornim razinama (npr. država). Umjesto složenih indeksa, moguće je primijeniti neke od alternativnih načina pojednostavljivanja strukture pokazatelja. Primjerice, umjesto indeksa temeljenih na objektivnim pokazateljima, mogu se koristiti skupovi reprezentativnih pokazatelja (eng. key indicators) i višedimenzionalne prezentacijske metode ili opisni profili prostornih cjelina. Umjesto konstruiranja subjektivnih indeksa kvalitete života zbrajanjem rezultata po pojedinačnim domenama, ispitanicima je ispravnije (ujedno i jednostavnije) postaviti izravno pitanje o njihovoj ukupnoj kvaliteti života. Zaključno, može se ponoviti da je bolje izbjegavati primjenu složenih indeksa jer se time umanjuju potencijalni nedostaci koji mogu utjecati na točnost rezultata istraživanja i dovesti do gubljenja detaljnijih informacija o pojedinim aspektima koncepta, kao i do poteškoća oko interpretacije tako dobivenih indeksa.

1. Alcazar, L. and Andrade, R. (2008). Quality of life in urban neighborhoods in Metropolitan Lima, Peru, Inter-American Development Bank, Research Department. Pregledano 12.06. 2013. (http://idbdocs.iadb.org/wsdocs/getdocument. aspx?docnum=1668608). 2. Andrews, F. M. and Whitney, S. (1974). Developing measures of perceived life quality, in: Michalos Alex (Ed.). Citation classics from Social Indicator Research 2005. Dodrecht: Springer. 3. Australian Unity (2013). What is The Australian Unity Wellbeing Index?. Pregledano 16. 01. 2013. (http://www.australianunitycorporate.com.au/Community/auwi/Pages/whatsAuwi.aspx). 4. Das, D. (2008). Urban Quality of Life: A Case Study of Guwahati. Social Indicators Research, 88 (2): 297-310. 5. Dzurova, D. and Dragomirecka, E. (2000). Quality of life in the Czech Republic. Acta Universitatis Carolinae Geographica, 1: 103-116.  

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24. Lu, M. (1999). Determinants of Residential Satisfaction: Ordered Logit vs. Regression Models. Growth and Change, 30 (2): 264-287. 25. Malkina-Pykh, I. G. and Pykh, Y. A. (2008). Quality-of-life indicators at different scales: Theoretical background. Ecological Indicators, 8 (6): 854-862.   26. Marans, R. and Couper, M. (2000). Measuring the Quality of Community Life: A Program of Longitudinal and Comparative International Research. Proceedings of the Second International Conference on the Quality of Life in Cities. National University of Singapore, Singapore. 27. Massam, B. H. (2002). Quality of life: public planning and private living. Progress in Planning, 58 (3): 141-227.   28. Morris, A.; Findlay, A. and Rogerson, R. (1988). In search of an explanation of quality of life in British cities: some Scottish dimensions. Scottish Geographical Magazine, 104 (3): 130-137.   29. Muhajarine, N.; Labonte, R.; Williams, A.; Randall, J. (2008). Person, Perception, and Place: What Matters to Health and Quality of Life. Social Indicators Research, 85 (1): 53-80. 30. OECD (2008). Key environmental indicators. Pregledano 12.09. 2013. (http:// www.oecd.org/dataoecd/20/40/37551205.pdf). 31. OECD (2013). Better Life Index. Pregledano 12.09. 2013. (http://www.oecdbetterlifeindex.org/about/better-life-initiative/). 32. Oktay, D. and Marans, R. (2010). Overall quality of urban life and neighborhood satisfaction. Open House International, 35 (3): 27-36. 33. Pacione, M. (1982). The use of objective and subjective measures of life quality in human geography. Progress in Human Geography, 6 (4): 494-514. 34. Pacione, M. (1986). Quality of life in Glasgow: an applied geographical analysis. Environment and Planning A, 18 (11): 1499-1520. 35. Parkes, A.; Kearns, A. and Atkinson, R. (2002). What Makes People Dissatisfied with their Neighbourhoods?. Urban Studies, 39 (13): 2413-2438. 36. van Poll, H. (1997). The perceived quality of the urban residential environment: a multi-attribute evaluation. Pregledano 20.09. 2013. (http://dissertations.ub.rug. nl/FILES/faculties/science/1997/h.f.p.m.van.poll/thesis.pdf). 37. Rogerson, R. (1999). Quality of Life and City Competitiveness. Urban Studies, 36 (5-6): 969 -985. 38. Rojas, M. (2006). Life satisfaction and satisfaction in domains of life: is it a simple relationship?. Journal of Happiness Studies, 7 (4): 467-497.   39. Russell, L.; Hubley, A.; Palepu, A.; Zumbo, B. (2006). Does Weighting Capture What’s Important? Revisiting Subjective Importance Weighting with a Quality of Life Measure. Social Indicators Research, 75 (1): 141-167. 40. Savageau, D. (2007). Places Rated Almanac: The Classic Guide for Finding Your Best Places to Live in America 7th, Washington D.C.: Places Rated Books, LLC. 41. Sawicki, D. S. and Flynn, P. (1996). Neighborhood Indicators: A Review of the Literature and an Assessment of Conceptual and Methodological Issues. Journal of the American Planning Association, 62 (2): 165-183. 42. Sereke Tesfazghi, E. (2009). Urban quality of life and its spatial distribution in Addis Ababa: Kirkos sub-city. Pregledano 10.08. 2013. (http://www.itc.nl/ library/papers_2009/msc/upm/tesfazghi.pdf).

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43. Sharpe, A. (1999). A Survey of Indicators of Economic and Social Well-being. Pregledano 15. 10. 2012. (http://www.csls.ca/reports/paper3a.pdf). 44. Smith, D. (1973). The geography of social well-being in the United States an introduction to territorial social indicators. New York: McGraw-Hill. 45. Smith, D. (1996). The quality of life, Human welfare and social justice, in: Douglas Ian; Hugget Richard and Robinson Mike (Eds.). Companion Encyclopedia of Geography. London: Routledge. 46. Smith, D. (1979). The identification of problems in cities: Applications of social indicators, in: Herbert David and Smith David (Eds.). Social problems and the city, Geographical perspectives. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 47. The Social Progress Imperative (2013). Social Progress Index. Pregledano 20.06.2013. (http://www.socialprogressimperative.org/data/spi/methodology). 48. Trauer, T. and Mackinnon, A. (2001). Why are we weighting? The role of importance ratings in quality of life measurement. Quality of Life Research: An International Journal of Quality of Life Aspects of Treatment, Care and Rehabilitation, 10 (7): 579-585. 49. Tuan Seik, F. (2000). Subjective assessment of urban quality of life in Singapore (1997–1998). Habitat International, 24 (1): 31-49. 50. UIC, Quality of life indeks. Pregledano 10.6.2013. (http://www.uic.edu/orgs/ qli/). 51. United Nations (2007). Indicators of sustainable development: guidelines and methodologies. 3rd. New York: United Nations. Pregledano 28.11. 2013. (http:// www.un.org/esa/sustdev/natlinfo/indicators/guidelines.pdf). 52. Ülengin, B.; Ülengin, F.; Güvenç, Ü. (2001). A multidimensional approach to urban quality of life: The case of Istanbul. European Journal of Operational Research, 130 (2): 361-374.   53. Van de Ven, P.; Kazemier, B. and Keuning, S. (1999). Measuring well-being with an integrated system of economic and social accounts. Pregledano 23.10. 2013. (http://www.cbs.nl/nr/rdonlyres/a6d5f2de-754f-4b44-8d00-1213ac38c7a2/0/ wellbeing_def.pdf). 54. Williams, A.; Kitchen P.; Randall, J.; Muhajarine, N. (2008). Changes in quality of life perceptions in Saskatoon, Saskatchewan: comparing survey results from 2001 and 2004. Social Indicators Research, 85 (1): 5-21.   55. Wong, C. (2006). Indicators for Urban and Regional Planning. London: Routledge. 56. The World Bank (2013). Gini Indeks. Pregledano 28.09. 2013. (http://search. worldbank.org/all?qterm=gini%20index). 57. Wu, C. and Yao, G. (2006a). Do We Need to Weight Item Satisfaction by Item Importance? A Perspective from Locke’s Range-Of-Affect Hypothesis. Social Indicators Research, 79 (3): 485-502. 58. Wu, C. and Yao, G. (2006b). Do We Need to Weight Satisfaction Scores with Importance Ratings in Measuring Quality of Life?. Social Indicators Research, 78 (2): 305-326.   59. Zebardast, E. (2009). The Housing Domain of Quality of Life and Life Satisfaction in the Spontaneous Settlements on the Tehran Metropolitan Fringe. Social Indicators Research, 90 (2): 307-324.


L. Slavuj: Problem određivanja složenih (objektivnih i subjektivnih) indeksa...

Pregledni rad

Lana Slavuj University of Zagreb, Faculty of Science, Department of Geography, Croatia e-mail: lslavuj@geog.pmf.hr

Issues of Derivation of Composite (Objective and Subjective) Indices as Integral Measures of the Quality of Life Concept Abstract This paper deals with the issues of derivation of composite (objective and subjective) indices as integral measures of the quality of life concept. Integration of a large number of indicators into one index is an intriguing idea that makes an important part of the quality of life research. It is based on the presumption that people do not isolate particular aspects of their life, but have an integral feeling of life satisfaction. This is also one of the most controversial parts of the quality of life research because the way in which indices are aggregated is subject to numerous criticisms. Studies show that it is not easy to construct an index that is complete enough and which unambiguously includes all aspects of the individual and collective quality of life. Although quality of life indices are commonly used (especially for the presentation of results on national levels and for comparison among various countries), present experiences show it is more appropriate to replace them with a non-aggregate set of objective indicators or with a direct question about the individual overall quality of life.

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Key words: quality of life indices, objective indicators, subjective indicators, weighting indicators.

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DOI 10.5673/sip.52.1.3 UDK 72:327.8(497.5 Zagreb) Prethodno priopćenje

The Resistance of Architecture to Political Regime(s): the Case of Novi Zagreb Dubravka Vranić FORMA studio, d.o.o., Zagreb, Croatia e-mail: dubravkavranic@gmail.com ABSTRACT This paper draws upon the case study of Novi Zagreb to examine the extent to which architecture can resist political authority. Although the circumstances of its conception are still obscure, I argue that it came into existence as an outcome of the resistance of architecture to political forces. In contrast to the existing studies claiming that the first urban complexes of the Naval Institute and Zagreb Fair, were built on the south side of the river Sava without the intention to build the housing, my hypothesis is that their construction was part of the project to build a modernist city from the very beginning, long before the first Plan for South Zagreb in 1962. The archival research and in-depth interviews show that the majority of strategic decisions about the infrastructural projects, which enabled the construction of the modernist city a decade later, were made in the late 1940s and the early 1950s. At the same time, in the late 1940s, Croatian architects, by resisting the imposition of Social Realist aesthetic doctrines, defined the modernist paradigm of the “functional city” as a model for the construction of the new socialist reality. After the political control over the arts diminished in the early 1950s, the local authorities immediately applied the idea of a modernist city through thoughtful infrastructure planning. Thus, the actions of the architects resisting the political pressures of the state may be considered to be architecture’s capacity to develop autonomously, when restricted by authoritarian powers, which, in the case of Novi Zagreb, led to the creation of an alternative city offering excellent living conditions today.

The circumstances of Novi Zagreb’s inception are still obscure, which is why some authors describe this major city area, built along modernist lines south of the river Sava after the World War Two (WWII), as a “group of spatially independent neighborhoods” and do not see it as a coherent whole (Fisher, 1985; Gulin Zrnić, 2009). However, on the basis of archival research and interviews with the participants, this study argues that it was a planned project from its very beginnings, long before the

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Key words: Novi Zagreb, modernist city, functional city, architectural autonomy, resistance of architecture.

Copyright © 2014 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

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1. Introduction: The Relationship between Architecture and Society


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first Plan for South Zagreb1 (1962). The fact is that the Plan for South Zagreb (1962) appeared 15 years after the competition of New Belgrade’s state and party buildings (1947). It came almost a decade after the construction of the first urban complexes, the Naval Institute (1949-1959) and Zagreb Fair (1954-1956), and a few years lagging behind the first entirely planned neighborhood Micro-rayon Novi Zagreb2 (1959). The archival research shows that the decisions about the construction of those first infrastructural3 projects were made in the late 1940s and early 1950s. At the same time, in the late 1940s, the regime had strong control over artistic production, and Socialist Realism was imposed upon architecture as the official poetics. In contrast to the studies that claim that the Naval Institute and Zagreb Fair were built without intention to build housing (Fisher, 1985; Gulin Zrnić, 2009), this study argues that the construction of those first urban projects across the river was part of a thoughtfully engineered strategy to circumvent the totalitarian regime and build a modernist city. The hypothesis is that Novi Zagreb was conceived as an act of resistance of the Croatian architects toward the regime’s pressures, which makes it a suitable case study for exploring to what extent and under which circumstances architecture is able to resist political authority. To unravel the obscurities about its inception, I examine the relationship between architecture4 and society, of which the city is the most immediate reflection. On one hand there is a position that perceives architecture as an instrument of culture dependent on external realities such as socioeconomic, political and technological forces, while for the other architecture is as autonomous form capable of resisting

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1

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I would like to thank Bojan Bilić, Linda M. Bleijenberg, Dragutin Novosel, Andrej Radman, Aleksandar Štulhofer, as well as the anonymous reviewers for their useful criticisms, comments, suggestions, assistance and support. I would also like to thank my interviewees, architects who directly or indirectly took part in the construction of Novi Zagreb: Bogdan Budimirov, Branko Kincl, Neven Kovačević, Boris Magaš, Nada and Josip Uhlik, and Krešimir Ivaniš for getting me in touch with some of them. **The shortened version of this paper will be presented at the Third International Meeting of European Architectural History Network (EAHN) in Turin, Italy, from 19 to 21 June, 2014. HR-GUSPRG-technical documentation-0.10-5.1-urban program-, Urbanization of Novi Zagreb; “Plan for South Zagreb” was made by Urbanistički zavod grada Zagreba (Zagreb’s Urban Planning Department) and a group of architects: Neda Bešlić, Vojteh Delfin, Vladimir Ivanović, Grozdan Knežević, Zdenko Kolacio, Mirko Maretić, Zdenka Smolej i Josip Uhlik and other professionals, 1962. 2

HR-GUSPRG-technical documentation-0.10.16-5.1, -Micro-rayon Novi Zagreb, Zagreb’s Urban Planning Department, 1959. Today, Micro-rayon Novi Zagreb is called Trnsko. 3

By infrastructure, I refer to technical structure that supports society, both as technical infrastructure (such as roads, bridges, watter supply, sewers, electrical grids, telecommunications, heating plants) and social infrastructure and amenities (such as schools, recreational areas, swimming pools, and services). In this respect, I refer to the Naval Institute and Zagreb Fair as infrastructural projects because they set up the framework for the future city. 4

In this paper architecture is understood in a broader sense as an activity giving form to space, giving meaning to the environment (Eisenman, 2006); therefore, there is no particular distinction between city planning and architecture as an art of building.


D. Vranić: The Resistance of Architecture to Political Regime(s)...

external influences (Hays, 1984:16). This second position relies on the concept of architectural autonomy which opens up the possibility for architecture to address social issues responsibly and be other than a mere servant to ideological, commercial or capitalist forces. While cities usually come into being as a reflection of social and political circumstances, (like, for example, Brasília5), I take into account the complexity of socio-political circumstances in post-WWII Croatia and claim that Novi Zagreb was conceived as a project aiming to change those circumstances (Rogić, 2003). In this regard, my argument is more in line with the second of the abovementioned positions, which understands architecture as autonomous form. In the first section of this paper, I explore the concept of architectural autonomy to determine in which way and to what extent architecture can resist social and political influences. The second part describes incongruity between the existing studies and my findings about the conception of Novi Zagreb. Finally, a recent theory about architectural autonomy, which shows that architecture indeed is capable of resisting external influences during the times of social upheavals (Kaminer, 2011) is applied to the case of Novi Zagreb, to find out whether it was conceived autonomously from political influences.

2. Architectural Autonomy

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Brasília is usually seen as a paradigmatic case of a planned modernist city, showing the scope and breadth of influence that society and politics had on its conception. The idea of developing the country by moving the capital city into the interior was conceived as early as 1789. During the centuries, the idea was constantly linked with democratic hope and it reappeared in the public debate after the dictatorship was defeated. Once Juscelino Kubitschek, who promised “fifty years of prosperity in five”, decided to build it, the competition was held, and the city was constructed in only four years, from 1956-1960. Lúcio Costa’s Plano Piloto became the materialization of Brazilian society’s positivist belief in Ordem e Progresso (Jong and Mattie, 1994:41). 6

The word autonomy comes from the Greek auto (self) and -nomos (law) which means to give to oneself one’s own laws.

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Architecture is, in essence, giving form to space (Eisenman, 2006:33). To fully comprehend what is meant by the resistance of architecture, it is necessary to understand the concept of the autonomy6 of form, because only an autonomous system, which has defined its rules and constituted its capacities and limits, is capable of resisting external forces. The origins of the concept of autonomy of form can be found in the shift from the ancient to modern concept of form. While in the ancient concept of form the responsibility for the form-giving process is assigned to the divine, in the modern concept of form, it has shifted from the divine to a human mind. The main reason for this change lies in the Copernican reversal of Immanuel Kant’s thinking, which presupposes the active participation of the human mind in a cognitive process, in which the observer (subject), through his/her pure forms of intuition and forms of thought, regulates conceptual structuring of the world (object) (Mallgrave and Ikonomou, 1994). Therefore, the modern concept of form does

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not rely so much on the representation of the world, as much as on theorizing the relationship between subject and object. By positing a human being in the center of the cognitive process, the artistic activity has consequently become autonomous: independent from political, social and religious processes that have previously constituted it (Aureli, 2009). Ever since the concept of autonomy has emerged in the world of the arts, it has radically changed its understanding and the course of its development. While its introduction into fine arts meant the disengagement from statecraft and religion breaking its connections with society, its emergence in architecture, which remained dependent on authority and power, has profoundly changed it. Since the Renaissance invention of perspective, drawing and geometry became its main constituting elements. Architecture is no longer a building, or a material object itself, but becomes an ideal object, a product of the mind. It ceases to be a craft, and instead becomes a discipline. As a discipline, it becomes a sort of intangible institution “constituted by the accumulative effect of real institutions, organizations and products” (Kaminer, 2011:4), and as such, has different mechanisms of exercising power in comparison to real institutions. In contrast to an enclosed institution, a discipline exercises power “by making it lighter, more rapid, more effective, a design of subtle coercion for a society to come” (Foucault, 1977:209). According to Foucault, the discipline is, in its mechanism, “counter-law.” It seems to extend the general rules defined by law to another level of individual lives, because it is based on the “private” link between individuals, “a relation of constraints entirely different from contractual obligation” (Foucault, 1977:222).

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Although the universal juridicism of modern society seems to fix limits on the exercise of power, its [discipline’s] universally widespread panopticism enables it to operate, on the underside of the law, a machinery that is both immense and minute, which supports, reinforces, multiplies the asymmetry of power and undermine the limits that are traced around the law. The minute disciplines, the panopticisms of every day may well be below the level of emergence of the great apparatuses and the great political struggles. But, in the genealogy of modern society, they have been, [...], the political counterpart of the juridical norms according to which power was redistributed. (Foucault, 1977:223)

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As a discipline, architecture “possesses a certain consciousness, a specific understanding and a worldview” (Kaminer, 2011:4) that is related more to the knowledge of the architect and the process of thought. This enables it withdrawal into itself and an internal investigation and resuscitation in the realm of the “ideal.” The “ideal” refers to everything that prioritizes “consciousness over matter” in contrast to the “real” which is obsessed “with the concrete matter” (Kaminer, 2011:5), just as Plato’s world of ideas is opposed to the material world. This duality of ideal-real that corresponds to the subject-object dichotomy arises from the idealist roots of architecture, and is responsible for architectural autonomy, the capacity of the internal exploration of its own specific language (Vidler, 2002:16).


D. Vranić: The Resistance of Architecture to Political Regime(s)...

With the emergence of the concept of autonomy in architecture7, the relationship between society and architecture became more complex and ambivalent. According to Hays (Hays, 1984:16), the multitude of theories about their reciprocal influences have crystallized around the two opposing positions; the first position perceives architecture as an epiphenomenon of culture dependent on external realities such as socioeconomic, political and technological processes, while for the opposite position architecture is an autonomous form relying on its inherent properties that are disengaged from the historical contingency8 and, as such, capable of resisting external influences. The question is not whether architecture and society influence each other but what is the extent of their reciprocal influences? Hays positions architecture between culture and form, affirming that architecture is an autonomous discipline, at the same time being determined by social circumstances. This quasi-autonomous9 position is further explored in a recent study (Kaminer, 2011) that analyses how architecture is affected by social transformations and how it can resist them. Kaminer shows that the discipline of architecture during the times of social crisis cyclically passes the route of recovery by withdrawing into the realm of “ideal” in order to be able to engage itself again within the realm of the “real”. He argues that: A disciplinary reaction to situations of crisis and social transformation: a withdrawal into itself as escapism or resistance and resuscitation in “seclusion,” followed by a “return,” which expresses the acceptance of the new social order and a mastering of new techniques and understandings as a means of relating to the changed socio-economic landscape. The withdrawal is into the realm of ideal, a realm secluded from everyday life and from contamination by the unacceptable new order (Kaminer, 2011:5).

The one to introduce the concept of autonomy in architecture was Viennese architecture historian, Emil Kaufman, who connected Kant’s philosophical position of “autonomy of will” with architecture. Analyzing works of Claude-Nicolas Ledoux, he discerned the emergence of the composition of autonomous entities in contrast to the Baroque principle of concatenation. In his 1933 pamphlet Von Ledoux bis Le Corbusier, Ursprung und Entwicklung der Autonomen Architectur (Kaufman, 1985[1933]), he proposed that the development of modernism emerged in the work of Claude-Nicolas Ledoux in the 1770s and culminated in the work of Le Corbusier in the late 1920s. It was Kaufman who introduced the ideas of autonomy and modernism to subsequent generations of architects, starting with Philip Johnson in the 1940s, followed by Colin Rowe in the 1950s and Aldo Rossi in the 1950s and 1960s, and continuing with Peter Eisenman and M.K. Hays from the 1970s up to today (Vidler, 2002:16). 8

Hays describes these two positions as architecture as an instrument of culture and architecture as an autonomous form. The first view sees “culture as the cause and content of the built form”. The opposite position considers the autonomy of an abstract formal system exempt from pre-existing cultural values as the main constituting factor of architectural form. In this view, architectural objects are containers of the principle of internal coherence, disengaged from the historical contingency and circumstances. (Hays, 1984:16) 9

Stanford Anderson prefers using the term “quasi-autonomy” over “semi-autonomy” for architecture’s position between an autonomous discipline and cultural product (Anderson, 2002:30).

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He asserts that “the act of resistance by withdrawal” is a necessary stage in the process of adjustment “en route to establishing the methodologies, techniques and procedures that would accommodate the emerging new social order” (Kaminer, 2011:169). According to his thesis, the resistance of architecture is its capacity to go counter the existing social and political forces by withdrawing into the realm of the ideal, resuscitating itself, and becoming able to eventually return to reality ready to face the logic and the worldview of the new society. In line with his thesis that during the times of social upheaval the discipline of architecture is capable of transforming itself autonomously for facing a new social order, I claim that Novi Zagreb was an autonomous project. As cities are centers of political power, I focus on the relationship between architecture and politics. Before testing the reciprocal influences of architecture and politics in Zagreb, and their consequences on Novi Zagreb’s conception, I review the existing studies and present my archival findings regarding the development of this part of Croatia’s capital city.

3. Novi Zagreb - a Group of Fortuitously Connected Neighborhoods?

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Novi Zagreb is a part of Zagreb built after WWII to accommodate a new class of workers in the new socialist society. Originally conceived as a city for 250,000 inhabitants (Kolacio, 1962) (Figure 1), today it is a home to around 120,000 residents (Gulin Zrnić, 2009:85) because it has never been completely finished. Although it was criticized for years by both sociologists and architects (Gulin Zrnić, 2009:54-61), as well as perceived as a failure of modern urbanism (Blake, 1977:85-86), it has eventually became a convenient place to live, as shown by a recent anthropological study (Gulin Zrnić, 2009). I argue that the existing quality of living did not happen as a fortuitous accident, but instead came about as an outcome of an architectural project. Claiming that Novi Zagreb was a project does not necessarily mean that there was a drawing or a design upon which something was built. It means that there was a strategy by which something came into existence. The project here is understood along the lines of what Aureli called “autonomy of the project,” meaning that there is “the possibility for architectural thought to propose an alternative idea of the city rather than simply confirming its existing conditions” (Aureli, 2011:XIII).

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There is a lack of literature on the urban development of Novi Zagreb. This shortage might be the result of Zagreb’s complicated socio-political position within Yugoslavia in the post-war period (Banac, 1988). In the available literature there are few studies that deal with the urban development of Novi Zagreb (Fisher, 1985; Blau and Rupnik, 2007; Gulin Zrnić, 2009; Bobovec, Mlinar and Sentić, 2012) and several about the modernism or the post-WWII architecture and urbanism of Zagreb, which usually either do not mention Novi Zagreb, implicating it is not considered to be a modernist city (Domljan, 1969; Franković, 1985; Premerl, 2003; Križić Roban, 2012), or do not mention it in a sufficient manner (Radović Mahečić, 2003). Although most studies agree that its neighborhoods were planned along the modernist lines (Radović Mahečić, 2003:82; Blau and Rupnik, 2007:246; Gulin Zrnić, 2009:61), none of them states clearly how, why and when exactly Novi Zagreb was conceived or the reasoning behind its planning.


D. Vranić: The Resistance of Architecture to Political Regime(s)...

Figure 1 Plan for South Zagreb; Urbanistički zavod grada Zagreba; 1962 (Kolacio, 1962)

Although the primary focus of the anthropological study Kvartovska Spika (Gulin Zrnić, 2009) is the quality of living in Novi Zagreb’s neighborhoods, the chapter about Novi Zagreb’s urban development provides up to date the most comprehensive overview of its construction. Based on a thorough archival research, it presents a socio-political context of its development by analyzing Zagreb’s urban plans, ideological values of socialist society and urban sociology studies. Drawing upon the Athens Charter (Marinović-Uzelac, 1984), the author explains in detail why “Novi Zagreb is, by its urban concept and architectural resolution, the city of modern architecture and functionalist urban planning” (Gulin Zrnić, 2009:61) thus arguing it was one meaningful project based on the idea of “functional city.” However, describing its chronological development, the author cites Fisher (1985:88) and somewhat contradictorily claims that “Novi Zagreb consists of a group of ‘spatially independent settlements’ which together do not form a coherent whole” (Gulin Zrnić, 2009:44). This position is similarly held by Radovič Mahečić who asserts that this new part of the city “is built primarily as a cluster of separately-planned residential complexes” (Radović Mahečić, 2003:82). Examining Novi Zagreb’s conception further, Gulin Zrnić claims that during the construction of the Naval Institute and Zagreb Fair in the mid 1950s, there was neither the idea of a mass housing construction nor the urban plan of Novi Zagreb as a coherent project (Gulin Zrnić, 2009:69), again referring to Fischer’s paper. In that paper, Fischer states that there was no intention of building the housing across the river Sava, let alone a mass housing construction, by the time the first urban complexes had been built which is confirmed by their character (Fisher, 1985:88). In contrast to Fisher and Gulin Zrnić, this paper argues that even though there was no urban plan for Novi Zagreb in the mid-1950s, there was a strategy for creating a modern city based on the modernist paradigm of the “functional city” which used mass housing techniques for satisfying then pressing needs for housing in Zagreb

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Source: Kolacio, 1962:4

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that “required radical solutions.”10 It argues that the construction of the Naval Institute and the relocation of Zagreb Fair were part of the strategy that prepared the framework for the future construction of the modernist city. Assuming that these first infrastructural works were part of one project, implies that the inception of Novi Zagreb had begun earlier, in the late 1940s and the early 1950s, which is why I focus my archival research on the political decisions from the earlier period. The ongoing study of oral history interviews with the architects, who took part in the planning and decision making process, gave vital direction to the archival research and provided a more insightful account of the conception of Novi Zagreb. A review of architectural periodicals11 revealed further incongruities in the facts about Novi Zagreb’s inception. South Zagreb was first mentioned as a city in 1960, in the Croatian magazine Čovjek i Prostor. On the occasion of publishing issue 100 of this magazine, the mayor, Većeslav Holjevac, stated that “the beginning of intensive housing construction, which started three years ago on the other side of the river Sava, in fact, marks the formation of the new city for 250,000 inhabitants” (Holjevac, 1960:1). Although the first announcement of the city’s expansion to the south had appeared in the same journal two years earlier (Petrović, 1958:2), the Plan for South Zagreb (Kolacio, 1962:4-6), with a detailed explanation of the city’s organization, was published only two years after the mayor’s first proclamation, and appears to have been only a justification of what was already going on: the entire city was under construction.

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The lack of housing was one of the most acute problems in postwar Zagreb. After WWII, the population grew at a rapid pace (from 258,024 in 1931 to 478,076 in 1962), a trend that started with industrialization after WWI, when the population doubled in the between-war period (from 136,351 in 1910 to 258,024 in 1931). The gravity of the housing problem can be traced in both magazines, Čovjek i Prostor and Arhitektura, as well as in the Records of the City Committee of the City of Zagreb from 1952-1957. On the cover page of the first issue of Čovjek i prostor (1954), there was a title, “The Right to an Apartment” while in the same magazine in 1957, an article titled “Housing Situtation in Zagreb seeks Radical Solutions” (Despot, 1957) suggested that 30,000 housing units were needed in Zagreb to accomodate existing needs, plus 4,000 for each coming year because the population was growing by 15,000 inhabitants every year. In 1956, Arhitektura was devoted to the housing problem and the report from the first Yugoslav conference on housing in the cities concluded that there was indeed a huge shortage in housing (“Zaključci prvog jugosl. savjetovanja o stambenoj izgradnji i stanovanju u gradovima,” 1956). Šegvić wrote a text on the topic of 51,576 aparments a year (Šegvić, 1956) that were missing. Housing as a main problem in Zagreb was discussed on the 22st city assembly NOGZ, 25.1.1954. President’s Annual Report about the work of NOGZ in 1953. 19.01.1954. p.44/29.HR DAZG-37-NOGZ-1954/I, sig. 38. 11

For the purposes of this article, the journals Čovjek i Prostor (Man and Space) (from the first issue in 1954 to 1965) and Arhitektura (Architecture) (from the first issue in 1947 to 1965) were reviewed.


D. Vranić: The Resistance of Architecture to Political Regime(s)...

According to the recollections of Josip Uhlik,12 an architect who actively took part in the planning of South Zagreb, after the war “there was strong industrialization in Zagreb. The workers were coming from all over Yugoslavia and there was a pressing need to build housing. Hence, the local authorities were in search for the space where an organized construction could take place in accordance with the technological capabilities. [...] They were in search for the free areas where nothing needed to be removed and demolished, and it was them, of course, who took the decision to cross the river and build south of Sava.”13 The idea of expansion to the south has been continuously present in Zagreb’s urban history. Zagreb developed on the southern slopes of the Medvednica mountain, far from the alluvial river in the south, and the land which was marshy, foggy and wet. Regardless of the natural disadvantages and the constant threat of flooding, the idea of the expansion to the south across the river came up whenever the city needed to develop further. Lenuci’s Regulation Plan from 1907 to 1910 (Jukić, 1997:117-119) was the first to propose the city’s development across the river. The idea was further explored in the open international competition for a new regulation plan for Zagreb, which was held in 1930/31. The new regulation plan intended to increase the urban territory of Zagreb including Trnje, the area between the railway and the Sava river, but several entries went further south suggesting its development across the river.14 The results of the competition served Antolić and the City Regulation Office as a basis for the development of the 1936 and 1947 Regulation plans for Zagreb, which announced the possibility of expansion to the south, and served as effective plans for the construction of the city although neither of them was ever officially accepted.

12

Josip Uhlik (1921- ) was one of the most important architects of South Zagreb. He was the right hand man of Zdenko Kolacio, a manager of Zagreb’s Urban Planning Department which was in charge of the planning of Novi Zagreb. He designed Zagreb’s airport, Micro-rayon Novi Zagreb, Zapruđe, and was the author of Zagreb’s 1972 masterplan. 13 14

An interview with Josip and Nada Uhlik conducted on 5 February 2013.

Some entries proposed the expansion across the river, such as the 2nd prize winner, titled “Jelačić” by Erich Koetzer, Ewald Liedecke, Peter Koller, and the IVth prize titled “Grad Hrvata” by Carl Christof Lörcher, consultant: Werner Fabrucci (Laslo, 1984).

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Josip Uhlik further recalls that “even though there were many disagreements and critiques among professionals regarding the crossing of the river [...] it is interesting that all professionals, including engineers, civil engineers and art historians, were vigorously engaged, and at the same time divided about how the city should develop.” He remembers that in 1958 “it was already roughly clear that the city was expanding in south Zagreb. The idea was clear, but the exact layout of the neighborhoods was not yet known.” That the architectural milieu in Zagreb was acquainted with the fact that the new city was envisioned on the south side of the river Sava testifies the program for the School Building Center (Građevinski školski centar -

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GŠC) in South Zagreb dating from 1956, where there is a description of south Zagreb as a new city for 200,000 inhabitants across the river.15 However, Uhlik says, “Fair was probably Holjevac’s decisive stroke ‘Let’s go over the Sava River.’” He remembers that it was absolutely clear that the relocation of the Fair would open the possibility for the city’s construction.16 There are also several studies that claim that the relocation of Zagreb Fair was the generator of urban development of Novi Zagreb. In Project Zagreb, Blau and Rupnik claim that “the Zagreb fair enabled the city to embark on the planning and construction of Novi Zagreb” and that “the mayor piggy-backed Novi Zagreb onto the Fair, building housing districts around the fairgrounds” (Blau and Rupnik, 2007: 246). They further assert that “the relocation of the International Fair to the south side of the Sava has opened a new terrain for the development and expansion of the city.” Similarly, the authors of the recent article on Zagreb’s Fair (Bobovec et al., 2012) focus on its role as an urban generator of Novi Zagreb’s development. According to the archival findings,17 the first urban complex that was built on the south side of the river Sava was the Naval Institute (Figure 2). It was founded by Marshal Tito in 1948, for the purposes of the Yugoslav Navy, just a few months after the radical break with Stalin.18 Already, in 1949, it was decided that it would be located south of the river Sava because of its urban potential and the “suitability of the gravelly soil” due to the technical requirements.19 The construction started in the late 1950s,20 and the majority of the buildings were built by 1953.21 Prior to its construction, the exten-

15

HR-DAZG-1122-ZGD, AVENIJA V.HOLJEVCA; GŠC1956.-1958. sig.115; School Building center South Zagreb, The site description is not dated, but it is included with the approvals for the location of the school center from 1956. 16

The other interviewees Bogdan Budimirov, Boris Magaš and Branko Kincl confirm this.

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17

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I investigated HR-DAZG-37-NOGZ-Zapisnici sjednica gradskog vijeća NOGZ-Narodni odbor grada Zagreba (The records of the meetings of NOGZ-National Committee of the City of Zagreb) from 1952-1957 and HR-DAZG-1122-ZGD (Zbirka građevinske dokumentacijeCollection of building documentation), the Naval Institute archive (BI) which was not open until the mid-1990s because it was a military institution, GUSPRG, and the MGZ photo archive and HDA photo collection. 18

HR-BI-directive about the foundation of the Naval Scientific Institute, Belgrade, Josip Broz Tito 18.6.1948. 19

HR-BI-records of the meeting held on the premises of the Institute of Engineering (Inženjerski projektni zavod) on 4.11.1949. Vladimir Antolić, Kruno Tonković and Marijan Haberle were present at the meeting. 20

HR-BI-the approval of the location for the Naval Institue, pov.br. 20/53, 23.5.1953, where it is written that the first approval for the location of the Naval Institute was issued pov.br. 109, 30.5.1950. Approval for the road to the Institute 1125-IX-1951, 6.2.1951. 21

HR-BI-the letter from the Naval Institute’s manager, Stanko Šilović, to mayor Većeslav Holjevac, 8.8.1953.


D. Vranić: The Resistance of Architecture to Political Regime(s)...

sive expropriation of the land was carried out and the roads that connect it to the city had been built. All of the buildings were designed by local architects.22 Figure 2 The construction of the Naval Institute’s round pool, HR-BI- photo collection-B3-32, not dated but before 1955, eng. Špehar

Source: HR-BI- photo collection-B3-32, not dated but before 1955, eng. Špehar

After becoming a mayor in late 1952, Većesalv Holjevac continued engineering the construction of the infrastructural projects south of the river Sava. The following four moves were outlined in the Annual Report of the President of the city authorities in 1954 as the General Working Guidelines for 1954:23 the territorial division of the city, the construction of the Bridge of Freedom, the relocation of Zagreb Fair, and the construction of the thermal power plant with the heating plant. He began with a territorial reorganization of the city. During 1953, he initiated the division of the city into municipalities,24 which would later enable the incorporation of the municipality of Remetinec,25 the future location of South Zagreb, thus preparing for the further expansion of the city’s territory to the south. The crucial strategic

HR-BI-In Šilović›s letter to Inženjersko projektni zavod, it is written that eng.Tonković assured superiors in Belgrade that the local architects were able to design the Naval Institute and there was no need to hire German architects, 29.6.1950. 23

HR-DAZG-37-NOGZ-1954/I, sig. 38; Record of the 22st city assembly NOGZ, 25.1.1954. President’s Annual Report about the work of NOGZ in 1953, 19.01.1954. p.44/27-28. 24

HR-DAZG-37-NOGZ-1953, sig.341; Record of the 8th city assembly of the city council and the council of manufacturers NOGZ held on the 22. and 26.5.1953; Report on the proposal for Zagreb’s new territorial division; p.(5-6)279-280 and 299-399; Record of the 10th city assembly of the city council and the council of manufacturers NOGZ held on the 1.7.1953; It is decided that municipality (općina) is a basic city unit. p. (3) 345 25

HR-DAZG-37-NOGZ-1954/I, sig. 38; Record of the 22st city assembly NOGZ, 25.1.1954. President’s Annual Report about the work of NOGZ in 1953. 19.01.1954. p.44/28

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move across the river was the construction of the Bridge of Freedom (Figure 3) that connected the city in the north with the airport and the Fair in the south. In 1953, the mayor saw “the construction of new a modern bridge over Sava River” as an important task that would open “the possibility of realizing the perspective of the city development towards the south.”26 The plans for the bridge started in 1950 and the bridge opened in 1959 (Bobovec et al., 2012:188), while the decision for its construction was made in 1954.27 The drawings of the bridge sections made in 1956 clearly illustrate that the plumbing that passed through the bridge was intended for a large part of the city, and could be added if needed.28 Figure 3 The construction of the Bridge of Freedom, HR-MGZ-PA [41.310], 1958, Milan Pavić

Source: HR-MGZ-PA [41.310], 1958, Milan Pavić

Upon his arrival, being fully aware that the Zagreb Fair (Figure 4) was the basic core of the city’s commercial life with a long tradition,29 the mayor asked for an economic study for the construction of Zagreb Fair south of the river30 with the intention of

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26

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HR-DAZG-37-NOGZ-1954/I, sig.38; Record of the 22st city assembly NOGZ, 25.1.1954. President’s Annual Report about the work of NOGZ in 1953. 19.01.1954. p.44/30 27

HR-DAZG-1122-ZGD-MOST SLOBODE-TRNJE, sig. 3556, the Building permit for the Bridge of Freedom (5570-VII-1-1955) is dated 15.4.1956. It is written that the decision about its construction was taken in 23.12.1954 and was asked for in 14.5.1955 (br. 34989/55) 28

HR-DAZG-1122-ZGD-MOST SLOBODE-TRNJE, sig. 3556/1,-the Bridge of Freedom, technical drawings dated August, 1956; cross section of the bridge dated 30.6.1954. 29

HR DAZG-37-NOGZ-1954/I, sig.38; Record of the 22st city assembly NOGZ, 25.1.1954. President’s Annual Report about the work of NOGZ in 1953. 19.01.1954. p.44/29. 30

HR DAZG-37-NOGZ-1953, sig.37; Record of the 5th city assembly NOGZ, 20.3.1953. p.4 Assembly needs to be acquainted with the economic analysis of the relocation of Zagreb Fair on the south.


D. Vranić: The Resistance of Architecture to Political Regime(s)...

relocating it there. In early 1954, the local authorities decided to relocate it to the right bank of the river.31 Throughout the city’s history, Zagreb Fair was dislocated five times in one-hundred years, always to the city’s outskirts as an instrument of the development of the city (Blau and Rupnik, 2007; Bobovec et al., 2012; Knežević, 1996). This time, the International Fair32 “brought technical infrastructure (gas, electricity, water, and transportation) to the area south of the river, something the city had neither the authority nor the means to achieve on its own” (Blau and Rupnik, 2007:221), and thus, it has indeed served as an urban generator for the further construction of Novi Zagreb. Figure 4 The start of Zagreb Fair’s construction, HR-MGZ-PA [41.284], 1956; Šime Radovčić

Another strategic decision was to build a thermal power plant (Figure 5) in close proximity to the future Novi Zagreb. Wanting to keep the character of the industrial and commercial center, the city authorities were aware that Zagreb needed to provide a sufficient supply of electrical energy that would enable efficient functioning

31

HR-DAZG-37-NOGZ-1953,-sig.341; Record of the 14th city assembly of the city council and the council of manufacturers NOGZ held 28.12.2953; The relocaton of Zagreb Fair across the river Sava is discussed. Mayor is authorized to negotiate with the Federal executives in Belgrade about the relocation, p.428. HR DAZG-37-NOGZ-1954/I, sig.38; Record of the 21st city assembly NOGZ, 12.1.1954. The location for the new Zagreb fair will be on the south bank of the river Sava, p. 3-4. 32

International Zagreb Fair opened in 1956. Thanks to the geopolitical neutrality of Yugoslavia (member of the Non-Alignment movement), Zagreb Fair was the only fair at which USA and the USSR exhibited together during the Cold War (Blau and Rupnik, 2007).

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Source: HR-MGZ-PA [41.284], 1956; Šime Radovčić

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of its industry.33 After the analysis affirmed that Zagreb was indeed a proper location for a new thermal power plant, in 1954, they have strategically approved its location on the northern bank of the Sava River, 34 in close proximity to the future Novi Zagreb in the south and the new industrial zone in the east. Not only would the Savica power plant later provide heating for Novi Zagreb, but due to its construction the electrification of the whole city was redone, including laying cables underground,35 which facilitated the city’s development towards the south. Figure 5 Thermo plant on Savica, Zagreb, HR-HDA-1422_P-752-13, 24.10.1960, Mato Pintar

Source: HR-HDA-1422_P-752-13, 24.10.1960, Mato Pintar

Around the same time, there were several other infrastructural works that took place in the south such as the Hippodrome36 (1952), Lake Bundek37 (1958), and the educational complex of the GŠC (1956). In the mid-1950s, the first experiments in prefabrication techniques took place on the collective housing buildings in Naselje februarskih žrtava (Strukić, 2010:16), followed by housing construction in Savski Gaj (1957), which preceded the construction of the first entirely planned neighborhood

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33

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HR DAZG-37-NOGZ-1954/I, sig.38; Record of the 22st city assembly NOGZ, 25.1.1953. President’s Annual Report about the work of NOGZ in 1953. 19.01.1954. p. 44/29. 34

HR-DAZ-1122-ZGD-TERMOELEKTRANA ZAGREB II sig.3587, A temporary approval of the location for the Thermal power plant was issued on 13.8.1954, nr. 9956-VII-1-1954; A final approval of the location was issued on 6.8.1956. nr. 3918-VIII-1-1956; Thermal power plant Zagreb II, a building permit for 30 kV plant, 22.7.1960 35

HR DAZG-1122-ZGD-TERMOELEKTRANA ZAGREB II sig. 3584 The building permit for laying cables 30/10 kV underground (Toplana-ukl.VI-ukl.II) nr.08/2-23825/1-1959. dated 21.8.1959 36

Before becoming a hippodrome in 1952, the place was a garbage dump (Gulin Zrnić, 2009). 37

HR-GUSPRG-technical documentation-0.10.2-5.1-bathing resort, The Lake Bundek Project, dated 30.06.1958, Zagreb’s Urban Planning Department.


D. Vranić: The Resistance of Architecture to Political Regime(s)...

Micro-rayon Novi Zagreb in 1959. The construction of the neighborhoods intensified in 1960s and the 1970s, which eventually led to the construction of the new modernist city (Figure 6). Figure 6 Novi Zagreb in the mid-1990s; Airplane photographs of Novi Zagreb, (Andre Mohorovičić et al., 1999:167)

There is a considerable gap between what has been written about Novi Zagreb (Domljan, 1969; Fisher, 1985; Franković, 1985; Premerl, 2003; Radović Mahečić, 2003; Gulin Zrnić, 2009; Bobovec et al., 2012; Križić Roban, 2012) and my findings. The archival research revealed that there was a series of seemingly unconnected infrastructural projects south of the river Sava that started in the late 1940s and early 1950s, which enabled the later construction of the Novi Zagreb neighborhoods, and four of them were presented in one single document. Finding out that this part of the city had begun to be built a decade earlier than the existing Plan for South Zagreb situates it in a different socio-political context. I argue that all five strategic moves were part of a single autonomous project, a unique endeavor, which had the idea of a modernist “functional city” as a guiding principle, which is why I refer to it as a city, rather than just a part of the city. Even though there was no plan drawn up, there was a strategy by which local authorities had the intention to build a modernist city. This scheme reminds us of the construction of Lenuci’s Horseshoe,38 whose plan did not exist on the paper until it was actually constructed on the ground, implying that the city authorities might have, again, used the same well-known planning strategy, which had been previously used under unstable political conditions (Blau and Rupnik, 2007). 38

Lenuci’s Horseshoe is the most significant urban ensemble in Zagreb’s history, and has a very strong presence in the collective consciousness of the city. It was realized from the 1880s until the 1920s, and consists of a series of parks with public buildings carved in Zagreb’s Lower Town block tissue, which looks like Vienna’s Ring of Parks. Although attributed to Lenuci, a larger group of people was involved in planning and completing the project (Knežević, 1996, 2011).

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Source: Andre Mohorovičić et al., 1999:167

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4. Novi Zagreb - An Autonomous Project? In this section of the paper, I will use Kaminer’s theory to test my hypothesis that Novi Zagreb was an autonomous project. This theory posits that the transformation of the discipline of architecture has the capacity for autonomous transformation during the times of social crisis, by withdrawing itself into the realm of the “ideal”, and resuscitating itself in order to be able to accommodate a new social order. The sequence of reactions that the discipline takes on the route to recovery starts as a “withdrawal, escapism, resistance, resuscitation and finishes with the acceptance” (Kaminer, 2011:7) of the new socio-political and economic circumstances. My hypothesis is that the construction of Novi Zagreb was the final step on the architecture’s route of recovery, while its conception was the result of the resistance of architecture towards the imposition of the Socialist Realist aesthetic doctrine. Juxtaposing the development of architecture in Zagreb with its social, political and cultural context would reveal the ways in which they influenced each other.39

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Throughout history, Zagreb has gone through frequent political changes, yet showed surprising continuity in “artistic production” (Šerman, 2007:138). The city had its centers of power located elsewhere, be it Vienna, Budapest or Belgrade which forced the local authorities to develop autonomy in order to negotiate the city›s development. Prompted by the early 19th century national movement, a Croatian peripheral society, which at the time was part of the Habsburg Empire, strived for national integration. In achieving this, Croatia needed a national center: a recognizable place for its social and cultural representation. Hence, the city›s further development was conditioned by “the perception of Zagreb as a Croatian metropolis” (Rogić, 2003:17). The city, instead of reflecting social circumstances, became a project for changing those circumstances. Zagreb›s peripheral position enabled “intensification of culture” (Blau and Rupnik, 2007:14) that could not be so easily controlled by the ruling power, as military and economic forces could be, which enabled the city to become the locus of architectural innovation and experimentation. I argue that the transformation of the discipline of architecture, which culminated with the construction of Novi Zagreb, started earlier, with the social crisis due to the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1918 at the end of the WWI. In 1918, Croatia became part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, and the two following decades were marked by political instability, mainly because of the “conflict between the Serbian-dominated central government and Croatia”, which was an economically more “developed part of the Kingdom” (Blau and Rupnik, 2007:97). During that time, Zagreb had to cope with the rapidly growing number of its inhabitants, the post-war housing crisis, and the economic consequences of the 1929-1933 world crisis. Those major political and social changes, which were followed by a period of economic crisis, launched the inherent autonomous disciplinary transformation of architecture that starts with the withdrawal into the realm of the “ideal”, adjusting “its procedures, methodologies and self-understanding in order

39

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This section of the text, in great part, relies on Blau and Rupnik, 2007 and Šerman, 2007.


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to accommodate changes in society” (Kaminer, 2011:7). The modern architecture which took hold in Zagreb before WWI in the work of Viktor Kovačić, a disciple of Otto Wagner, found itself inadequate in answering the demands of the new capitalist society. It still did not develop the methodologies which could cope with the then urgent problem of providing a large number of housing units, and instead of actively participating in the construction of a new reality, it withdrew from it, reinventing itself by adjusting its operations and overall agenda to the new circumstances.

40

In 1920, the Association of Yugoslav architects adopted the new regulations for architectural competitions which included the obligation of organizing public competitions. Since 1905, members of the Club of Croatian architects demanded the obligation of public competitions for all mayor buildings, and recognition of architecture as art (Radović Mahečić, 2007). 41

CIAM (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne), an organization of European architects gathered around Le Corbusier in 1929, was in search of a new city planning methods for a modern way of life. At the CIAM congress IV, the contemporary cities were analyzed and the concept of a “functional city” was put forward, which after WWII became a model for postwar city planning (Mumford, 2000).

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The crucial move towards the redefinition of the discipline of architecture was establishing the institution of public architectural competition as an obligatory operation40 for the construction of all buildings of major significance, and for the urban master plans. Hence, both local and international competitions in Zagreb, during the 1920s and 1930s, stimulated architectural experimenting and innovation through “paper architecture,” which strongly influenced the formation of the discipline of architecture. What followed was the foundation of several institutions; two schools of architecture: the Technical University in 1919 and the Master Class (Meisterschule) of the Academy of Fine Arts in 1926, directed by Drago Ibler, which would educate the following generations of Croatian architects, and two institutions: the city building department in 1928, directed by Ivan Zemljak, and the Regulation Office in 1928, directed by Stjepan Hribar, which further contributed to the development of the discipline of architecture. Besides establishing the formal institutions, there were plenty of informal cultural groups and affiliations within those groups which contributed to the discipline’s development. Although the production of architecture was not large, there was a wide “range of experiments and original work, as well as intensity of architectural events a such” (Radović Mahečić, 2007:13). The vibrant cultural climate of the 1920s and 1930s in Zagreb was initiated with the flourishing of avant-garde periodicals such as Aleksić’s Dada journals and Ljubomir Micić’s Zenit, in which Josip Seissel begins with abstract experiments in the early 1920s. A close collaboration of young Croatian architects with international teachers such as Loos, Le Corbusier, Poelzig, and Beherns, resulted in significant architectural production in Zagreb during the interwar decades, and in great part contributed to an early emergence of the architecture of functionalism and international modernism in Zagreb. A close associate of Le Corbusier, Ernest Weissmann (Bjažić Klarin, 2005), initiated an international collaboration of a group of architects from Zagreb with CIAM.41 As a national group

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of CIAM for Yugoslavia, the Zagreb Group42 prepared the analysis of the living conditions in rapidly growing Zagreb, which was one of the 33 examined cities on the CIAM congress IV, titled “Functional City,” in 1933. Vladimir Antolić, who took part in the congress, together with Ernest Weissmann and Bogdan Teodorović, not only presented the idea of the “functional city” to a wider public by giving a lecture upon his return, but also immediately implemented its principles in the 1936 Regulation Plan for Zagreb. Realizing that architecture has the power and potential to change society, architects suddenly became aware of its responsibilities. In fact, the whole cultural scene was permeated with social ideas and the matters of collectivity. Architect Drago Ibler, who studied at Poelzig in Berlin, gathered a group of progressive artists into the Zemlja43 (Earth) Group, which was highly socially engaged. The group struggled against the imposition of the Socialist Realist doctrine, just as their intellectual “godfather” (Blau and Rupnik, 2007:100), writer Miroslav Krleža, did in the literature (Lasić, 1970), which led to the banning of the group in 1935. However, its members continued collaboration with some members of the Zagreb Group, and developed new strategies for cooperative housing in Zagreb in the late 1930s (Blau and Rupnik, 2007:170).

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After WWII, Croatia became a part of the multinational, partisan-run Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia. As in other Eastern Bloc countries, the regime imposed upon art with “Socialist Realism as the official poetics of the ruling socialist system” (Šerman, 2007:138). Yet, in contrast to the other socialist countries, the regime’s pressures did not last as long due to the radical break of Tito with Stalin in 1948, and the consequent ejection from the Cominform, which positioned Yugoslavia “on a fairly precarious line between East and West” (Šerman, 2007:137) and soon enabled moderate liberalization of the arts. In the early 1950s, searching for economic stabilization, the regime focused on creating an independent route for socialism based on autogestion,44 and the ideological pressures on art started to diminish. Yugoslavia opted for a geopolitical neutrality and therefore wanted to “portray itself in a way that could work for both sides” (Šerman, 2007:138). A leading Croatian writer, Krleža, who became a prime literary and cultural authority in Yugoslavia, officially announced the liberalization of the arts from the regime’s control and Social Realist poetics in the speech at the 3rd Congress of the Union of Yugoslav Writers held in Ljubljana in 1952, by pronouncing the “freedom of choice of artistic expression and

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42

Members of Zagreb group were Vladimir Antolić, Viktor Hećimović, Zvonimir Kavurić, Josip Pičman, Josip Seissel, Bogdan Teodorović, and Ernest Weissmann, (Bjažić Klarin, 2005). 43

Zemlja (1929-1935) founding members: Drago Ibler, architect, sculptors: Antun Augustinčić, Frano Kršinić, painters: Vinko Grdan, Krsto Hegedušić, Leo Junek, Omer Mujadžić, Oton Postružnik, Kamilo Ružička, and Ivan Tabaković 44

The Yugoslav project of autogestion (samoupravljanje), whose ideological roots date back to the 19th century (Mikhail Bakunin, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Peter Kropotkin, Georges Sorel, etc). was underpinned with two pilars: decentralization and establishing workers’ councils in state companies as “organs of socialized labour.” This was a foundation for the establishment of the system of self-management that was introduced in the 1974 constitution. The project was significant because it set up the socio-economic basis for “withering away of the state” and fostered a comprehensive democratization of society (Ronneberger, 2009:90-94).


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a possibility of relying on (and using) Western cultural models” (Šerman, 2007:140). A sign of the liberalization of arts was the emergence of the group of progressive architects and artists called EXAT ‘5145 who promoted synthesis of all arts, a total freedom of artistic expression, and abstract art which was not preferred by the regime.

After the competition, the resistance against Socialist Realist poetics continued in the theoretical discourse. While the Croatian architects were convinced that modernist functionalism was the most appropriate style for the construction of new socialist reality, the official party circles labeled it: ...as empty, fruitless and purely mechanical, devoid of inner human substance and as such a clear signifier of decadent bourgeois West. To these 45

The members of Experimental Atelier ‘51 were architects: Bernardo Bernardi, Zdravko Bregovac, Zvonimir Radić, Božidar Rašica, Vjenceslav Richter, Vladimir Zaharović; painters: Vladimir Kristl, Ivan Picelj and Aleksandar Srnec (Denegri, 2000:55). 46

The competition started in late 1946, and was finished in May of 1947 (Blagojević, 2004:40).

47

Nikola Dobrović sketch for Novi Beograd, (Blagojević, 2004:207).

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However, the immediate post-war period (1945-1952), when the ideological pressures on art were still strong, was crucial for defining the idea of a modern city in Yugoslavia. The regime’s imposition of Socialist Realist poetics intensified the struggle for autonomy in all spheres of art, including architecture, which resisted the regime’s pressures through both drawings and in the theoretical discourse. For the majority of Croatian architects, “the newly established socialist system must have appeared as the fulfillment of a great deal of their strivings: it suited their leftist ideas properly and it gave them a collective society as their long-awaited client. What was most rewarding is that they, thereby, had the mechanisms of architectural intervention already developed and prepared. From their point of view, the architecture of functionalist modernism was more than an appropriate tool in such radically new social circumstances” (Šerman, 2007:140). Since there was no competition for the urban development of Zagreb, the majority of Croatian architects took part in the competitions for New Belgrade, a new administrative capital city, and won two out of three first prizes (Ivanković and Obad Šćitaroci, 2011). Even though the competition46 was organized for the two party and state buildings, and provided the initial layout of the city,47 the architects were asked to develop urbanistic schemes compliant with their respective proposals for the buildings (Blagojević, 2004). As the imperative of Socialist Realist poetics was still quite strong, the competition brief for the buildings of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the Presidency of Government of Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia asked for a “monumental and representative architecture” (Blagojević, 2004). Although some proposals faltered in design from modernist to more monumental (Šerman, 2007:141), most of the competition entries demonstrated modernist poetics, which was a decisive shift from then dominant Social Realist poetics towards a new discourse of modern architecture appropriate for the changed socio-political and economic conditions.

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accusations the Croatian architectural theorist Andre Mohorovičić, a convinced communist himself, replied by constructing a breakthrough-term of a “generalized” or “comprehensive functionalism,” as a unique, broad concept which embraced (as Mohorovičić claimed Croatian functionalism had always done), besides the necessary layers of function, construction and economy, so many other levels such as aesthetics, history, regional morphology, politics, culture and psychology. [...] In that way, Mohorovičić claimed, although Croatian modernism indeed did rely on international, Western models, it “transcended” the mere mechanical, technical dimensions and became a sort of ”humane functionalism”, “functionalism with human face”, and was thus fully in line with the broad humanistic aspirations of the ambitious socialist system (Šerman, 2007:141). Mohorovičić, an influential architect and theoretician at the time, derived the concept of “comprehensive functionalism” by analyzing the city throughout different historical epochs with its means of production and social structures, concluding that different societies had different architectural representations. He claimed that city planning was “the most obvious affirmation of design arising from general conditions of the social structure” (Mohorovičić, 1947:7) and saw it as the most immediate reflection of a society. Consequently, he considered that architectural representation of a modern city should adequately represent a new prosperous socialist society.

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Modern city has to logically reflect ultimate life energy dynamics of contemporary social order. The collective power of working masses in movement forms its arteries, erase trivial individualities, characterize the direction of compositional expression of its squares, theatres, stadiums, airports, factories, settlements, parks etc. Unprecedented working rhythm forms labor facilities, and caesuras in this rhythm materialize in recreational facilities. These characteristics must be included in architectural design (Mohorovičić, 1947:6).

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Putting forward the concept of “comprehensive functionalism” in the first number of the newly founded journal Arhitektura in 1947, immediately after the pages on the Five Year Plan for the country’s construction, implicitly suggested the approval of functional modernism as the official poetics. This was followed by a fierce critique by Belgrade architect Maksimović (1948) in Arhitektura, which further polarized the positions between Socialist Realism, imposed by regime, and modernism, advocated by Croatian architects as a logical outcome of historical development of architecture in Croatia. Maksimović’s critique was concluded by editor’s affirmation (Šegvić, 1948:80)48 of Mohorovičić›s position and can be considered to be the completion of the short post-WWII period during which Croatian architects vigorously resisted 48

“Our theoretical position on the issues of architectural design has to be based on the analysis of contemporary socialist socio-economic system, on the analysis of its organization, analysis of development of its capital assets, analysis of its ideological progress. The totality of all these factors forms the foundation for the development of contemporary architectural design, which has to be the expression of its time” (Šegvić, 1948:80).


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strong ideological pressures, both in the New Belgrade competitions and in the theoretical discourse, and managed to define “comprehensive functionalism” as a poetics that would adequately represent new socialist order. For city planning, this meant the acceptance of modernist concept of «functional city» (and Le›Corbusier›s ideas of the city as idealized image of a new social model) as a paradigm for modern city planning in Yugoslavia. Mohorovičić, who in addition to being theoretician, also took an active part in Zagreb’s urban planning after the war49 (Ivanković and Obad Šćitaroci, 2011:364, 367), was wholly aware of the urgent need for housing and the impossibility of meeting of the demands on Trnje, as proposed by existing 1936 and 1947 Regulative plans. As soon as the political pressures started to diminish in 1952, he wrote: The development of new Zagreb has to be situated on the new grounds which would allow the free expression of new urban planning ideas which will meet functional demands of life in a new social reality. At the same time, it will interpret emotions of artistic experience expressed in urban and architectural compositions of socialist realism[...] Zagreb is currently in the phase of an impending crystallization and establishment of the urbanist concept of its new parts. This phase should see its perspective established through a scientific analysis tied with the new conditions of development in the framework of socialist society and embrace it with an adequate artistic expression both in urban and architectural design (Mohorovičić, 1952:49).

In the same year (1952), after strong political pressures abated, Većeslav Holjevac became the mayor of Zagreb. At that time, Zagreb had grown at a rapid pace because of the immigration prompted by industrialization. The new class of workers that was to build the new socialist society required a large number of housing units, and Zagreb was in dire need of a new plan. However, there was no competition for the development of Zagreb, which might suggest there was little political will from the regime to develop it. Being aware of the lack of the regime’s political will for Zagreb’s expansion (Rogić, 2003:31), and having the experience of operating under unstable political conditions, the local authorities decided to make a series of strategic moves in the early 1950s which would open up the road for the construction of South Zagreb. Although the mayor’s importance in carrying out the project is indisputable, and it is often attributed to him, I assume that a larger group of architects and intellectuals was involved in engineering this endeavor, just as behind

49

Mohorovičić was the frist Secretary of Temporary National Committee of Zagreb - Narodni gradski odbor Zagreba (GNOZ) since 27.5.1945 (Ivanković and Obad Šćitaroci, 2011:364) and he actively takes part in teritorial division as well as controlling the construction projects.

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Bearing in mind that he was a zealous advocate of functional modernism, meaning that he was acquainted with the idea of the “functional city,” it can be indeed assumed that it was Mohorovičić who suggested further development across the river (Ivanković, 2006:185).

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the conception of Lenuci’s Horseshoe stood a larger group of people (Knežević, 2011:41-42). The majority of Croatian architects active in the interwar period, who developed the tools of functional modernism, practiced the new city planning methods, and were aware of Zagreb’s urgent need for housing, continued their activity in the post-war period. To name but a few: Zdenko Strižić, Poelzig’s student in the 1920s, who worked in the City Regulation Office and was a member of the Zemlja group during the 1930s, after WWII became a teacher at the Faculty of Architecture educating the new generations of architects which would not only build South Zagreb50 but also change the direction of art in Croatia,51 because all of the architects members of EXAT’51 were his students; Vladimir Antolić, who took part in the CIAM congress IV in 1933, was the main city planner until 1953; Drago Ibler, founder of the Zemlja Group and Meisterschule, continued to teach generations of post-WWII students; Josip Seissel who was a major contributor to the avant-garde Zenit movement in the 1920s, was a member of Zagreb Group and worked in City Regulation Office in the 1930s, after the war continued working as a professor at The Faculty of Architecture in Zagreb at the Department for Urban Planning; Miroslav Krleža, who zealously struggled for the autonomy of literature and the arts in the interwar period, and after the WWII became the primary literal and cultural authority in Yugoslavia, took part in architectural competitions as a jury member, became a personal friend of Tito and mayor Holjevac. It seems that those intellectuals, and others not mentioned here, formed a sort of local autonomy based on interpersonal relationships, and Foucauldian disciplinary “counter-law” mechanism based on “private-links” came into play overpowering the regime’s lack of will to develop Zagreb across the river. A series of strategic decisions were made to realize a plan for South Zagreb which, similar to the Horseshoe, did not actually exist on paper until after all of the infrastructure for the city was already in place on the ground. In this respect Novi Zagreb can be considered as a paradigmatic example of an autonomous project, because the inherent properties of the discipline of architecture overpowered the external realities, and architecture managed to surmount the political impositions of the ruling regime (as it could overrule any other regime) by constructing a new modernist city.

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5. Conclusion

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In the mid-1960s, a city for 250,000 residents was being built on the southern side of the Sava River. Although there was no competition for the urban development in Zagreb immediately after WWII, as in Belgrade, the archival research and the interviews with the architects that took part in the construction show that the local authorities made a succession of strategic decisions about the construction of 50

Strižić was professor to almost all of the participants I interviewed up until now (except one, but Strižić was not his professor): Josip Uhlik, Nada Uhlik, Bogdan Budimirov, Boris Magaš and Neven Kovačević; and all of them consider him as the professor who formed them. 51

Strižić was professor at Engineering Faculty of Zagreb University to all architects members of EXAT ‘51 (Ceraj, 2011:19).


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infrastructural projects in the late 1940s and during the early 1950s, almost a decade before the existing Plan for South Zagreb (Kolacio, 1962), which enabled the construction of the city. Therefore it seems highly likely that the infrastructure planning, engineered with the intention to build a modernist city across the river, was an autonomous project. That Novi Zagreb was an autonomous project means that there was a strategy which, regardless of the ideological pressures, enabled architectural thought to realize a distinct idea of the city, instead of just confirming its existing conditions. The carrying out of this strategy was enabled due to architectural autonomy, the capacity of the discipline of architecture to transform and reinvent itself in times of social upheavals, which gives architecture the possibility to address social issues responsibly. Drawing upon the concept of architectural autonomy, I examined the transformation of architecture within the social, political, and cultural context in post-war Zagreb, when the regime’s pressures on art were quite strong. Croatian architects defined the idea of the modern city in Yugoslavia in the immediate post-WWII period by resisting the regime’s pressures for Social Realist poetics. There is evidence of their resistance towards the imposition of Socialist Realism, both in the competitions for New Belgrade’s buildings and within the theoretical debates, resulting in official acquiescence in the modernist paradigm of the “functional city” as a model for the construction of the new socialist reality. At the same time, in the early 1950s, shortly after the liberalization of the arts from political influences, the local authorities led by mayor Holjevac envisioned a succession of strategic infrastructural moves which would lead to the construction of a modernist city a decade later.

As the discipline of architecture managed to develop autonomously in the post-war period when restricted by authoritarian powers, the question is whether it would be equally able to cope with the other external influences nowadays, such as neoliberal economy or free-market capitalism. The case of Novi Zagreb opens up the possibility for reconsidering architectural autonomy as a means of resistance against the current post-transitional landscapes of spatial disorder in Zagreb. It also shows that the agents which addressed the social issues responsibly were not the institutions, but rather, the architects themselves, with their non-institutional informal cooperation and affiliations with other cultural groups, which implies that the responsibility for carrying out the changes in the contemporary city continues to lie with the architectural profession.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

The case of Novi Zagreb shows that architecture is indeed capable of resisting political authority, and being other than just a mere servant to ideological forces. This example reveals that the actions of Zagreb’s architects, who exercised power in a disciplinary manner based on Foucauldian interpersonal ties, succeeded in resisting the political forces. Regardless of the fact that some of them were party members, their professional non-institutional cooperation and their affiliations with other intellectuals, cultural groups and local authorities enabled the realization of their clearly defined ideas based on architectural knowledge. The outcome was the construction of the city that nowadays provides excellent living conditions as opposed to other city parts in Zagreb that came into being by ad hoc planning.

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45. Ronneberger, K. (2009). Henry Lefebvre and the Question of Autogestion, in: S. Bitter and H. Weber (Eds.). Autogestion; or Henri Lefebvre in New Belgrade (Filip., pp. 89–117). Berlin: Sternberg Press. 46. Strukić, K. (Ed.). (2010). Pola stoljeća Trnskog - priča jedne generacije. Zagreb: Muzej grada Zagreba. 47. Šegvić, N. (1948). Ka diskusiji o aktuelnim problemima naše arhitekture. Arhitektura, 8-10, 76–80. 48. Šegvić, N. (1956). Na temu 51.576 stanova godišnje. Arhitektura, (1-6), 5–6. 49. Šerman, K. (2007). The new reality and the phenomenon of abstraction: on some aspects of Croatian Architecture in the 1950s and 1960s. ARCHITEKTÚRA&URBANIZMUS, Journal of architectural and town-planning theory, 41, 138. 50. Vidler, A. (2002). The Ledoux Effect: Emil Kaufmann and the Claims of Kantian Autonomy. Perspecta, Mining Autonomy, (33), 16–29. 51. Zaključci prvog jugosl. savjetovanja o stambenoj izgradnji i stanovanju u gradovima. (1956). Arhitektura, (1-6), 30.

Sources

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1. State Archives in Zagreb (Državni arhiv u Zagrebu) HR-DAZG 2. Archives of the City Office for Department for Strategic Planning and Development (Gradski ured za strategijsko planiranje i razvoj grada) HR-GUSPRG 3. The Zagreb City Museum - photo archive (Muzej Grada Zagreba - fototeka) HRMGZ-PA 4. Naval Institute Archive (Arhiv Brodarskog Instituta) HR-BI 5. Croatian State Archives (Hrvatski Državni Arhiv- Fond fotografija Agencije za fotodokumentaciju) HR-HDA-1422

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D. Vranić: The Resistance of Architecture to Political Regime(s)...

Prethodno priopćenje

Dubravka Vranić FORMA studio, d.o.o., Zagreb, Hrvatska e-mail: dubravkavranic@gmail.com

Otpor arhitekture političkom režimu/ima: slučaj Novog Zagreba Sažetak Ovaj članak koristi primjer Novog Zagreba da bi ispitao u kojoj mjeri se arhitektura može oduprijeti političkoj vlasti. Iako su okolnosti njegova nastanka još nejasne, tvrdim da je nastao kao rezultat otpora arhitekture političkim snagama. Za razliku od postojećih studija koje tvrde da su prvi urbani kompleksi Brodarskog Instituta i Velesajma sagrađeni s južne strane rijeke Save bez namjere da se gradi stanovanje, moja pretpostavka je da su oni građeni kao dio projekta za izgradnju modernističkog grada od samog početka, puno prije prvog Plana za Južni Zagreb iz 1962. Arhivsko istraživanje i dubinski intervjui pokazuju da je većina strateških odluka o infrastrukturnim projektima, koji su omogućili izgradnju modernističkog grada desetljeće kasnije, donesena u kasnim 1940-im i 1950-im. Istovremeno, u kasnim 1940-im, odupirući se nametanju socrealističke estetske doktrine, hrvatski arhitekti definiraju modernističku paradigmu “funkcionalnog grada” kao modela za izgradnju nove socijalističke stvarnosti. Nakon što je ranih 1950-ih politička kontrola umjetnosti popustila, lokalne vlasti odmah primjenjuju ideju modernističkog grada kroz pažljivo planiranje infrastrukture. Stoga se odupiranje arhitekata političkim pritiscima države može smatrati sposobnošću arhitekture da se samostalno razvije kada je ograničena od autoritarne vlasti, što je u slučaju Novog Zagreba dovelo do stvaranja drugačijeg grada koji danas pruža dobre uvjete života.

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Ključne riječi: Novi Zagreb, modernistički grad, funkcionalni grad, arhitektonska autonomija, otpor arhitekture.

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DOI 10.5673/sip.52.1.4 UDK 338.48:63(497.5) Pregledni rad

The Overview and Analysis of the State of Rural Tourism in Croatia Damir Demonja Institute for Development and International Relations, IRMO, Croatia e-mail: ddemonja@irmo.hr ABSTRACT In rural areas of Croatia, which make up 91.6% of its surface, 44.4% of the population is directly or indirectly related to agriculture. Taking into account the natural and cultural diversity of Croatian regions, a rich resource base of tourist attractions, preserved environment and 352 registered rural households, Croatia has all prerequisites for the development of rural tourism and all special forms of tourism related to the rural area. This is important because market demand particularly emphasizes the presence of rural tourism and its numerous forms. However, the rural area in Croatia is still insufficiently exploited in terms of tourism. Rural tourism in Croatia can become one of the main determinants of development in areas where it has so far been marginalized. Development of the rural tourism offer, which is attractive to investors and uses the unique local potential, will have a significant impact on the gross domestic product growth rate and employment. The paper is focused on presenting and commenting on the state of rural tourism in Croatia. It is based on the results from previously conducted researches and the new ones, and analyzes the state of rural tourism in Croatia in general, its facilities, carrying capacity, grant and incentive programs and, finally, suggests guidelines for the sustainable development of rural tourism in Croatia. Key words: Croatia, rural tourism, overview, analysis, state, guidelines, sustainable development.

Rural area in Croatia is determined by the territorial division according to which small administrative units, municipalities, are considered as rural areas, and cities as the urban ones. Based on such administrative criteria, from 4,437,460 inhabitants in Croatia, 44,4% (1,971,005) is considered a rural population and 55,6% (2,466,455) urban (Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Rural Development of the Republic of Croatia [MAFRD RC], 2008.:7). However, in order to implement rural development policy, as the most internationally recognized and used criterion for distinguishing between rural and urban areas, is used the OECD definition, which is based on population density. At the local

Copyright © 2014 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

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1. Introduction

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level, that municipalities and cities in Croatia, an area classified as rural or urban based on the threshold of 150 inhabitants per km². At the regional level, the counties in Croatia, the OECD defines three groups of areas, depending on the proportion of the population in the region living in the rural local areas: • predominantly rural regions: over 50% of the region’s population lives in local rural areas, • significantly rural regions: 15-50% of the region’s population lives in local rural areas, and • predominantly urban regions: less than 15% of the region’s population lives in local rural areas (MAFRD RC, 2008.:7). • By applying the OECD criteria, according to which areas are classified as rural or urban based on the threshold of 150 inhabitants per km², in the case of rural areas in Croatia, follows: • 91,6% of the total area of the Republic of Croatia classified as rural, and 8,4% as urban, • 88,7% of the settlements is located in rural areas and 11,3% in urban areas with 35% of the population in 14 cities with more than 30,000 inhabitants, and • 47,6% of the total population lives in rural areas and 52,4% of them in urban areas (MAFRD RC 2008.:7).

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According to the Strategy for development of Croatian tourism until the year 2010, it was recognized the need to revitalize the tourism potentials of the continental Croatia. Therefore, great attention has brought to the development of rural tourism. Considering the diversity of the natural resource base and characteristics of rural architecture and traditions in Croatia, it is possible to distinguish seven rural areas: 1. Slavonija, Baranja and Srijem, 2. Hrvatsko Zagorje, Prigorje, Međimurje and Podravina, 3. Posavina, Pokuplje, Moslavina, 4. Gorski Kotar and Žumberak, 5. Lika and Kordun, 6. Istria and Hrvatsko primorje, and 7. Dalmatia (Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia [MT RC], 2003.:13).

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In these rural areas, there are conditions for the development of 19 forms of tourism, namely: agritourism or farm tourism, residential, native, sport and recreational, adventure, educational, transit, camping, nautical, rural, cultural, religious, hunting, fishing, wine, gastronomic/culinary, nature-friendly, eco-tourism, and mixed and other forms of rural tourism. This paper analyzes recent Croatian literature about rural tourism, discusses the concepts, terms and entrepreneurial forms of rural tourism in Croatia, interprets legislative foundations (frames) of Croatian rural tourism, analyzes the state of tourism in rural areas in Croatia and interprets data on the facilities and capacities of rural tourism in Croatia. Also, this paper interprets and evaluates forms/types of grants and programs for the development of rural tourism and, finally, state and explains the guidelines for further development of tourism in rural areas in Croatia.


D. Demonja: The Overview and Analysis of the State of Rural Tourism in Croatia

2. Literature review In this literature review it will be presented and discussed in short only recent Croatian literature which is dealing with respected paper theme/subject. Rural tourism in Croatian scientific literature was fully studied and elaborated in a book Rural tourism in Croatia with Croatian best practice examples and European experiences (Demonja and Ružić, 2010.). This book deals with terms and definitions of the rural tourism and describes rural tourist destination, forms of rural tourism and marketing, conditions and guidelines for the development prospects of rural tourism in Croatia and, in the end, gives detailed descriptions of good practice examples in European countries and Croatia including more than thirty individual examples, categorized by types of facilities and forms of rural tourism. Despite the focus on Croatia, the book provides an overview and analysis of rural tourism in Europe in the context of sustainable development, as well as the experience of using structural funds and programs of the European Union.

There are a certain number of scientific articles dealing solely with the rural tourism theme. One of the most productive Croatian authors is E. Kušen. He wrote the first important article on rural tourism in Croatia (Kušen, 1992.:365-382), as well as he dealt with specific problems and issues of rural tourism, such as definition and terminology of rural tourism (Kušen, 2010.), than he researched some forms of rural tourism as continental nautical tourism (Kušen, 1995.), residential tourism (Kušen, 1995.a.) and tourism on rural farms (Kušen, 1995.b.). The research interests of P. Ružić (Ružić, 2009., 2011.) is rural tourism from the aspects of ethnology and tradition, rural forms of tourism and rural economy studied mostly in Istria County. Finally, articles of R. Baćac dealt with some specific themes of rural tourism, and the important and actual one is the theme of agritourism. One of his article contains evaluation of existing state of agritourism in Croatia and propose further steps for authentic tourism offer in rural areas (Baćac, 2010.a.:29-32), in the previous one the author discusses suggestions of agritourism developing improvement in Croatia (Baćac, 2010.:23-26), and in other examines and analyzes tradition in agritourism (Baćac, 2006.:36-42).

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Besides this book, as a quality base to research rural tourism could serve Proceedings from two of three held congresses on rural tourism in Croatia (Katica, 2010.; Katica, 2010.a.). Both Proceedings consists of scientific and professional articles which are handling a large number of different topics related to rural tourism and discussed on the congresses, they contain richness of numerical and graphical data, and worthy information. Some of the articles are showed examples of good practice, as well as those of international cooperation on the development of rural areas with emphasis on rural tourism. The number and variety of treated topics reveals the complexity of the subject area – rural tourism and authors approach how they understood problems, offering guidance, suggestions and solutions (Demonja, 2011.).

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3. Methods Methods of the researched theme consisted of: 1. collection and analysis of existing relevant literature and documentation, and analysis of current circumstances relating to tourism and rural tourism in Croatia, 2. collecting and analyzing data, information and research of relevant institutions regarding rural tourism in Croatia (Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia, Ministry of Agriculture of the Republic of Croatia, Croatian Chamber of Economy, Croatian National Tourist Board), and 3. field work and visits of selected numbers of tourist rural family households, situated in Croatian regions in which rural tourism is sufficiently developed.

4. Results, analysis and discussion 4.1. The concept, terms and entrepreneurial forms of rural tourism in Croatia The term rural tourism in Croatia is characterized by name diversity, which implies a relatively new concept in scientific research. However, despite the broad area that covers the term of rural tourism, its essence is focusing on rural (local) economy and its related activities in the natural environment.

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Linguistic misunderstandings closely related to the development of rural tourism in Croatia stemmed from the fact that the words village and peasant have the same root, but they are form similar but different adjectives rural and rustic. Since in the past 50 years the adjective peasant had mostly derogatory meaning, it was replaced by the word rural. This is exactly what in the professional terms and legal standards causes many unwanted misunderstandings. In meantime appeared another term in the field of rural tourism, close to the tourism on rural farms, purely marketing purposes, as a reaction to inadequate regulations. It is an agritourism which achieved significant economic success in Istria County.

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Later, development of rural tourism economies come to be associated with the development of the entire rural tourism in Croatia, and the term rural tourism, when used only in professional frames has not caused confusion. Selection of a foreign word rural in professional and scientific articles is based on the fact that in the Croatian language there is no an appropriate term for the entire non-urban area, which would stress the difference between a populated (rural) area and the entire one outside of the city. At European level, professional terms based on the root of the word rural is affirmed. At the First Croatian Congress on Rural Tourism, held in Hvar in 2007, due to the frequency of semantic misunderstanding and doubts related to the development of rural tourism in Croatia, especially those on rural farms, was adopted conclusions on the terminology of rural tourism (Kušen, 2010.:131-134). This terminology is, since then, more used in the Croatian scientific and professional literature.


D. Demonja: The Overview and Analysis of the State of Rural Tourism in Croatia

The term rural tourism has many forms (rural, residential, native, sport and recreational, and others), and most important component is farm tourism, which is very often determined by the syntagm tourism on rural farms. The term has a root in the word farmer, which determines the holder of the development of this form of tourism (Cetinski, Kušen and Katica, 1995.:10-11). Rural tourism in Croatia implies and includes many activities, services and additional contents that organize rural population on family farms in order to attract tourists in their area and create additional revenue. Starting from the mentioned and adding him component of sustainable development, which today is fundamental in rural tourism, in rural areas in Croatia can be recognized basic activities of rural tourism, its special forms and different forms of entrepreneurial organization (Regulation on the provision of catering services in rural household [RPCSRH], Official Gazette 5/08 and Act on providing services in tourism [APST], Official Gazette 68/07, Art. 49-53, and amendments Official Gazette 88/10, Art. 3-6.). Basic activities in rural tourism are catering (food preparation and catering services, preparing and serving drinks and providing accommodation services) and tourism services (provision of services in tourism). Key regulations that regulate business operations in rural tourism in Croatia are the Act on catering activity and the Act on providing services in tourism, and, in the case of a rural household, the Regulation on the provision of catering services in rural household. According to the existing Croatian regulations there are several forms of entrepreneurial organizing in rural tourism: citizen, craft and trade company. Tourist rural households in rural areas in Croatia are entrepreneurial organized as citizens, and they represent an additional activity of the primary agricultural activity. All other facilities that provide catering services on rural areas in Croatia must be registered as crafts or trade companies.

As already mentioned, the development of rural tourism in Croatia is regulated by the applicable laws and regulations. Considering that rural tourism carried out on rural households of particular importance are the following acts regulating tourism and catering activities at rural household: • Act on providing services in tourism (Official Gazette 68/07 and 88/10), and • Act on catering activity (Official Gazette 138/06, amendments Official Gazette 80/13), • as well as relevant regulations: • Regulation on the provision of catering services in rural household (Official Gazette 5/08, amendments Official Gazette 44/11 and 118/11), • Regulation on the classification and categorization of facilities that provide services in the rural household (Official Gazette 88/07, 58/08, 45/09), • Regulation on registers of catering facilities and on registers of providing catering services in the household and rural household (Official Gazette 5/08), • Regulation on the form, content and manner of keeping the guests book and the list of guests (Official Gazette 5/08), and • Regulation on keeping the list of tourists and the form and content of the registration form to the tourist board (Official Gazette 113/09).

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4.2. Legislative basis of rural tourism in Croatia

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The Act on catering activity in Croatian legislation introduces the concept of providing catering services on rural household, as follows in Chapter VI of that Act. Articles 28 to 37 prescribe the conditions under which rural households can provide catering services and the rules are given in Art. 38.

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Providing services on rural household determine the provisions of other regulations. The Regulation on the form, content and manner of keeping the guests book and the list of guests determines the method of recording guests in the household. Regulation on keeping the list of tourists and the form and content of the registration form to the tourist board determined the form for registration and reregistration of tourists. On the provision of catering services on rural households apply certain provisions of the Regulation on the classification and categorization of facilities that provide services in the rural household.

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Regulation on the provision of catering services in rural household closely regulates the provision of services on rural households. It specifies that â&#x20AC;&#x153;the facility in a rural household is a functional unit of the rural farm where the guests, depending on the type, provide preparing and serving catering service of meals/dishes and drinks, common for the area/territory where the rural household is settled, from agricultural products primarily of its own production, accommodation services and other services in the function of tourist consumptionâ&#x20AC;? (RPCSRH, Official Gazette 5/08, Art. 2). Besides the definition of rural households, this Regulation defined the types of rural household facilities: wine shop/tasting room, excursion site, room, apartment and campsite (Art. 5), as well as general and minimum requirements for each of these types of facilities (Art. 7 to 25). Also, this Regulation determined provision of catering services to guests with accommodation services, such as breakfast or half board or full board, and serving drinks (Art. 9 and 10), which have to be prepared from agricultural products from production of household itself (Art. 3). These Regulation in Chapters IV and V sets out minimum requirements that must be met by rural households for the provision of catering services, than the minimum requirements for individual facilities that provide accommodation services (rooms, apartments, campsites), then the minimum conditions that the rural household must meet to provide nutrition and beverage services. Chapter VII of the Regulation prescribes the classification of facilities which provide accommodation services on rural household, rooms, apartments and campsites, as well as conditions that they must meet. Finally, the Regulation set out minimum requirements and methods of categorization and marking facilities which provide catering services on rural household. The Act on providing services in tourism defines tourism services and states that the tourist services and other services for tourists provided in connection with their travel and stay also provide in the rural farms or family farms.

4.3. Rural tourism in Croatia The development of rural tourism in Croatia intermittently started in the beginning of 1990s, when the Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia started the initia-


D. Demonja: The Overview and Analysis of the State of Rural Tourism in Croatia

tives for its development, and the first activities included field surveys, gathering of information, training initiators and creating prerequisites for its development. The dynamics of stronger development of tourism in rural households and Croatian rural tourism in general started in 1998. During this year, 32 tourist rural households were registered in the Republic of Croatia (Mišćin and Mađer, 2008.). Soon afterwards, the “Rural Tourism Council” was established, which later grew into the “Council for the Development of Small and Medium Entrepreneurship in Tourism” with an emphasis on rural tourism (Kušen, 1995.b.:127-133; Kušen, 1997.:48-51). The Istria County, as a regional self-governing unit, first started getting involved in rural tourism and achieved significant results through its measures. This was the time when the issue of developing overall rural tourism boiled down to developing rural households. The initiatives by “Croatian Farmer”, then Association of Peasants, Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia, Institute for Tourism in Zagreb and, later, of the Member Club “Village” and the Croatian Chamber of Economy, were focused at first on searching for suitable rural households and animating their owners for reconstruction, for the purposes of rendering tourist and catering services, and creating conditions for their development. Today, numerous prerequisites have been met, so individual rural tourist destinations are being formed.

4.3.1. State of tourism in rural areas in Croatia Current status of tourism in Croatian rural areas can be objectively presented by analyzing very few publicly available data previously conducted research, and new ones, are available mainly from the annual statistical reports conducted by the Croatian Central Bureau of Statistics. The latter data, as well as those who collect government institutions like ministries, are not segmented and generally do not take into account the complexity and diversity of rural tourism. Also, the problem is the fact that the existing data of the research is difficult to get through the official channels for use in scientific and professional purposes. The last available official data regarding state of rural tourism in Croatia were collected on the year 2007, and they are presented and analyzed in this overview. Also, other data used in this article are

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Systematic development of rural tourism in the Republic of Croatia can be divided into two significant periods. The first period started in 1995 and lasted until the end of 1999, when the Croatian Government adopted the National Program for the Development of Small and Medium Entrepreneurship in Tourism, with an emphasis on sustainable development of tourism in rural areas (Cetinski, Katica and Nušinović, 1998.). Following this, several years of pausing activities ensued, during which period individual initiatives occurred while subsidies by the ministry in charge were lacking. The second period, which witnessed visible improvement in developing this kind of tourism, started by the end of 2003, i.e. at the start of 2004, when the new Government of the Republic of Croatia, through its ministries of tourism and agriculture, started taking more significant care of rural areas and economic activities taking place in rural areas.

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collected through personal contacts with the relevant institutions involved in rural tourism in Croatia. In March 2007, the Croatian Chamber of Economy, Tourism Department conducted a survey using a sample of 88 registered tourist rural family households, which encompasses about 25% out of 352 registered households in Croatia in 2007 (Mišćin and Mađer, 2008.). The survey results, which follow below, are considered significant indicators of the state for further development and adjustment of the legislative framework in the rural area, i.e. rural tourism in Croatia. Tourist rural family households have turned during the past decade into a new tourist product in the rural areas of Croatia, the fast quantitative growth and qualitative development of which we all witness year in and out (Table 1). Number shows that in the year 1998 there were only 32 registered tourist rural family households, a number of them by 2007 grew 11 times, and that year there were a total of 352.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Table 1 The number of registered tourist rural family households in the period from 1998 to 2007

76

Year

The total number of registered tourist rural family households in Croatia

1998

32

1999

65

2000

151

2001

175

2002

269

2003

269

2004

254

2005

310

2006

330

2007

352

Source: Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia, Zagreb, 2007

However, despite a positive development trend, analyses show it is not equal in all areas of Croatia, and that there are structural and other differences between households. In individual counties, there are a large number of developed households, while in as many Croatian counties as 6 – there is not a single registered household (Table 2).


D. Demonja: The Overview and Analysis of the State of Rural Tourism in Croatia

Table 2 Number of registered tourist rural family households, number of beds, catering services and wine/brandy tasting facilities/rooms, as per county, in 2007

County

Bjelovar-Bilogora Brod-Posavina Dubrovnik-Neretva Istria Karlovac Koprivnica-Križevci Krapina-Zagorje Lika-Senj Međimurje Osijek-Baranja Požega-Slavonija Primorje-Gorski Kotar Sisak-Moslavina Split-Dalmatia Šibenik-Knin Varaždin Virovitica-Podravina Vukovar-Srijem Zadar Zagreb Total

Number of registered tourist rural family households in Croatia*

Number of beds in households

Nutrition services

Wine/brandy tasting facilities/ rooms

2

16

2

2

0

0

0

0

70

23

70

70

64

253

47

35

0

0

0

0

6

22

5

3

7

20

6

6

0

0

0

0

8

10

8

8

56

192

47

3

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

8

27

7

3

31

12

31

16

21

16

21

21

6

6

3

5

0

0

0

0

2

0

2

2

41

248

11

10

30

41

28

23

352

886

288

207

According to data from the year 2007, in the Republic of Croatia are 352 registered tourist rural family households with a total of 886 beds. Of the total number of tourist rural family households, 288 of them or 81% offering nutrition services, while 207 or 59% have tasting room (wine, brandy and other). The number of registered tourist rural family households showing their highly uneven spatial distribution in Croatia. Even 6 counties has no registered nor do a single household, and 7 continental counties have registered less than 10 households. The largest number of registered tourist rural family households is in the Dubrovnik-Neretva County, 70 or 20%, followed by Istria County, which has 64 registered rural family households or 18%. Istria County has a significantly higher number of registered beds in tourist rural family households, 253 or 29% of total registered beds in tourist rural

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

* pursuant to the data obtained from Economy Departments of the State Administration Office in counties of the Republic of Croatia Source: Croatian Chamber of Economy, Tourism Department, Zagreb, 2007

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Sociologija i prostor, 52 (2014) 198 (1): 69-90

family households in all Croatian counties. Except the Dubrovnik-Neretva and Istria County, the most significant increase in the number of registered rural households in the continental part of Croatia has the Osijek-Baranja County with 56 registered households or 16%, and 192 beds or 22%. On the coast, i.e. east and coastal area of the Adriatic should be pointed out Zadar County with 41 tourist rural households or 12%, and 248 beds or 28%, then the Split-Dalmatia with 31 tourist rural households and the Šibenik-Knin with 21. In the continental part of Croatia, Zagreb stands out with 30 registered tourist rural family households and 41 beds. Other inland counties such as Sisak-Moslavina, Međimurje, Krapina-Zagorje, Koprivnica-Križevci and Varaždin, also recorded a growth a total of registered tourist rural family households, followed by the Bjelovar-Bilogora and Vukovar-Srijem County. Brod-Posavina, Karlovac, Lika-Senj, Požega-Slavonija, Primorje-Gorski Kotar and Virovitica-Podravina County do not have registered tourist rural family households. According to the recent official and unpublished data from the Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia, obtained through personal correspondence, the ministry counts 61 rural households. It is just those rural households that provide accommodation service/overnights stay, while for those that provide nutrition services data are not collected. According to the data (Table 3), the highest number of rural households that provide accommodation service/overnights stay are in Osijek-Baranja County, 23, and in Sisak-Moslavina County, 9. Five rural households with accommodation service are in the Istria County, 4 in Koprivnica-Križevci and Vukovar-Srijem, 3 in Zagreb, Šibenik-Knin and Bjelovar-Bilogora County, 2 in Dubrovnik-Neretva and Krapina-Zagorje County and 1 in Lika-Senj, Karlovac and Međimurje County. Table 3 Number of rural households with accommodation service in the 2012

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

County

Number of rural households with accommodation service

Zagreb Lika-Senj Šibenik-Knin Istria Dubrovnik-Neretva Krapina-Zagorje Sisak-Moslavina Karlovac Koprivnica-Križevci Bjelovar-Bilogora Osijek-Baranja Vukovar-Srijem Međimurje Total Croatia Source: Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia, January 2013

78

3 1 3 5 2 2 9 1 4 3 23 4 1 61


D. Demonja: The Overview and Analysis of the State of Rural Tourism in Croatia

Tourist rural family households, besides tourism offer, also attract guests by design/ appearance, i.e. attractiveness of the households or buildings where guests are offered different catering and tourist services. In the case of the attractiveness of tourist rural family households, a crucial importance has traditional architecture and the manner of construction. Most of those surveyed classified their facilities in a group of traditional (indigenous) or partly traditional buildings. There are few new facilities; only 17 in total, and 8 of them were built in the traditional style. There are more reconstructed or partly reconstructed buildings in the traditional style (34 households), and partly traditional facilities (also 34). In further development of tourist rural family households, attention should be given to traditional appearance of the family households and support reconstruction and restoration of old traditional estates i.e. villages and hamlets, and to make the existing ones as traditional as possible. The research further shows the number of accommodation units in Croatian rural tourism, with the exceptions of the counties of Istria, Zadar and Osijek-Baranja, is still inappropriate, i.e. insufficient. Increased development of stationary, overnight tourism in rural areas of Croatia is the sole possibility for extending the stay of domestic and international guests in villages (Table 4). Table 4 Number of registered beds, as per county, in 2007

Number of beds 16 23 253 22 20 10 192 27 12 16 6 0 248 41 886

Source: Croatian Chamber of Economy, Tourism Department, Zagreb, 2007

The research results for the supply of accommodation units exhibit the existence of a larger number of households, which do not provide nutrition services, having accommodation as the exclusive offer – which occasionally includes breakfast. These are chiefly facilities with no agricultural production – these are, therefore, not registered as rural family households, but as citizens – renters, just like the classical rural bed & breakfast, providing breakfast service. Such research results confirm the necessity to diversify the types of facilities that would provide catering, i.e. accommodation services in Croatian rural areas that were mostly tourist rural family

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

County Bjelovar-Bilogora Dubrovnik-Neretva Istria Koprivnica-Križevci Krapina-Zagorje Međimurje Osijek-Baranja Sisak-Moslavina Split-Dalmatia Šibenik-Knin Varaždin Vukovar-Srijem Zadar Zagreb Total

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households so far, and the necessity to enrich these with other tourist offers, in the form of advancing the fundamental tourist offer of these facilities in the rural area. It is obvious that a large number of registered tourist rural family households dominate, with mostly half-day and single-day excursion tourism, with nutrition services in excursion facilities, wine facilities and theme tasting facilities (wine, olive oil, cheese, honey and other indigenous products of tourist rural family households). As for working hours of tourist rural family households, these are not defined by law and this very fact leaves working hours to individual households. Most tourist rural family households opted for working during the whole week, prior telephone reservation provided (56 out of 88 surveyed). Without reservation, 18 households are open every day, while the rest has some other working hours. Seasonal tourist rural family households are few, and these are mostly found along the Croatian coast. The biggest problem as far as working hours of the households are concerned, in most cases, is the obligatory reservation, which is understandable for tourism is mostly an additional activity to hosts, who spend most of their time doing agriculture. Such working hours, on the other hand, limit the guests, because spontaneity and the spirit of adventure travelling or excursion are lost. It would, therefore, be desirable to find a solution acceptable to all, which would be obligatory for all tourist rural family households.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

When discussing labor at tourist rural family households, survey conducted by the Croatian Chamber of Economy, Tourism Department, results have shown that, in most cases, the households employ mainly family members. The households surveyed, employ 382 persons in total, out of which 348 (91%) are family members and 34 (9%) additional labor. Out of the total number of households surveyed, 16 of them (19%) employ additional labor. In average, 4 family members and 0,4 additional laborers are employed by one household.

80

As far as marketing is concerned, it has been determined there is no organized, joint marketing of tourist rural family households at the country level. Certain forms of marketing do exist at the level of individual counties (this mostly includes county catalogues or web pages in rare cases). Most households surveyed have own marketing materials, flyers or catalogues, postcards or web pages. Almost all surveyed tourist rural family households, 72 of them, state friends or acquaintances, i.e. wordof-mouth transfer of information and impressions as the most frequent form of marketing. Sixty tourist rural family households advertise through own flyers, more than a half via tourist boards, and slightly less than half cooperate with tourist agencies. It is one third of households that advertise through radio, TV, newspapers and fairs (presentation). A national catalogue of rural tourism in Croatia is required for future marketing and development of tourist rural family households, as well as increased advertising in home and international fairs. Within marketing activities of tourist rural family households, a crucial role is played by sales of indigenous souvenirs. It is, unfortunate, slightly above one half of surveyed households that have souvenirs as part of their offer. It is, therefore, necessary to increase networking in this segment, and cooperation with traditional crafts and tourist boards.


D. Demonja: The Overview and Analysis of the State of Rural Tourism in Croatia

One half of tourist rural family households surveyed participated in some form of training or seminars organized in order to acquaint members of households with legal regulations, taxes, subsidies, rights and duties, and other specific know-how and skills required for managing and running a tourist rural family household. All those surveyed participated in some form of training, given high marks for the same, and emphasizing the need to continue their organization.

4.3.2. Facilities and capacities of rural tourism in Croatia Accommodation facilities are basic and typical receptive factor of tourist destination, which means that from their size mostly depends the tourist traffic, and their types, forms and qualities directly affect the types and forms of tourism, and thus on it economic effects. In the function of rural tourist accommodation in Croatia are available tourist rural family households, hotels in mountains and other places in the Croatian inland, health-thermal resorts, campsites, and a large number of nutrition facilities. According to the official statistical records, to rural tourists in Croatia are available accommodation capacities (rooms, apartments, campsites) in 12 predominantly rural Croatian counties (Krapina-Zagorje, Sisak-Moslavina, Karlovac, Varaždin, KoprivnicaKriževci, Bjelovar-Bilogora, Virovitica-Podravina, Požega-Slavonija, Slavonski BrodPosavina, Osijek-Baranja, Vukovar-Srijem and Međimurje) in the total number of 7970 (Table 5). The largest number of accommodation capacities is in the PrimorjeGorski Kotar County (1890), and the lowest in Požega-Slavonia County (188). Table 5 Accommodation capacities in 12 predominantly rural Croatian counties, as of August 31, 2011

Krapina-Zagorje Sisak-Moslavina Karlovac Varaždin Koprivnica-Križevci Bjelovar-Bilogora Primorje-Gorski Kotar* Lika-Senj* Virovitica-Podravina Požega-Slavonija Slavonski Brod-Posavina Osijek-Baranja Vukovar-Srijem Međimurje

Accommodation capacities, as of August 31, 2011 Rooms, apartments and campsites 966 472 1890 1100 255 380 65,949 10,580 237 188 305 1141 502 534

* mountain resorts Source: Croatian Bureau of Statistics (2011). Statistical Yearbook of the Republic of Croatia. Zagreb: Croatian Bureau of Statistics, 427.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

County of

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Sociologija i prostor, 52 (2014) 198 (1): 69-90

Regarding tourist arrivals of domestic and foreign tourists in 12 predominantly rural counties in Croatia, last statistical data show that it has been achieved total of 494,464 tourist arrivals and a total of 1,069,766 overnight stays of domestic and foreign tourists (Table 6). The highest overall tourist arrivals of domestic and foreign tourists were recorded in Karlovac County (163,754), and lowest in Požega-Slavonija (9014). Most overnight stays of domestic and foreign tourists were again achieved in Karlovac County (282,083), and lowest in Požega-Slavonija County (18,786). Table 6 Tourist arrivals and tourist nights in 12 predominantly rural Croatian counties, as of August 31, 2011

Tourist arrivals

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

County of

82

Tourist nights

Total

Domestic tourists

Foreign tourists

Total

Domestic tourists

Foreign tourists

Krapina-Zagorje

54,781

41,929

12,852

145,411

118,108

27,303

Sisak-Moslavina

26,991

14,839

12,152

87,385

61,934

25,451

Karlovac

163,754

25,091

138,663

282,083

66,439

215,644

Varaždin

38,518

20,666

17,852

116,601

81,321

35,280

KoprivnicaKriževci

12,093

7,718

4,375

20,075

13,035

7,040

Bjelovar-Bilogora

11,590

8,080

3,510

23,981

16,936

7,045

Primorje-Gorski Kotar*

2,151,118

307,668

1,843,450

10,938,291

1,193,855

9,744,436

Lika-Senj*

403,960

34,615

369,345

1,618,941

123,857

1,495,084

ViroviticaPodravina

12,991

10,545

2,446

34,323

28,712

5,611

Požega-Slavonija

9,014

6,773

2,241

18,786

14,427

4,359

Slavonski BrodPosavina

18,099

8,984

9,115

31,951

17,039

14,912

Osijek-Baranja

71,749

52,465

19,284

159,261

118,283

40,978

Vukovar-Srijem

36,582

27,553

9,029

68,383

50,983

17,400

Međimurje

38,302

27,422

10,880

81,526

60,374

21,152

* mountain resorts Source: Croatian Bureau of Statistics (2011). Statistical Yearbook of the Republic of Croatia. Zagreb: Croatian Bureau of Statistics, 427.


D. Demonja: The Overview and Analysis of the State of Rural Tourism in Croatia

Regarding tourist arrivals and overnight stays by type of catering facilities in rural areas in Croatia, the problem is the simultaneous existence of the official classification facilities of rural households engaged in rural tourism in Croatia and the unofficial market typology of households in rural tourism, which provide catering services in rural areas (e.g. agritourism, rural economy, farm, rural house, rural family-run hotel, guest house, rooms and apartments of traditional and/or the new architecture, etc.). Considering that there are no segmented data on tourist arrivals and overnight stays by type of catering facilities in rural areas in Croatia, the available data provide only overall picture. According to the official classification of types of catering facilities that is used in the annual statistical yearbooks, rural households were listed in the category of Private Accommodation Facilities, in the group of Households, which also includes Rooms, Apartments and Holiday Houses, so it is not possible to give an exact number of arrivals and overnight stays just for rural households. These data indicate the necessity of change and extend the types of catering facilities for that will be kept record of tourist traffic in order to obtain more precise picture of this segment of tourism research.

4.3.3. Grants and incentive programs for the development of rural tourism in Croatia Development of rural tourism and entrepreneurship in rural tourism and rural areas in Croatia is financed by subsidies issued on a national level mainly by the Ministry of Tourism and in a smaller scale by the Ministry of Agriculture, and locally by the county and self-governing units, or by periodical international subsidies intended for rural tourism and grant projects.

De minimis aid grant programs without recurrence are: • Program for encouraging protection, reconstruction and inclusion of cultural and natural heritage into tourist offer in touristic underdeveloped areas, „Heritage in Tourism“, • Program for encouraging development of theme tourist routes, “Thematic Routes”, and • Program for encouraging and improving production and sales of souvenirs, “Original Souvenir”. Credit programs with subsidized interest rates are: • “Support for Success”, and • “Under the Ancient Roofs”. The last available official data for those two programs are from the year 2009. After that year, no any data are available, and they cannot be obtained for publication

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Since 2005, the Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia for the development of rural tourism destinations with the preservation of identity of Croatian rural areas, granted supports and subsidies through two programs: De minimis aid grant programs without recurrence and Credit programs with subsidized interest rates.

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and commenting even through the official channels. After the year 2009, all these programs are still active, and state funds are allocated for them through public tenders and are issued once a year on the web pages of the Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia. Program “Heritage in Tourism” have been subsidized from 2005 to 2009 and cofinanced 595 projects with the amount of 27,061,593,00 HRK/3,579,575,79 Euro. The programs “Thematic Routes” and “Original Souvenir” have been subsidized since 2007 and until 2009 co-financed 182 projects with 10,435,000,00 HRK/1,380,291,00 Euro, and 278 projects in total amounting to 5,365,000,00 HRK/709,656,08 Euro respectively (Table 7). Table 7 Funding the programs „Heritage in Tourism“, „Thematic Routes“ and „Original Souvenir“ by the Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia in total numbers/amounts per program from 2005 to 2009

Year

Program name

Total number of programs

Total amount in HRK/Euro*

2005-2009

Heritage in Tourism

595

27,061,593,00/3,579,575,79

2007-2009 2007-2009

Thematic Routes

182

10,435,000,00/1,380,291,00

Original Souvenir

278

5,365,000,00/709,656,08

1055

42,861,593,00/5,669,522,88

Total

*1 HRK is approximately 7,56 Euro Source: Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia, January 2013

Table 8 shows funding “De minimis aid grants programs” per program name and number of programs per year from 2005 to 2009. Table 8 Funding the programs „Heritage in Tourism“, „Thematic Routes“ and „Original Souvenir“ by the Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia per year from 2005 to 2009

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Year 2005 2006

84

2007

2008

2009

Program name

Number of programs

Amount in HRK/Euro*

Heritage in Tourism

56

3,456,593,00/457,221,29

Heritage in Tourism

61

3,500,000,00/462,962,96

Heritage in Tourism Thematic Routes Original Souvenir Heritage in Tourism Thematic Routes Original Souvenir Heritage in Tourism Thematic Routes

78 33 60 219 86 138 181 63

4,950,000,00/654,761,90 2,500,000,00/330,687,83 1,000,000,00/132,275,13 8,000,000,00/1,058,201,05 4,500,000,00/595,238,09 2,500,000,00/330,687,83 7,155,000,00/946,428,57 3,435,000,00/454,365,07

Original Souvenir

Total

80

1,865,000,00/246,693,12

1055

42,861,593,00/5,669,522,84

*1 HRK is approximately 7,56 Euro Source: Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia, January 2013


D. Demonja: The Overview and Analysis of the State of Rural Tourism in Croatia

Programs “Heritage in Tourism“, “Theme Routes” and “Original Souvenir” have aim to build better recognition of Croatia in whole as a diversified tourist country, to create thematically integrated and organized tourist attractions throughout the year linking natural and cultural heritage of Croatia, to revive economic activities by increasing consumption, to increase the number of tourist services providers in underdeveloped tourist areas, to encourage sustainable development, and to protect and preserve the heritage using traditional techniques and materials. However, regardless of the current success in the implementation of those three programs, the public is still not appropriate informed with their ultimate positive effects. Therefore, a thorough analysis of their results and realized examples is necessary to precisely define and articulate criteria of future grants and subsidies. The ministries of Tourism and Agriculture issue credit programs in cooperation with the Croatian Bank for Reconstruction and Development (HBOR), Croatian Agency for Small Entrepreneurship (HAMAG) and business banks. Two of the most successful programs with support by the Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia and the Croatian Bank for Reconstruction and Development (HBOR) are “Support for Success and “Under the Ancient Roofs”. In the program “Support for Success”, the Ministry of Tourism subsidizes interest rate of 1% to 4%, with a long repayment period up to 20 years and with a grace period up to 2 years. Maximum capacity of the facilities that are financed must be 10 to 40 rooms and 7 to 20 apartments and each facility must meet the minimum categorization requirements of three stars. From 2002, the beginning of this program, until 2009 were realized 474 credits in the amount of 1,930,727,877,17 HRK/255,387,285,33 Euro. On the continent, 145 credits have been realized, in the coastal region 245, and on the islands 84. The largest number of credits was used for construction and renovation of accommodation facilities, 207, and mostly financed are the hotels/ guest houses/apart hotels, 357, and minimum campsites, only 6 (Table 9).

Table 9 Program „Support for Success“ – results of implementation 2002-2009

Approved credits

Total number

474

Amount in HRK/ Euro*

Number of credits by type of user

Number of credits by investment location

Number of credits by investment purpose

Trading „Under comCoastConstruction/ the Craft pany/ Continent Islands al area renovation Ancient cooperaRoofs“ tive

1,930,727,877,17/ 226 255,387,285,33

248

145

245

84

207

107

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

In the program “Under the Ancient Roofs”, which main goal is the preservation of traditional architecture, from 2002 to 2009 were restored 107 buildings of cultural heritage, and 17 of them in continental counties (Table 9).

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Credited accommodation facilities/buildings Hotels/ guest Apartments/ houses/ rooms apart hotels 357

79

Accommodation units in credited facilities/buildings

Holiday houses

Campsites

Rooms

Apartments

Beds

34

6

5,845

1,097

15,150

*1 HRK is approximately 7,56 Euro Source: Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia, January 2013

Although both later credit programs are particularly clearly aimed at the final goal of a stronger economic development in rural areas in Croatia, both should be more transparent to the public because in that way their concrete final effects will become visible.

5. Conclusion

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

In Croatia rural tourism is a significant factor in activation and sustainable development of rural areas, which also helps in preserving local identities, traditions and customs, protects the environment, strengthens indigenous, traditional and ecological production, and develops rural areas based on sustainable development. The Croatian rural tourism hides enormous potential that is not given sufficient attention.

86

Considering its significance in creating new set of values in rural areas, rural tourism in Croatia is not given its true worth. Recently, national administration, local selfgovernments, individual institutions and entrepreneurs have shown some increased interest in development and promotion of the activity. Apart from various prerequisites, development, education, finances and promotion in particular, it is necessary to cooperate on all levels. It is necessary to stimulate cooperation between all institutions in charge (national administration, regional and local self-governments, tourist boards, regional developmental agencies, scientific and expert institutions, professional associations) in order to pursue the mutual goal of developing rural tourism and creating national program (strategy) for development of rural areas and Croatian tourism, and to stimulate cooperation of tourist rural family households and other entrepreneurs in rural tourism by strengthening the existing and forming new associations and cooperatives. Guidelines for the further development of tourism in rural areas in Croatia would be following: • achieve competitiveness of the whole Croatia in international markets, • encourage self-employment and motivate young people to stay in rural areas, • raise the quality level of accommodation, catering and tourism services, • actively work on specific programs connecting two strategic sectors for development of rural areas: tourism and agriculture, • encourage the production of organic food and indigenous products, and their sale through tourism infrastructure,


D. Demonja: The Overview and Analysis of the State of Rural Tourism in Croatia

• harmonize the supports and subsidies programs at all levels in order to achieve balanced regional development, • systematically educate all participants and employees in rural tourism by adopting the theoretical and practical skills, and • enrich overall tourism offer in rural areas because it directly stimulates the development of rural tourism destinations. Encouraging the development of tourism is an excellent opportunity for the revitalization of rural areas, improve the economic development and promotion of Croatia as a unique tourist destination. In this way, the developed tourist regions and cities must provide greater financial and personnel support, working with the private sector, and in synergy with incentives and programs of relevant ministries and with local community develop destinations on rural areas. The main objective of tourism in rural areas in Croatia must be improving the quality of life and preventing depopulation, and future development policy for all rural regions in Croatia should determine the concept of development with the condition of preserving its original characteristics, nature and cultural heritage.

1. Act on catering activity, Official Gazette 138 from 2006 and 80 from 2010. (in Croatian) 2. Act on providing services in tourism, Official Gazette 68 from 2007 and 88 from 2010. (in Croatian) 3. Baćac, R. (2010). Guidelines for the ideal status of rural tourism in Croatia: science fiction or needed reality?, in: Katica Dijana (ed.). Proceedings 1st Croatian congress on rural tourism with international participation “Development perspectives of rural tourism”, Hvar, October 17 – 21, 2007. Zagreb: Hrvatski farmer, 23-26. (in Croatian) 4. Baćac, R. (2010a). Do we have agritourism we have imagined?, in: Katica Dijana (ed.). Proceedings 2nd Croatian congress on rural tourism with international participation “The concept of long-term development of rural tourism”, Mali Lošinj, April 21 – 25, 2010. Zagreb: Hrvatski farmer, 29-32. (in Croatian) 5. Baćac, R. (2006). Agritourism – traditional values in tourism, in: Petrović Leš Tihana and Pletenac Tomislav (eds.). Proceedings Ethnology and cultural tourism. Zagreb: Department of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb, 36-42. (in Croatian) 6. Cetinski, V.; Katica, D. and Nušinović, M. (1998). The Program for development of small and medium entrepreneurship in tourism with an emphasis on sustainable development of tourism in rural areas. Zagreb: Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia. (in Croatian) 7. Cetinski, V.; Kušen, E. and Katica, D. (1995). Place and role of rural tourism in the Strategy for development of Croatian tourism, in: Katica Dijana (ed.). Tourism on rural economies – possibilities and limitations. Zagreb: Hrvatski farmer, 1-24. (in Croatian)

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

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8. Demonja, D. (2011). Croatian congresses on rural tourism: experiences and guidelines. Journal of Central European Agriculture, 12 (4): 660-672. (in Croatian with English summary) 9. Demonja, D. and Ružić, P. (2010). Rural tourism in Croatia with Croatian best practice examples and European experiences. Samobor: Meridijani. (in Croatian with English summary) 10. Katica, D. (ed.) (2010). Proceedings 1st Croatian congress on rural tourism with international participation “Development perspectives of rural tourism”, Hvar, October 17 – 21, 2007. Zagreb: Hrvatski farmer. (in Croatian) 11. Katica, D. (ed.) (2010a). Proceedings 2nd Croatian congress on rural tourism with international participation “The concept of long-term development of rural tourism”, Mali Lošinj, April 21 – 25, 2010. Zagreb: Hrvatski farmer. (in Croatian) 12. Kušen, E. (2010). Terminology of rural tourism, in: Katica Dijana (ed.). Proceedings 1st Croatian congress on rural tourism with international participation “Development perspectives of rural tourism”, Hvar, October 17 – 21, 2007. Zagreb: Hrvatski farmer, 131-134. (in Croatian) 13. Kušen, E. (1997). Strategic framework for development of rural tourism as part of the concept of overall development of rural areas and village renewal, in: Proceedings “Rural tourism –one of the factors in the reconstruction of villages and integrated development of rural areas”. Zagreb: Hrvatski farmer, 48-51. (in Croatian) 14. Kušen, E. (1995). Continental nautical tourism, in: Proceedings “The development of rural tourism in continental part of Croatia”. Zagreb: Hrvatski farmer, 142-144. (in Croatian) 15. Kušen, E. (1995a). Residential tourism, in: Proceedings “The development of rural tourism in continental part of Croatia”. Zagreb: Hrvatski farmer, 147-150. (in Croatian) 16. Kušen, E. (1995b). Tourism on rural farms. Turizam, 43 (7-8): 127-133. (in Croatian) 17. Kušen, E. (1992). Rural tourism and architecture of the village and rural economies, in:“Croatian Farmer – programs for development of rural family households”. Zagreb: Globus, 365-382. (in Croatian) 18. Mišćin, L. and Mađer, B. (2008). Current state of tourism in Croatian rural areas 2008. Zagreb: Croatian Chamber of Economy, Tourism Department. Accessed on March 3, 2013. (http://hgk.biznet.hr/hgk/fileovi/13081.ppt). (in Croatian) 19. Regulation on keeping the list of tourists and the form and content of the registration form to the tourist board, Official Gazette 113 from 2009. (in Croatian) 20. Regulation on the classification and categorization of facilities that provide services in the rural household, Official Gazette 88 from 2007, 58 from 2008 and 45 from 2009. (in Croatian) 21. Regulation on the form, content and manner of keeping the guests book and the list of guests, Official Gazette 5 from 2008. (in Croatian) 22. Regulation on registers of catering facilities and on registers of providing catering services in the household and rural household, Official Gazette 5 from 2008. (in Croatian) 23. Regulation on the provision of catering services in rural household, Official Gazette 5 from 2008, 44 from 2011 and 118 from 2011. (in Croatian)


D. Demonja: The Overview and Analysis of the State of Rural Tourism in Croatia

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24. Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Rural Development of the Republic of Croatia (2008). Rural Development Strategy of the Republic of Croatia for the period 2008-2013. Zagreb: Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Rural Development of the Republic of Croatia. (in Croatian) 25. Ružić, P. (2011). Rural Tourism in Istria: Preconditions and factors of development, status and perspectives. Pula: Institute for agriculture and tourism Poreč, Office for tourism. (in Croatian) 26. Ružić, P. (2009). Rural Tourism. Pula: Institute for agriculture and tourism Poreč. (in Croatian) 27. Croatian Bureau of Statistics (2011). Statistical Yearbook of the Republic of Croatia. Zagreb: Croatian Bureau of Statistics. (in Croatian) 28. Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia (2003). Strategy for development of Croatian tourism until the year 2010. Zagreb: Ministry of Tourism of the Republic of Croatia. Accessed on March 3, 2013. (http://www.mint.hr/UserDocsImages/Strategija%20hrvatskog%20turizma%20-%20finalna%20verzija.pdf). (in Croatian)

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Pregledni rad

Damir Demonja Institut za razvoj i međunarodne odnose, Zagreb, Hrvatska e-mail: ddemonja@irmo.hr

Pregled i analiza stanja ruralnog turizma u Hrvatskoj Sažetak U ruralnoj Hrvatskoj koja čini 91,6% ukupne površine, 44,4% stanovništva je direktno ili indirektno vezano za poljoprivredu. Imajući na umu prirodnu i kulturnu raznolikost hrvatskih regija, bogatu ponudu turističkih atrakcija, dobro sačuvanu prirodu i 352 registrirana seoska domaćinstva, Hrvatska ima sve preduvjete za razvoj seoskog turizma i sve oblike turizma vezanog za ruralna područja. To je važno jer je na tržištu izrazito prisutna potražnja za ruralnim turizmom u svim njegovim brojnim oblicima. Seoska su područja, međutim, još uvijek nedovoljno iskorištena u turističkom smislu. Ruralni turizam u Hrvatskoj može postati jedna od glavnih determinanti razvoja u dosada marginaliziranim područjima. Razvoj turističke ponude, privlačan ulagačima i koji koristi jedinstveni lokalni potencijal, ima značajan utjecaj na rast bruto domaćeg proizvoda i zaposlenost. Rad se bavi predstavljanjem stanja i komentarom ruralnog turizma u Hrvatskoj. Baziran je na rezultatima prethodnih istraživanja ali i novijim podacima, te analizira situaciju u seoskome turizmu Hrvatske te općenito, analizira turističke objekte, kapacitete, programe potpore i poticaja. Napokon, sugeriraju se smjernice za održivi razvoj seoskog turizma u Hrvatskoj.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Ključne riječi: Hrvatska, ruralni turizam, pregled, analiza, stanje, smjernice, održivi razvoj.

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DOI 10.5673/sip.52.1.5 UDK 316.74:[070:297](497.5)“1990/2006“ Izvorni znanstveni rad

Reprezentacija islama i muslimana u hrvatskim dnevnim novinama od 1990. do 2006. godine Goran Goldberger Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu, Hrvatska e-mail: goran@idi.hr SAŽETAK U ovom radu autor predstavlja globalni i hrvatski društveni kontekst u koji su uronjeni islam i muslimani, zatim način njihove reprezentacija u medijima te cilj i metodologiju ovog istraživanja. Analiza sadržaja hrvatskih dnevnih novina u dvama razdobljima novije hrvatske povijesti (1990. - 1998. i 1999. - 2006.) pokazuje da su one značajan prostor u kojem se stvara javna slika o djelatnostima muslimana i islama u Hrvatskoj i svijetu, a koja je uvjetovana događajima u konkretnom razdoblju i prostoru. Novine tematski izražavaju politizaciju islama i širi društveno-politički kontekst. U prvom razdoblju najprisutnija je tema rat, ratni zločini i suđenje, a u drugom ljudska i vjerska prava, nesnošljivost i prosvjedi, uz najveći porast teme terorizma i rata protiv terorizma. Dok je u prvom razdoblju fokus podjednako bio na Hrvatskoj i zemljama bivše Jugoslavije, u drugom raste internacionalni fokus na Europu, ali i svijet. Novinari su koristili strategiju rekontekstualizacije, ali su i širili shvaćanje da su autohtoni muslimani u Hrvatskoj mogući most za dijalog Europe i muslimanskog svijeta. Ključne riječi: hrvatske dnevne novine, analiza sadržaja, identitet, demokratizacija, nacionalizam, deprivatizacija i politizacija religije, politički islam, fundamentalizam.

Od 1970-ih sve je prisutnija slika umiješanosti velikih religijskih tradicija (Pace, 2009.) i njihovih fundamentalističkih pokreta1 u društvene sukobe, a ponajviše islama i muslimana. Ipak, ta sklonost povezivanja religije s netolerancijom i nasilnim konfliktima zanemaruje doprinos modernih sekularnih vlasti i ideologija takvim procesima u 20. stoljeću (Asad, 1997.:187-188; Casanova, 2008.:66-67). Nakon totalitarnog boljševizma i etno-nacionalističkih i kleriko-autoritarnih pokreta (fašizam i nacizam) fundamentalizam je treći neuspjeh modernizacije i sekularizacije (Almond, Appleby i Sivan, 2003.:5).

1

O fundamentalizmu i fundamentalističkim pokretima vidi u Almond, Appleby i Sivan (2003.), Berger (1999.), Casanova (2001.), Hunt (2003.), Kulenović (2008.) te Matić i Bilandžić (2010.).

Copyright © 2014 Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu – Institute for Social Research in Zagreb Sva prava pridržana – All rights reserved

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1. Uvod

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Na sliku umiješanosti islamske tradicije u sukobe utječu događaji koji se nadovezuju na (de)kolonizacijske procese, izraelsko-arapske ratove te islamsku revoluciju Ayatollaha Khomeinija u Iranu 1979. godine. Oni uključuju oružane sukobe u arapskim i muslimanskim zemljama te Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH), ali i terorističke napade radikalnih islamističkih pokreta u SAD-u i EU, globalni rat protiv terorizma, prosvjede muslimana zbog vrijeđanja islama u SAD-u i EU te nedavne „facebook prosvjede“, nemire i ratne sukobe u Tunisu, Libiji, Egiptu ili Siriji.2 Za zapad, većina navedenih događaja pokazatelji su opasnosti islama kao protivnika demokracije, slobode govora, ljudskih prava i modernih država, dok su „facebook prosvjedi“ i sukobi u Tunisu, Libiji, Egiptu i Siriji pokazatelji procesa demokratizacije. Kao globalna transnacionalna religijska zajednica i dijaspora islam je izazovan u odnosu na koncept separacije religije i države, kulturu i identitet zapadnih (kršćanskih) društava, integraciju muslimanskih imigranata u demokratska, sekularna i multikulturalna društva te promjenu imigracijske politike i sigurnosnih prioriteta usmjerenih diskursom „islamskog terorizma“ ili „islamskog fundamentalizma“ (Abbas, 2001.; An-Náim, 1999.; Asad, 1997.; Casanova, 2001.; 2005.; 2008.; Jackson, 2007.; Kovač, 2009.; Kuenzlen, 2009.; Savage, 2004.; Turner, 2010.).

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U takvom kontekstu ne dolazi samo do procesa revitalizacije i deprivatizacije religije, već i njene politizacije i povezanosti s kolektivnim identitetima (Casanova, 1994.; Pace, 2009.; Robertson, 1989.; Vrcan, 2001.). Religija ulazi u prostor javnog jezika politike identiteta (nudi utemeljiteljski mit kolektivnih identiteta) i kolektivnog sjećanja (nudi narativ žrtve i mučeništva) kojima društveno-politički pokreti potvrđuju zajedničku vrijednost nacionalne, etničke i religijske zajednice i ugroženost od neprijatelja protiv kojega se treba boriti i ratovati (Pace, 2009.).

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U muslimanskom svijetu društvo i tradicija su u krizi, a manifestira se i radikalni, regresivni i antagonistički fundamentalistički pokret kao jedan oblik političkog islama (An-Náim, 1999.; Asad, 1997; Kulenović, 2008.; Matić, 2011.). Karakteristika je njegove cjeline da kao društveni, politički i religijski pokret teži održavanju ili stjecanju vlasti. Na službenom islamu autoritarni režimi temelje legitimitet, dok oporbenim islamom suvremene islamističke stranke i pokreti nude promjene. Islamizam postaje osnova za korekciju nejednakosti i uključivanje isključenih skupina, odgovor je na diferencijaciju i strukturalnu krizu društva i kao fundamentalizam dio je moderne politike i države prisutan u procesu stvaranja nacionalne države (An-Náim, 1999.; Asad, 1997.; Casanova, 2001.; 2005.; 2008.; Kulenović, 2008.; Matić, 2011.; Matić i Bilandžić, 2010.; Shadid i van Koningsveld, 2002.). Ipak, jedan je od glavnih razloga tenzija u odnosima zapada i muslimanskog svijeta pojednostavljeni informacijski servis. Za medije su muslimani glavna tema i time oni

2

Još jedan značajan element je i porast muslimana. U svijetu danas ima oko 1.620.000.000 muslimana (23,4%). Islam je druga najveća religija nakon kršćanstva, pa i u nekim državama zapadne Europe u kojoj muslimani čine 6% stanovništva. (Preuzeto 12. 08. 2012.: http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_Muslim_population).


G. Goldberger: Reprezentacija islama i muslimana u hrvatskim dnevnim novinama...

šire i zadržavaju negativnu sliku o njima: 1) predstavljaju statični kulturalni koncept (klasična islamska kultura objašnjava djelovanje i stavove muslimana u modernom svijetu); 2) predstavljaju izbor sadržaja i izgled priloga (spominju etničku ili religijsku pripadnost onih koji počine zločin te klasificiraju regionalne ili etničke konflikte kao religijske) (Shadid i van Koningsveld, 2002.:188-189). U zapadnim medijima prisutan je anti-muslimanski diskurs, islamofobija i rasizam koji doprinose društvenoj diskriminaciji, marginalizaciji, nejednakosti i isključivanju muslimana (Abbas, 2001.; Ameli i sur., 2007.; Hussain, 2000.; Richardson, 2001.; 2006.; Saeed, 2007.). Izvještavanje je dominantno negativno (Ali i Khalid, 2008.) i fokusira se na muslimane kao opasnost (terorizam), problem (razlike u vrijednostima) ili oboje (muslimanski ekstremizam općenito) (Moore, Mason i Lewis, 2008.). Prema Kabiru (2006.:326), medijska reprezentacija muslimana bez uravnoteženog izvještavanja usmjerava se na islamističke militante, čime se efektno demoniziraju svi muslimani. Uravnoteženiji je prikaz u Poljskoj (Nalborczyk, 2004.) te u Bosni i Hercegovini gdje ovisi o nacionalnosti njihove publike (Marko, 2009.). S obzirom na navedeni društveni kontekst muslimana na zapadu i u muslimanskom svijetu (fundamentalizam, terorizam, imigracija, islamizam), prisutne su negativnosti u medijskim slikama o muslimanima kao problemu. Postavlja se i pitanje kakva je medijska slika o njima u Hrvatskoj, s obzirom na njihov manjinski položaj.

U Hrvatskoj su muslimani prisutni u javnom i vjerskom životu i međureligijskom dijalogu. Sadržaj internetskih stranica Islamske zajednice u Hrvatskoj podržava ovu tvrdnju, a prije svega video Islam i muslimani u Hrvatskoj, monografija o zagrebačkoj džamiji, neki bilteni te vijesti od 2010. do 2012. godine o međureligijskom dijalogu i susretima teologa na predstavljanju knjiga, obljetnici proboja logoraša iz Jasenovca ili susretima u zagrebačkoj džamiji (http://www.islamska-zajednica.hr). Štoviše, u 2011. tadašnji predsjednik Mešihata Islamske zajednice u Hrvatskoj muftija Ševko ef. Omerbašić, kao i u 2012. novoizabrani predsjednik Mešihata muftija Aziz ef. Hasanović, izjavljuju da je položaj muslimana u Hrvatskoj na zavidnoj razini i da može biti primjer Europi kako treba riješiti pitanje islama.

2. Istraživačko pitanje, cilj i hipoteza Nakon nekoliko uvodnih opaski o spoznaji vezanoj uz fenomen islama u modernom razdoblju u svijetu, ovdje je potrebno ukratko prikazati osnovno pitanje, cilj i hipotezu istraživanja.

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Raspadom Jugoslavije i ratom dolazi do reorganizacije Islamske zajednice. 1916. godine islam je priznat u Hrvatskoj, gdje danas ima oko 60 000 muslimana. Islamska zajednica u Hrvatskoj u sastavu je Rijaseta Islamske zajednice BiH, a 2002. potpisala je ugovor s Vladom RH. Prema popisu stanovništva iz 2001. godine, muslimani su treća vjerska skupina (1,28%), a najviše ima Bošnjaka (0,47%) i Albanaca (0,34%) (http://www.dzs.hr).

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1. U ovom radu postavljeno je sljedeće osnovno istraživačko pitanje: Koliko su i na koji način hrvatske dnevne novine reprezentirale djelovanje muslimana i islama u Hrvatskoj i svijetu u društvenom kontekstu tranzicije i demokratizacije? Njega prati i jedno potpitanje: Razlikuje li se njihova reprezentacija u dvama razdobljima novije hrvatske povijesti? 2. Na osnovi istraživačkog pitanja postavljen je i osnovni cilj rada: U njemu će se dati općenit pregled karakteristika i karaktera reprezentacije muslimana i islama u prilozima dnevnih novina u Hrvatskoj. Kao posebni ciljevi u radu se će se prikazati sljedeći elementi reprezentacije: 1) učestalost priloga, 2) općenite karakteristike priloga te 3) karakter priloga. Ovi nam elementi mogu ukazati na okvire informiranja i rasprave u hrvatskim dnevnim novinama kada je riječ o muslimanima i islamu u Hrvatskoj i svijetu. Odnosno, oni nam pokazuju stav novina koji je baziran na njihovoj percepciji stavova populacije i čitatelja, kao i na javnu percepciju o položaju i utjecaju islama i muslimana u društvu. 3. U ovom radu polazi se od sljedeće osnovne hipoteze: Dnevne su novine značajan javni i diskurzivni prostor u kojem društveni akteri stvaraju javnu sliku i stvarnost o djelatnostima muslimana i islama u Republici Hrvatskoj i drugim državama u svijetu, a koja je prvenstveno uvjetovana događajima u konkretnom razdoblju i geografskom prostoru.

3. Metodologija

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Analiza sadržaja poruka dnevnih novina o muslimanima i islamu istraživačka je metoda koja se koristi u ovom radu. Ona je u svom osnovnom obliku određena mjerenjem učestalosti pojavljivanja nekog sadržaja i brojanjem određenih varijabli vezanih uz poruke priloga te ima kvantitativan karakter.

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Razdoblje istraživanja od 1990. do 2006. godine razdvojeno je na dva dijela: 1) U prvom (1990. – 1998.) se društveni kontekst odnosi na Domovinski rat i rat u BiH te uspostavljanje nacionalne samostalnosti i pune suverenosti Hrvatske kojim se potvrdila nacionalna država i dominantni nacionalni identitet. Tada dolazi i do potpisivanja četiriju međunarodnih ugovora između Svete Stolice i RH kojima se utvrdio položaj dominantne crkve i religijskog identiteta u Hrvatskoj. 2) U drugom (1999. – 2006.) se društveni kontekst odnosi na dvije promjene vlasti, otvaranje Hrvatske prema integracijama u EU i NATO, prihvaćenje Zakona o pravnom položaju vjerskih zajednica te potpisivanje šest ugovora između države i 15 vjerskih zajednica. Tada dolazi i do terorističkih napada u SAD-u i EU koji se povezuju s islamističkim skupinama. Razdoblja se preklapaju s razlikama hrvatskog društveno-političkog konteksta u dvjema dekadama. U prvoj se stvara izolirana, autoritarna i etnički homogena drža-


G. Goldberger: Reprezentacija islama i muslimana u hrvatskim dnevnim novinama...

va bazirana na nacionalnoj integraciji, tradicionalnim vrijednostima i deficitu demokratizacije, dok u drugoj dolazi do veće demokratizacije društva, slobode medija i zaštite ljudskih i manjinskih prava (Ilišin i Radin, 2007.). Uzorak istraživanja sastoji od svih brojeva Novog lista, Slobodne Dalmacije, Večernjeg lista i Vjesnika, odnosno od cjelokupne zbirke njihovih priloga o muslimanima i islamu koja je prikupljena iz press-clippinga Hrvatske informacijske baze. U istraživanju je jedinica analize novinski prilog, a jedinica sadržaja tema priloga. Prisutne su i druge varijable značajne za interpretaciju priloga. Općenite karakteristike priloga odnose se na dnevne novine, razdoblje, vrstu, veličinu, prostornu dimenziju i temu, a karakter priloga na orijentaciju i diskurs.

4. Rezultati U ovom dijelu rada predstavljaju se rezultati ukrštanja varijabli priloga koji se odnose na reprezentaciju muslimana i islama u dvama razdobljima novije hrvatske povijesti. Oni će pokazati (1) učestalost, (2) općenite karakteristike i (3) karakter priloga, odnosno reprezentacije muslimana i islamskih zajednica u dnevnim novinama u Hrvatskoj.

4.1. Učestalost priloga Učestalost priloga o muslimanima i islamu u dnevnim novinama indikator je pulsa javnosti, odnosno medijskog i šireg interesa za teme i aktivnosti koje se povezuju s njima u Hrvatskoj i svijetu, ali i o značaju i utjecaju koje im društvo pridaje u tom kontekstu. U tablici 1. nalaze se rezultati zastupljenosti muslimana i islama u prilozima po razdobljima.

Dnevne novine

Razdoblja

Ukupno

1990.-1998.

1999.-2006.

Vjesnik

82 44,3%

88 27,1%

170 33,3%

Novi list

18 9,7%

104 32,0%

122 23,9%

Večernji list

57 30,8%

63 19,4%

120 23,5%

Slobodna Dalmacija

28 15,1%

70 21,5%

98 19,2%

Ukupno

185 100,0%

325 100,0%

510 100,0%

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Tablica 1. Broj priloga dnevnih novina po razdobljima (f i %)

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Ukupno se pojavilo 510 priloga, a najviše u Vjesniku (33,3%) i manje u Novom listu (23,9%), Večernjem listu (23,5%) i Slobodnoj Dalmaciji (19,2%). U prvom razdoblju pojavilo ih se 185 (36,3%), a najviše u Vjesniku (44,3%), dok ih se u drugom pojavilo 325 (63,7%), a najviše u Novom listu (32,0%). Rezultati pokazuju da dolazi do promjene, odnosno do većeg porasta zastupljenosti priloga u drugom razdoblju. Vjerojatni uzrok ove promjene povezan je sa širim društveno-političkim kontekstom u Hrvatskoj i svijetu. U Hrvatskoj je prisutna veća demokratizacija društva i zaštita ljudskih prava nakon promjene vlasti 2001. godine, ali i konsolidacija demokracije (Ilišin i Radin, 2007.). Ona se otvara i teži ulasku u NATO i EU, a normalizacija odnosa ublažava ratne poteškoće u njenom odnosu s manjinskim zajednicama. Zaštita ljudskih i vjerskih prava u Hrvatskoj i BiH važna je tema. Raspravlja se i o zakonu o pravnom položaju vjerskih zajednica u Hrvatskoj i o ugovoru koji se treba potpisati s Islamskom zajednicom. U javnosti je naglašen nedostatak vjerskih objekata i problem oko njihove izgradnje, a posebno u Primorsko-goranskoj županiji oko izgradnje džamije s minaretom u Rijeci koja je dovela do zahuktale rasprave i otpora među političarima, braniteljima i lokalnim stanovništvom.3

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

U svijetu su teroristički napadi al-Qaide u SAD-u, Velikoj Britaniji i Španjolskoj usmjerili pažnju medija na fundamentalizam i rat protiv terorizma koji je doveo do problematiziranja muslimanske migracije na zapad, kršenja njihovih ljudskih prava kao i uspostavljanja zatvora u bazi Guantanamo na Kubi. Objavljivanje karikatura proroka Muhameda, zabrane nošenja marama u školama i nesmotrena izjava pape Benedikta XVI. 2006. godine u Regensburgu neke su od europskih reakcija na terorizam radikalnih islamista. Ovi događaji neki su od pokazatelja promjene sigurnosnih prioriteta zapada usmjerenih problematičnim diskursom „islamskog terorizma“ i naracijama da su nasilje i terorizam dio islama, da su motivirani religijskim uzrocima, da su ogromna opasnost za sigurnost zapada kao i da iskorištavaju dobrotvorna društva i nevladine organizacije radi financiranja terorističkog djelovanja (Jackson, 2007.).

96

Također, Vjesnik više informira javnosti o islamu od ostalih novina koje su privatizirane 1990-ih (Novi list, Večernji list, Slobodna Dalmacija). Međutim, u najzastupljenijoj novini prvog razdoblja (Vjesnik) bilježi se najveći pad u drugom (17%), dok se kod najmanje zastupljene (Novi list) bilježi najveći porast (22%). Čini se da su manifestacije islama u drugom razdoblju u hrvatskom i globalnom širem društvenopolitičkom kontekstu tematski magnet za medije u ovakvim okolnostima. Ipak, propadanje Vjesnika pod političkim utjecajem vladajućih te tema izgradnje džamije u Rijeci i drugim gradovima koju je Novi list opširno obrađivao doprinijele su većoj zastupljenosti islamskih zajednica u Novom listu nego u Vjesniku.

3

Ipak, 2009. počela je izgradnja Džamonjine džamije u Rijeci, a svečano otvorenje je planirano krajem 2012.


G. Goldberger: Reprezentacija islama i muslimana u hrvatskim dnevnim novinama...

4.2. Općenite karakteristike priloga Općenite karakteristike priloga indikator su načina na koji dnevne novine informiraju javnost o djelatnostima muslimana i islama u nacionalnom i internacionalnom okruženju te koje su teme uključene u njihovoj reprezentaciji. U tablici 2. nalaze se rezultati zastupljenosti vrsta priloga po razdobljima. Tablica 2. Vrsta priloga po razdobljima (f i %)

Razdoblja

Ukupno

1999.-2006.

Izvještaj

37 20,0%

166 51,1%

203 39,8%

Vijest

80 43,2%

74 22,8%

154 30,2%

Intervju

34 18,4%

26 8,0%

60 11,8%

Komentar

18 9,7%

30 9,2%

48 9,4%

Pisma

6 3,2%

7 2,2%

13 2,5%

Kolumna

4 2,2%

8 2,5%

12 2,4%

Osvrt

3 1,6%

8 2,5%

11 2,2%

Reportaža

1 0,5%

3 0,9%

4 0,8%

Prikaz

1 0,5%

1 0,3%

2 0,4%

Ostalo

1 0,5%

2 0,6%

3 0,6%

Ukupno

185 100,0%

325 100,0%

510 100,0%

Najzastupljenije su novinske vrste izvještaji (39,8%) i vijesti (30,2%), a manje intervjui (11,8%), komentari (9,4%) i ostalo. U prvom razdoblju najzastupljenije su vijesti (43,2%), izvještaji (20,0%) i intervjui (18,4%), a u drugom izvještaji (51,1%), vijesti (22,8%) i komentari (9,2%). Dolazi do znatnijeg porasta zastupljenosti izvještaja (31%) i pada zastupljenosti vijesti (20%) i intervjua (10%). Prevladavaju jednostavniji i informativniji oblici izvještavanja od složenijih. Jedan od mogućih razloga za to stanje medijska je politika hrvatskih novina o religiji, kao i nepostojanje posebne religijske rubrike i religijskog specijalista, slično kako je i u susjednoj BiH (Marko, 2009.).

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Vrsta priloga 1990.-1998.

97


Sociologija i prostor, 52 (2014) 198 (1): 91-109

U tablici 3. nalaze se rezultati zastupljenosti veličine priloga po razdobljima. Tablica 3. Veličina priloga po razdobljima (f i %)

Veličina Priloga

Razdoblja

Ukupno

1990.-1998.

1999.-2006.

Do ¼ stranice

136 73,5%

209 64,3%

345 67,6%

Do ½ stranice

32 17,3%

60 18,5%

92 18,0%

Više od ½ stranice

17 9,2%

56 17,2%

73 14,3%

Ukupno

185 100,0%

325 100,0%

510 100,0%

Najzastupljenija je veličina priloga do četvrtine stranice (67,6%), a znatno manje do pola (18,0%) i više od pola (14,3%) stranice. U obama je razdobljima redoslijed veličina priloga identičan, ali je opala zastupljenost veličine do četvrtine stranice (10%) i porasla zastupljenost veličine veće od pola stranice (8%). Islamu je dan manji prostor, i to najčešće u obliku kraćih priloga, ali dulji postaju prisutniji u drugom razdoblju. Najzastupljenije vrste priloga utječu na ovaj rezultat, a dijelom je uvjetovan i većom prisutnošću vizualnih elemenata priloga poput fotografija, tablica, karti ili okvira u drugom razdoblju. U tablici 4. nalaze se rezultati zastupljenosti prostorne dimenzije priloga po razdobljima. Tablica 4. Prostorna dimenzija priloga po razdobljima (f i %)

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Razdoblja

98

Prostorna dimenzija

Ukupno 1990.-1998.

1999.-2006.

Internacionalna

84 45,4%

173 53,2%

257 50,4%

Domaća

79 42,7%

136 41,8%

215 42,2%

Miješaju se

22 11,9%

16 4,9%

38 7,5%

Ukupno

185 100,0%

325 100,0%

510 100,0%


G. Goldberger: Reprezentacija islama i muslimana u hrvatskim dnevnim novinama...

Najzastupljenija je internacionalna prostorna dimenzija (50,4%), nešto manje domaća (42,2%), a najmanje se te dimenzije miješaju (7,5%). U obama razdobljima redoslijed je prostornih dimenzija identičan, ali se razlika između njih malo produbila. U drugom je razdoblju porasla zastupljenost internacionalne prostorne dimenzije (8%) zbog pada zastupljenosti priloga u kojima se prostorne dimenzije miješaju (7%). S obzirom na teme terorizma, fundamentalizma i prosvjeda muslimana, fenomen islama postao je prostorno više isključiv i internacionalan, odnosno smanjilo se tematsko preklapanje između domaćeg i internacionalnog islama. Slično kao u Poljskoj (Nalborczyk, 2004.) i BiH (Marko, 2009.), reprezentacija islama u hrvatskim novinama dijelom se zasniva na „senzacijama“ i „kampanjskom“ informativnom obrascu izvještavanja o događajima iz svijeta u koje su uključeni islam i muslimani. Riječ je o prenošenju vijesti iz globalnog medijskog tržišta iz kojeg novine crpe informacije iz svijeta. Kakvi su rezultati internacionalnih prostora i država priloga po razdobljima? Najzastupljeniji internacionalni prostor države su bivše Jugoslavije (45,4%), manje Europe (26,8%) i Azije (13,6%) te pogotovo ostale. U prvom razdoblju dominiraju države bivše Jugoslavije (87,7%), a u drugom su najzastupljenije države Europe (38,1%) i manje bivše Jugoslavije (21,7%), Azije (19,0%) i ostale. U drugom razdoblju fokus na države bivše Jugoslavije znatnije opada (66%), a raste fokus na države Europe (31%) i manje Azije i ostale. U prvom razdoblju muslimani i islam fenomen su susjednih država nastalih raspadom bivše Jugoslavije, a u drugom su fenomen u Europi i gotovo cijelom svijetu. Fenomen islama postao je u geografskom opsegu globalan, ali najprisutniji je prostor zapadne hemisfere u kojoj je islam većinom manjinska religija (osim u Turskoj, BiH i Albaniji), a manje prostor u kojima su muslimani većinsko stanovništvo.

Najzastupljeniji je domaći prostor Hrvatska (55,3%), a rjeđe makroregionalni centri (22,5%), Zagreb (18,2%) i ostalo. U prvom razdoblju dominira Hrvatska (66,3%), a manje je prisutan Zagreb (19,8%) i ostalo, dok je u drugom Hrvatska i dalje najzastupljenija (48,0%), a manje makroregionalni centri (31,6%), Zagreb (17,1%) i ostalo. U drugom razdoblju fokus na Hrvatsku znatnije opada (18%) i značajnije raste na makroregionalne centre (22%), a kod ostaloga nema većih promjena. U Hrvatskoj su muslimani fenomen nacionalne razine i sve više većih urbanih sredina. Fenomen islama u određenoj mjeri postaje geografski decentraliziran, odnosno prelazi s državne i regionalne cjeline na makroregionalne centre, što odgovara i zastupljenosti muslimana u Hrvatskoj.4 U tablici 5. nalaze se rezultati zastupljenosti tema priloga po razdobljima.

4

Vidi popis stanovništva Hrvatske iz 2001. i broj muslimana po gradovima/općinama (http:// www.dzs.hr).

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Kakvi su rezultati zastupljenosti domaćeg prostora priloga po razdobljima?

99


Sociologija i prostor, 52 (2014) 198 (1): 91-109

Tablica 5. Tema priloga po razdobljima (f i %)

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Tema

100

Razdoblja

Ukupno

1990.-1998.

1999.-2006.

Obredi, običaji i ceremonije

30 16,2%

47 14,5%

77 15,1%

Ljudska i vjerska prava, nesnošljivost i prosvjedi

16 8,6%

57 17,5%

73 14,3%

Dijalog, mirotvorstvo i tolerancija

16 8,6%

40 12,3%

56 11,0%

Izgradnja i obnova vjerskih objekata

10 5,4%

44 13,5%

54 10,6%

Rat, ratni zločini i suđenje

51 27,6%

2 0,6%

53 10,4%

Sloboda vjere i položaj u društvu

11 5,9%

22 6,8%

33 6,5%

Terorizam i rat protiv terorizma

0 0,0%

33 10,2%

33 6,5%

Kriminal i devijantnost

16 8,6%

9 2,8%

25 4,9%

Odnos učenja i društvenih vrijednosti, normi i znanosti

6 3,2%

16 4,9%

22 4,3%

Društveno-političke promjene i socijalni problemi

8 4,3%

13 4,0%

21 4,1%

Organizacijski i hijerarhijski (re)ustroj

10 5,4%

10 3,1

20 3,9%

Vjeronauk i dušobrižništvo

6 3,2%

3 0,9%

9 1,8%

Ugovor

1 0,5%

7 2,2%

8 1,6%

Zakon o pravnom položaju vjerskih zajednica

0 0,0%

6 1,8%

6 1,2%

Kontrola, sudske tužbe i odluke

1 0,5%

4 1,2%

5 1,0%

Povijest

0 0,0%

4 1,2%

4 0,8%

Posjeti i predavanja

1 0,5%

3 0,9%

4 0,8%

Izdavačka djelatnost i obrazovanje djelatnika

0 0,0%

3 0,9%

3 0,6%

Normalizacija odnosa i Dayton

2 1,1%

1 0,3%

3 0,6%

Povrat imovine

0 0,0%

1 0,3%

1 0,2%

Ukupno

185 100,0%

325 100,0%

510 100,0%


G. Goldberger: Reprezentacija islama i muslimana u hrvatskim dnevnim novinama...

Najzastupljenije su teme (1) obredi, običaji i ceremonije (15,1%) te (2) ljudska i vjerska prava, nesnošljivost i prosvjedi (14,3%). (1) Novine redovito informiraju o obrednim djelatnostima koje se odvijaju u okviru značajnih datuma muslimanskog religijskog kalendara. Prije svega značajnih vjerskih blagdana: Bajrama, Kurban-bajrama, rođenja božjeg poslanika Muhameda i hadža u Meku. Tada se prenose i čestitke političara, državnih dužnosnika ili vjerskih vođa drugih vjera. Opisuje se obred, vjerovanja i glavne poruke tijekom klanjanja. U te su poruke uključene i političke poruke, na primjer o ratu u Hrvatskoj i BiH ili o terorizmu u svijetu. Također se izvještava o običajima (obredno klanje bikova, post, hodočašće, bacanje kamenčića na šejtana, nošenja marame kod žena) i svečanim događajima (ceremonija predavanja menšure novoizabranom reis-ul-ulemi Mustafi Ceriću u Sarajevu 1996. godine, otvaranje džamije u Labinu 1998., obljetnica otvorenja zagrebačke džamije 1999., 90. godišnjice islama kao priznate religije u Hrvatskoj 2006. godine).5 (2) Novine izvještavaju o ljudskim pravima, odnosu države prema nacionalnim i religijskim identitetima većine i manjina. Prikazani su problemi nejednakosti manjina baziranih na povezanosti nacionalnog i religijskog identiteta. Ova slika prisutna je u Hrvatskoj i BiH, ali i u EU i muslimanskom svijetu. Nju prelama pitanje izgradnje vjerskih objekata, privatizacije i ugrožavanja privatnog vlasništva ili načina života pripadnika manjina. Izvještava se o pravima i običajima, primjerice da muslimanke u javnosti nose maramu u EU, ali i u Istri6. Problematiziraju se i njihova kršenja i oblici nesnošljivosti ili vrijeđanja vjere koji su doveli do prosvjeda u muslimanskom svijetu, a prvenstveno su povezani s kontekstom terorizma i ratom zapada protiv terorizma. Tu je riječ o skrnavljenju Kur’ana u zatvoru vojnog kampa Guantanamo na Kubi, govoru pape Benedikta XVI. u Regensburgu u kojem je citirao da je islam vjera koja se širi nasiljem i mačem te objavi karikature proroka Muhameda s bombom na glavi umjesto turbana u tjednim tiskovinama diljem Europe. Karikature su se pojavile i u hrvatskom tjedniku Nacional, uz javne kritike.

(3) Novine izvještavaju o mirotvornim nastupima zagrebačkog imama Mustafe Cerića protiv rata u BiH 1991. godine (izabran je za reis-ul-ulemu u Sarajevu 1996.), a 1997. o sudjelovanju muftije Ševka Omerbašića u Budimpešti na mirovnom skupu „Religija i budućnost odnosa među vjerskim zajednicama u BiH, Hrvatskoj i SR Jugoslaviji“. Muftija Omerbašić dobio je nagradu HHO-a za promicanje 5

Za razliku od Hrvatske, islam u Europi većinom nema uređen pravni status, ali je službeno priznat, primjerice, u Austriji 1912., Poljskoj 1936., Belgiji 1974. i Španjolskoj 1989. godine. 6

2001. godine pulski imam Vahid Hadžić tvrdio je da njegova supruga u Puli nije mogla dobiti osobnu iskaznicu s fotografijom na kojoj ima maramu na glavi, unatoč vozačkoj dozvoli izdanoj u Zagrebu s istom fotografijom. Ona je pak potvrdila da je dobila osobnu iskaznicu, ali se namjerno fotografirala bez marame jer uglavnom tako i živi posljednjih godina.

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Manje su zastupljene teme (3) dijalog, mirotvorstvo i tolerancija (11,0%), (4) izgradnja i obnova vjerskih objekata (10,6%) te (5) rat, ratni zločini i suđenje (10,4%).

101


S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Sociologija i prostor, 52 (2014) 198 (1): 91-109

102

ljudskih prava i za dijalog među religijama 1998. godine, zalagao se za mirotvorstvo i dijalog s kršćanstvom i zapadom nakon terorističkih napada 2001., a 2003. dobio je nagradu Hrvatske akademske udruge za osobu godine zbog zalaganja za dijalog među religijama. 2006. godine Islamska zajednica iz BiH (reis-ul-ulema Mustafa Cerić) u Islamskom je centru u Zagrebu predstavila „Deklaraciju europskih muslimana“ u kojoj se zalažu za dijalog zapada s europskim islamom. Izvještavalo se i o ekumenskom posjetu pape Benedikta XVI. pravoslavnom patrijarhu Bartolomeju I., a tada je posjetio i Istambul i molio se zajedno s istambulskim muftijom Mustafom Cagricijem u Plavoj džamiji. (4) Novine izvještavaju o problemima izgradnje i obnove vjerskih objekata kao dijela kulturne i umjetničke baštine države. Izvještavalo se o stanju u Hrvatskoj (prvenstveno o nedostatku muslimanskog groblja i vjerskog prostora te problemu izgradnje džamije u Rijeci), BiH (bujanje gradnje džamija), ali i u svijetu. Raspravljalo se i o financiranju izgradnje džamija i obrazovanja mladih od nevladinih udruga iz Saudijske Arabije, u kojima se problematizirala prisutnost ideja vehabizma u BiH nakon rata. Ona predstavlja najznačajniju temu tematskog sklopa odnosa države i islamske zajednice jer je obnova vjerskih objekata u tranziciji bila jedan od njezinih prioriteta, a pogotovo u BiH u kojoj je u ratu uništeno mnogo džamija. (5) Novine izvještavaju o muslimanima koji sudjeluju u ratu i obrani Hrvatske 1991. godine, dok se 1992. počelo raspravljati o ratu u BiH, UN-ovom embargu na oružje i potrebi financijske, humanitarne i druge pomoći ostalih muslimanskih zemalja. Izvještavalo se o zajedničkoj borbi Hrvata i Bošnjaka protiv Srba te prosvjedu zagrebačkog imama Mustafe Cerića zbog logora, ubojstava, silovanja muslimanki i muslimanskog holokausta u ratnoj BiH. Od 1993. do 1995. godine raspravljalo se o predavanju imama Mustafe Cerića o situaciji u BiH u Abu Dabiju i navodnim optužbama da su Hrvati uvukli muslimane u rat, iako su brojne muslimanske izbjeglice sigurnost našle upravo u Hrvatskoj. Raspravljalo se o humanitarnoj katastrofi i umiranju ljudi od gladi na opkoljenim područjima. Efendija Ševko Omerbašić kritizirao je besmisleni rat Hrvatske i BiH i protjerivanje Hrvata iz Srednje Bosne kao sramotan čin. Optuživao je Owena, Akashija, UN i UNPROFOR za neučinkovitost i odgovornost za zločine u BiH, a pogotovo za Srebrenicu. Iste rasprave vodile su se i u slučaju Islamske zajednice iz BiH: o zločinima i ratu, o osvajanju hrvatskih teritorija i rušenju vjerskih objekata, o uništavanju džamija u Banjaluci i Tomislavgradu od Srba i Hrvata. U raspravama o ratu u BiH više se izvještavalo o utjecaju Srba nego Hrvata. Ostalih 15 tema još je slabije zastupljeno, a među njima najviše sloboda vjere i položaj u društvu te terorizam i rat protiv terorizma (svaka 6,5%). U prvom razdoblju prisutno je 15 tema. Najzastupljenija je rat, ratni zločini i suđenje (27,6%), a slabije obredi, običaji i ceremonije (16,2%), dijalog, mirotvorstvo i tolerancija (8,6%), ljudska i vjerska prava, nesnošljivost i prosvjedi (8,6%), kriminal i devijantnost (8,6%) i ostale. U drugom razdoblju prisutno je 20 tema. Najzastupljenija je ljudska i vjerska prava, nesnošljivost i prosvjedi (17,5%), a slabije obredi, običaji i ceremonije (14,5%), izgradnja i obnova vjerskih objekata (13,5%), dijalog,


G. Goldberger: Reprezentacija islama i muslimana u hrvatskim dnevnim novinama...

U drugom razdoblju reprezentacija i dalje ukazuje na trend politizacije islama. Teroristički napadi islamista u ideji mučeništva u sebi objedinjuju lik domoljuba, sveca i ratnika (Pace, 2009.), ali su proizveli snažnu reakciju zapada – rat protiv terorizma globalno. Istovremeno dolazi do proliferacije pseudokrižarske retorike, što je kontinuitet diskursa o križarskim ratovima i islamu kao europskom „drugom“ koji se sastoji od slika iz orijentalističke škrinje (Tafra, 2009.:709). Dolazi do promjene sigurnosnih prioriteta usmjerenih diskursom „islamskog terorizma“ (Jackson, 2007.), ali i sve većeg značaja problema demonizacije (Kabir, 2006.) i integracije muslimana na zapadu (Savage, 2004.; Turner, 2010.). Prisutne su afere koje ukazuju na netoleranciju prema muslimanima u Europi i SAD-u. Tu je riječ o skrnavljenju Kur’ana, objavi karikature proroka Muhameda, kao i govoru pape Benedikta XVI. u Regensburgu. Ti su događaji prouzročili prosvjede u muslimanskom svijetu. Kod nošenja marama prisutna je ideja slobode izbora koju zagovaraju sekularne vlasti naspram slobode savjesti koju zagovaraju muslimani, a u aferi objava karikature proroka Muhameda, poput afere Rushdiejevih Sotonskih stihova, prisutan je koncept bogohuljenja koji su kritizirali muslimani, dok su sekularisti smatrali da je riječ o slobodi govora (Davie, 2005.). S ovim temama izjednačile su se teme religijskih vrijednosti, praksi i organizacija. Prvenstveno zbog dijaloških nastojanja pape Benedikta XVI. u Turskoj, koja su uslijedila nakon prosvjeda muslimana zbog njegovog govora u Regensburgu, a manje zbog uobičajeno prisutnih tema obreda, običaja i ceremonija. Također, predstav-

7

Vehabizam je bio značajna tema i u tiskovinama u BiH (Marko, 2009.:190-192).

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mirotvorstvo i tolerancija (12,3%), terorizam i rat protiv terorizma (10,2%) i ostale. Možemo zaključiti da u prvom razdoblju reprezentacija islama ukazuje na trendove transformacije i raspada jugoslavenskog društva, deprivatizacije i politizacije religije te njenu povezanost s kolektivnim identitetima (Casanova, 1994.; Robertson, 1989.; Vrcan, 2001.). Velike religijske tradicije ili „granične religije“ uključene su u politike identiteta, društvene sukobe i ratove u bivšoj Jugoslaviji. Oni se zasnivaju na teritoriju, žrtvovanju sebe i neprijatelja, ubojstvima muškaraca i silovanju žena, „etničkom čišćenju“, kao i rušenju religijskih simbola onog „drugoga“ (Pace, 2009.), odnosno religijskom pobijanju u obliku religijske „simboličke de-kontaminacije“ i „simboličke okupacije“ (Vrcan, 2006.:216-217), uz kršenje manjinskih prava. Pri tome se posezalo i za povijesnim naslijeđem Otomanskog osvajanja Balkana, Hrvatskom kao „predziđem kršćanstva“, kao i zabrinutošću zbog stvaranja islamske države u BiH. Prisutna je i religiozna slika muslimana i islamske zajednice: vjerski obredi i običaji, dijalog i mirotvorstvo tijekom rata u Hrvatskoj i BiH, (re)organizacija i izbor vjerskih djelatnika te nastavak života i djelovanja u novonastalim državama. Muslimani su pokazali zahvalnost za veće vjerske slobode te zahtjeve za izgradnjom džamija u Osijeku i Rijeci, ali i u BiH, uz problematiziranje obima gradnje i iskorištavanje dobrotvornih društava i nevladinih organizacija (Jackson, 2007.) radi financiranja i uvoženja stranog islamizma (vehabizam)7.

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ljanje „Deklaracije europskih muslimana“8 u Zagrebu jača shvaćanje da autohtoni muslimani u Hrvatskoj i BiH mogu biti most i poveznica zapada i islamskog svijeta (Kovač, 2009.), pogotovo u kontekstu ulaska Hrvatske u EU. Hrvatski muslimani imaju regulirani status i islam je priznat od 1916. godine, a Islamska zajednica ima potpisan ugovor od zajedničkog interesa s RH od 2002. godine. Takav položaj nema ni Islamska zajednica u BiH. U porastu su i teme vezane uz odnos države i islama, prvenstveno zbog izgradnje i obnove vjerskih objekata te problema vezanih uz izgradnju džamije u Rijeci. Najviše je opala zastupljenost teme rat, ratni zločini i suđenje (27%), a najviše je porasla zastupljenost tema terorizma i rata protiv terorizma (10%) te ljudskih i vjerskih prava, nesnošljivosti i prosvjeda (9%), kao što se moglo i očekivati zbog promijenjenog društvenog konteksta u Hrvatskoj i svijetu. Čini se, ipak, da ovi rezultati potvrđuju jednim dijelom nalaz da su hrvatski novinari koristili strategiju rekontekstualizacije zamijenivši prvu s drugom temom; opredijelili su se za diskurse „rat protiv terorizma“, „Irački rat“, „europski“ i „neoliberalni“ radi opravdanja nacionalističke ideologije „velike Hrvatske“ i iz nje izvedenih zločina koje su u BiH počinili hrvatski vojnici (Erjavec i Volčić, 2007.).

4.3. Karakter priloga

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Karakter priloga, odnosno orijentacija i diskurs priloga o muslimanima i islamu indikator su stava javnosti o njihovim djelatnostima u Hrvatskoj i svijetu, kao i percepcije konteksta u kojem jezik daje značenja i upućuje na djelovanje u odnosu na opaženi fenomen. Evo i rezultata orijentacije priloga. Najzastupljenija je neutralna (77,1%), a manje negativna (17,1%) i pozitivna (5,9%) orijentacija. U obama razdobljima redoslijed je zastupljenosti orijentacija priloga identičan, uz manja odstupanja. Rezultati pokazuju da je dominantna neutralna orijentacija (71,9%) o islamu, a u drugom je i u blagom porastu (8%), što je povezano s najprisutnijim vrstama priloga (vijesti i izvještaji). U obama razdobljima negativna je orijentacija (20,5% i 15,4%) oko tri puta zastupljenija od pozitivne (7,6% i 4,9%). Problematične teme prvog (rat na prostoru Hrvatske i BiH) i drugog razdoblja (globalni kontekst terorizma i rata protiv terorizma te kršenja ljudskih i vjerskih prava, nesnošljivosti i prosvjeda, uz nacionalni kontekst izgradnje i obnove vjerskih objekata) čini se da su utjecale na takvu orijentaciju priloga.

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Mjerio se i diskurs priloga, odnosno rječnik i terminologija koja u njemu dominira. Najzastupljeniji je društveno-politički (54,7%), a rjeđe religijsko-filozofski (33,7%), pravni (10,6%) i moralno-devijantni (1,0%) diskurs. U obama razdobljima redoslijed 8

Ona je predstavljena u Zagrebu 23. veljače 2006. godine. Reis-ul-ulema Mustafa Cerić izrazio je žaljenje zbog terorizma u svijetu i naglasio da ne može prihvatiti ubijanje u ime islama. Veleposlanicima u Hrvatskoj, u kojoj muslimani uživaju puna prava, predao je zahtjev za razvoj islamskih škola, političku slobodu, liberalizaciju imigrantske politike te zaštitu od islamofobije. Europskim muslimanima poručio je da bi trebali za cilj imati novi Westfalski mir i sporazum da su katoličanstvo, protestantizam, islam i judaizam europske religije koje trebaju živjeti u miru i toleranciji. Deklaracijom traži da Europa formalno prizna islam (institucionalizacija islama) i da islam prihvati europske vrijednosti, stečevine i navike življenja.


G. Goldberger: Reprezentacija islama i muslimana u hrvatskim dnevnim novinama...

zastupljenosti diskursa priloga identičan, je ali se u drugom javlja i moralno-devijantni diskurs (1,5%). U prilozima o islamu većinom je prisutan društveno-politički diskurs (62,2%), iako opada u drugom razdoblju (12%). Jezik tog diskursa uključuje naciju i nacionalizam, državu i državotvornost (suverenost), samostalnost, rat i terorizam, migraciju i migrante, manjinu i manjinsko, politiku i izbore, demokraciju i demokratizaciju, pretvorbu, liberalizaciju i privatizaciju tržišta, pluralizaciju i raznolikost, mirovne sporazume i obnovu, nezaposlenost i socijalu. Manje su zastupljeni religijsko-filozofski i pravni diskurs, koji postaje znatnije zastupljen od ostalih u drugom razdoblju (7%).9 Razlog ovakve zastupljenosti diskursa priloga prije svega valja tražiti u najprisutnijim temama. U prilozima prvog razdoblja prisutan je kontekst osamostaljenja republika, rata i raspada Jugoslavije, koji je doveo do veće upotrebe političkog jezika i terminologije u odnosu na teritorijalne pretenzije sukobljenih strana i to posebice u BiH. U drugom razdoblju najveću ulogu odigrala je tema terorizma i rata protiv terorizma i s njom povezana ljudska i vjerska prava, nesnošljivost i prosvjedi, zbog kojih su djelatnosti muslimana i islama ostale unutar okvira političkog jezika i terminologije. Ova druga tema je jednim manjim dijelom, a izgradnja i obnova vjerskih objekata većim, doprinijela većoj zastupljenosti pravnog diskursa.

5. Zaključak

Cilj istraživanja bio je pokazati koliko i na koji su način hrvatske dnevne novine reprezentirale djelovanje muslimana i islama u Hrvatskoj i svijetu te razlikuje li se reprezentacija u dvama novijim razdobljima hrvatske povijesti. Rezultati su potvrdili hipotezu da su novine značajan javni i diskurzivni prostor u kojem akteri stvaraju javnu sliku o djelovanju islama i muslimana u Hrvatskoj i svijetu te da je stvarnost u tom prostoru prvenstveno uvjetovana događajima u konkretnom razdoblju i geografskom prostoru. 9

Religijsko-filozofski diskurs uključuje religioznost, vjerovanje, dušu, bitak, iskon, dijalog, mirotvorstvo, toleranciju, fundamentalizam, post, molitvu, obred i duhovnu obnovu. Pravni diskurs uključuje slobodu vjere i vjeroispovijesti, Ustav i odredbe, ljudska i vjerska prava, zakonske odredbe i pravne regulative, odredbe GUP-a, sudske tužbe i odluke suda, regulaciju i kontrolu običaja zajednice, povrat imovine, zakon o pravnom položaju vjerskih zajednica i ugovor države i islamske zajednice. Moralno-devijantni diskurs uključuje devijantnost, nasilje, kolektivna ubojstva i samoubojstva, teror, militantnost i manipulaciju.

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Istraživanja medijske reprezentacije islama i muslimana u zapadnim medijima pokazala su islamofobiju, rasizam i anti-muslimanski diskurs koji doprinose društvenoj i ekonomskoj diskriminaciji, marginalizaciji i isključivanju muslimana. Oni su imigrantski, etnički, kulturalni i religijski „drugi“ koji svojim identitetom negiraju identitet i način života domicilnog stanovništva (Abbas, 2001.; Ameli i sur., 2007.; Hussain, 2000.; Richardson, 2001.; 2006.; Saeed, 2007.). Istraživanja u bivšim komunističkim državama, u kojima su muslimani autohtono i tradicionalno prisutno stanovništvo, pokazala su ujednačeniju reprezentaciju, ali i „kampanjski“ i „senzacionalistički“ informativni obrazac izvještavanja o događajima iz svijeta u koje su uključeni muslimani (Marko, 2009.; Nalborczyk, 2004.).

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U prvom razdoblju fokus je prvenstveno usmjeren na prostor Hrvatske i bivše Jugoslavije, transformaciju društva i raspad države, rat u Hrvatskoj i BiH, kao i transformaciju Islamske zajednice u novonastalim državama. U drugom razdoblju fokus se usmjerio na širi prostor Europe i cijelog svijeta, na ljudska i vjerska prava, nesnošljivost i prosvjede i terorizam i rat protiv terorizma te na islamske zajednice iz svijeta. Po uzoru na zapad i slično kao i u Poljskoj i BiH (Marko, 2009.; Nalborczyk, 2004.), hrvatske su novine u internacionalnim događajima koji uključuju muslimane jednim dijelom pokazale tendenciju preuzimanja njihovog statičnog kulturalnog koncepta islama i klasificiranja regionalnih i etničkih sukoba koji uključuju muslimane kao religijske (Shadid i van Koningsveld, 2002.), čime se islam i muslimani prikazuju kao opasnost i/ili problem (Moore i sur., 2008.). Međutim novine su jednim dijelom obrađivale i konflikte u muslimanskom svijetu kao pokazatelje demokratizacije islamske politike. S druge strane, u kontekstu država bivše Jugoslavije i Hrvatske, dnevne su novine prikazale utjecaj revitalizacije, deprivatizacije i politizacije religija i islama i njihove povezanosti s kolektivnim identitetima (Casanova, 1994.; Pace, 2009.; Robertson, 1989.; Vrcan, 2001.), pogotovo u okviru pograničnih područja i „granične religije“ (Vrcan, 2006.) koja ulazi u prostor javnog jezika politike identiteta i otvorene ratne sukobe (Pace, 2009.). Pri tome su novinari kasnije koristili strategiju rekontekstualizacije kroz temu terorizma i rata protiv terorizma radi opravdanja ideologije „velike Hrvatske“ i zločina koje su u BiH počinili hrvatski vojnici (Erjavec i Volčić, 2007.). Isto tako, širili su shvaćanje da su muslimani u Hrvatskoj autohtono, integrirano i tolerantno stanovništvo i sastavni dio zapadne civilizacije i kulture te da mogu poslužiti kao most između muslimanskog svijeta i zapada (Kovač, 2009.), pogotovo u kontekstu ulaska Hrvatske u NATO i pregovora oko ulaska u EU.

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Glavni doprinos ovog rada prikaz je rezultata novog istraživanja o reprezentaciji islama i muslimana u dnevnim novinama u Hrvatskoj od 1990. do 2006. godine. Do sada u Hrvatskoj još nije bilo poduzeto ovakvo istraživanje i ovaj rad može biti poticaj u tom smjeru.

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Čini se da je prisutna potreba daljnjeg istraživanja medijske reprezentacije islama i muslimana u državama u kojima je prisutan tradicionalni, autohtoni i manjinski muslimanski identitet i njegov utjecaj na identitet većinskog stanovništva, uz osvrt na značaj razine religioznosti u tom kontekstu, jer se čini da veća religioznost u državi utječe na manje negativnu medijsku reprezentaciju islama i muslimanske religioznosti i načina života.


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19. Kovač, T. (2009). Islam kao paradigma suvremenom europskom društvu i kršćanskoj misli. Nova prisutnost, 7 (2): 207-220. 20. Küenzlen, G. (2009). The Other Side of Globalisation: The New Power of Religion as a Cultural and Political Challenge. Synthesis philosophica, 48 (2): 219-231. 21. Kulenović, T. (2008). Politički islam: Osnovni pojmovi, autori i skupine jednog modernog političkog pokreta. Zagreb: VBZ. 22. Marko, D. (2009). Zar na zapadu postoji neki drugi Bog?: stereotipi i predrasude u medijima prema islamu. Sarajevo: Media plan institut. 23. Matić, D. (2011). Islamski pokret u arapskom svijetu: uzroci, teme i politički značaj. Socijalna ekologija, 20 (1): 31-54. 24. Matić, D. i Bilandžić, M. (2010). Politički islam i mogućnost demokratizacije arapskog svijeta: slučaj Egipta. Polemos, 13 (2): 33-57. 25. Moore, K.; Mason, P. and Lewis, J. (2008). Images of Islam in the UK: The Representation of British Muslims in the National Print News Media 2000-2008. Cardiff School of Journalism, Media and Cultural Studies. Pregledano 10. studenog 2011. (http://www.channel4.com/news/media/pdfs/Cardiff%20Final%20Report.pdf). 26. Nalborczyk, A. S. (2004). The Image of Islam and Muslims in the Polish Mass Media before and after 11 September 2001. TRANS Internet-Zeitschrift für Kulturwissenschaften, 15. Pregledano 11. siječnja 2012. (http://www.inst.at/ trans/15Nr/01_4/nalborczyk15.htm). 27. Pace, E. (2009). Zašto religije ulaze u rat?. Zagreb: Golden marketing – Tehnička knjiga. 28. Richardson, J. E. (2006). On delineating “reasonable” and “unreasonable” criticisms of Muslims. Fifth Estate Online, August. Pregledano 15. kolovoza 2009. (www.fifth-estate-online.co.uk/criticsm/ondelineatingreasonableandunreasonable.html). 29. Richardson, J. E. (2001). British Muslims in the Broadsheet Press: a challenge to cultural hegemony? Journalism Studies, 2 (2): 221-242. 30. Robertson, R. (1989). Globalization, politics, and religion, in:. Beckford James and Luckmann Thomas (Eds.). The changing face of religion. London: Sage:10-23. 31. Saeed, A. (2007). Media, Racism and Islamophobia: The Representation of Islam and Muslims in the Media. Sociology Compass, 1 (2): 443-462. 32. Savage, T. (2004). Europe and Islam: Crescent Waxing, Cultures Clashing. The Washington Quarterly, 27 (3): 25-50. 33. Shadid, W. and van Koningsveld, P. S. (2002). The Negative Image of Islam and Muslims in the West: Causes and Solutions, in: Shadid Wasif and van Koningsveld Sjoerd (Eds.). Religious freedom and the neutrality of the state: the position of Islam in the European Union. Leuven: Peeters: 174-194. 34. Tafra, A. (2009). Križarski ratovi i diskurs filozofije povijesti. Filozofska istraživanja, 29 (4): 709-717. 35. Turner, B. S. (2010). Islam, Diaspora, and Multiculturalism, in: Ahmed Akbar S. and Sonn Tamara (Eds.). The Sage Handbook of Islamic Studies. London: Sage: 17-33. 36. Vrcan, S. (2006). A Preliminary Challenge: Borders or Frontiers? Social Compass, 53 (2): 215-226. 37. Vrcan, S. (2001). Vjera u vrtlozima tranzicije. Split: Glas Dalmacije - revija Dalmatinske akcije.


G. Goldberger: Reprezentacija islama i muslimana u hrvatskim dnevnim novinama...

Izvorni znanstveni rad

Goran Goldberger Institute for Social Research in Zagreb, Croatia e-mail: goran@idi.hr

Representation of Islam and Muslims in Croatian Daily Newspapers from 1990 to 2006 Abstract In this paper the author presents the global and the Croatian social context in which Islam and Muslims are immersed, then the way they are represented in the media, as well as the research goal and methodology. The content analysis of Croatian daily newspapers from the two recent periods of Croatian history (1990-1998 and 1999-2006) shows that newspapers greatly contributed to the public image of Islam and Muslim activities in Croatia and in the world, based on the events from that specific time and place. Thematically, newspapers conveyed the politicization of Islam and a broader socio-political context. In the first period the most explored subjects were the war, war crimes and court trials, while human and religious rights, intolerance and protests dominated the second period. Terrorism and war on terror became increasingly relevant topics. While in the first period the focus was equally on Croatia and former Yugoslav states, in the second period it shifted to Europe and the rest of the world. Journalists used the recontextualization strategy, but also helped to understand that autochtonous Muslims in Croatia could be a useful bridge between Europe and the Muslim world.

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Key words: Croatian daily newspapers, content analysis, identity, democratization, nationalism, deprivatization and politicization of religion, political Islam, fundamentalism.

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Recenzije i prikazi DOI 10.5673/sip.52.1.6

Nikola Pastuović

Obrazovanje i razvoj: kako obrazovanje razvija ljude i mijenja društvo, a kako društvo djeluje na obrazovanje Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu i Učiteljski fakultet Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb, 2012., 369 str. Knjiga prof. emer. dr. sc. Nikole Pastuovića Obrazovanje i razvoj: kako obrazovanje razvija ljude i mijenja društvo, a kako društvo djeluje na obrazovanje novi je vrijedan znanstveni doprinos autora interdisciplinarnoj znanosti o obrazovnim sustavima te se po važnosti i sveobuhvatnosti nastavlja na autorovo ranije djelo Edukologija: integrativna znanost o sustavu cjeloživotnog obrazovanja i odgoja (1999.).

U prvim trima poglavljima autor analizira ciljeve obrazovanja, a u sljedećim poglavljima istražuje načine za njihovo ostvarenje. U prvom poglavlju pod nazivom Konceptualizacija osnovnih pojmova autor definira pojam i vrste obrazovanja te povezane pojmove: edukacija, učenje, izobrazba, naobrazba i odgoj. Precizno se razrađuje i koncept razvoja - naglašava se kako razvoj nije jednoznačan pojam te kako postoji više područja razvoja, koja najbolje obuhvaćaju multidisciplinarna istraživanja. Autor razvoj definira kao proces promjene jednostavnije strukture u složeniju koji omogućuje djelotvornije funkcioniranje, a razvoj osobe kao „proces aktualizacije njezinih potencijala“ (str. 33). Obrazovanje može doprinijeti razvoju osobe jer je osposobljava za uspješnije zadovoljavanje potreba, te tako doprinosi samoostvarenju. Utvrđuje se i distinkcija pojmova razvoja i rasta, koji nisu u nužno pozitivnom odnosu. Autor naglašava kako je koncepcija ljudskog

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Knjiga Obrazovanje i razvoj nastala je u okviru znanstvenog projekta Instituta za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu Podizanje i ujednačavanje kvalitete obveznog obrazovanja u Republici Hrvatskoj. Knjiga sadrži predgovor, uvod, šest poglavlja (Konceptualizacija osnovnih pojmova, Obrazovanje i razvoj osobe, Obrazovanje i razvoj društva, Znanost(i) o obrazovnim sustavima, Kvaliteta obrazovanja, Reforma obrazovanja), kazalo pojmova te popis priloga.

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razvoja šira od teorija gospodarskog razvoja. Posebna se pažnja obraća konceptu održivog razvoja, koji doprinosi porastu kvalitete života ljudi i drugih živih bića. Naposljetku, definiraju se unutarnji i vanjski ciljevi obrazovanja te problematizira dijalektičan odnos obrazovanja i okoline, odnosno različitih društvenih podsustava.

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U drugom poglavlju, Obrazovanje i razvoj osobe, objašnjava se što je ličnost, kako se razvija te koliki utjecaj na razvoj ličnosti imaju nasljeđe i okolina. Posebno je važno što autor drži naobrazbu osobinom ličnosti jer je relativno trajna i univerzalna osobina koja utječe na ponašanje pojedinca u raznim situacijama. Štoviše, navodi se kako je naobrazba, uz opću inteligenciju, najvažnija kognitivna osobina ličnosti. Osobito je važna činjenica da različite osobe u istoj okolini imaju različitu mogućnost za iskorištavanje te okoline. Zbog toga bi nastava trebala biti prilagođena učeniku kako bi se obrazovni i odgojni proces najučinkovitije odvio. Također, autor ističe značaj predškolskog doba u kojem je mozak izrazito prijemčiv za učenje i u kojem se polažu temelji za buduće obrazovanje. Stoga autor ističe važnost obuhvata i dostupnosti predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja za svu djecu, neovisno o njihovom socijalnom porijeklu, te se navodi kako bi prosvjetna politika trebala osigurati kvalitetne i besplatne programe za svu djecu. Raspravlja se i o vezi odgoja i moralnog razvoja osobe, o temperamentu i odgojivosti te motivima za ponašanje. Razmatra se ograničena moć obrazovanja, pro i antisocijalno ponašanje te veza s odgojivošću. Opisuje se i kontroverzan odnos obrazovanja i moralnosti, te se napominje kako „na moralnost i moralno ponašanje više djeluje iskustveno učenje nego školovanje“ (str. 158).

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Treće poglavlje, Obrazovanje i razvoj društva, prikazuje odnos obrazovanja i gospodarskog, političkog, kulturnog i ekološkog razvoja. Autor navodi kako se ulaganje u obrazovanje isplati na individualnoj i društvenoj razini, ali ekonomska isplativost obrazovanja ovisi o drugim društvenim pojavama: usklađenosti obrazovne produkcije i tržišta rada, kvaliteti znanja koje se stječe i mogućnosti da se znanja i vještine upotrijebe. Stoga autor navodi kako obrazovna ekspanzija ne vodi automatski gospodarskom rastu i razvoju. Također, obrazovanje doprinosi političkom razvoju stvaranjem nacionalnog identiteta i integracije, ali s većim stupnjem obrazovanja pojedinaca dolazi i do veće kritičnosti prema politici i postojećem poretku. Autor razmatra i utjecaje obrazovanja i odgoja na kulturu nekog društva. Navodi se kako „edukacija na kulturu više djeluje odgojem nego obrazovanjem“ (str. 173), pa je moguće biti obrazovan, ali ne biti odgojen. Ljudska prava, kao vrijednosti koje se prenose odgojem, mogu poboljšati kvalitetu života i utjecati na gospodarski ili politički razvoj. Ističe se i kako obrazovanje ima ulogu u razvoju ekološke svijesti i ponašanja, no samo ekološko obrazovanje nije garancija ekološkog ponašanja, već je potrebno odgojem razvijati vrijednosti i stavove koji motiviraju za takvo ponašanje. Obrađuju se i pojmovi ljudskog i socijalnog kapitala. Visoka razina socijalnog kapitala obitelji i škole pozitivno je povezana sa školskim uspjehom djece, ali i s gospodarskom i demokratskom razvijenosti, te je pretpostavka za razvoj društva znanja. U četvrtom poglavlju, Znanost(i) o obrazovnim sustavima, autor određuje predmet i metodologiju navedene znanosti te kriterije za utvrđivanje znanstvenosti neke teorije. Poziva se na Brezinku u određenju predmeta odgojnih znanosti: to je istraživanje „odnosa cilj-sredstvo“ u području edukacije. Autor smatra kako treba istraživati rea-


Recenzije i prikazi

litet, stvarne ciljeve obrazovne djelatnosti, a ne željene ciljeve. Izlaže se model obrazovanja kao sustava s karakteristikama organizacije koja ima svoje ulaze u obrazovni sustav, resurse, transformacijske procese, izlaze i ishode. Kako bi se u potpunosti razumjelo složen sustav poput obrazovnog, autor se zalaže za primjenu otvorenog sustavskog pristupa koji raščlanjuje međuodnose dijelova sustava. Takav se pristup može koristiti na svim razinama obrazovanja te „predstavlja metodologiju znanosti o obrazovnim sustavima koja je za nju specifična“ (str. 240). Posebno je važan pojam edukologije, znanosti o obrazovnim sustavima, koja sabire i suočava sve vrste znanja o obrazovanju. Razlika od pojedinih obrazovnih znanosti je u činjenici da se ne fokusira na jedan cilj edukacije, već „istražuje sredstva za optimalno ostvarivanje svih edukacijskih ciljeva“ (str. 250). Autor razmatra i pedagogiju kao znanost, te je smatra normativnom i deskriptivnom disciplinom koja znanstvenim dosezima ne može parirati razvijenijim obrazovnim znanostima.

U zadnjem poglavlju pod nazivom Reforma obrazovanja autor razmatra različite moguće modifikacije u obrazovanju, kao i vezu s društveno-ekonomskim promjenama. Autor se posebno referira na zemlje Središnje i Istočne Europe, u kojima su moguća četiri tipa reformi: korektivne, modernizirajuće, strukturne i sistemske (prema Birzea, 1996.). Napominje se kako u postkomunističkim zemljama, zbog zakašnjelog društvenog razvoja, treba provesti modernizirajuću, ali i strukturnu i sustavsku obrazovnu tranziciju. Autor navodi kako je važan cilj obrazovne politike povećanje jednakosti obrazovnih prilika kroz dodatnu potporu rizičnim skupinama – važno je da međuškolske razlike ne budu veće od unutarškolskih, stoga država treba osigurati podjednake uvjete učenja diljem zemlje, što zahtijeva ulaganja u optimizaciju školske mreže. Uspoređujući hrvatski obrazovni sustav s onima drugih država, autor

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U petom poglavlju pod nazivom Kvaliteta obrazovanja autor definira kvalitetu obrazovanja kao kvalitetu ishoda – kognitivnih i afektivnih postignuća učenika. Definiranje i unapređivanje kvalitete obrazovanja važno je jer se smatra presudnim za međunarodnu kompetitivnost i gospodarski razvoj. U društvu znanja važno je ostvariti ne samo visoku razinu obrazovnih postignuća nego i što manje razlike među školama i regijama, uz što niži utjecaj socioekonomskog statusa obitelji na obrazovna postignuća djece. Dva su značajna pokazatelja kvalitete obrazovanja: vanjsko vrednovanje ishoda na kraju osnovnog i srednjeg obrazovanja te podaci međunarodnih komparativnih istraživanja izlaza i kvalitete obrazovnih ishoda. Potonji podaci pokazuju kako djeca iz obrazovnih sustava s najnižim stupnjem diferencijacije postižu najviše prosječne rezultate u čitalačkoj pismenosti jer rana horizontalna diferencijacija pojačava djelovanje obiteljskog ekonomskog, kulturnog i socijalnog statusa, što dovodi u nepovoljan položaj djecu iz neprivilegiranih obitelji. Na testiranju PISA hrvatski učenici postižu rezultate koji su ispod prosjeka OECD-a u svim područjima procjene. Autor stoga preporučuje odgađanje horizontalne diferencijacije do učenikove šesnaeste godine, što znači da je optimalno trajanje osnovne škole devet godina. Od posebne je važnosti autorov zaključak kako je potrebno i srednju školu proglasiti obaveznom kako bi se omogućilo stjecanje barem prve kvalifikacije. Autor analizira i pojmove kurikulumskog sustava i kurikulumskih procesa, pri čemu se napominje kako je posebno značajan kurikulum osnovnog obrazovanja, te ga treba saturirati znanjima najveće transferne vrijednosti.

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zaključuje da je po strukturnim značajkama bolji od srednjoeuropskog, ali lošiji od skandinavskog. Autor objašnjava zašto je optimalno trajanje primarnog obrazovanja šest, a ne četiri godine i zašto je optimalno trajanje osnovnog obrazovanja devet, a ne osam godina, a predstavljene su i prednosti i nedostaci dvaju mogućih modela produljenja obveznog obrazovanja u Hrvatskoj. Bogata znanstvena karijera, ali i višekratna uključenost u procese kreiranja ključnih dokumenata iz područja strateškog planiranja obrazovanja za Vladu Republike Hrvatske omogućili su autoru jedinstven i cjelovit uvid u područje odgoja i obrazovanja, upravo onakav kakav u Hrvatskoj nedostaje zbog još uvijek malog broja interdisciplinarnih istraživanja obrazovanja. Knjiga Obrazovanje i razvoj neizostavna je za sve koji se na bilo koji način bave odgojnim i obrazovnim sustavom ili se za njega zanimaju, za sve koji žele razumjeti kompleksnost obrazovnog sustava i njegovu međuovisnost o drugim dijelovima društva. Knjiga bi trebala postati temeljna literatura ne samo za studente pedagoških smjerova nego i za druge sudionike odgojno-obrazovnih procesa, kreatore obrazovne politike, istraživače i može se preporučiti svima kojima je stalo do napretka i razvoja društva temeljenog na znanju, ali i socijalnoj pravdi.

Iva Košutić

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu

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Recenzije i prikazi DOI 10.5673/sip.52.1.7

Russel J. Dalton (ed.)

Engaging Youth in Politics: Debating Democracy’s Future New York, IDEBATE Press, 2011., 268 str.

Istraživanje mladih nemoguće je bez njihova stavljanja u društveni i politički kontekst. Želimo li vidjeti kakvo će društvo biti za određeni vremenski period, mladi su grupa koju treba istražiti. Osim toga, mladi su vrlo dobar indikator društvenoga stanja te istovremeno i pokazatelj uspješnosti prilagodljivosti demokracije novim trendovima. Spekulacije o njihovoj niskoj participaciji i perpetuaciji, česte su u politološkoj literaturi. Pitanje koje u uvodu postavlja Dalton je promatramo li političku participaciju mladih na ispravan način. Politolozi pri proučavanju političke participacije mladih vrlo često je redukcioniraju na izborno ponašanje, unatoč nalazima istraživanja da mladi više participiraju u nekonvencionalnoj politici (Dalton, 2011.:8). Ovim partikularnim pristupom događa se što i s demokracijom, a upravo na to i upozorava Rosenvallon (2008.) – zanemaruju se ključni aspekti funkcioniranja demokracije i ne dobiva se “veća slika” cjelokupnoga sustava. Politička participacija

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U vremenu kad je riječ “kriza” jedna od najeksponiranijih termina suvremene političke znanosti, gotovo je nemoguće izbjeći dovođenje u vezu nekoga društveno-političkoga fenomena s krizama demokracije, ekonomskim krizama, krizom socijalnoga sustava, Europske unije i slično. Implicitna tema knjiga “Engaging Youth in Politics: Debating Democracy’s Future” upravo je kriza, odnosno analiza promjena političke participacije među mladima. Premda na prvu ruku izgleda da politička participacija i “kriza” nisu povezane, knjiga urednika Russela J. Daltona vrlo jasno povezuje ta dva fenomena. Ona pokazuje koji su to izazovi s kojima se mladi kao vrlo dinamična društvena skupina moraju nositi te kako se prilagođavaju novim situacijama. Kroz pregled raznovrsnih aspekta djelovanja mladih, zajednički nazivnik tekstova u ovoj knjizi je da mladi imaju svoj način sudjelovanja u društvenom i političkom životu, koji istraživači često pogrešno tumače. Suptilno kritizirajući jednoobraznost društvenih znanosti, Dalton izborom tekstova osvjetljava višedimenzionalnost i kompleksnost pitanja participacije među mladima i njihovoga odnosa s okolinom.

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mladih eklektičan je fenomen, kao i uostalom mladi koji se nikako ne mogu smatrati monolitnom društvenom skupinom. Participacija u sebi sadrži elemente društvene odgovornosti, političke kompetencije, političke kulture, ali i eksternih faktora, poput društvene klime i (nedostatka) podrške od strane društva. Sudjelovanje mladih u politici i društvu upravo iz toga razloga kontekstualno je obojano i teško uopćivo. Polazna pretpostavka zbirke eseja “Engaging Youth in Politics: Debating Democracy’s Future”, koju je krajem 2011. izdala izdavačka kuća IDEBATE Press, jest da se politička participacija mladih mijenja. Kroz seriju od šesnaest analitičkih eseja stručnjaka za određene aspekte proučavanja mladih te autorovoga uvodnog poglavlja, knjiga daje korektnu analizu suvremenih trendova koji utječu na uključivanje mladih u društveni, a posebice politički život. Iako su gotovo svi radovi koncentrirani na Sjedinjena Američke Države, autori u svojim tekstovima analiziraju trendove od kojih neki mogu poslužiti i u analizi neameričke politike za mlade. Knjiga je podijeljena u pet dijelova. Prvi, koji se odnosi na nešto općenitiji uvod o položaju i promjeni uloga mladih u suvremenom društvu, posvećuje posebnu pozornost njihovoj političkoj dimenziji. Prvi tekst, bugarske sociologinje Siyke Kovacheve, vrlo ambiciozno najavljuje konceptualizaciju participacije mladih iz teorijske i istraživačke perspektive. Premda Kovacheva u tekstu iznosi neke relevantne nalaze, poput one o jačanju pristupa socijalnih mreža u proučavanju participacije, tekst ostaje relativno površan i nedovoljno analitičan, te uglavnom kontekstualiziran na Istočnu Europu – navode se tek opća mjesta o sudjelovanju mladih u politici.

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Drugi dio knjige pokušava odgovoriti na pitanje smanjenja izlaznosti mladih na izbore. Martin Wettenburg postulira tvrdnju da ne bismo trebali biti iznenađeni što mladi manje participiraju u politici jer su manje izloženi i informirani o njoj, što i potkrepljuje određenim empirijskim nalazima. Iako su argumenti uvjerljivo posloženi, problem s ovim tekstom je zastarjelost empirijskih podataka koje autor interpretira. Uglavnom se radi o podatcima iz 1990-ih, dok je najnoviji onaj iz 2000. U navedenom poglavlju nalazi se i tekst Eve Anduize o odazivu mladih na izborima za Europski parlament, što knjizi daje određenu komparativnu perspektivu. Autorica, interpretirajući nalaze uglavnom deskriptivne statistike, zaključuje da izlaznost kohorte mladih nije toliko niska u apsolutnim kategorijama, no jest u usporedbi s ostalim starosnim grupama.

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Participacija izvan izbora naslov je sljedećega, i vjerojatno najboljega dijela knjige. U njemu autori vrlo suvereno adresiraju različite vrste nekonvencionalne političke participacije, a posebna se pozornost posvećuje internetskom aktivizmu. Osim ovoga aspekta, obrađuje se sklonost volontiranju među mlađom populacijom koja se dovodi u vezu sa širim političkim angažmanom. U poglavlju se iznosi tvrdnja kako mladi ne vide izbore kao učinkovit način političke i društvene promjene, što je razlog njihovoj sklonosti neformalnoj politici. Posljednji tekst u trećem poglavlju bavi se tržištem kao arenom za transnacionalnu politiku gdje Michele Micheletti i Dietlind Stolle opisuju politički konzumerizam kao mladima zanimljiv mehanizam suočavanja s konzumerističkim društvom i međunarodnim korporacijama.


Recenzije i prikazi

Četvrto poglavlje obrađuje odnose faktora poput spola, roda, socijalnoga statusa i etniciteta na varijabilnost političke participacije, dok se u posljednjem poglavlju pažnja posvećuje na načine proširivanja područja participacije i utjecaju škola na razvoj demokratskih vještina i znanja među mladima. Peto poglavlje knjige služi kao svojevrsni odgovor na probleme identificirane u prethodnim. Standardni odgovori poput povećanja deliberacije i stavljanja naglaska na građanski odgoj i obrazovanje, te suradnju između pojedinaca, zajednica, škola i obitelji, zapakirani su u novo ruho kroz studije slučaja SAD-a i Kanade. Stavljajući naglasak na konstrukciju poticajnoga okruženja za djelotvornu participaciju mladih, autori identificiraju faktore potrebne za nju. No, nažalost, ne ulaze u njezino raščlanjivanje i kontekstualiziranje. Iz svega navedenoga postavlja se pitanje o korisnosti i ulozi knjige “Engaging Youth in Politics: Debating Democracy’s Future”. Gledajući kumulativno, navedeno djelo svakako je korisna polazišna točka za istraživanje političke participacije mladih. Ono adresira suvremene probleme te nudi potencijalna rješenja. Knjiga, također, otvara mnoga pitanja, primjerice o odnosu između same krize predstavničke demokracije i sudjelovanja mladih. S druge strane, ova zbirka eseja ne nudi ništa revolucionarno u njihovom proučavanju. Tekstovi su pisani relativno neanalitički, bez dubinskoga pogleda, te su lišeni kritične perspektive, kao da imaju intenciju dati samo uvod u problem. Spomenemo li da svako poglavlje završava setom pitanja i naglasimo li da je IDEBATE Press zapravo krovna debatna organizacija koja promiče otvorena i demokratska društva putem debate, stvari su jasnije. “Engaging Youth in Politics: Debating Democracy’s Future” nikako nije akademsko štivo, niti se treba takvim smatrati, premda su autori svih tekstova renomirani stručnjaci iz područja sociologije i politologije mladih. Tekstovi su tu prvenstveno kao svojevrsni teaseri politolozima i sociolozima da se dublje uključe u debatu o mogućnostima istraživanja mladih. Ova knjiga će svakako poslužiti praktičarima, aktivistima civilnoga društva, studentima i debatantima za upoznavanje s temeljnim aporijama proučavanja participacije mladih. Knjiga, nadalje, može biti dobar početni izvor informacija o mijenama društva i odnosu mladih prema njima.

Marko Kovačić Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu

S o c i o l o g i j a i p r o s t o r

Želite li dobar uvod u, prvenstveno praksu, sudjelovanja mladih u društvu i politici te inspiraciju za istraživanja, ovo djelo će poslužiti svrsi. S druge strane, ukoliko vam je potrebno iscrpniji izvor informacija o tematici o kojoj smo pisali, preporuka je da se ne oslanjate isključivo na navedeno štivo.

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UPUTE SURADNICIMA SOCIOLOGIJA I PROSTOR – četveromjesečnik za istraživanje prostornog i sociokulturnog razvoja objavljuje znanstvene i stručne radove iz sociologije i srodnih znanstvenih područja koja proučavaju selo, grad, prostor, te ostale društvene teme. Primaju se samo neobjavljeni radovi, a u časopisu se objavljuju na hrvatskom i engleskom jeziku. Svi radovi prolaze kroz anonimni recenzentski postupak. Članci – uključujući bilješke, literaturu, tablice, grafičke prikaze i sažetak, ne smiju prelaziti 27 kartica teksta (1.800 znakova s bjelinama jedna je kartica teksta). Članku se prilažu sažeci na hrvatskom i engleskom jeziku, opsega do 250 riječi, a iza sažetka navodi se popis najvažnijih ključnih riječi (do 8 riječi), odnosno ključnih pojmova kojima se u rukopisu označavaju spominjani teorijski pristupi, metodologija, iskustveni rezultati ili pravac promišljanja. Recenzije i prikazi ne smiju prelaziti 8 kartica teksta. Knjige i časopisi koji se prikazuju ne smiju biti stariji od tri godine. U prikazu se, osim imena i prezimena autora čije se djelo prikazuje te naslova djela, navodi naziv izdavača, mjesto izdavanja, godina izdavanja i broj stranica. Na kraju samoga prikaza autor prikaza stavlja svoj potpis punim imenom i prezimenom. Radovi se šalju u tri tiskana primjerka i na CD-u u programu Microsoft Worda ili elektronskom poštom. Članke poslane samo u papirnatom izdanju ne primamo. Rukopisi se upućuju na adresu: Glavna i odgovorna urednica SOCIOLOGIJA I PROSTOR Institut za društvena istraživanja u Zagrebu Amruševa 8/III., p.p. 280 HR-10001 Zagreb, Hrvatska ili na e-mail: sip@idi.hr i svircic@idi.hr Na prvoj stranici rada navodi se ime i prezime autora, naziv i adresa ustanove u kojoj je autor zaposlen, e-mail adresa i naslov rada. Numeracija stranica označava se u donjem desnom kutu na svakoj stranici (uključujući i stranice s bibliografijom). Bilješke (fusnote) dolaze na podnožju stranice gdje se nalazi brojčana oznaka fusnote. Svaka tablica i slika moraju biti numerirane i imati naslov ili ukoliko su uzete iz drugog izvora onda taj izvor mora biti naveden. Tablice moraju biti crno-bijele i izrađene u programima MS Officea standardiziranom tabulacijom. Izbjegava se pisanje u kurzivu osim ukoliko želite određeni pojam naglasiti u kontrastu prema ostalim pojmovima u tekstu. Pojedinačne riječi ili fraze koje se koriste iz stranih jezika – ukoliko nisu citati – pišu se u kurzivu. Naslovi filmova, glazbenih djela ili likovnih djela navode se kurzivom (Let iznad kukavičjeg gnijezda, Trubadur, Da Vincijeva Mona Lisa) Datumi se navode u sljedećoj formi: 7. prosinca 1981. Brojevi kojima započinje rečenica i aproksimativni brojevi izražavaju se riječima – tisuću, milijun, stotina i sl. Brojevi od 10,000 prema više koriste interpunkcijsku oznaku zareza npr.: 105,278. Ukoliko ima više od 6 znamenaka, koristi se isto oznaka zareza i to odvajajući po tri znamenke brojeći s desne strane broja npr. 8,753,875,000. Citirati se može izravno – koristeći navodnike, i neizravno – prepričavanjem. Citat koji se izravno prenosi iz teksta drugog autora stavlja se u navodne znakove. Ako se izravno citira veći dio teksta, a jedan se dio želi ispustiti, ispušteni dio označava se znakom […]. Radovi u bibliografskom popisu navode se abecednim redom. Ukoliko se navodi više radova istog autora, koji imaju istu godinu izdanja, treba ih razlikovati slovima (a, b, c itd.) iza godine izdanja. Primjeri: Knjiga - jedan autor u tekstu

(Kuvačić, 2004.)

Kuvačić (2004.)

(Kuvačić, 2004.:235)

bibliografski popis Kuvačić, I. (2004). Uvod u sociologiju. Zagreb: Golden marketing – Tehnička knjiga.


Knjiga - dva autora u tekstu

(Tomić-Koludrović i Leburić, 2002.) Tomić-Koludrović i Leburić (2002.) (Tomić-Koludrović i Leburić, 2002.:169)

bibliografski popis Tomić-Koludrović, I. i Leburić, A. (2002). Sociologija životnog stila. Zagreb: Jesenski i Turk. Knjiga - tri autora u tekstu

(Ilišin, Marinović Bobinac i Radin, 2001.) – prvi put navesti sva tri autora, zatim: (Ilišin i sur., 2001.) Ilišin i sur. (2001.) (Ilišin i sur., 2001.:93)

bibliografski popis Ilišin, V., Marinović Bobinac, A. i Radin, F. (2001). Djeca i mediji. Zagreb: IDIZ. Knjiga - više od tri autora u tekstu

(Sekulić i sur., 2004)

Sekulić i sur. (2004.)

Sekulić i sur., 2004.:105)

bibliografski popis Sekulić, D.; Šporer Ž.; Hodson R.; Massey, G.; Županov, J. (2004). Sukob i tolerancija: O društvenoj uvjetovanosti nacionalizma i demokracije. Zagreb: Hrvatsko sociološko društvo. Članak u časopisu - jedan autor u tekstu

(Marinović Jerolimov, 2005.) (Marinović Jerolimov, 2005.:317)

Marinović Jerolimov (2005.)

bibliografski popis Marinović Jerolimov, D. (2005). Tradicionalna religioznost u Hrvatskoj 2004.: između kolektivnog i individualnog. Sociologija sela, 168 (2):303-338. Članak u časopisu - dva autora u tekstu

(Perasović i Bartoluci, 2007.) (Perasović i Bartoluci, 2007.:108)

Perasović i Bartoluci (2007.)

bibliografski popis Perasović, B. i Bartoluci, S. (2007). Sociologija sporta u hrvatskom kontekstu. Sociologija i prostor, 175 (1):105-120. Članak u časopisu - tri autora u tekstu

(Štulhofer, Jureša i Mamula, 2000.) – prvi put navesti sva tri autora, zatim: (Štulhofer i sur., 2000.) Štulhofer i sur. (2000.) (Štulhofer i sur., 2000.:869)

bibliografski popis Štulhofer, A.; Jureša, V. i Mamula, M. (2000). Problematični užici: rizično seksualno ponašanje u kasnoj adolescenciji. Društvena istraživanja, 50 (6):867-896. Članak u časopisu - više od tri autora u tekstu

(Balenović i sur., 2000.)

Balenović i sur. (2000.) (Balenović i sur., 2000.:813)

bibliografski popis Balenović, T.; Hromatko, I.; Markovina, J.; Perica, V.; Paratušić, A.; Poljanić, S. (2000). Studentska percepcija seksualnog uznemiravanja. Društvena istraživanja, 50 (6):811-828.


Zbornik u tekstu

(Grubišić i Zrinščak, 1999.) (Grubišić i Zrinščak, 1999.:143)

Grubišić i Zrinščak (1999.)

bibliografski popis Grubišić, I. i Zrinščak, S. (Ur.) (1999). Religija i integracija. Zagreb: Institut društvenih znanosti Ivo Pilar. Članak u zborniku u tekstu

( Jukić, 1999.)

Jukić (1999.)

( Jukić, 1999.:60)

bibliografski popis Jukić, J. (1999). Religijske integracije i uloga pomirenja, u: Grubišić Ivan i Zrinščak Siniša (Ur.). Religija i integracija. Zagreb: Institut društvenih zna- nosti Ivo Pilar. Članak u novinama u tekstu

(Dumenil i Bidet, 2007.) (Dumenil i Bidet, 2007.:24)

Dumenil i Bidet (2007.)

bibliografski popis Dumenil, G. i Bidet, J. (2007). Jedan drugi marksizam za jedan drugi svijet. Le Mond diplomatique, listopad 2007. Institucionalne publikacije u tekstu

(Državni zavod za statistiku [DZS], 2006.) – prvi put navesti puni naslov institucije (DZS, 2005.) DZS (2006.) (DZS, 2006.:987) – u sljedećim navođenjima koristiti akronim

bibliografski popis Državni zavod za statistiku (2006). Statistički ljetopis 2006. Zagreb: Državni zavod za statistiku. Radovi s interneta u tekstu

(Cedermann, 2007.) Cedermann (2007.) (Cedermann, 2007.:86)

bibliografski popis Cedermann, L-E. (2007). Computational Models of Social Forms: Advancing Generative Process Theory. American Juornal of Sociology, 110 (4). Pregledano 29. studenog 2007. (http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/AJS/journal/con- tents/v110n4. html?erFrom=-1669774549191795122Guest). Zakoni i pravilnici u tekstu

(Zakon o zaštiti okoliša [ZOZO], NN 110/07) – prvo navođenje (ZOZO, NN 110/07) – sljedeća navođenja

bibliografski popis Zakon o zaštiti okoliša, Narodne novine 110 od 2007. Molimo suradnike časopisa da se pridržavaju ovih pravila i da poštuju i slijede norme hrvatskoga standardnog jezika. Uredništvo časopisa ima slobodu ne prihvaćati tekstove autora ukoliko se ne pridržavaju ovih naputaka. Za sva ostala pitanja autori se mogu javiti uredništvu koje će u najkraćem mogućem roku pronaći rješenje. Uredništvo


Profile for Institute for Social Research in Zagreb

Sociologija i prostor / Sociology and Space - Vol.52 No.1 (198)  

Časopis za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja / Journal for Spatial and Socio-Cultural Development Studies

Sociologija i prostor / Sociology and Space - Vol.52 No.1 (198)  

Časopis za istraživanje prostornoga i sociokulturnog razvoja / Journal for Spatial and Socio-Cultural Development Studies

Profile for idiz
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