(Bentall, 2004; Gaines, 1992). By the same token, those patients that were treated and labelled were of the same ethnic background as their medical practitioners. The founders of psychiatry and mental health did not develop their understandings of illnesses and diagnosis by studying ethnic diversities as it was not necessary at the time Europe was relatively a homogenous population. Most patients in Austria, for example, were Austrian. We can trace back to Emil Kraepelin who visited Java to test the universality of mental illnesses across culture although he did not assess patients living in Europe who were immigrants (Bentall, 2004). Needless to say, migration patterns had not fully developed and mass industrialization, globalization and urbanization had not hit their peak when psychiatry was thriving. In other words, the society the European world was living in contained a fairly homogenous Caucasian population to which both psychiatric patients and their doctors shared. Adebimpe (1984) reported that in the United States there were immigrants such as the African slaves who were being increasingly diagnosed with psychiatric diagnoses. Hospital statistics reported that the rates of psychosis and Dementia Praecox were often twice than that of Whites in the years between 1922 and 1954 in New England, for instance (Adebimpe, 1984). Psychiatrists who were diagnosing patients were at the time from the higher class of society and who were usually Caucasian middle class Americans. Similarly, it is no surprise that Northern Europeans might have experienced similar patterns, although there are no known historical anecdotes known.
Thesis from Brunnel University, United Kingdom, London