Page 1

NONGQAI VOL 8 NO 6 CONTENTS Nongqai Vol 8 No 6 ............................................................................................................................... 5 PUBLISHER / UITGEWER ................................................................................................................... 5 AIM / DOEL ........................................................................................................................................... 5 FRONT PAGE / VOORBLAD: GENL-MAJ JA BRINK ........................................................................... 5 ONGOING RESEARCH PROJECTS .................................................................................................... 7 WELCOME / WELKOM ........................................................................................................................ 8 REDAKSIONEEL .................................................................................................................................. 8 Die ou vlag en die ou volkslied: “Die-hards and outdated Flags?”..................................................... 8 Fanie Bouwer se Kommentaar ........................................................................................................ 12 Repliek ............................................................................................................................................ 14 POLTICSWEB: TRANSITION IN SOUTH AFRICA: DOUGLAS GIBSON .......................................... 16 PROF. HERMAN GILIOMEE: ‘N TRAGIESE DILEMMA..................................................................... 17 STOF TOT NADENKE ........................................................................................................................ 18 Leon Lemmer: Eerder epistokrasie as demokrasie ......................................................................... 18 KOL. FMA STEEENKAMP: AFDELINGSBEVELVOERDER, VEILIGHEIDSTAK, PORT NATAL. ..... 19 USELESS INFORMATION ................................................................................................................. 29 1972 (circa) Samewerking: Inligtingsgemeenskap: Suider-Afrika.................................................... 29 Die val van Portugal in Mosambiek ................................................................................................. 30 PIDE ................................................................................................................................................ 30 BSAP: British South Africa Police .................................................................................................... 31 SNASP: Servicion Segurança Nacional Popular ............................................................................. 31 Kol Jacobs van die Spoorwegpolisie ............................................................................................... 32 SEKRETARIAAT VAN DIE STAATSVEILIGHEIDSRAAD: SSVR: AP STEMMET ............................. 32 Lt.-genl. LPE “Louwtjie” Malan ........................................................................................................ 33 Luit-Genl. HV “Vic” Verster .............................................................................................................. 35 EERSTE ANGLO BOERE-OORLOG: ZWARTKOPJE SE MANNE IN AANHOUDING ...................... 37 MOUNTED POLICE AT BABERTON ................................................................................................. 38 CHURCH STREET BOMBING: GENERAL JV VAN DER MERWE .................................................... 39 Comments by Hennie Heymans: The International Covert SACP-ANC Brigade ............................. 46 2

CATO MANOR POLICE MASSACRE ................................................................................................ 49 SAP (SB) PRINTING PRESS / SAP (V) DRUKPERS ......................................................................... 50 THE SAS AND THE BATTLE FOR RHODESIA: MR HANNES WESSELS........................................ 53 MATABELE REBELLION 1896 – VICTORY IN THE MATOPOS ....................................................... 56 By Historian, Author and Copy-Editor Gerry van Tonder .................................................................... 56 EK VERSTAAN: KOL MJJ VAN RENSBURG (SALM) ....................................................................... 76 DIE LEWE IN THAILAND: BARRY TAYLOR ...................................................................................... 78 GENL. GL "KLAASVAKIE" PRINSLOO: BARRY TAYLOR ................................................................. 80 DIE STAATSDIENSPENSIOENFONDS: AP STEMMET .................................................................... 81 PRESS RELEASE: AP STEMMET ..................................................................................................... 82 A LEGAL POINT TO PONDER ........................................................................................................... 83 1999 SAPS PARADE .......................................................................................................................... 84 1999:IPA PRESTIGE-AAND ............................................................................................................... 85 ANGUS BUCHAN ............................................................................................................................... 86 SA ARMY RANK INSIGNIA – EARLY 1960* MARK NAUDE ............................................................. 86 1968 SA ARMY RANK INSIGNIA: MARK NAUDE ............................................................................. 88 HELDE WEMEL IN ONS POLISIEMAG ............................................................................................. 89 Sersant John Rocco Nienaber ..................................................................................................... 89 Konstabel Evert Philip Serfontein ................................................................................................ 90 Sersant C. J. S. Dippenaar en konstabel J. A. Coetzee............................................................... 91 Konstabel H. W. Lambert ............................................................................................................. 92 Sersant W. J. S. van der Westhuizen .......................................................................................... 92 Adjudant-Offisier T. Pienaar......................................................................................................... 92 Konstabel Dirk Johannes Bester .................................................................................................. 93 konstabel J. P. N. Botha .............................................................................................................. 93 AFBREKER: BERNARD FIELIES ....................................................................................................... 94 FROM THE MEDIA / VAN DIE PERS ................................................................................................. 95 We have no right to pull the country backwards - Zuma .................................................................. 95 Fortress London: Huge armoured police vans dubbed 'The Guardians' patrol the capital's streets as number of armed officers is doubled after Westminster attack ........................................................ 95 That's a high-speed chase! Dubai police's Bugatti Veyron supercar which can reach 253mph is officially declared the fastest cop car in the world ......................................................................... 100


The incredible story of the KGB agent who told his handlers he had AIDS so he could live a free life in the USA and protect his family .................................................................................................. 103 The Irish Mandela? You must be mad! The day his mask slipped and I saw McGuinness the monster, writes KEVIN TOOLIS .................................................................................................... 106 Don't get in its way! Remote-controlled 18-tonne riot vehicle designed to smash protests has a 24ft expanding shield, tear gas guns and a protected platform for police to shoot from ....................... 110 Bozena Riot Full Specs .............................................................................................................. 116 Fortress Britain: Police install new anti-terror barriers around Windsor Castle and Buckingham Palace to prevent copycat attacks after carnage in Westminster .................................................. 116 The daring US wiretapping operation carried out 400 feet underwater that helped steal Soviet secrets and end the Cold War ....................................................................................................... 125 Incredible pictures reveal British soldiers suppressing the Mau Mau rebellion in the harsh African jungle during the Kenya Emergency .............................................................................................. 127 Kenya's Bloody Conflict: The Mau Mau Uprising ....................................................................... 130 Mau Mau Fighters Raped, Castrated and Beaten in Kenya's Uprising Against Britain Get £14m Compensation ............................................................................................................................ 133 The admission came at the end of a test case brought by the law firm Leigh Day which established UK courts did have jurisdiction to hear historical claims brought by those detained in military camps. ........................................................................................................................................... 133 Keith's blue lamp will shine forever: DAVID JONES sees the courageous PC Palmer honoured with a funeral service fit for a hero as London remembers a fine officer ............................................... 135 Sweden's police chief calls for Islamic extremists to be deported after attack 'by failed asylum seeker'... then is warned HE faces investigation ........................................................................... 137 BRIEWEBUS – LETTER BOX .......................................................................................................... 137 Maarten Kruger skryf: .................................................................................................................... 137 ‘n Tweede brief: Maarten Kruger. .................................................................................................. 138 Brief van Govert “Goofy” Vetten .................................................................................................... 139 ‘n Tweede Brief Van “Goofy” Vetten .............................................................................................. 139 Die Vlag: Corrie Prinsloo ............................................................................................................... 140 Gedenkdiens: Voortrekkermonument: Paul Els ............................................................................. 142 “Sersant”: AP Stemmet ................................................................................................................. 143 SLOT / END ...................................................................................................................................... 144


NONGQAI VOL 8 NO 6 PUBLISHER / UITGEWER The Nongqai is compiled by Hennie Heymans a retired Brigadier of the late South African Police Force and the e-magazine is published on ISSUU. Hennie lives in Pretoria, ZA. He is passionate about our police-, military- and national security history and holds a MA-degree in National Strategic Studies.

Tel. No. 012-329-4229 E-mail:

AIM / DOEL Our goal is to collect and record our national security history for publication in the Nongqai for future generations. Ons doel is om die nasionale veiligheidsgeskiedenis in die Nongqai aan te teken en so vir die nageslagte bewaar.

FRONT PAGE / VOORBLAD: GENL-MAJ JA BRINK In the centre of the front page is Maj. Gen. JA Brink the police commissioner from 1951 - 1954. The front page is based on an old series of Nongqai covers used in days gone by. The cover was artistically improved and adapted by Glenn Elsden, a Lieut.-Col. (ret) of the SA Police based at Forensics. Contact details: Elsden Design Services e-mail: Maj. Gen. J.A. (Jan-Kamas) Brink • • • • • • • • • •

Born on 24 September 1894 in Griquastad. He joined the police on 16 February 1913. (The SAP was established on 1 April 1913.) His Force Number was 2438(M), he was in the mounted police. During 1916, he was stationed at Lindley Rd – a two man police post. (SAP List 1916 p 99). During 1940, he was a major and as such the district commandant of Cape Town. On 1 August 1951, he is appointed as commissioner. He looked after the spiritual wellbeing of our members and was the first commissioner to start a chaplain service with the appointment of Rev. Harpir Martins He strived to improve police salaries and pensions. He modernized the police and, for example, improved radio communication. The police introduced preventive measures during the Van Riebeeck Festival in Cape Town and the festival went smoothly. On September 23, 1954, he retired on pension.



Comments by Hennie Heymans: I know he had two sons who also joined the SA Police. The one son was stationed in Durban and later he became a staff officer for the Deputy Commissioner (Detective Branch). Medals & Decorations: In days of old, commissioned officers were not awarded good or faithful service medals. At the outbreak of WW2 he took the “Africa Oath” and as far as I know he was not awarded the King or Queens Police Medal.


• • • •

Photographs of police stations. (Please share your photographs with us.) Southern African Uniforms and badges. Police Heroes and a “Police Who is Who”. Police Commissioners: We are preparing a booklet on the various SA Police commissioners. Should you have any photographs or anecdotes please share with us. Kommissarisse van polisie: Ons is besig om inligting van ons onderskeie polisiekommissarisse in te samel. Ons begin by kol. sir TG Truter en werk ons pad deur die geskiedenis totdat genl. JV van der Merwe die SAP oorhandig het aan nuwe nasionale kommissaris van die SAPS, genl. George Fivaz. Ons het besluit om brig. George Baston by die reeks in te sluit aangesien hy vir bykans vyf jaar as die kommissaris waargeneem het. Police History: We collect eyewitness reports from policemen about cataclysmic events in our history e.g. Cato Manor, Sharpeville, Pondoland, etc. We have large collection of digital recordings from police officers. Boipatong: We would like to hear from policemen who were involved in the Boipatong. Boipatong: Ons sal graag van lede wil hoor wat by die Boipatong-voorval betrokke was. Speurdiens: Ons kry bitter min feite verslae van speurders oor opspraakwekkende misdade. Die Waarheid- en versoeningskommissie: Ons as oudlede het baie repliek om te lewer op die WVK se duisende bladsye op die internet. Honderde lede se reputasies word aldaar geskaad en word inligting – sonder om in dit konteks te plaas – gepubliseer. Daar is selfs inligting wat glad nie waar is nie! [Adv. George Bizos het in sy eerste boek talle lede van die SA Polisie swart gesmeer. In sy tweede boek skryf hy, dit kan aanvaar word dat hy die waarheid geskryf het want niemand het ooit enige beswaar teen bewerings geopper nie.] Manne, indien ons nie op die WVK se skryfsels gaan reageer nie, gaan die nageslag dit as die evangelie aanvaar. (Maj. Craig Williamson het reageer en ons gaan sy optrede in die verlede in konteks aanbied.) Nie-wit lede van die polisie: Ons neem nie-wit lede van die polisiemag – as ‘n groep – onder die loep. Ons kyk na die verskillende uniforms vir Swart-, Bruin en Indiër-lede. Ons kyk na die opleiding van nie-wit lede, dis iets wat die Nasionale Party (NP) in die 1950’s begin het. Vir jare was die Swart-lid van die Mag niks anders as ‘n hulp-polisieman deur die NP-beleid – daar is verskeie uitsprake deur adv. CR Swart is die Swart-lede later volwaardige lede van die SAP. Onder die NP-bewind is hulle vir die eerste keer opgelei!

Onthou skryf u storie, soms kan ons net op die geskrewe weergawe terugval want dit is al wat daar is!


WELCOME / WELKOM “We are not makers of history. We are made by history.”1 “History repeats itself, first as tragedy, second as farce.”2 You don’t have to read everything – just relax and read what you are interested in. Welcome to this edition. We are passionate about what we are doing! As we have stated before, we are looking at the past without malice or prejudice. We do not need to glorify the past but we have to understand the past and try and explain what happened in the past. However, why should we waste time to look at the past? Solely because we can look back at the past, on the road we have traveled so that we know where we come from and that we may determine the route to follow in the future in order to reach our preset destination.

REDAKSIONEEL Die ou Vlag en die ou Volkslied: “Die-hards and outdated Flags?” “Die-hards and outdated flags?” Deur al die jare klop en pomp my hart steeds “blou polisie-bloed” – ek is seker dit is ook met u die geval. Juis omdat mens lojaal wil wees, wil mens probeer om ons optrede in die verlede te verstaan en waar moontlik, verduidelik. Geskiedenis is eintlik ‘n objektiewe en eksakte vak. Die skryf van geskiedenis laat my aan ‘n hofsaak dink: Elke stelling moet aan die hand van ‘n bron of getuie bewys word. Daar is nie plek vir propaganda in die geskiedenis nie. Die waarheid het maar sy manier om altyd na die oppervlakte deur te breek – veral as dit onderdruk word. Ek moet bieg, ek is steeds lief vir die ou nasionale simbole want ek het daarmee groot geword. Vir my het dit niks met apartheid te doen nie! (Alhoewel ek bewus is van my opponente se oogpunt.) Ek het op skool en aan moedersknie met dié simbole groot geword. Ek onthou hoe ons gedurende 1961 ‘n republiek geword het, ek het steeds die eerstedag-koevert met spesiale posstempel in my besit. Een onsinnige gesprek wat ek onthou is toe my Engelse tante teenoor my vader opgemerk het: “Abie, I saw you hoist the flag, you looked so important and at the moment so serious, that I did not interrupt and greet you.” My Vader was vir jare aanklagtekantoorsersant te (ou) Durban-sentraal in Smithstraat, Durban. Selfs my Engelse tante in Durban het respek vir die Unievlag betoon. Met ‘n bruisende hart het ek in die SAP-kollege op Woensdae die vlaghysingsparade geniet want dan het die polisie-orkes opgetree en luister aan die verrigtinge verleen. Hoeveel parades het ons nie

1 2

Martin Luther King, Jr. (Retrieved 30 April 2017.) Karl Marx: (Retrieved 30 April 2017.)


bygewoon nie? Die staatshoof en ministers het gepraat. Dan het mens gedink alles is “goed” en dit is die moeite werd “om te offer” wat die Land vra. Nou die dag sê my Engelssprekende geskiedenis-vriend, dr. Peter Lamb, dis so jammer dat daar so ‘n bohaai oor die vertoon van die ou vlag gemaak word! Hy sê toe dis jammer dat “regse elemente” die vlag vir hulself toeëien. (Hy het ook na ‘n rugby wedstryd verwys waar die vlag vertoon was.) Ek het hieroor nagedink. Gedurende 1970 was ek op ‘n veiligheidskursus wat ‘n onuitwisbare indruk op my jong gemoed gemaak het. Maj. Neels du Plooy was die leermeester. Hy was by uitstek ‘n orator. Ek onthou toe ons die ANC as organisasie behandel het, het ons ook die ANC-vlag behandel. Horisontale bane van swart, groen en geel. Dit was glo ek, destyds, verbode om die ANC-vlag rond te waai aangesien die ANC ‘n verbode organisasie was. Ek kyk toe na die verskillende skryfsels oor die kwessie van andersdenkendes oor die vlag en die eerste sin lui hoe sogenaamde reaksionêre persone lief is om vlae uit die verlede rond te swaai. “Reactionaries are fond of defunct flags. … The former flag of the Union of South Africa flew between 1928, in the early days of the white-dominated regime, and 1994, when apartheid was dismantled and non-whites gained political equality. Its design reflected the country's historical roots as a white-ruled European colony. It also encapsulated the centuries-long conflict between two groups of white residents, those descended from the original Dutch settlers (known as Boers) and those tied to the English who arrived later.”3 Ivo Vegter maak ‘n erkenning: “I own a genuine flag of the old South Africa, made of 100% polyester, with faded orange, white and blue bars, and a torn bottom-right corner. Skeleton is a good word for it, not only because it is a long-held secret, but because it represents death. It represents the death I felt in my marrow when I had a rare opportunity, while Mandela was president, to visit Liliesleaf Farm and Vlakplaas. They were grim time capsules, as yet untouched by renovations, and closed to the public except by special arrangement. They were the sites where security police arrested, tortured and murdered people on suspicion of fighting for freedom. They were haunted by the shades of evildoers still living, like Eugene de Kock, and by the ghosts of their victims, like Griffiths Mxenge.”4 “Old South African flag must be banned”, skryf Kanya Dlanga, hy skryf voorts: “As I celebrated the emphatic victory of the Blue Bulls over the Chiefs on Saturday, a bad taste was left in my mouth when I saw an old South African flag waving in the stadium. That flag is right up there with the use of the word “kaffir” as far as I’m concerned. If you wave that flag in front of me that’s what you are calling me. Having said that, I also know that not everyone who was there was glad that happened.

3 4 (Retrieved 1 May 2017). Ivo Vegter: (Retrieved 1 May 2017).


Did I enjoy the victory still? Yes. Did I celebrate? Yes. Was I proud of a South African team? Yes. But that does not take away from the fact that the flag dampened the mood over the occasion. In one second, it took us to the past. It has no future in the new South Africa. The only place that flag must be in is a museum. I know that it still flies over the Castle of Good Hope in Cape Town, that is understandable, it is history. We cannot pretend that flag never existed, but we cannot hide the waving of the flag behind freedom of expression. Like any freedom we enjoy, freedom of expression has limits. A freedom with no limits leads to anarchy. Chapter 2, section 16 of our Bill of Rights says the following about freedom of expression: 1. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression, which includes — 1. freedom of the press and other media; 2. freedom to receive or impart information or ideas; 3. freedom of artistic creativity; and 4. academic freedom and freedom of scientific research. 2. The right in subsection (1) does not extend to — 1. propaganda for war; 2. incitement of imminent violence; or 3. advocacy of hatred that is based on race, ethnicity, gender or religion, and that constitutes incitement to cause harm. That flag will incite violence in the right place and at the right time. It also advocates hatred based on race and ethnicity. Banning that flag does not only protect those who are subjected to what it advocates, but those who advocate the hate it symbolises too. Imagine what would happen to that guy if he were to wave that flag in a Kaiser Chiefs vs Orlando Pirates match. I am all for freedom of expression, but it can’t go unchecked. It must have limits. I believed then just as I do now that the people who were around the flag carrier should have removed it from whoever was waving it by force. Remaining silent and doing nothing about the flag might be viewed as an endorsement of what it represents even if those who were around the flag carrier were repulsed by the man’s actions. In the words of Martin Luther King Junior: “In order for evil to triumph, good people do nothing.” We all know what it stands for. It stands for the dehumanising of people of colour, racism, oppression, torture and everything that was wrong and immoral about the previous regime. We could make the mistake of reacting out of emotion and claim that all white rugby supporters are racist and therefore supported the flag waver. The truth is we know better than that. If the Germans can ban the waving of the Nazi flag I don’t understand why we can’t do the same.”5


Kanya Dlanga: (Retrieved 1 May 2017).


Police commissioner upset about old South African flag on desk Gedurende Desember 2009 was die nasionale kommissaris van polisie in Durban. Hy, Bheki Cele, was heel ontstoke toe hy ‘n ou landsvlag op die lessenaar van ‘n Metro-spoorweg amptenaar gesien het. Die amptenaar het beide vlaggies op haar tafel gehad. Sy het die vlaggie vertoon omdat dit “mooi” was - Desember 9, 2009 berig voorts: “National Police Commissioner Bheki Cele ordered that an old South African flag be removed from a desk at the Durban train station, Beeld reported on Wednesday. Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa spotted the small flag as he walked past the desk on his way to a conference hall at the Durban train station. The flag belonged to a junior Metrorail manager. On the wall behind her desk hung a big version of the new South African flag, as well as a flag for the Sharks rugby team, reported Beeld. Mthethwa drew Cele’s attention to the flag, and he asked the woman what it was doing on her desk. She replied she thought it was pretty. "That is out of order!" shouted Cele, and ordered the flag be removed. The woman responded by saying she was "very sorry". Metrorail regional manager Dumisani Dube said the matter would be investigated "with the aim of corrective steps" to be taken against the employee. During the launch of the festive season anti-crime campaign, Cele again told police to use "deadly force" in dealing with criminals.” Sapa 6 Die anderkant van die saak So wat verwag ons nou eintlik nadat die bordjies verhang is? Dit spreek vanself dat die staat in sy aard en wese ‘n rewolusionêre verandering ondergaan het. Ons as Afrikaners moet nou “ons plek in hierdie land leer ken”. Ons was polisiemanne onder die ou bedeling en “ons weet hoe dit was”. Ons moet aanpassings maak MAAR gelukkig beskik ons gesonde verstand. Om dan te “oorleef” met behoud van ons kultuur, waardes en norme moet ons aanpas en ons kultuurgoed eerder in die binnekamer uitstal as buite; waar dit aanstoot kan gee. Ek het nou a die anderkant van die saak gekyk en bietjie gedink. Eers, wat is die feite? Waarom ontstel die vlag (en Die Stem) vir andersdenkendes? Neem swartmense, hulle is eers nie as Suid-Afrikaners beskou nie, maar as Zulu’s, Xhosas en Tswanas – vandag dink u dis ondenkbaar. (Ons het TBVC- en nasionale state gehad en die swart mense was burgers van daardie tuislande – selfs mense wat in Soweto gebore is, is aan een of ander tuisland gekoppel al was hulle nog nooit daar nie!) Onthou u nog die konsep van ‘n “konstellasie van state” soos deur adv. BJ Vorster en mnr. PW Botha voorgehou? In die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisie moes die vlag verkieslik slegs deur wit lede gehys en gestryk word. Lees Staande Order 774. “Op blanke stasies moet die vlag sover doenlik deur ‘n Blanke lid gehys en neergelaat word.” Die staande order is gebiedend dat die lid in volle uniform geklee moet wees en op aandag staan terwyl die vlag gehys en gestryk word.

6 (Retrieved 1 May 2017).


Wat probeer die staande order sê? Man, dis ons land! Die vlag is ons vlag! Hys of stryk die vlag soos voorgeskryf; maar gebruik verkieslik wit-lede want dis eintlik “ons vlag”. Die vraag ontstaan: Het ons nie die vlag as ‘n simbool gebruik om anderskleurige lede te vervreem nie? ʼn Bietjie van die punt af; hoe moreel regverdig was dit om nie-wit lede – nie as RSA-burgers geag - op “ons” grense te ontplooi? In 1974 is swart lede vir die eerste keer in teen-insurgensie operasies, toegerus met outomatiese wapens, aangewend en ontplooi. [In 1964 was ek ‘n konstabel en geen swart lede in uniform was gewapen nie. Ek het die meeste magsorders deurgewerk en ek was verras om te sien hoeveel ongewapende swart lede die durf gehad het, om gewapende boosdoeners vas te trek. Dit neem guts om ongewapend ‘n gewapende misdadiger aan te keer.] Ek lees wat prof. Giliomee skryf wat ook debatte in die volksraad aanhaal: “Drie maande na die republiek op 31 Mei 1961 geproklameer is, sê Verwoerd dat wanneer hy van die Suid-Afrikaanse nasie praat, hy van wit mense van die land praat. Dit het die bruin leier dr. Richard van der Ross genoop om te skryf dat geen “nie-blanke” Suid-Afrikaner langer “Die Stem” as sy volkslied kan beskou nie of die Suid-Afrikaanse nasionale vlag as sy vlag nie. Dr. Verword het gesê Suid-Afrika is ‘n wit staat ondanks die teenwoordigheid van ander groepe. Dr. Verwoerd het die verpersoonliking geword van die beleid om swart en bruin mense van nasieskap uit te sluit. 7 Gevolgtrekking Die blote vertoon van ‘n vlag is ‘n hoogs belaaide emosionele verklaring! Ja, in Durban en Pietermaritzburg het die Union Jack by die stadsaal en by die Britse klub gewapper. Die blote vertoon van die Union Jack kon stoere Boere ontstel!! (My Ouma en Oupa was as kinders in die Britse konsentrasiekampe aangehou. Ouma Heymans, ‘n nooi Faure, se Vader, Moeder en ander kinders het in Britse konsentrasiekampe gesterf omdat hulle siek by aankoms was en in tente gehuisves was. Oupa Heymans het ‘n sussie in die Harrismith konsentrasiekamp aan die dood afgestaan en sy vader is deur die berugte Klaas-bende onder aanvoering van ‘n joiner vermoor! Dis hoe dit was!) Ek het Engelsefamilie en hulle is ook lief vir die Britse tradisies gewees, al is hulle goeie Suid-Afrikaners gewees. Vandag is my Heymans-familie in Australië, Kanada, die VSA en in Skotland. Dis die diaspora en die gevolge van die ons geskiedenis. Maar, ek is steeds lief vir my ‘ou’ lands- en ‘ou’ polisievlag! Ja, ek is steeds lief vir “Die Stem”. Maar omdat die waai van vlae ‘n emosionele kwessie is, sal ek as gewone burger en afgetrede polisieman my vlae binnenshuis bewaar en “Die Stem” in my hart sing.

Fanie Bouwer se Kommentaar Ek wil vanuit 'n ander hoek kommentaar lewer op jou lekker-lees artikel waarin jy hierdie twee 'netelige', maar aktuele kwessies weer onder die loep neem. Van ons kan die simboliek en geskiedkundige waarde van die ou vlag én Die Stem (ons wonderlike stukkie erfenis), en waarom dit vandag nog vir ons mooi is en dit nog vir ons iets beteken, beredeneer 7

Giliomee, H: Herman Giliomee: Hisorikus, (2016) p 259 – 260.


tot dat ons blou in die gesig is, maar 'n oorweldigende groot groep mense (wit en swart) insluitende die hoofstroommedia, wil nie eers na sulke argumente luister nie - selfs al wys mens op jou grondwetlike reg (let wel) daarop. Jy mag dus nie meer 'n opinie hê nie; jou regte word nie meer gerespekteer nie en kan dit jou skynbaar sommer net so ontsê word. Soveel so dus vir mens se reg op vryheid van spraak en opinie. Ons hét inderdaad die mooiste volkslied in die wêreld gehad. Dat meer mense hulle teen Die Stem uitspreek, is dus na my mening 'n onrusbarende, selfs onverklaarbare verskynsel. Oordrewe skuldgevoelens dalk. Ek dink die joernalis Max Du Preez het hulle aanvegbare standpunt verwoord toe hy laasjaar as volg geskryf het t.o.v. Die Stem en die ou vlag: "Daar is niks verkeerd met die oorspronklike woorde of melodie van Die Stem nie. Maar geen volwasse Suid-Afrikaner kan enige twyfel hê dat dit 'n simbool is wat direk met die apartheidsera geassosieer word. (Ek probeer nog om my kop om hierdie stelling te kry) Of jy nou daarvan hou of nie, Die Stem, die oranje, wit en blou vlag was die vernaamste simbole van Afrikaner nasionalisme wat die gemeenskap tussen 1948 en 1994 gedomineer het. En dan gaan hy voort: "Watter sin maak dit dan om die res van Suid-Afrika te herinner aan apartheid elke keer as ons die nuwe volkslied sing met woorde van Die Stem tussenin?" Wat betref die deel van Die Stem in die huidige volkslied, sê hy toe: "Dit was 'n edele gedagte, maar 'n gróót fout om dié simbool van apartheid-onderdrukking hiervoor te gebruik". So, dít blyk dus die aanvaarbare narratief te wees wat dié mense se denke betref. Dít gesê, sal d.s. argument teen ons gebruik word ten opsigte van die besit of die gebruik van die ou landsvlag. Verdermeer sal jy doodeenvoudig as 'n rassis uitgekryt word, wat hunker na die apartheidsera. So maklik soos dit. Die hoofstroommedia poog ook gedurig om Afrikaneridentiteit en -patriotisme af te breek wanneer Die Stem saamgesing word in ‘n viering van Afrikanersamesyn en protes teen kulturele en taalverdrukking, maar sal sangers (wie se name ek nou nie hier wil noem nie) ondersteun wat minagtend teenoor Afrikaans staan. Ek wil hierdie situasie vergelyk met die van 'n DA-leier wat verwys het na (ook) die goeie nalatenskap van kolonialisme. Soos ons weet het die hel het op haar kop los gebars. Net soos jy dus op grond van al die selfaangestelde politieke en hoë morele priesters van hulle 'eie waarheid, nie toegelaat sal word om na enigiets goeds vóór 1994 te verwys nie, net so sal enigiemand wat die ou landsvlag swaai óf Die Stem in die openbaar sing, tot die buitenste duisternis verdryf word. 13

Soos al voorheen gesê is: die geskiedenis word deur die 'oorwinnaars' geskryf. Net so sal húlle nou besluit hoe daar na die dinge van de verlede verwys sal word en ook hoe dit geïnterpreteer moet word. Om af te sluit, 3 punte: Ek is egter bevrees ons is op 'n sagmoedige manier ewe gedweë stadig maar seker besig is om bes te gee óf maar net te konformeer. Of dalk is ons maar net bloot polities gedienstig teenoor die meederheidsdruk, wat ons nie openlik kan weerstaan nie. Ons ouer garde sal aanbeweeg na die hiernamaals; die jonger geslag wat nie hierdie dinge geken het nie, sal dalk nie 'n opinie hieroor hê nie. So verloop die lewens van die mensdom en die geskiedenis.

Repliek Fanie baie dankie vir u inset. Om vandag, veral swartmense, in die ou “apartheidspolisie” se blou uniform – juis dié simbool van apartheid-onderdrukking - te sien, is die toppunt van ironie! Neem verder kennis dat die blou SAP-uniform op 31 Mei 1961 op Kerkplein in Pretoria onthul is. (Die blou en grys het die ‘Britse’ kakie polisie-uniforms vir wit-lede van die Mag vervang.)

Konst. J Mzolo van Cato Manor met Sersant Nkosi, SAP ‘n Swartlid van Koevoet in SAP toeknoop-tuniek en neknommer. Louis Botha-lughawe Kamoufleurdrag. met hemp en das by die tuniek. (Vanaf die 1820’s – 1950’s het die verskillende rasse in die polisie verskillende uniforms gedra.) Na 1961 het alle nie-wit lede voortgegaan om dieselfde toeknoop-kakie uniform te dra, dit was toe van ‘n 14

verbeterde kakie materiaal. Al verandering was dat daar geleidelik weggedoen is met die ou toeknoopsnit en die tuniek is met ‘n hemp en das gedra. Tog is die Britse snit van die tuniek en kep wat dagteken uit die Anglo-Boere-oorlog behou, maar in blou en grys uitgegee. “Ons het nou ons eie polisie!” Is die blou uniform dan nie ook ‘n vername simbool van Afrikaner nasionalisme nie? Vandag dra die SAPS steeds die blou wat op Republiekdag 31 Mei 1961 bekendgestel is. Ons wou selfs die “SAP” na “SARP” verander om die instelling van die republiek te vier! (Ons het selfs die polisietydskrif Justitia se naam na SARP verander.)

Aanvanklik het nie-wit offisiere kakie gedra en was hulle die eerste nie-wit lede om blou te dra soos blanke offisiere. Gedurende 1980 kondig Servamus aan dat alle lede van die Mag voortaan blou sal dra – dit is 70 jaar na Uniewording in 1910. Onder lede van die SAPS se spesiale taakmag in kamoefleerdrag wat ironies genoeg deur SAP-Tin, ABS en Koevoetlede-gedra was.


Neem die SAPS se huidige kenteken as voorbeeld: Die ontwerp is gebaseer op die SAP se agtpuntige ster. ‘n Aalwyn verskyn in die middel. Die aalwyn was die ou SAP se simbool. In die voormalige Suid-Afrikaanse Polisie is heraldies sekere eienskappe aan die aalwyn toegedig en dit is op die ou SAP van toepassing gewees. Vandag dra die nuwe polisie, die SAPS, nog die ou regering se uniform. Wat probeer ek sê? Is die vlag, dié vlag wat ook swart lede se kiste tydens amptelike begrafnisse bedek het, so vreeslik as almal die blou polisie uniforms aanvaar sonder om kwak te sê!???!! Dan kla mense oor Die Stem – ek kan dit verstaan, maar kyk intussen hoe inkonsekwent gaan ons met ander simbole om. Neem die ou SAP-gedenkteken by die suid-oostelike hoek op die gronde van die Uniegebou: Na die stigting van die SAPS het die SAPS doodeenvoudig die SAP se kenteken verwyder en die nuwe gedenkteken daar geplaas. Die name van lede van die veiligheidspolisie, Koevoet, lede op teen-insurgensiediens en gewone lede van die SAP en speurdiens wat “dienend gesterf het en sterwend gedien het” se name verskyn by die gedenkteken. Die nuwe SAPS-lede se name word nou van 1994 bygevoeg. [Aan die anderkant van die munt het ‘n bevelvoerder van die SAPS-hondeskool alle SAP-gedenktekens verwyder. Hoe rym dit? Waarom selektief wees?] Weereens is hierdie ‘n gedenkteken, wat hoofsaaklik deur kuluurbewuste Afrikaanse lede van die Mag opgerig is. (Waarskynlik destyds almal “broeders” wat die saak meer ironies maak.) Jaarliks stroom SAPS-lede na gedenkdienste by hierdie ou “apartheidsimbool”. Nou word voormalige SAKP-ANC-lede wat by SAPS aangesluit het en te sterwe kom, daar gedenk! Slot: Kommentaar deur ‘n historikus Ek dink die artikel oor die vlagkwessie is interessant en behoort mense te laat nadink. Dis kenmerkend van elke verdeelde samelewing met ‘n geskiedenis van etniese oorheersing deur ‘n groep wat dan later die mag verloor. Gewoonlik is dit ‘n goeie aanduiding van die kulturele rypheid van ‘n samelewing as dit rustig met simboliese kwessies kan omgaan. Baie hang af van die gesindheid waarop die historiese vlae geswaai word.

POLTICSWEB: TRANSITION IN SOUTH AFRICA: DOUGLAS GIBSON “… The MK and ANC did not bring about the transition; the Nationalist government could have held out for years and led us into civil war and bloodshed. Instead, people of vision and goodwill like Mandela and de Klerk and the representatives of all the political parties in South Africa negotiated a new future – first the unbannings, then the peace talks, then through Codessa. …”


PROF. HERMAN GILIOMEE: ‘N TRAGIESE DILEMMA Prof. Herman Giliomee: ‘n Tragiese Dilemma uittreksel geneem uit Die Laaste Afrikanerleiers – ‘n opperste toets van Mag, pp 13 - 15. “Hoe onderskei en evalueer ’n mens die rol van leierskap? Die groot Amerikaanse diplomatieke historikus George Kennan, wat prikkelende insigte in die Sowjetunie se kapasiteit vir hervorming verskaf het, het opgemerk dat die historikus verder moet gaan as die wat van die geskiedenis om die hoe te oorweeg. Historici moet vra hoe leiers die feite gesien en hoe hulle daarop reageer het. Dit lei tot ander vrae: Wat het hulle gedink het hulle gedoen en wat het hulle in der waarheid bereik? Wat het hulle gemotiveer en wat was hul visie? Watter rol het hierdie visie in die uitslag gespeel? En uiteindelik, in die lig van die historiese perspektief, wat was die verhouding tussen hul pogings en die uiteindelike gevolge van hul gedrag? Dís die vrae wat hierdie boek in verband met vyf Suid-Afrikaanse leiers probeer beantwoord. Hoe het hierdie leiers daarin geslaag om hul mag op te bou, wat het hulle gemotiveer en wat het hulle bereik, of nie bereik nie? Het hulle op wyse raad staatgemaak en in watter mate het hul gesondheid of persoonlike omstandighede hul besluite beïnvloed? Die eerste helfte van die boek dek die tydperk van September 1958, toe Hendrik Verwoerd aan bewind gekom het, tot Junie 1984, toe PW Botha, op die hoogtepunt van sy mag, amptelike besoeke aan agt lande in Europa gebring het. [ p. 13.] John Vorster word voorgestel as ’n leier wat Verwoerd se groot idee gedien het (Hoofstuk 4). Vorster, met sy opleiding as advokaat, het die noodlottige fout gemaak om te glo dat hy ’n wetlike versperring tussen die swart mense en die stemreg opgerig het deur hulle te denasionaliseer. Hy het ’n ondeurdagte inval deur Suid-Afrikaanse soldate in Angola gemagtig in die vergeefse hoop om Jonas Savimbi, wat ’n groot streek van Angola beheer het, in ’n ‘konstellasie van state’ in te bring. Vanuit ’n politieke oogpunt beskou, was Vorster se ampstyd dorre, verlore jare. Twee ingrypings is die hoofkenmerke van PW Botha se termyn. Hy het begin om ras uit die parlement te haal en het swart werkers deur hul eie vakbonde in ’n gemeenskaplike bedingingstelsel in nywerheidsrade ingebring. Die rede vir laasgenoemde is lank nie goed begryp nie, veral as ’n mens in ag neem dat hierdie vreeslose hervormingstap in so ’n skerp teenstelling met sy beskroomde politieke hervormingspogings was. Die afdeling oor die werk van die Wiehahn-kommissie oor arbeidshervorming bied die eerste omvattende uiteensetting van die dinamiek van die arbeidshervormings. Dis grootliks op onderhoude gebaseer en toon dat die kommissie as ’n konserwatiewe ingreep bedink is. Die doel was om buitelandse druk oor swak lone van die regering en die werknemers weg te keer deur werkers toe te laat om te onderhandel, terwyl swart vakbonde, wat nie deur die staat erken is nie, terselfdertyd gereguleer en beheer word. Teen die helfte van 1985 het die arbeidstelsel op ’n punt uitgeloop wat niemand voorsien het nie (Hoofstuk 6). Die tweede helfte van die boek dek die dekade van 1984 tot 1994 en poog om die oorgangsjare te herinterpreteer. Dit bied ’n diepteverslag van die NP-leierskap se worsteling met die grootste uitdaging ooit wat die Afrikaners en die groter wit gemeenskap in die gesig gestaar het. Dit bied ’n vars weergawe, gegrond op onderhoude, van PW Botha se noodlottige Rubikon-toespraak in Augustus 1985 (Hoofstuk 17

8). Dit beskryf hoe Van Zyl Slabbert, met hartstogtelike oortuiging en kragtige argumente, die man in Alan Paton se gelykenis geword het wat die wit mense gewaarsku het om van die rotswand af weg te kom as hulle nie vernietig wil word nie (Hoofstuk 8). Die hoofstuk oor die laaste jaar of twee van Botha se termyn bespreek ook Nelson Mandela se inisiatief om met onderhandelings te begin, terwyl hy nog in die tronk was. Uiteindelik bied die boek ’n nuwe interpretasie van De Klerk (Hoofstuk 10 - 14). Hy word voorgestel as iemand wat die moed gehad het om formele onderhandelings te begin, maar wat te idealisties was in sy aanvaarding dat parlementêre demokrasie geredelik in sy glorie herstel sou kon word. Hy het nie in ’n goeie onderhandelingstrateeg ontwikkel nie en het ’n resolusie oor die omstrede kwessie van magsdeling uitgestel tot nadat die ANC genoeg gemobiliseer het om dit te verwerp. Dit was nietemin De Klerk se eis om ’n grondwetlike staat wat aan minderhede en minderheidspartye ’n mate van hefboomkrag teen ’n magtige, alles oorheersende party gegee het. ’n Kort woord oor apartheid: die Ierse historikus Roy Forster het in ander verband oor die worsteling met kollektiewe misdade van die verlede opgemerk: ‘Dis makliker om om verskoning te vra as om te verduidelik.’ Ek glo die vernaamste plig van historici is om te verduidelik eerder as om om verskoning te vra. Die uitdaging is om apartheid te verduidelik in die konteks van die tyd waarin dit ingestel en afgedwing is. Die internasionale konteks het sedertdien dramaties verander. Tot in 1944 nog kon Gunnar Myrdalo in sy reuse-studie, American Dilemma, die stelling maak: ‘Segregasie word nou so omvattend dat ’n wit mens in die Suide feitlik nooit ’n neger sien nie, behalwe as sy bediende en in ander gestandaardiseerde en geformaliseerde kaste-situasies.’ Toe Eben Dönges in 1949 die Wetsontwerp op die Verbod op Gemengde Huwelike voorstel, het hy genoem dat 30 state in die Verenigde State soortgelyke wetgewing gehad het. In 1961, toe die vrou wat aan Barack Obama sou geboorte gee met ’n swart man van Kenia getroud is, het nog byna twee dosyn state in die VSA sulke huwelike verbied. Op ’n presidensiële nuuskonferensie het Dwight Eisenhower simpatiek gepraat van die vrese van wit mense in die Suide wat ‘’n prentjie van die verbastering van ras’ sien.”

STOF TOT NADENKE Die volgende uittreksel is stof tot nadenke:

LEON LEMMER: EERDER EPISTOKRASIE AS DEMOKRASIE Brennan begin sy boek deur John Adams (1735-1826, tweede Amerikaanse president 1797-1801) soos volg aan te haal: “I must study politics and war that my sons may have liberty to study mathematics and philosophy. My sons ought to study mathematics and philosophy, geography, natural history, naval architecture, navigation, commerce, and agriculture, in order to give their children a right to study painting, poetry, music, architecture, statuary, tapestry, and porcelain” (80). Wat Adams eintlik sê is dat praktiese en beroepsrigtings om den brode bestudeer moet word, maar dat die welvaart en vrye tyd wat daaruit voortvloei, gebruik kan word om bv. die vrye en skone kunste ter verryking of kultivering van die gees te bestudeer en te beoefen. %3A+praag+%28Pro-Afrikaanse+Aksiegroep%29




SAP 21 SUID-AFRIKAANSE POLISIE Verw. Nr. Navrae: Telefoon: Privaatsak


VEILIGHEIDSTAK DURBAN 4000 29.4.1977 Alle Seksiehoofde en Personeel. Veiligheidstak PORT NATAL AFDELING ONDERSOEK VAN ONDERMYNING EN AANHOUDINGS KRAGTENS ART 6 WET 83/1967 EN SOORTGELYKE WETGEWING 1. Gedurende die afgelope aantal jare word die Veiligheidstak stelselmatig afgebreek en gediskrediteer in ‘n doelgerigte en goed beplande veldtog gevoer oor ‘n wye veld. Dit vorm natuurlik 'n baie belangrike deel van die algehele aanslag teen die Staat en die land in sy geheel. Hierdie sielkundige oorlogvoering moet nie onderskat word nie en is nie ondergeskik aan die ander terreine waarop die stryd teen ons gevoer word nie soos byvoorbeeld die terroriste bedreiging, ekonomiese ondergrawing ens. nie. Teenoor hierdie ander terreine van die stryd, staan die sielkundige aftakeling van die veiligheidsdienste egter uit in die opsig dat dit uiters subtiel en professioneel gedoen word - die publiek word geleidelik vyandig en antagonisties teenoor die dienste ingestel; hulle optredes en doelstellings word met agterdog en bedenkinge bejeën en hulle (die publiek) vertroue in die integriteit van die dienste word geskok totdat die Staat self in diskrediet staan. 2. Die terrein waarop hierdie sielkundige oorlog net die grootste felheid en welslae teenoor ons gevoer word veral in die jongste verlede en hede, is in die howe en in die algemene veld van aanhoudings kragtens Veiligheidswetgewing. Nie alleen die howe nie maar ook die algemene publiek bevraagteken reeds ernstig die Veiligheidstak se beweerde onreëlmatige optredes eerlank sal selfs die Kabinet dit doen - dit kan aanvaar word dat hulle reeds "ongemaklik” voel om dit gering te stel. 3. Ons vyande besef uit ondervinding dat die effektiefste wapen tans in ons hande om hulle te bestry, wel die howe is. Ondanks ‘n massa veiligheidswette tot ons beskikking is en bly die leemte nog die voorlegging van getuienis om skuldigbevindings te regverdig en dit is presies hier waar ons faal. Hulle weet ons weet dat ons al meer en meer steun op getuienis van mededaders. Hulle weet ook dat die mededaders ideologies en uit herkoms hulle aan die kant van die beskuldigde skaar. Hulle ken die mag van die intimidasie waaraan die mededader blootgestel is waar hy in die ope hof getuig en waar hy later in die universiteite, skole, bantoedorpe en gebiede moet woon en leef. Hulle ken en is meesters van die kuns van aftakeling in dae lange kruisverhoor van sodaniges. Hulle ken die mag van die pers en die benutting daarvan om die beskuldigdes as die helde, die veronregtes uit te beeld; die getuie die verraaier, die leuenaar die swakkeling en die polisie die skurk van die verhaal. Hierdie. en 19

vele meer wapens is tot hulle beskikking en hulle benut dit met demoniese vernuf en welslae om ons te vernietig en te ontneem van ons grootste en beste wapen en dit in werklikheid teen ons self aan te wend. 4. Gedagtig aan wat vooraf hierin gesê is en wat ongesê bly maar wat u self weet, mag dit met die eerste oogopslag lyk asof die skaal te swaar aan ons vyande se kant gelaai is teen ons. Ons kan en durf dit egter nie so aanvaar nie en die tyd het aangebreek waar ons hand in eie boesem moet steel en eerlik en objektief moet nagaan of ons nie in en deur ons optrede, direk in ons vyande se hande gewerk het nie en self grootliks verantwoordelik is vir ons nederlae nie. Die saak moet positief benader word en ons optrede moet deurgaans so wees dat brûe vooraf gebou word oor die slote en struikelblokke wat ons vyande voorberei het. Ons moet eenvoudig nou sorg in al ons optrede, dat daar geen of so min as moontlik vatkans aan ons gekry kan word. Ons moet ons beeld herstel en uitbou in die volksoog. Indien ons nie daarin slaag nie sal ons self verantwoordelik wees vir oneindige en moontlik onherroeplike skade aan ons land. Die veld waarin ons dit moet doen is wyd en dek ons elke optrede - aan en van diens. Dit is nie die voorneme van geskrif om te poog om die hele terrein te dek nie en daar sal volstaan word by aanhoudings en ondervragings.

5. Dit is en sal altyd onmoontlik wees om opdragte uit te reik en riglyne neer te lê wat slaafs nagevolg kan word – elke saak en geval wissel en is nooit presies die selfde nie, al is hulle nou aan mekaar verwant. Slegs wenke kan aangebied word ter leiding terwyl die intelligensie van die ondersoeker / ondervraer sy ondervinding, mensekennis geestelike benadering geduld, deursettingsvermoë en algemene finesse die deurslaggewende faktore bly. Die volgende punte word dus, slegs as leiding genoem om stelle en slaggate te vermy. (a) Moet nie vervolgings instel vir onbenullige oortredings van inperkingsbevele en dies meer sy nie. Hierdie sake verhef net die vyand, skep helde en martelare en dien as ‘n forum vir die propagandis. Vonnisse is deurgaans minderwaardig en in geen opsig word die vyand gekwes of seergemaak nie – inteendeel, hulle staan sterker as tevore. Pas altyd die volgende maatstaf toe: Wat sal en wil ons bereik met die vervolging. Is die kool die sous werd? (b) Gebruik van Aanhoudingswette: Daar word te maklik en te gou oorgegaan tot arrestasies. Die aanhoudingswette het ons lui gemaak; ons gespeen en vervreem van ons werklike werk as speurders, die gebruik van ons speurvernuf: dit het ons bederf. Die gevolge is legio soos byvoorbeeld: (i) Geen buite stawing vir mededaders se getuienis nie. (ii) Te veel mededaders meet noodwendig prysgegee word as getuies. (iii) Mededaders “drop” ons, weerspreek mekaar of suspisie word andersins op hulle getuienis gewerp. (iv) Ons beskik nie oor genoegsame, "ammunisie" om ‘n aangehoudene mee te ondervra nie of beskik slegs oor gebrekkige inligting wat gou duidelik is vir die aangehoudene. Ons is dus ‘n waardevolle sielkundige wapen kwyt wat op sy beurt lei tot onnodige en dwase optrede deur ondervraers wat uitgebyt gaan word deur ons vyande op ‘n latere stadium. (v) Verdagte/s aanvanklik gearresteer se ondervraging is nog nie voltooi nie voor oorgegaan word tot grootskeepse arrestasies. Dit lei tot optrede gebaseer op vals en ongegronde inligting. Dit ontneem ons van die kennis benodig vir ander se effektiewe ondervraging op die kritieke stadium waar ons onder 20

druk uit alle oorde verkeer om die ondersoek af te handel weens die soeklig wat deur die arrestasies op die ondersoek gegooi word. Dit lei veral tot ontbloting van slegs die ondergeskiktes, die pionne terwyl die belhamels ontvlug in die verwarring, druk en publisiteit. Die aanhoudingswette moet as ‘n hulpmiddel gebruik word - nie as die begin en einde van ons ondersoeke nie. Die vrees wat dikwels bestaan dat beskuldigdes die net sal ontwyk as ons nie vinnig toeslaan nie, is in meeste gevalle nie geregverdig nie en in elk geval kan ander optredes beplan en bedink word om dit te voorkom, byvoorbeeld: hou eerste arrestasies stil (ontvoer as’t ware) en voltooi eers die aanvanklike gearresteerde/se ondervraging voor grootskeeps gegryp word - dikwels mis en tot ons nadeel. Ons moet, in ander woorde, nie ons groot kanonne gebruik voor die teiken behoorlik onder skoot is nie. (c) Aanhoudings: (i) Verwittig naasbestaande (bv. Pa, Ma, eggenote ensovoorts na gelang van omstandighede) van die aanhouding. Dien ‘n skriftelike kennisgewing op die naasbestaande - nie noodwendig dadelik nie. Indien besondere omstandighede van ‘n bepaalde geval dit vereis, sê niemand van die aanhouding nie totdat ondersoek so ver gevorder is dat ons nie benadeel sal word deur die bekendmaking nie. (ii) Gee geen inligting aan die pers, ‘n prokureur of enige ander persoon as ‘n naasbestaande nie en selfs in sodanige geval, sê net dat die persoon aangehou word en onder watter wetsbepaling. Skrywes vanaf Prokureurs moet na Hoofkantoor verwys word. (iii) Geen kos mag van buite ontvang word nie. Ook gee besoeke deur of aan familie of ander nie. (iv) Geen klere mag van buite ontvang word nie. Neem met arrestasie net voldoende klere vir een maal se omruiling - dit wil sê die klere wat hy/sy aanhet plus een ander stel. (v) Geen klere mag aan familie ensovoorts gegee word om gewas te word nie. Vuil klere moet na wassery gestuur word, betaling sal uit S/V gedoen word. (Behou kwitansies). (vi) Behandel die aangehoudene soos ʼn prisonier, want dit is wat hy is. Hy is op geen spesiale vergunnings geregtig bloot op sterkte daarvan dat hy ‘n sogenaamde "politieke aangehoudene" is nie. Hy moet geboei word met arrestasie en deurgaans daarna wanneer hy vervoer word. (vii) Alle moontlike voorsorgmaatreëls moet getref word om ontsnapping, selfmoord, boodskappe ens. te voorkom.

smokkel van

(a) Maak gebruik van boeie. (b) Deursoek sy persoon en besittings met arrestasie en elke keer wanneer hy van of in selle geplaas word. Doen dit persoonlik en deeglik - moet nie oorlaat net aan aanklagte(kantoor)personeel nie. Deursoek ook elke keer die sel. (c) Wees waaksaam tydens ondervraging en wees voortdurend daarop ingestel dat hy mag ontsnap ens. (d) Voldoende wagte moet aangehoudenes tydens vervoer vergesel en ten minste twee lede moet deurgaans teenwoordig wees tydens ondervraging. (e) motiveer die aanklagtekantoorpersoneel tydig- en ontydig 21

(viii) Behou behoorlik rekord van tyd van ondervraging, verwydering uit selle en terugkeer daarna, klagtes, versoeke van familie ens., in kort, van alles rakende die aangehoudene - onthou iemand moet later daaroor getuig of andersins verantwoording doen. Ondervinding het bewys dat die volgende prosedure, alhoewel dit meer werk meebring, later van onskatbare waarde is, en vir onmiddellike doeleindes, handig is: (a) Hou ‘n register van die aangehoudenes waarin u aanteken: (a) (i) Plek van aanhouding en verskuiwings (a) (ii) Tye uit en terug in selle (a) (iii) Tye van begin en einde van ondervragings (a) (iv) Teetyd, etebreuke en wat verskaf om te eet (a) (v) Wie ondervra en tye (a) (vi) Besoeke van Landdroste (a) (vii) Besoeke aan Distrikgeneesheer ens. ens.

(b) Lêer ten opsigte van elk vir afdrukke van korrespondensie rakende die aangehoudene byvoorbeeld: skrywes van prokureurs, persberigte klagtes aan Landdroste plus verslag oor wat daaromtrent gedoen is op SAP. 5; mediese verslae en dies meer sy. Ondervragings: (i) Slegs die ondersoeker/s belas met die ondersoek mag die verdagte ondervra. Daar is al meer skade as goed gedoen daar welmenende kollegas wat ontydig tot ’n ondervraging toe tree. (ii) Vermy die sogenaamde “spanondervraging” waar ondervraers afgelos word. Daar is meer nadele aan verbonde as voordele: geen rapport word tussen ondervraer en verdagte bewerkstellig nie, ondervraers weerspreek mekaar ens. Die langdurige ondervraging ondermyn die ondervraers en hul doelstellings meer as die verdagte; die kanse dat die skerpsinnige ondervraer sy intelligensie en vernuf teenoor die verdagte behoorlik benut, is minder ens. ens. (iii) Ken ‘n verdagte toe aan twee ondervraers en hulle alleen moet hom ondervra totdat hulle skaakmat met hom bereik het. (iv) Tree beskaafd maar ferm teenoor verdagte op sodoende sal u sy respek bekom en behou.

(v) Verseker dat ondervraers deeglik op hoogte is met verdagte se geskiedenis en veral die omstandighede van die saak. Dit is fataal as die ondervraer onkundig is. (vi) Een van die ondervraers moet notas maak terwyl die ander die vrae stel. Moet nie mekaar onderbreek of in die rede val nie. Behou die notas vir getuienis doeleindes. (vii) Neem die ondervraging op band op sonder verdagte se wete. Sorg dat dit veral gedoen word na sy skriftelike verklaring voltooi is - gaan dan sy hele verklaring deur met hom, vra vrae soos nodig en laat hom korreksies aanbring. Behou bande vir gebruik in hof as troefkaart. Benut die bande ten volle tot u voordeel. Byvoorbeeld: Tyd en datum van begin en voltooiing van onderhoud en die atmosfeer wat heers: "Good morning, and how are you on this 6th day of March. I see it is going on for 9.00 a.m., have you had your breakfast yet? Will you sit down please - use this chair opposite me at the table 22

please. JOHN (kollega) will you please give me a cigarette, would you also like one” ens. Uit die voorbeeld sal u sien, het u op onopsigtelike wyse die volgende vasgelê: Die vriendelike atmosfeer, die datum en tyd, dat u begaan is oor sy welstand (ontbyt) dat hy gesit het en die afstand tussen julle en wie saam met hulle was. (viii) Hou verdagte eers aan onder bepaling van Strafproseswet (48 uur) en, indien moontlik, laat hom ‘n bekentenis aflê voor ‘n Landdros binne dié tydperk. Sorg dat amptelike rekords bv., selleregister en V/B aantoon hy word onder bepalings van Strafproseswet aangehou. Al gebruik ons nie so ‘n bekentenis later nie, is dit ‘n magtige swaard oor verdagte se kop. Die bekentenis hoef ook nie, en sal uiteraard ook nie, so volledig wees soos verklarings wat ons afneem nie maar dit in sigself doen nie afbreuk aan die waarde daarvan. (ix) Begin ondervraging so gou doenlik na arrestasie - dit is die beste sielkundige tyd. (x) Volg geen vaste patroon van ondervraging nie; byvoorbeeld wissel tye af wanneer hy gehaal word en duur van ondervraging. (xi) Moot nooit in enige opsig ‘n "patroon" daarstel nie - dit sal later teen ons gebruik word - moet nie stereotiep wees nie op enige manier. (xii) Onthou deurgaans dat die verdagte ‘n potensiële beskuldigde is en al is hy hoe hulpvaardig, vriendelik en inskiklik gaan hy u beslis later in die verleentheid probeer stel met vals. aantygings ens. u moet betyds voorsorg daarteen tref, (xiii) Moet nie ʼn stelling as ‘n feit teenoor 'n verdagte maak, as u nie seker is u is reg nie. As u verkeerd is, besef hy of dink hy, u tas in die duister rond - dit sterk sy moraal en moedig hom aan om u met vals of onbenullige inligting te voer in die hoop dat u dit sal "sluk". (xiv) Luister self na afloop van ‘n ondervragingsessie, na die bandopname daarvan en maak kriptiese notas daarvan vir vinnige verwysing later. U sal vind dat dinge ontbloot is wat u dalk gemis het terwyl u verstand toegespits was op die volgende vraag. Dit is 'n menslike tekortkoming en u is nie verhef daarbo nie. (xv) Som die verdagte op, probeer hom "lees", probeer hom klassifiseer: is hy 'n lafaard, sterk karakter, ens. Slegs u mensekennis kan u hier help en eers as u hom opgesom het, kan u besluit wat die beste benadering tot hom sal wees en onthou, van hierdie aanslag /opsomming van u onderwerp, hang u sukses of mislukking af. Onthou egter ook dat soos u hom probeer peil, hy ook besig is om u te peil, te oordeel, te weeg. As u optree met self vertroue en doelgerig, ferm en manlik is, u hom duidelik" laat verstaan uit u woorde en gedrag dat daar nie tyd en plek vir twak is nie, sal u, reeds ver, gevorder wees op pad na sukses. Moet nooit deur ‘n verdagte se E bravade mislei en gebluf word nie ~ afgesien van die front wat hy voorhou, is hy in sy hart en siel benoud en bekommerd SOOS U ook sal wees as u in daardie posisie is. As u eenmaal deur sy front, sy skerm gebreek het, is die stryd gewonne. Moet nooit die stel aftrap om in ‘n argument, hetsy polities, ideologies of andersins met verdagte betrokke te raak nie. Dikwels lok veral belese verdagtes so ‘n argument uit. Daardeur speel hy vir tyd, probeer u verkleineer en u selfvertroue ondermyn en probeer om vas te stel wat ons weet en nie weet nie. Hy neem die inisiatief dus oor van u; u word kwaad en dan is dit verby. Onthou deurgaans u is 'n polisieman, nie 'n politikus nie; u ondersoek ‘n strafsaak waar die land se wette verbreek is en dit is nie u taak of verantwoordelikheid 23

om die reg of verkeerd van die wette te verdedig nie; hy is daar om u vrae te beantwoord, nie om vrae te stel nie; hy is en moet die beskuldigde bly nie u nie. Hy moet deurgaans besef dat u vasberade is om die landswette uit te voer en dit gaan doen. Mense in hulle omstandighede verskil van mekaar maar tog het almal sekere basisse eienskappe; vrees, honger, dors, liefde, haat, seksdrange. Die graad of felheid van die eienskappe wissel van persoon tot persoon maar een of meer sal by u onderwerp sy swakheid wys. Poog met u mensekennis om dit te bepaal – dit is u teiken vir ‘n direkte of indirekte aanslag of uitbuiting. Dink, dink en beplan voortdurend. Ons vyande voer hierdie stryd teen ons met die kop en ons moet hulle op dieselfde wyse beveg. Dit is die veiligste, doeltreffende en mees blywende in sy langtermyn effek. 'n Verstandelike, sielkundige oorwinning wek respek; ‘n fisiese, gewelddadige oorwinning bring ‘n blywende en groeiende haat, verset en begeerte tot vergelding, op enige manier moontlik mee. Dit geld veral en meer so waar van sodanige verdagte later gebruik gemaak moet word as getuie. Sy respek vir u gaan verlore en u respek vir uself word ewe-eens beskadig. Moet nie u eie emosies toon nie. Moet nie blydskap, verbasing of dankbaarheid toon oor enige inligting wat verdagte verstrek nie, veral nie waar iets nuuts openbaar word nie. Onthou hy weet nie wat en hoeveel u weet en hy moet nooit besef dat hy die persoon is wat ‘n belangrike brokkie inligting of persoon openbaar het nie - dit lei tot selfverwyt later en ontneem hom van die belangrikste troos vir sy eie gewete en gemoedsrus naamlik dat die polisie tog alles weet het los altyd vir hom 'n skuiwergat waardeur hy van sy gewete kan ontvlug; ‘n verskoning omdat hy sy makkers verraai het. Moet nie verdagte se vertroue skok nie. As hy iets uiters vertroulik aan u meegedeel het op 'n belofte dat dit nie ontbloot sal word dat hy die persoon is wat "gepraat” het nie, moet u nooit die fout in u onderhandeling met hom maak OM te noem dat so-en-so 'n kollega van hom iets gesê het nie. Hy sal u daarna nie meer vertrou nie. Dit is in elk geval ‘n goeie algemene reël om nie aan die verdagte te ontbloot waar en hoe u inligting bekom het nie, eweneens is dit altyd beter as u die verdagte in twyfel kan hou oor presies wat en hoeveel u weet - laat hom maar dink ons weet alles. Moet nooit leidende vrae vra nie. Die gevaar hiervan is onder andere die volgende: (a) U sit woorde in sy mond en as hy dit bevestig sal u nooit seker wees of dit waar is of nie. (b) U inligting is dalk verkeerd. Hy besef dit en buit dit uit deur u te laat voortgaan op ‘N dwaalspoor, daardeur wen hy nie alleen tyd nie maar beskerm hy sy ware makkers. Hy ondermyn in alle opsigte u verdere ondersoek en ondervraging. Die ondervinding het bewys dat dit voordelig is om, sodra u hom sover gekry het om te begin praat, hom papier en pen te gee om self voort te gaan sonder ondervraging. Wanneer hy klaar is, kan u uitbrei op die inligting verstrek. Dit is ook gevaarlik veral met die oog op latere getuienislewering om belangrike dokumente aan hom te toon of andersins te openbaar voor sy "storie” geheel-en-al uit hom uit verkry is. (e) Getuies: Die probleme met ondersoeke van ondermynende sake eindig ongelukkig nie met die voltooiing van die ondervraging en ander ontbloting van inligting nie; dit is die aangename deel, die opwindende deel, en wat daarop volg bepaal eintlik of ons moeite en ergernis tevergeefs was of nie. U kan dit vergelyk met die konstruksie van ‘n huis: die eerste stadium is die versameling van die nodige materiaal; die tweede die plan van die gebou en die benutting van die materiaal om vorm en gestalte te gee aan die 24

gebou, op die ontwerp (plan) en die gebruik van die beskikbare materiaal sal die gebou beoordeel word - sal ons beeld beoordeel word. Beplan stelselmatig hoe u die saak aan die hof wil voorlê en wat u wil en kan bewys met dokumente en ander buite getuienis. Eers daarna moet u terugval op u mededaders (verdagtes) en uit die aard van die saak, sal getuienis deur een of meer van hulle noodsaaklik wees. U ondervinding en opsomming van die verdagtes tydens ondervraging is al wat u het om in die opsig op staat te maak plus u kennis van wat nog nodig is om u saak af te rond. Poog om so min as moontlik van die mededaders prys te gee as getuienis - kies diegene wat die grootste veld dek indien moontlik, sonder egter om die belhamels op te offer. Daar kan verder geen leiding in die keuse van 'n getuie wees nie; slegs enkele wenke, te wete: (a) Hoeveel sal hy verloor en het hy te verloor as hy gevonnis moet word – vrou, kinders, eiendom, besigheid ensovoorts, sal dit, en weeg dit, swaarder by hom as sy ideologie. (b) Sal hy ‘n goeie indruk maak by die hof – spraak uiterlik ens. (c) Sal hy sy eie gewete kan paai, gemoedsrus hê, of is hy die tipe persoon wat nie deur gewetenswroeging gekwel sal word nie. (d) Het hy ‘n goeie geheue; is hy vlug van begrip; sal hy kruisverhoor kan verduur en sy man staan. (e) Het hy teenoor u alles openbaar en is dit juis bewys? (f) Hoe sterk is sy vrees vir gevangenisstraf. Sy herkoms, leefwyse en opbrengs ensovoorts is belangrik (g) Hoe diepgaande en diepliggend is hy ideologies gebreinspoel? Kan u hom oortuig dat sy benadering tot en oplossing vir die probleme van ons land (want dit is tog waaroor dit gewoonlik gaan) verkeerd is en die Staat reg? Die keuse van ‘n getuie en sy oorreding om te getuig is u finale groot taak. Daar is geen maatstaf daarvoor nie en u sal nooit met sekerheid weet of hy u gaan "drop" of nie tot die finale woord in die saak geskryf is nie. Wees ingestel daarop dat hy moontlik gaan draai teen u. Sorg dat u ’n reserwegetuie/s het waarop u in so 'n geval kan terugval en oorweeg altyd hoeveel skade hy u en die saak kan aandoen as hy draai en, begin bewerings maak - dit is veel erger as 'n staatsgetuie teen u getuig as 'n beskuldigde. Moet nie die getuies, hetsy aangehou of nie, verwaarloos hangende die verhoor nie, Bou hulle moraal op en hou dit hoog. Sorg dat hulle goed behandel word en geen redes tot klagte het nie. Hou hulle sover moontlik apart maar onthou dan dat u vir die eensaamheid, vir die verveeldheid en frustrasie moet voorsiening maak - leesstof, uitstappies, speletjies ensovoorts. Indien meer as een getuie saam gehou moet word, sorg dat persone wat dieselfde veld in getuienis dek nie saam is nie. Bespreek die saak met elke getuie afsonderlik waar bespreking nodig is. Verwittig hom vroegtydig wat hofprosedure is - waar sit die Regter, die aanklaer, die verdediging, ensovoorts. Hoe hy moet getuig, dit wil sê hard en duidelik praat, deeglik luister na die vrae voor beantwoording ensovoorts. Laat hom met die aanklaer kennis maak voor hy moet gaan getuig. Stel hom op sy gemak - die mens is van nature bang vir die onbekende. Verduidelik die bepalings van die Wet met betrekking tot getuienis deur mededaders, duidelik aan hom 25

en verseker dat by dit verstaan. Hulle word deurgaans op die punt deur die verdediging ondervra, dit wil sê wat het Polisie aan hom gesê? Lees die Wet aan hom en stel dit dan op 'n ' eenvoudige, maklik verstaanbare wyse byvoorbeeld: (a) 'n Mededader word deur die Wet verplig om te getuig. (b) Indien hy weier kan hy gevonnis word tot tyd en wyl hy getuig. (c) Dat hy die waarheid en net die waarheid moet praat - NIKS anders nie. (d) Dat die hof hom kwytskelding van vervolging sal gee as die hof te vrede is hy het alle vrae bevredigend beantwoord. Verduidelik aan hom dit beteken slegs - dat die Hof -tevrede moet wees dat hy die waarheid in alle opsigte gepraat het - dat hy nie dinge versteek het en gelieg het nie. Hy moet ook sy eie dade nie versteek; verbloem of afwater nie. Hy moet in alle opsigte die volle waarheid praat Waak daarteen dat hy tydens aanhouding blootgestel word aan intimidasie — smokkel van dreigbriewe na hom; skreeu na hom van aangrensende selle of van buite ensovoorts. Sien om na welsyn van sy gesin waar moontlik en nodig. Onthou ons vyande doen dit ten opsigte van die beskuldigdes. Waak ten laaste daarteen dat hy onder die indruk kom dat hy ons 'n guns aandoen deur te getuig; dat ons van sy getuienis afhanklik is. Hy moet altyd besef dat hy homself gelukkig kan ag dat ons hom tegemoet kom dat ons hom 'n guns bewys deur hom nie aan te kla nie; dat ons voorspraak vir hom gemaak het by die Prokureur-generaal. Hy moet glo dat daar ander is wat kan, wil en sal getuig as hy sou weier. Al ons sake neem lank voor afhandeling en dit skep baie probleme met aangehoude getuies. Die verdediging buit dit doelbewus uit en vertraag verrigtinge op talle maniere om sodaniges meer te frustreer, om ons hand te forseer om hulle vry te stel (met maklik voorspelbare gevolge as die getuie in hulle hande beland) ensovoorts. Wees egter deurgaans geduldig met u getuies. Stel 'n lid of lede aan met die spesifieke taak om hulle te behartig en na hulle belange, geestelik en fisies, om te sien. Waak egter daarteen dat u te "pellie-pellie” met die getuie raak, dat u, hom te veel vertrou en u waaksaamheid in enige opsig laat verslap. Hy is en bly ‘n aangehoudene, 'n ondermyner en vyand van die Staat, al laat u nie u beskouing van hom aan hom blyk nie. Moet nooit u waaksaamheid. verslap nie - beskou hom in u hart as ‘n vyand tot hy die dag klaar getuig het en die waarheid gepraat het. ALGEMEEN Bespoedig die afhandeling van die ondersoek sonder om egter deur druk van buite, tot oorhaastige, onoordeelkundige optrede u saak skade aan te doen. Lig die prokureur-generaal op 'n vroeë stadium in van die aard en omvang van die ondersoek. As hy op 'n vroeë stadium 'n aanklaer aanstel om "in te kom op grondvloer'' sal die aanklaer 'n beter begrip kry van die saak en sal baie tyd uiteindelik gespaar word vir hom en ons. Werk deurgaans baie nou saam u aanklaer. Die onverwagte en nog meer so met sake, van veiligheidsaard. Die land se beste breins gaan teen u ingespan word en geld en tyd is slegs van belang by hulle in die 26

opsig dat hoe langer die saak aanhou, hoe groter hulle persoonlike finansiële voordeel en hoe groter die propaganda wat ons vyand uit die saak tot hulle voordeel wil put. Moet nooit berus met die minimum getuienis nie; met "genoeg" getuienis nie, as u dink dat een getuie voldoende is, om 'n punt te dek, sorg dat daar twee beskikbaar is. Moet nie moedeloos word met die ondersoek van ‘n saak nie as dit nie na wense vlot nie. Volhard. Besef deurgaans dat die taak wat u verrig belangrik is, dat u toekoms en die land se toekoms daarvan afhang. Iemand moet dit doen - wees dankbaar dat die Voorsienigheid goedgedink het om die taak aan u hande toe te vertrou. Dink voortdurend daaraan as die probleme te kwaai begin druk. Onthou dan ook dat Hy wat die taak aan u opgedra het u nie alleen sal los nie. (Geteken) FMA Steenkamp: Kolonel Afdelingsbevelvoerder: Veiligheidstak, Port Natal. Kommentaar deur genl. Johan van der Merwe. Genl. Van der Merwe was ‘n afdelingsbevelvoerder, die hoof van die veiligheidstak en kommissaris van polisie. Sy waardevolle kommentaar: Hallo Hennie In die geheel baie sinvol en dit spreek van jare se ervaring en insig. Politieke aktiviste is gewoonlik op aanbeveling van die betrokke veiligheidstak ingeperk. Ek dink die opmerking dat ‘n persoon nie weens die oortreding van sy of haar inperkingsbevele vervolg moet word nie dalk lastig mag wees. Dit laat die vraag ontstaan waarom so ‘n persoon dan ingeperk is? Dit maak die inperking sinloos.

Kommentaar deur dr Len Els , SC Hennie, Puik inset. Stem saam: arrestasies dikwels oorhaastig, doen eers deeglik huiswerk; aanhoudingswetgewing is bloot 'n hulpmiddel; 'Mutt en Jeff'-ondervragingsspanne werk die beste. Mededaders as staatsgetuies skep vir die aanklaer 'n probleem - hul getuienis is van meet af verdag en baie swaai mantel in die hof. As adj-prokureur-generaal het ek egter nooit enige politieke druk op my besluite gehad nie - ek kon dit immers juridies motiveer. Veral waar ek geweier het om te vervolg. (Jy kan my Bophuthatswana hoogverraadsaak as voorbeeld gebruik as jy wil.) Gegroet Len

Kommentaar deur Hennie Heymans Die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisiemag het deur die jare gestrewe om ‘n behoorlike en professionele diens te lewer. Die doel en doelstellings van die Mag was in wet 7/1958 (die polisiewet) soos gewysig, vervat. Oningeligte lede van die publiek dink die polisie kan mense tydens onluste sommer voor die voet doodskiet. Dit is nie die geval nie, al skep sommige media daardie persepsie. Ons het verlede maand genl. Van der Merwe se orders gepubliseer om te wys hoe die polisie onluste regmatig moet bestry. Ons as polisie moes altyd binne die reg optree en die regsoewereiniteitsreël (Rule of Law) eerbiedig.


Hierdie maand kyk ons na die orders wat kol. FMA Steenkamp (links) opgestel het oor die aanhouding van mense wat destyds onder die sogenaamde drakoniese veiligheidswetgewing aangehou was. Kol. Steenkamp soos hy toe was, was die afdelingsbevelvoerder van die veiligheidstak in Durban binne die Afdeling: Port Natal. Weereens is sekere dele van die publiek onder die indruk gebring dat die veiligheidspolisie ‘n kommunis agter elke bos gesien het, en dat die polisie sommer na willekeur enige persoon kan aanhou. Nee, dit was nie so nie. Terug na Frans Steenkamp wat ‘n man tussen die manne was! Hy het later generaal-majoor geword en was veiligheidshoof. (Ek het nie onder hom gedien toe hy veiligheidshoof was nie. Hy het my kort na sy aanstelling na die sekretariaat van die staatsveiligheidsraad (SSVR) gesekondeer. In Durban het ek twee jaar onder hom gedien. Ek het die offisierseksamen geslaag en is na veiligheidshoofkantoor verplaas. Ek wens ek kon in Durban langer onder hom gedien het. Hy, brig. Quartus Grobler en mevrou Zietsman was almal OudPorties (Hoërskool Port Natal)). Frans Steenkamp was ‘n uitstaande speurder in Durban. Lees gerus die boek: Clarence van Buuren – Die man agter die Donkerbril deur Chris Marnewick uitgegee deur Protea (2012). Marnewick is ‘n advokaat en het al as regter waargeneem, sy beskrywing van Frans Steenkamp strek nie alleen die speurder tot eer nie, maar die ganse polisiemag.(My Vader het saam met Frans Steenkamp te Durban-Sentraal gewerk en natuurlik het ons in die huis die moord op Joy Aiken bespreek. Die moord was een van daardie sake wat in “True Detective” bespreek was. Genl. Steenkamp het toe hy afgetree het in ‘n tydelike hoedanigheid diens gedoen en ons kantore was naby mekaar. Oor ‘n koppie koffie het ons oor die rol van die siener in die moordsaak gesels, maar dis ‘n storie vir ‘n ander dag!) Frans Steenkamp was ‘n uitstaande speurder en met sy ervaring en insig het hy die instruksies opgestel van hoe mens ondervraging moet doen en die aangehoudene moet hanteer. Hy is heel te maal eerlik en opreg en daar is net een stukkie “krygslis” wat hy in die hele stuk openbaar soos u self kan sien. Soos baie lede van die Mag was hy ‘n speurder en dis wat hy wou wees. Die veiligheidstoestand en die veiligheidstak het natuurlik soms aanspraak op die beste speurders gemaak.

“A bit of trash now and then is good for the severest reader. It provides the necessary roughage in the literary diet.” Phyllis McGinley in Daily Maverick 22 March 2017


USELESS INFORMATION 1972 (circa) Samewerking: Inligtingsgemeenskap: Suider-Afrika

Op die foto van Pietersburg-veiligheidstak verskyn van links na regs: Kapt. Sarel Strydom, s/sers. West (BSAP) a/kommissaris I Mackay (BSAP), majoor JJ Viktor (afdelingsbevelvoerder, v-tak, N-tvl), insp. Costa Perreira (Mosambiek) en insp. A Noqueira. Ons as lede van veiligheidshoofkantoor het met die BSAP in Rhodesië en met die PIDE in Mosambiek geskakel. (Ek weet ons het ‘n offisier in Luanda gehad maar die pos is later deur die Buro vir Staatsveiligheid oorgeneem.) Ons het soms memorandums vir die veiligheidshoof opgestel omdat die die RSA, Rhodesië en Portugal se veiligheidstakke bymekaar gekom en vergader het. Ons het ook altyd die Flecha’s (Flecha beteken “pyl” in Portugees, hulle was San-troepe wat onder die Portugese polisie se vaandel geveg het) op ons weeklikse veiligheidsoorsig geplaas. Ek onthou hulle was redelik 29

suksesvol. Ons moet ingedagte hou dat die Portugese nie die eerste was om inheemse, primitiewe, mense te aan te wend nie. Die BSAP het ‘n skakeloffisier in Pretoria gehad en ons het inligting met hom uitgeruil. Ek weet die afdelingsbevelvoerder van die ou afdeling Noord-Transvaal wat van Warmbad tot in Beitbrug gestrek het ook met PIDE en die BSAP geskakel het. Kol. Gawie Richter – ‘n fyn skerpsinnige polisieman wat vele Afrikatale kan praat, was later ons amptelike skakeloffisier met Malawi. Gawie Richter het die eerste Russiese masjiengeweer wat op wiele gemonteer is, in circa 1966 in SWA herwin. (In ons volgende uitgawe meer oor kol Gawie se avonture in Afrika.)

DIE VAL VAN PORTUGAL IN MOSAMBIEK Mbt die val van die Portugese magte in Mosambiek het genl. JG “Sterk-Hans” Dreyer my vertel dat tydens sy dienstermyn in Rhodesië, waar hy was die hoof van die SA Polisie se veiligheidstaklede was, het hy inligting bekom dat die Portugese die handdoek in Mosambiek en Angola gaan ingooi. Hy het die inligting op skrif en per hand direk na die kommissaris van polisie en die hoof van die veiligheidstak gestuur. Daar is voorheen die verwyt aan die veiligheidsmagte en inligtingsdienste se deur gelê dat die RSAowerhede nie betyds ingelig is nie. Die verhaal sonder noukeurige feite soos datum, tyd, plek en wie hy per pad gestuur het, ontbreek. Ek dink dit is egter nodig om die feit op die tafel te plaas dat die kommissaris ingelig is dat die Portugese in Mosambiek gaan onttrek. In Rhodesië, toe ek daar in begin van 1974 diens gedoen het, het ek items soos bv. ammunisie in kiste gesien wat aan die plaaslike “Chef du Poste” van die Portugese magte gerig was. Die BSAP het seker op hul “lyn” die items van die Portugese polisie – destyds genoem PIDE – gekry. PIDE is die afkorting vir Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado.

PIDE The PIDE or International and State Defense Police (Portuguese: Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado), was a Portuguese security agency that existed during the Estado Novo regime of António de Oliveira Salazar. Formally, the main roles of the PIDE were the border, immigration and emigration control and the internal and external State security. However, it became more known by its political police activities. The agency that would later became the PIDE was established by the Decree-Law 22992 of August 1933, as the Surveillance and State Defense Police or PVDE. It resulted from the merger of two former agencies, the Portuguese International Police and the Political and Social Defense Police. The PVDE was transformed in the PIDE in 1945. PIDE was itself transformed in the Directorate-General of Security or DGS in 1968. After the 25 April 1974 Carnation Revolution, DGS was disbanded in Portugal, but continued to exist transitionally in the Portuguese overseas territories as the Military Information Police or PIM, being finally completely disbanded in 1975. Although the acronym PIDE was only formally used from 1945 to 1969, the set of successive secret polices that existed during the 40 years of the Estado Novo regime are commonly referred to as the 30

PIDE. Historically, this set of police agencies is also often referred as PIDE/DGS, from the acronyms of its two last designations. It is referred in this last way in the article 293rd of Portuguese Constitution, which states the criminalization and judgment of its former officers. During its existence, the organization was known for its actions during the Spanish Civil War, its role as a political police, its counter-espionage activities during World War II and its counterinsurgency operations in the Portuguese Colonial War. 8

BSAP: British South Africa Police The British South Africa Police (BSAP) was, for most of its existence, the police force of Rhodesia (renamed Zimbabwe in 1980). It was formed as a paramilitary force of mounted infantrymen in 1889 by Cecil Rhodes' British South Africa Company, from which it took its original name, the British South Africa Company's Police. Initially run directly by the company, it began to operate independently in 1896, at which time it also dropped "Company's" from its name. It thereafter served as Rhodesia's regular police force, retaining its name, until 1980, when it was superseded by the Zimbabwe Republic Police, soon after the country's reconstitution into Zimbabwe in April that year. While it was in the main a law enforcement organisation, the line between police and military was significantly blurred. BSAP officers trained both as policemen and regular soldiers until 1954. BSAP men served in the latter role during the First and Second World Wars, and also provided several support units to the Rhodesian Bush War of the 1960s and 1970s. During the Bush War, the BSAP operated several anti-guerrilla units, most prominently the Police AntiTerrorist Unit, which tracked and engaged Communist guerrillas; the Support Unit, which was a police field force, nicknamed the "Black Boots" because of the colour of their footwear; and the Civilian African Tracking Unit, composed mostly of black Rhodesian trackers utilising the traditional skills and techniques of the Shangaan people. By 1980, the BSAP comprised about 46,000 personnel; 11,000 professionals (about 60% black), and the remainder reservists (mostly white). The organisation's rank structure was unique, with different levels of seniority existing for black and white officers respectively. Until 1979, black officers could rise no further than sub-inspector, while the commissioned ranks were all-white. Limitations on black aspirations were removed in 1979. Under Robert Mugabe, the Zimbabwe Republic Police immediately adopted a policy whereby senior whites were forced into retirement at the earliest opportunity and replaced by black officers.9

SNASP: Servicion Segurança Nacional Popular In October 1975, FRELIMO created the Servicion Segurança Nacional Popular (SNASP, or National Service of Popular Security) a secretive political police force with the responsibility to "suppress all activities hostile to the revolution." The Stasi, the secret service of the German Democratic Republic, provided SNASP training.10 Later toe daar ‘n nuwe regering in Mosambiek aangestel was, het genl. Johann Coetzee met SNASP geskakel en vir my as eerste skakel-offisier met Maputo aangestel. Later meer hieroor.

8 - Accessed 1 May 2017. - Accessed 1 May 2017. 10 - Accessed 1 May 2017. 9


Kol Jacobs van die Spoorwegpolisie Nadat ek vir ‘n ruk met SNASP geskakel het, het ek uitgevind dat ‘n kolonel Jacobs van die spoorwegpolisie ook amptelik met SNASP geskakel het. Die spoorweë se treine en vliegtuie het Mosambiek besoek. Dit is half snaaks dat alhoewel daar op veiligheidsgebied spanning tussen die RSA en Mosambiek was, het die spoorweë en lugdiens ongehinderd en wedersyds sake gedoen. Omdat die spoorweë se eiendom en personeel in Mosambiek ter sprake was, het die spoorwegpolisie betrokke geraak. Nog ‘n stukkie “useless information”: Ek is ‘n man wat in treine belangstel en eendag gesels ek met dr. Raimund Loubser. Sy broer dr. Kobus Loubser was die hoofbestuurder van die spoorweë. Dr. Kobus Loubser het na bewering vir mnr. PW Botha voorgelig en gewaarsku om nie skoor met Mosambiek te soek nie omdat Suid-Afrika reeds in Angola betrokke was en die spoorweë en Mosambiek het hartlik saamgewerk, veral Maputo se hawe was vir die Witwatersrand belangrik. Hy het mnr. Botha daarop gewys om nie op twee fronte oorlog te maak nie.

SEKRETARIAAT VAN DIE STAATSVEILIGHEIDSRAAD: SSVR: AP STEMMET Beste Hennie, Ek stuur vir jou my herinnering aan die episode in die wildtuin. Oor wat ek in die polisiekroeg gehoor het, kan ek natuurlik nie instaan vir die waarheid nie. Dit klink egter baie waarskynlik. Voor Tak Nasionale Vertolking bestaan het, het die SSVR wat toe nog in sy kinderskoene was, 'n inligtingsbeen gehad bestaande uit kol. Louwtjie Malan, SAP(V) (hoof), kdoor. Hein Schoeman, AMI, mnr. Dirk Visser, NI. Hulle taak was om elke oggend die inligtingsessies van hul departemente by te woon en dan by 'n vergadering onder my voorsitterskap die inligting in te voer en te bespreek. Ek het dan 'n situasierapport (sitrap) vir ons hoof en die Afdeling Strategie opgestel. Toe die eerste minister van die sitrap bewus word, het hy daarop aangedring om daagliks 'n kopie te kry. Dikwels is ons drie lede na ons vergaderings vergesel van kollegas van hul departemente. Een oggend voer AMI 'n berig in dat Mosambiekse soldate kamp opgeslaan het in die Krugerwildtuin, een RSA-veldwagter gewond en saam met 'n ander een na Mosambiek afgevoer het, en daar word aangedring dat ek die inligting insluit in die sitrap. Die diplomaat op ons personeel het beswaar gemaak omdat die inligting nog onbevestig was. Die vonke het gespat en ons besluit dat ek en die AMI-offisier die inligting sou bevestig en ek kon besluit wat om daarmee te doen. Ek bel toe die hoof van die parkeraad wat die inligting bevestig. Hy deel toe mee dat daar 'n veiligheidsheining enkele meters binne die RSA/Mosambiekgrens gespan is om die olifante binne die wildtuin te hou. Die Mosambiekers het 'n militêre kamp tussen die twee heinings opgeslaan en beweer 32

dat die veiligheidsheining die eintlike landsgrens is. In 'n dispuut is een swart veldwerker toe gewond en saam met 'n ander weggevoer, vermoedelik Maputo toe. Die inligting is toe ingesluit in die sitrap. Nadat ek en ons hoof die situasie bespreek het, sit hy af na die uniegebou. Later lig hy my in dat die gebruiklike PW Botha-ontploffing plaasgevind het. Ministers Pik Botha, Louis le Grange en Magnus Malan is summier ontbied. Min le Grange het deurgeloop omdat hy toegelaat het die Mosambiekers op die RSA se grondgebied oortree en geplak het, minister Malan omdat hy nie gesorg het dat daardie deel van die grens gepatrolleer word met pantserkarre soos 'n vorige opdrag aan hom was nie. Die eerste minister se opdrag was dat die Mosambiekers summier uit die RSA verwyder moes word en dat die betrokke ministers die volgende dag 3nm aan hom moes rapporteer dat dit gedoen is. Minister Pik Botha moes persoonlik sorg en rapporteer dat die twee veldwagters terug in die RSA was. Die volgende dag is rapporteer dat al die opdragte uitgevoer is. Kort na die gebeure moes ek 'n senior polisie-offisier in Wachthuis ontmoet. Hy laat weet toe dat hy vertraag word en dat ek intussen in 'n polisiekroeg moes wag. Terwyl ek toe in die kroeg deur my dokumente sit en blaai, hoor ek twee offisiere gesels oor wat "Vic" in die wildtuin aangevang het. Die een vertel toe vir die ander dat Vic en 'n paar polisiemanne saam met mense van buitelandse sake in 'n lugmagvliegtuig na die wildtuin is want daar was glo Mosambiekers onwettig op ons grondgebied. Toe spits ek my ore en besef waarvan hulle praat. Die Vic kon net Brigadier (of Kolonel) Verster wees wat ek al by vergaderings ontmoet het maar nooit goed geken het nie. Ek het egter gehoor dat hy nie 'n man was met wie jy moeilikheid moes soek nie. Die een offisier vertel toe dat in die wildtuin die jong Mosambiekse luitenant arrogant en hardekoejawel beduie het dat sy kamp op Mosambiekgrond was en dat hy weier om dit te verwyder. Die jong diplomaat kon hom nie tot ander insigte bring nie. Vic het 'n probleem gehad want die kommissaris het gesê, die minister het gesê, die eerste minister het opdrag gegee!!! Boonop het Vic se kort geduld opgeraak. Hy bars toe glo uit, maak diplomaat stil, skreeu vir sy peloton gewapende konstabels: “AANTREE!! !!!” Vir die luitenantjie skreeu hy dat hy genoeg van sy “ #@$&n +# nt” gehad het en dat hy hom tien minute gee om sy kamp van die Suid-Afrikaanse grondgebied te verwyder so nie sou hy die “k#$#&k” uit hom skiet. Vir sy polisiemanne, wat mooi in 'n reguit lyn aangetree het, skreeu hy: “LAAI!!!! RIG!!!!!!” Die Mosambiekers het blitsvinnig hul kamp verwyder. Opdrag uitgevoer. A P Stemmet.

Lt.-genl. LPE “Louwtjie” Malan


Wyle Lourens Petrus Erasmus Malan is op 18 Maart 1938 in Kokstad gebore. (Ek is nogal trots om familie van Louwtjie te wees. My Moeder was ‘n nooi Malan en deur haar is ek familie van Louwtjie en genl. Fanie Malan (Hammanskraal.) Omdat ons familie was het ek my kleinboet wanneer ons by Ouma in Kokstad gekuier het, saans by Louwtjie se Moeder, Tant Jettie, geslaap. Ouma en Tant Jettie het albei in St. John’s-straat gewoon. Louwtjie se stiefpa was ‘n konstabel – dié het maar vir Louwtjie “stief” behandel en Louwtjie het al as kind voorspel dat hy by die polisie sal aansluit en nog stiefpa se baas word!) Op 23-jarige ouderdom het Louwtjie ‘n hoofkonstabel geword – hy het toe eerste in die land deurgekom en was toe te Clairwood (Durban-Suid) gestasioneer. Die dag toe die uitslae aangekondig is, is sy welslae ook op die streeknuus uitgesaai. Daarna het Louwtjie ook eerste in die offisierseksamen deurgekom. Hy was ook van die eerste lede verbonde aan die spesiale taakmag (STM). (Persoonlik beskou ek genl.-maj. SJ “Blackie/Black Jack” de Swardt as die vader van die STM. Ek kan net noem dat “Blackie” ‘n jaar voor my van Durban na Hoofkantoor verplaas is. Hier in 1972 – 1973 het talle kere gaan kyk hoe hy en ander manne op Saterdagmiddae by Baviaanspoort-gevangenisterrein geoefen het – Roelf du Plooy en Eugene de Kock was van die beginners gewees. Hulle was as die “Bliksems” bekend gewees.) – HBH.


Luit-Genl. HV “Vic” Verster

Genl. Vic Verster was ‘n veteraan van die tweede wêreldoorlog (SALM), ‘n ou veiligheidsman en een van die Buro vir Staatsveiligheid (BSV) se stigterslede. Na verblyf van etlike jare by die BSV het hy na die polisie teruggekeer waar hy later hoof van die SAP se Tin-eenheid geword het. Wat opvallend was, was dat hy en lt.-genl. Lothar Neethling “beste vriende” was. Eersgenoemde het teen die Duitsers geveg en lg. was ‘n Duitse-wesie. Ek was bevoorreg om na sy aftrede ‘n hele paar keer by hom te gaan kuier en ons het oor die polisie se geskiedenis gesels. Sy Vader was luit.-kol. Fred Verster. Die kolonel was die adjunk-kommissaris van polisie vir Transvaal. (Vandag sou die rang sekerlik ‘n generaal gewees het – die begrip Transvaal die hele ou Transvaal, met uitsluiting van die Witwatersrand, behels. So vertel genl. Vic ‘n storie dat toe hy klaar matriek by Pretoria Boys High geskryf het, vra sy Vader wat die jong Vic wil doen? Sy antwoord hy wil eers gaan jag en dan by die lugmag aansluit. (Dit was oorlog.) Sy Vader reël toe dat hy te Bosbokrand by sersant Jock Campbell sal gaan jag. So vertel die generaal dat sersant Campbell (links) toe ‘n leeu geskiet het. (So is die wêreld maar ‘n klein plekkie: My beste skoolvriend was (wyle dr.) Donald Campbell seun van brig. Campbell. In hulle huis op die Bluff in Durban was die opgestopte kop van die leeu en die res van die leeu se gebreide vel. Donald het vertel hoe sy Vader die leeu te Bosbokrand geskiet het. Toe genl. Verster die storie vertel het, het ek reeds die storie geken en het ek die vel baie in my jeug beskou.) 35

Van links na regs: Wyle Randall Wickham, wyle dr. Donald Campbell, Winston Geldenhuys en HBH afgeneem by ‘n polisie-musiek aan te Welkom, OVS. Brig. Mike en mev. Bester van Hammanskraal het ‘n koor na die musiekaand vergesel. Terloops Donald se Vader was as luitenant-kolonel die DK van Durban-sentraal waarna hy as kolonel na veiligheidshoofkantoor verplaas is, vandaar na Taipei as konsul-generaal (maar “ondergronds” as lid van die republikeinse intelligensiediens onder bevel van genl. HJ van den Bergh.) Sy laaste aanstelling was kwartiermeester met rang van brigadier en as afgetredene was hy bestuurder van Port Edward-vakansieoord. As kwartiermeester kom hy op Bosbokrand en hy loop een van die boere raak wat sê: “Hallo sersant Campbell, hoe gaan dit? Ek sien u is nou ‘n brigadier!” (Sersant bly maar die hoogste rang vir ‘n plaasboer.) Nog ‘n polisie-geskiedenis storie: Op die foto bo regs verskyn genl. Verster saam met oudhoofkonstabel Claude Balfour Sterley. Die generaal het spesiaal vir Oom Claude genooi dat ons oor die geskiedenis praat waarby die generaal se Vader betrokke was. Al die “ou” manne het Oom Claude geken – hy was ‘n Springbokbokser en -gimnas. Hier is die storie: Die waarnemende kommissaris, brig. George Baston, ontbied vir Oom Claude wat toe ‘n sersant in die SAP-kollege was. Die gesprek het min of meer soos volg verloop: Baston: “Look here, Sterley, I want you to go and arrest Leibbrandt. You have knocked him out before, so go and get him!” Sterley: “I’ll do it Sir, I know you will look after my wife and family!” Oom Claude en ander sterk polisiemanne is die betrokke aand almal op die plek, by Sesmylspruit, waar die lokval vir Leibbrandt gestel is. Kol. Verster is ook in die skadu’s aanwesig. Toe Leibbrandt ter dood veroordeel word, het die Verster-gesin ‘n besoek van sers.-maj. Myder Leibbrandt ontvang. Die 36

Verster’s en die Leibbrandt’s was bure in Potchefstroom gewees. Om ‘n lang storie kort te maak: Kol. Verster het genl. Smuts geken; sers.-maj. Leibbrandt was lid van die Smuts-kommando wat die Kaapkolonie tydens die Anglo Boere-oorlog binnegeval het. Die kolonel en genl. Smuts het die saak bespreek en nie soos in die geval van Jopie Fourie nie, het genl. Smuts besluit dat die doodsvonnis nie voltrek sou word nie.


Die foto is deur Nico Moolman verskaf. Die onderskrif lui: “Zwartkopje Rebel Prisoners .... 1888”. Freda Green van die Pretoria Biblioteek berig soos volg Hallo Hennie, Hierdie foto is in die gevangenis in Visagie Straat geneem. 37

Op 6 Januarie 1881 het die Britse troepe die Boere laer op die plaas Zwartkopje aangeval. Die boere het oorgegee en is gevange geneem. ‘n Klomp van die boere het weggejaag met hulle perde terwyl die wit vlag gehys is. Hierdie is die wat wel gevangene geneem is. Die Britte het nie die eerste Vryheidsoorlog as ‘n oorlog beskou nie, maar eerder as ‘n rebellie/opstand teen die regering. Daarom die term “rebel”. (Die skermutseling word mooi beskryf in The Transvaal War deur Lady Bellairs. Jy kan die boek gratis aflaai op die internet). Freda Friedel Hansen berig soos volg Hallo Hennie: Ken die foto baie goed en het dit trouens in my boek gebruik. (Ek heg die geretoesjeerde weergawe aan.) Ek het geen inligting nie behalwe dat die foto deur HF Gros geneem is. Die Convent Redoubt was na die westekant van Pretoria, by Loreto-klooster en dus naby aan die stasie. Ek het vermoed hierdie Zwartkopje is ook wes maar is dit nie dalk waar Swartkops-lugmagbasis later opgerig is nie? Ek wonder maar net. Groete Friedel Kaart van Zwartkopjes-Rooihuiskraal-gebied




ONE of the most shocking incidents in in the history of South Africa during the conflict of the past when terrorism prevailed, took place on 20 May 1983, 33 years ago. A car with a powerful explosive charge exploded at about four o'clock in the afternoon in front of the Nedbank Square Maritime House in Church Street, Pretoria. It was peak period and a total of 19 people were killed, including 12 civilians and seven Army members. A total of 219 people was severely injured or disabled, including 217 civilians and two army members. The headquarters of the South African Air Force was on the first, second and third floors of the building. The rest of the thirteen floors were used by civilians. On the ground floor was a cafe and other businesses. Photo: Gen. Johan van der Merwe.

Lt.-Gen SJJ “Basie” Smit.

Maj.-Gen. “Suiker” Britz.

Lt.-Gen. AJ “Bert” Wandrag.

Lt.-Gen. (Dr.) Lothar Neethling.

Brig. Frik Nel.

Col. Craig Williamson 40

Col. Basie Smit (later General) and Maj. Suiker Britz (later General) of the Criminal Investigation Division was at that time in Club 34, not far from the disaster scene. They rushed to the scene and were the first police officers on the scene. They were met with a hideous face of death and destruction. Everywhere corpses, severely injured or maimed people, limbs, pieces of scorched flesh, bones and blood-stained torn clothes were lying around. In front of the building was the wreckage of a car with human remains, believed to be the origin of the explosion. Members of the task force and counterinsurgency unit under the command of General. Bert Wandrag and Maj. Loots of the Anti-Riot Unit immediately fenced off the area so that potential evidence could not be disturbed. Experts in various fields immediately set to work. The Forensic Science Laboratory under General. Lothar Neethling careful surveyed the scene, the engineering division of the Quartermaster examined the car wreckage and explosives experts combed the scene to determine what kind of explosives and how much explosives were used. Everything was captured on film with video and other cameras. The Forensic Science Laboratory later determined by blood and tissue tests which limbs belong to whom and identified the 19 victims.

We have more photographs but they are to ghastly to publish - HBH


On arrival at the scene, Maj. Britz observed across the road in line with the wreck the corpse of a man. The man looked familiar to him, but he could not remember where he had seen his face. After helping at the disaster scene, he returned to his home where he consulted his files and photos of people whom he had arrested. He identified the man as Ezekiel Maseko whom he arrested years ago for housebreaking, theft and armed robbery. Maseko was found guilty of all charges and sentenced to imprisonment. It was indeed his corpse who laid across the road in line with the wreck The next day an investigating team consisting of members of the security, detective branch, murder and robbery unit and the Forensic Science Laboratory was established. Capt. Frik Nel and lt. Hennie Britz of the security branch were part of the team. Information gathered by the different units, was daily put together to get an overall picture of the incident. Capt. Nel determined through an informer that Maseko and Freddie Shongwe were involved in the explosion. It confirmed information given by Maj. Suiker Britz and they proceeded to Maseko's home in Mamelodi East, where they found his mother. She told them that Maseko called her early in the day and said he was on his way to their home with a car from Swaziland. He and another man arrived later in a Colt Galant. They removed the engine number of the car with an angle grinder. She showed them the angle grinder and the iron filings. Lt. Hennie Britz took possession of the angle grinder which was handed in as an exhibit. Maseko's mother also gave them a metal case containing R3 000 in cash which Maseko brought from Swaziland. 42

Members of the Forensic Science Laboratory later analyzed samples of iron filings and found that it came from the wreck containing the explosive charge. Capt. Nel and lt. Hennie Britz then questioned Shongwe's mother. She recognized the remains of the clothes as her son's clothes and consequently confirmed that it was indeed Shongwe's mutilated body which was in the wreckage of the Colt Galant. Like Maseko Shongwe was a hardened criminal. The white Colt Galant which was used for the explosion, was stolen on the East Rand about a year before the incident. It was established that Maseko and Shongwe drove Maseko's Kombi to the city center and from there took the Colt Galant to Nedbank Square Maritime House A search for the Kombi was immediately conducted because the investigation team was convinced that it must have been parked not far from the scene. Two members of the security traced the Kombi near the disaster scene where it was parked on the pavement in front a parking lot on the corner of Schubert- and Vermeulen Streets. In the Kombi was a portable radio that was turned into a transmitter to activate the receiver of the explosives. The transmitter had a switch to activate the remote mechanism. Remnants of the receiving device was found in the wreckage of the Colt Galant. It also had a switch to activate the remote-control mechanism of the receiver. It appears that Shongwe parked the Colt Galant with the bomb and receiver in Church Street in front of the Nedbank Square Maritime House. He sat there while Maseko activated the remote-control mechanism of the transmitter in the Kombi. Maseko returned and gave Shongwe the sign on the other side of the road who activated the receiver. The bomb exploded immediately. It appears that they confused the working of the transmitter and receiver and activated the transmitter first and thereafter the receiver whilst it should have been done vice versa. It was disclosed during the amnesty hearings that Aboobaker Ismael and John Mnisi placed the explosives and the remote mechanism in the Colt Galant. Aboobaker Ismael was a commanding officer of Umkhonto weSizwe. John Mnisi have been arrested by the security in 1981, but after his arrest he gave so much valuable information that it was decided not to prosecute him. He was linked to the Vlakplaas unit as askari, where he initially cooperating fully. His brother was also later arrested and used as askari, but the two later fled and rejoined the ANC. (The word "askari" is used in various languages r, including Arabic and Swahili, and means "warrior". In our case, the term was used for members of Umkhonto we Sizwe and other organizations whom we arrested and persuaded to work for the security branch.) Mnisi recruited Maseko and Shongwe, as mentioned two hardened criminals, who were trained in Swaziland as MK-members. The remote-control mechanism was tested in Zambia. Maseko and Shongwe were taught how to handle the remote-control mechanism which would be used in the car bomb. The teaching obvious failed, Helene Passtoors, a Belgian citizen was a member of the Special Operations Unit of Umkhonto weSizwe. During May 1983, she received instructions from Aboobaker Ismail, to drive a motor vehicle which had been primed with explosives from Swaziland to a specified place in Pretoria. She drove the Colt Galant to Pretoria on 19 May 1983 and left it at the pre-arranged place as instructed Aboobaker Ismael applied for amnesty in respect of the Church Street bombing and the decision amnesty committee reads as follows: 43

The Church Street bombing took place shortly after a parliamentary debate on the tricameral constitution and subsequent to the December 1982 SADF raid into Maseru in which a number of ANC supporters and Lesotho civilians were killed and the assassination of Ruth First in Maputo. The evidence before us is that the bombing was a planned operation. The target was selected subsequent to reconnaissance being carried out and the bomb was specifically constructed and infiltrated into the country for the operation. The stated objective of the operation was to carry out a highly visible attack on security force members which could not be covered up by the authorities. The operation was discussed at the highest level of Special Operations Command. It was considered that the target was overwhelmingly military and the question of civilian casualties was taken into account before arriving at the decision to proceed with the operation. Approval to go ahead with the operation was also obtained from Oliver Tambo, the President of the ANC. We are satisfied that the bombing was an act associated with a political objective as envisaged by Section 20 of the Act and that it was not merely an act of anarchy or terrorism. The fact that the bombing took place before the Kabwe Conference does not mean that the target selection was against ANC policy. It was always the policy of MK to target security force personnel and, with regard to the civilian casualties, the operation was given prior approval by the highest authority in the ANC and the ANC acknowledged responsibility for the blast shortly after its occurrence. We are also of the view that the bombing was not racially motivated. The blast occurred in a busy public street and the civilian casualties included both blacks and whites. There was no possibility whatsoever in the circumstances of targeting a particular racial group. The Applicant, Aboobaker Ismail, testified that at the time of the funeral after the Maseru massacre Oliver Tambo "had raised the issue that if the then government justified its action on the basis that civilians were killed because the ANC had set up bases amongst the civilian population, then would it also not be justified for the ANC to carry out operations against enemy headquarters and bases located within built-up areas". This, as well as the objective of carrying out a highly visible attack against military personnel which could not be covered up were, no doubt, factors taken into account in selecting the target. It was accepted by Special Operations Command that the blast, which would primarily be aimed at the military personnel who would gather at the bus stop immediately in front of the building which housed the SAAF Headquarters would also result in civilian casualties. The blast was an act of war which struck a severe blow at the ANC's enemy and which introduced a new phase of guerilla warfare in the struggle. Although the consequences of the blast were gruesome and tragic and affected many innocent civilians we, after careful consideration, are of the view that the manner of the execution of the operation was not disproportionate to the political objective pursued. The decision of the amnesty committee can be viewed on: It is remarkable how superficially the amnesty committee dealt with this gruesome incident, the largest terrorist act in the history of South Africa. In contrast, applications by members of the security branch where members Umkhonto we Sizwe or political activists were killed, were subjected to the most extreme measures in an effort to expose them as liars. There is a vast difference between a military basis in Maseru and Church Pretoria which is mostly used by civilians not involved in any military or politically motivated actions. The following crucial issues were not probed or considered by the amnesty committee: • •

Who served on the Special Operations Command – They were all guilty of murder; The incident was a serious transgression of the Geneva Convention Protocol which stipulates that civilians may not be attacked. 44

• •

None of the members of the Regional Politico-Military Committee (RPMC) testify to confirm the version of Mr. Aboobaker Ismael. The Senior Organs in the ANC were during 1983 replaced by Regional Politico-Military Committees (RPMCs), and were also given the authority and responsibility for making operational decisions. The RPMCs were charged with coordinating political and military activities in their areas of responsibility nut were still subject to the policy of the ANC and the PoliticoMilitary Council – all persons who served in these structures were guilty of murder; A total of 19 people was killed, including 12 civilians and seven Army members. A total of 219 people was severely injured or disabled, including 217 civilians and two army members. The incident occurred during peak hours in Church Street mostly used by civilians, including women and children. Nedbank Square Maritime House consisted of 13 floors and only the first three floors were occupied by the Airforce. These facts are not mentioned in the decision of the amnesty committee neither is there any indication on which grounds the following conclusion of the amnesty committee is based:

“The blast was an act of war which struck a severe blow at the ANC's enemy and which introduced a new phase of guerilla warfare in the struggle. Although the consequences of the blast were gruesome and tragic and affected many innocent civilians we, after careful consideration, are of the view that the manner of the execution of the operation was not disproportionate to the political objective pursued” In terms of In International Law terrorism is defined as the calculated use of unlawful violence or the threat of unlawful violence to inculcate fear intended to coerce or intimidate governments or societies in the pursuit of goals that are generally political, religious or ideological. Guerrilla warfare is a form of irregular warfare in which a small group of combatants such as paramilitary personnel, armed civilians, or irregulars use military tactics including ambushes, sabotage, raids, petty warfare, hit-and-run tactics, and mobility to fight a larger and less-mobile traditional military. It is obvious that the amnesty committee did not have the slightest idea what guerrilla warfare entails. The National Executive Committee (NEC) of the ANC during the period 1983 to 1985 consisted of the following persons: President: OR Tambo Treasurer: Thomas Nkobi Secretary General: Alfred Nzo Administrative secretary of the NEC: Joe Nhlanhla. Other members: Mzwai Piliso, Moses Mabhida, Joe Modise, Joe Jele, John Motshabi, Andrew Masondo, Robert Manci, Joe Gqabi, Jacob Zuma, Steve Dlamini, John Nkadimeng, Simon Makana, Gertrude Shope, Florence Moposho, Chris Hani, Thabo Mbeki, Johnny Makathini. The Politico-Military Council (PMC) during the same period consisted of Chair: OR Tambo Treasurer: Reg September The Secretary of the PMC was Joe Nhlanhla, until 1987 MHQ representatives on the PMC: Joe Modise, Joe Slovo, Chris Hani. PHQ representatives on the PMC: Joe Jele, Mac Maharaj, Jacob Zuma, John Motshabi, Ruth Mompati NAT representative on the PMC: Mzwai Piliso 45

Other members included: Alfred Nzo, T.T. Nkobi, Job Tlhabane ("Cassius Make"), Sizakele Sigxashe, Andrew Masondo, Moses Mabhida, John Nkadimeng. Although most of these persons already died, persons such as Mr. Jacob Zuma, Thabo Mbeki and Mac Maharaj who did not apply for amnesty in respect of the Church Street bombing can be charged for murder on the principle of common purpose as provided for in our law. Mr. Aboobaker Ismael and all the other MK-members who were granted amnesty can be compelled in terms of the Criminal Procedure Act to testify against them. There is consequently ample evidence available but the National Prosecuting Authority as to yet did not charge them neither are there any indications of such an intention. In stark contrast, various leaders and generals of the previous regime were prosecuted for crimes associated with a political motive in the conflict of the past and former members of the security branch are still being prosecuted.


Taking a leaf from history (and from Uys Krige and Roy Campbell’s poetry) our attention turns to Spain during the period 1936 - 1938. The following is interesting parallel between Spain’s conventional war 46

and our own revolutionary war (1961 – 1994). The method is more or less the same: “The International Brigades (Spanish: Brigadas Internacionales) were paramilitary units set up by the Communist International to assist the Popular Front government of the Second Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War. The organisation existed for two years, from 1936 until 1938.”11 So, in a sense we in Special Branch had external, albeit covert, opponents in the International Brigade. This made our task a bit more difficult but we succeeded in arresting quite a few of them, as an example just think of Mr. Moumbaris, Mr. De Jonge and Mrs. Helene Pastoors. (She is mentioned in Gen. Van der Merwe’s article and played an active part in the Church Street Bomb.) Looking back at the past, it is my understanding that the Intelligence Section of the Special Branch of the South African Police was up to date with most the South African members of the SACP-ANC’s covert operatives. As far as African members were concerned the Security Branch knew who had left the country to undergo military training. One of the conduits to leave the RSA was controlled by the Security Branch. So, in spite of the cell system and various other precautions we knew who had left for training, etc. The irony is that some of our own members were also under cover in various places inside and outside the country. Askari’s and agents who returned from training helped us to fill in the gaps. We knew the real names as well as their nome de geurre’s. (From the French, literally “war name’). Consequently “we” at Security Branch HQ knew what was going on. The SACP-ANC realized this. They had to fall back on plan “B”. Plan “B” entailed the recruitment of foreign, mainly white, operatives, people who were totally unknown to the SA Police. So, our opponents were forced to rely more and more on unknown foreign, usually Moscow communist aligned persons, to carry out local missions. Due to the “Simons Town”-agreement the Security Branch could only operate in South Africa and in Swaziland, Lesotho, Botswana and in Mozambique. However, in spite of the agreement, RS-agents of our covert intelligence section (of which Craig Williamson was a member) was ideally placed in Switzerland and various other places across the globe reporting to Pretoria what was going on. These internationally recruited people had excellent cover, they were academics, clergy, researchers, students, newspapermen, adventurers and not necessarily committed communists per se. They could openly or under cover enter South Africa to do surveillance, to plan or to execute deeds of terror. They could for e.g. liaise without arising suspicion with other academics in the so-called Front Line States and in the rest of the world. (Tongue in the cheek: We could not watch everybody in the world!) Perspective From 1980 - 1981 until the Nkomati Accord was signed in mid-1984 Joe Slovo and his team (including his wife Ruth First) were operating from Maputo with approval of the Mozambique government, which is where and when Passtoors joined them. After the Nkomati Accord they had to operate more clandestinely (even from SNASP) and so Swaziland, Lesotho and SA came more into the picture. Consequently, the Security Branch had to extend their operations over the border. The SA Security Forces are constantly vilified for attacking people apparently working in non-military positions such as academics or teachers or those assisting refugees etc. They apparently see no contradiction when people such as Passtoors admit openly to having operated in SA under cover as an academic.

11 – accessed 10 May 2017. 47

The reality is that these people were engaged in a covert terrorist war against SA and both open and covert operations against them were in a response to their actions and in defence of SA. ANC apologists give much prominence to how Mr Craig Williamson is supposed to be racist and evil and not to feel anything for the people who died as a result of operations he was involved in, but they don't give any attention to the death and destruction caused by the ANC. I was at the scene of the Church Street Bomb explosion. It was a ghastly scene of senseless carnage. I was shocked. Cost effective The Security Branch of the South African Police with a stringent budget was a very cost-effective security and intelligence organisation. The Security Branch had about 3 000 men and about 500 RSagents - not taking into account various informers etc. One has also has to take into account that in South West Africa the Security Branch had Operation “K”: intelligence gathering and actual fighting against PLAN-soldiers SWAPO. The war in SWA was no picnic as Plan-fighters were a good match for the SAP and the SADF. We now turn and take a look at a lady named Hélène Passtoors. Hélène Passtoors Hélène Passtoors, a Belgian national was born on 9 August 1942 in the Netherlands (from a BelgianDutch family). She immersed herself in the struggles of people other than her own for the cause of peace, freedom equality and justice. At the time of her involvement in the South African liberation struggle, she held dual nationality, Belgian and Dutch. Following a subsequent Dutch change in law, against dual nationality, Passtoors retained her Belgian nationality. Passtoors currently resides in Belgium. Passtoors was living in Mozambique and teaching at the Eduardo Mondlane University when she was recruited into Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), special operations, by the late Joe Slovo in 1981.12 Between 1981 and 1985, she participated in highly secretive special operations under the immediate command of Slovo, with Oliver Tambo as the Commander of Special Operations. She performed reconnaissance and communications missions throughout South Africa, looking for potential targets, among other things, the strategic coal export/oil import lines, South Africa Defence Force and police targets, and a Renamo training base in Limpopo. Based first in Maputo, then Swaziland and finally Johannesburg, she transported weapons, established arms caches and delivered funds and other necessities. While being enrolled at the University of Witwatersrand for her PhD, she continued with reconnaissance and liaison tasks, and set up communications for units that were to be settled inside the country. Passtoors was involved in actual operations. She was highly regarded in the military structures of the ANC, which operated under extremely difficult conditions. In June 1985, she was arrested and kept for eight months in solitary confinement in John Vorster Square, where she was severely tortured and poisoned during the interrogations, to the point where she became epileptic. In May 1986, she was convicted of treason and sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment. In 1989, she was released, following negotiations between the Belgian and South 12

Personally, I have always maintained the MK was the armed wing of the SACP and not of the ANC per se. From its inception, it was controlled by communists - HBH.


African Governments. The Belgian Government stood by her during her imprisonment and even assisted Passtoors to communicate with her children during her incarceration. While in prison in South Africa, she was bestowed with the European Woman of the Year Award in 1988. Thereafter, she worked for the ANC office in Brussels and focused on international solidarity against apartheid. She was also involved in preparing the African National Congress (ANC) language policy. In the post-1994 period, Passtoors worked as journalist, edited two political journals and wrote three books. She later applied for amnesty to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission for the role she played in the bombings. Hèlène sacrificed her life and her children for the struggle for freedom in South Africa, and endured enormous suffering for the people of this country. She epitomised true international solidarity to the oppressed masses of South Africa and it is for this reason that she occupies a distinct and special role in the historical memory of this country. On 27 April 2011, the State President, Jacob G Zuma honoured Hélène Passtoors with the Order of the Companions of OR Tambo for her contribution to the underground work of MK and her spirit of internationalism and friendship she showed for the people of South Africa.13



This is a description of her by SA History on Line: , accessed 10 May 2017.)


SAP (SB) PRINTING PRESS / SAP (V) DRUKPERS Fanie Bouwer stuur die volgende berig: “EXCLUSIVE: The 'truth' behind an apartheid-era printing press and counterfeit money 2017-04-26 15:02 - Caryn Dolley, News24 Cape Town – A senior police officer has revealed how apartheid-era officials bombed a building in Johannesburg to allegedly cover up the theft of a 25-metre printing press, which they reassembled in police headquarters, and used to churn out counterfeit money. Some R200 notes issued around the time of the 1995 Rugby World Cup were apparently created in this fraudulent manner. It is understood a part of the printing press may still be in Angola. Police officer Major-General Jeremy Vearey, on Wednesday spoke to News24 about the press. "I last was told by our sources in the security police, who were working for the [ANC’s] department of intelligence and security, [that] a part of that press was in Angola." He explained that nearly a decade after the press was stolen, a plate from it was found to have been used to create more counterfeit money. It was not immediately clear how much counterfeit money was churned out from the press and for how long. Vearey spoke to News24 about his time in the ANC intelligence unit as a trial involving his colleague, Major-General Andre Lincoln, is playing out in the Western Cape High Court. Former president Nelson Mandela appointed Lincoln in 1996 to head an elite investigative unit. It was run separately from the police and focused on probing Cape Town based mafioso Vito Palazzolo. Lincoln is claiming R15m in damages from the minister of safety and security (now the minister of police) in a civil trial. He alleges fellow senior police officers realised he had gathered intelligence on their plans, including one to murder Mandela, so they framed him. Prior to working as police officers, both Vearey and Lincoln had been in the ANC’s now-defunct department of intelligence and security. Vearey said that during this time, they had gathered information about certain police officers. He explained that in the early 1990s, before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was set up, several security police officers feared being tried. Fear and anxiety "We used that sense of fear and anxiety to get some of them to work for us. We came [into the police] with a network of informants." On May 7, 1987, Cosatu House in Johannesburg, which housed the printing press, was bombed. 50

"This was to mislead journalists," Vearey said. According to TRC documents, former Vlakplaas commander Eugene de Kock was involved in the bombing. Former law and order minister Adriaan Vlok and then-chief of the security branch, Johannes van der Merwe, had provided evidence indicating that "prohibited meetings were held at Cosatu House". Deon Greyling, a security branch officer "mentioned as a target the newly-acquired printing press that had arrived the previous week", the documents read. Secret theft Vearey told News24 the printing press was stolen and that the bombing was carried out to conceal this. The press was apparently dismantled and trucks were used to transport it away. Vearey said it was moved to the police headquarters in Silverton, Pretoria. He said ahead of the 1995 Rugby World Cup, stricter checks for counterfeit money were put in place. Scanners were used to detect it, particularly dollars, at hotels. "In a Newlands hotel we came across R200 notes. We identified the counterfeiter as having worked for the security police in the 1980s." The notes had apparently been printed on the stolen press. A large number of counterfeit US dollar bills were allegedly produced on the press. In 2010 it was reported that the South African Reserve Bank recalled R200 notes issued before 2005 because of a counterfeiting problem. But this may not have been linked to the printing press. US link Vearey said the lead investigator in the case against New York crime family head John Gotti came to South Africa to investigate the production of counterfeit dollars. Lincoln, during his civil trial, previously testified that during the presidential investigative unit's initial investigations it was uncovered that Simon Nothnagel, attached to the police's commercial crime unit, was allegedly involved in a counterfeit US dollar operation. These dollars, according to Lincoln's testimony, were printed at police headquarters in Pretoria. This investigation led them to uncover the alleged plot to kill Mandela and recover, in police offices, a "handcrafted rifle" which would have been used in the attempt. "Necessary steps were taken to prevent the assassination of the president," Lincoln testified. Nothing ever came of the investigation. Counterfeit dollar probes 51

The Western Cape High Court on Tuesday rejected the police minister’s application of absolution in the Lincoln case. The court said in its ruling, which dealt mostly with Lincoln’s evidence so far, that more was uncovered aside from Nothnagel's involvement in fraudulent transactions involving counterfeit US dollars. "In collaboration with the American Secret Service, [the unit] also uncovered the so-called Operation Donna in which counterfeit US dollars were being printed in the basement of the SAPS head office in Pretoria, which – together with matric certificates, university degrees and drivers licences – were being printed for various generals within SAPS," the court said.” (retrieved 5 - 5 - 2017) Kommentaar vanuit ‘n geskiedkundige oogpunt deur Hennie Heymans Dit is korrek, die polisie het 'n drukpers by veiligheidshoofkantoor gehad. 'n Pa en seun het van die staatsdrukker na die polisie-drukpers oorgekom. Die seun was Johnnie Theron – hy het ‘n brigadier geword. Ek onthou daar was ook 'n kolonel Hamman by die drukkery te kompol x302 en die bekende atleet Peppie van der Westhuizen was ook daar werksaam. Die drukkery het vir ons die terroriste album en 'n paar sensitiewe goed gedruk - 'n paar goed soos pamflette, vorms edm. Die drukkery is later na die geweste van "Koos Kokkerot" naby die SAP-kollege verplaas. Ek het 'n skinderstorie gehoor dat daar wel $VSA gedruk was en dat die drukpers na die kwartiermeester se kantore in Silverton verskuif is. (In die 1920's en 1930's was die polisiedrukkery in Johannesburg geleë.) Meer inligting het ek nie - maar dit is duidelik dat hulle "inligting" verwarrend is. Kommentaar deur genl. Van der Merwe Hallo Hennie Dit is die grootste snert op aarde. Kyk gerus die “Khotso House Amnesty Hearings” op Internet. ‘n Regspan onder leiding van ‘n advokaat het die SARK verteenwoordig. Daar was nooit melding gemaak van ‘n drukpers nie. Die SARK sou nooit so iets verswyg het nie. Groete Johan van der Merwe



NEWSLETTER NO 453 – MAY 2017 Our speaker on 11 April 2017 was Mr. Hannes Wessels, author of two books on Mr. PK van der Byl and on Capt. Darryl Watt of the Rhodesian SAS, whose topic was the SAS and the Battle for Rhodesia. He introduced himself and explained that his father was an Afrikaner from Bloemfontein who had served in the UDF during World War 2 and his mother was German. In 1946, his father visited Bulawayo in the then Southern Rhodesia and quickly decided to stay there. His reasons for moving were not black/white or English/Afrikaner friction, but rather because of the Afrikaner/Afrikaner enmity resulting from the divisions caused by the Anglo-Boer War of 1899 – 1902 and, subsequently, his service in World War 2 when there was friction between those men of Afrikaans extraction who served and those who did not. One of his distant cousins had served under Gen Koos de la Rey. In Southern Rhodesia there was a different approach. There was a large community of Afrikaansspeaking people in Rhodesia with many farmers in Manicaland, who all lived without any strife with the English-speaking majority. Our speaker was born in Salisbury in 1956 but grew up in Umtali. As a result he never became fluent in Afrikaans during his schooldays. After matriculating, he studied law at UCT and served in the RLI during his university holidays. Our speaker then spoke about the Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith, who was a friend of his father. After 1980 the Wessels family got to know him well. Mr. Smith always considered the outcome of the 14-year-long war and the subsequent political settlement to be a massive injustice and entitled his autobiography “The Great Betrayal”. Our speaker said that Ian Smith became the world’s whipping boy and was depicted as a stubborn racist, whereas in fact he was a man with a strong sense of values and he bent over backwards in his attempts to reach a settlement with Britain in meetings with Prime Minister Harold Wilson on HMS Tiger in 1955 and on HMS Fearless in 1968. A brief summary of the background to UDI follows. In October 1923, Rhodesia became a self-governing colony with a governor. In 1953 the British formed the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland which broke up in 1963 when Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland were granted their independence. Discussions followed with the Rhodesians regarding their independence and a draft constitution was 53

proposed in a white paper. But, when the draft constitution was published, it gave full authority to the governor, gave the British government authority to change it unilaterally and called for immediate black majority rule. This was not acceptable to the Salisbury government and neither side would back down. On 11 November 1965 the Rhodesians declared a Unilateral Declaration of Independence. A republic was declared in 1970, which was not recognised as legal by the world. In June 1979, elections were held which resulted in a black majority government but this was rejected by Britain and the USA. In 1979 the Lancaster house deliberations were held and Zimbabwe came into existence. Ian Smith’s main objection to Wilson’s proposal was his insistence that Rhodesia should be handed over to a British governor. He later noted that Lord Soames who became governor in 1980 had let him down. Our speaker then spoke of the important role played by South Africa in the UDI years. The war against the terrorists had, to a large extent, been won by 1974. The Rhodesian forces had been extremely successful in their counter-insurgency operations. At this point Prime Minister Vorster, who was busy trying to reach a detente with black Africa, insisted on a ceasefire in Rhodesia. The unwanted result of this was that the enemy had time to regroup their forces. The Portuguese also pulled out of Mozambique at this time. This gave ZANU and ZAPU an additional and long border across which they could infiltrate into Rhodesia. In 1976 Dr Henry Kissinger attempted to find a fair solution to the Rhodesia problem. This came to nothing when Jimmy Carter became President of the USA. He was determined to destroy Rhodesia and succeeded with the help of the British government. Our speaker then discussed the role of Mr. PK van der Byl, whose biography he has written. He described him as Rhodesia’s best Minister of Defence. He was the son of Major the Honourable Piet van der Byl, a minister in General Smuts’ wartime South African Cabinet. Mr. BJ Vorster, a former Ossewabrandwag general and political prisoner at Koffiefontein during WW2, loathed the very “British”, upper class PK van der Byl. Despite the fact that Mr. van der Byl was utterly fearless, well-liked by all ranks in the forces and an excellent minister, Ian Smith was forced by Vorster to move him to another cabinet post. Rhodesia was totally isolated and its only access to the sea was through South Africa. This caused many political problems for South Africa and Rhodesia over the years. South Africa was forced to sacrifice Rhodesia as a bargaining chip in later years. Mr. Wessels described the South African Defence Minister and later President PW Botha as a friend of Rhodesia. Although the country was but a pinprick in history, Rhodesia’s 15 year war gave South Africa an important, if not vital, breathing space. It gave South Africa time to develop its arms industry, to design and build vehicles and equipment for counterinsurgency campaigning, to evaluate Rhodesian tactics and extract those tactics which would be of use in South West Africa and Angola and train our troops. We were also able to learn from Rhodesia’s mistakes and not repeat these. Our speaker then looked at the Rhodesian SAS, a small unit of extremely well-trained and aggressive soldiers whose contribution to the war effort was immense. One of the most effective members of this unit was Major Darryl Watt described by our speaker as “one of the great fighting soldiers of our time”. Born in Rhodesia, he grew up in the country area and became an excellent marksman. A skilled hunter, 54

he was an outstanding tracker and was at home in the bush. He had a sixth sense and knew all of the bird calls and animal sounds which enabled him to locate the enemy. He was never far from the frontline. Commissioned from the ranks, he achieved so much with very slender resources. He expected much from his men but they trusted him and would have followed him anywhere. Watt was one of the first men parachuted in to the site where the first Viscount air liner crashed. Late in the war, the Rhodesians assisted the forces which had rebelled against Frelimo. Major Watt achieved his greatest success in Mozambique where he raised and trained a large body of anti-Frelimo rebels and, leading them into action, inflicted considerable damage on the government forces. He did not seem to have been very popular among the SAS officers and never received the recognition he so richly deserved. Our speaker mentioned the proposals made by Portuguese army officers after the coup in Portugal in 1974. They offered to persuade the Portuguese forces then in Mozambique to remain there, but this was rejected by President Vorster. Frelimo also realised that Mozambique would soon be theirs and also rejected the offer. Mr. Wessels next discussed the senior officers in the Rhodesian Forces. He explained that many of them had served in the British forces and their loyalty to Queen and Country was strong. It was consequently difficult to detect those who remained in the Rhodesian Forces and who were spying for Britain. Some officers resigned from the Rhodesian forces after UDI, refusing to serve in the rebel army – one of these was Major General Putterill. But others remained – one of these was Ken Flower, head of the Rhodesian Central Intelligence Organisation. He was British-born and received the Independence Decoration, continuing in service after 1980, in the service of the Mugabe government. He famously was reported as stating that the Rhodesian Intelligence set-up was thoroughly compromised at every level. This was a serious situation as the CIO was responsible for all foreign intelligence gathering. The Police Special Branch was responsible for all counter intelligence and, until late in the war, there was no military intelligence corps at all. Brigade and unit intelligence officers received no training and served only to make sure the correct maps were available. Only in the last years of the war was a Military Intelligence Corps formed. Officers were scarce and those seconded to the new Corps received very little training, as both the CIO and SB were opposed to the formation of the new Corps. This Corps “learnt on the job” and, too late, started to produce some information useful to the armed forces. The war effort in Rhodesia was supposed to be based on the British campaign in Malaya, where the insurgency was defeated. General Templar was put in charge of the campaign and he ruthlessly ensured that all parts of the armed forces, police and government worked as a team. The Rhodesians tried this approach but unsuccessfully. Army, Air Force, Police, Internal Affairs and CIO/SB were supposed to operate in close cooperation. At the operational level, they did this very well but, at national level, they did not. Ian Smith was supposed to be in charge but government ministers and the commanders of the various services all did their own thing. Rhodesians as a nation are very independent-minded people and this was a reason for the lack of cooperation. This was recognised and Gen Walls was made supremo but cooperation still did not improve to any great degree.


There was even rivalry among the generals. Two of the best senior officers, the Army commander Lt Gen Hickman and Lt Col Reid-Daly, O/C of the Selous Scouts came to blows and were retired, thus depriving the Army of the services of two very competent and experienced officers. Mr Wessels pointed out that ideas did not flow from the top but rather came from the younger but very experienced captains and majors, who had realised that the war should be fought on enemy territory. Colonel Reid-Daly described the Rhodesian generals as “not very aggressive, not thinking enough and severely inconvenienced by the war”. There was unhealthy competition between the SAS and the Selous Scouts. There was no clear-cut definition of their respective roles. Both were very fine units but each should have been given a defined role so that they could cooperate better. Finally, Mr Wessels commented that the National Party government should have included SADF representatives at the Codesa negotiations and that this might have prevented some of the problem we now have. After a lengthy question and answer session, Mr. Stephan Fourie, who knew the speaker from the Rhodesian Bush War, thanked and presented him with the customary gift for an interesting talk.

MATABELE REBELLION 1896 – VICTORY IN THE MATOPOS By Historian, Author and Copy-Editor Gerry van Tonder (Gerry’s website:


The stabbing and shooting to death of a native policeman by amaNdebele warriors under induna Umbozo on the night of 20 March 1896, signalled the mass insurrection of the indigenous peoples of Matabeleland, as their dissatisfaction with the presence of the settlers and their arrogant native police erupted into an orgy of violence, which would witness the murder of 145 white men, women and children scattered throughout the remote countryside. In sporadic engagements with the amaNdebele over the following months, locally formed military units, together with the later arrival of the Matabeleland Relief Force (MRF) under Lieutenant Colonel Herbert Plumer, would eventually force the rebels to put down their weapons and seek peace from Cecil Rhodes in their traditional and spiritual stronghold in the Matopos hills.

[01] Re-enactment of an amaNdebele warrior with a Martini-Henry rifle. 57

A miscellany of colonial units, loosely amalgamated under the label of the Bulawayo Field Force (BFF) comprised, among others, Grey’s Scouts, Gifford’s Horse, the Afrikander Corps, Dawson’s Scouts, Coope’s Scouts, Brand’s Troop and Hurrell’s Troop. Included also were ‘friendlies’, loyal amaNdebele under Chief Native Commissioner Herbert Taylor. The force was commanded by Colonel William Napier, with Colonel John Spreckley as his second. Operating out of a laagered Bulawayo and a string of small forts, the colonials held the position, until bolstered by the arrival from Bechuanaland on 14 May of five squadrons of the MRF. At the end of hostilities three months later, a total of 37 troops had been killed in action, of whom, Lance Corporal William Smith of the 7th Hussars, was the only imperial soldier. A further 14 died of wounds received in battle, and 64 of other causes, mainly accidental and from diseases such as malaria and dysentery.

[02] Frederick Courteney Selous, with men of H Troop, Bulawayo Field Force, at Fort Marquand (Mabukutwane), 1896.


[03] Brand’s Troop Plumer, then a major with the York and Lancaster Regiment, had been given the local rank of Lieutenant Colonel and tasked by the High Commissioner in South Africa, Sir Hercules Robinson, to raise a relief force. Enrolment of a corps of 750 took place simultaneously in Kimberley and Mafeking, with Major Frederick Kershaw – York and Lancaster Regiment – also responsible for assembling all the kit and equipment in Mafeking. The corps eventually numbered 850 active men, including some 400 from the Bechuanaland Border Police and the BSACo Police. The balance was mainly made up of miners, engineers, farmers and clerks. Most were English-born colonials, with a contingent of about 200 English and Dutch Afrikaners. Pay would range from 7/6d a day for a trooper, to 15/- for a regular officer. Each man was issued with a Martini-Henry rifle and allocated 250 rounds of ammunition, with 50 rounds to be carried on his person at any one time. The corps deployed with 45 mule-drawn wagons and 1,150 mounts, leaving Mafeking for Bulawayo in fourteen detachments over a two-week period in April 1896. Seven Maxim guns purchased from Durban were sent up later. Elements of the MRF were soon engaged in action with the rebel impis at Gwaai, Umguza, Khami, and the mission station at Hope Fountain, where a fort had been erected. On 2 June, the Salisbury Column, which included Cecil Rhodes, having been met by Colonel Napier’s column at the Shangani River Drift, arrived in Bulawayo. Major General Sir Frederick Carrington arrived on the same day to assume command of the troops. He was accompanied by his Chief Staff Officer, Lieutenant Colonel Robert Baden-Powell.


[04] Men of the Afrikaner Corps 60

[05] Lt Colonel Plumer’s laager during an expedition into the Gwaai district in early June 1896. The column comprised 32 officers, 451 NCOs and men, 474 horses, 4 Maxims, 16 wagons and 192 mules. 61

The men slept outside, behind their saddles which formed the perimeter of the laager. Each squadron had its own ammunition and food wagon. Each picket line would tether around 110 horses, hence the quite substantial width of the laager. (Thanks to Colonel Dudley Wall for the image). On 6 July, a large force of 752 men under Carrington struck at amaNdebele strongholds at Thabas iMambo (today Ntabazaka Mambo), north-west of Insiza. Armed with four Maxims and two 2.5in. guns, the column included Major Robertson’s Cape Boys and Johan Colenbrander’s Native Contingent. In a series of skirmishes, the rebels were dislodged, but at a cost of 10 killed. It was reported that the rebels had fought stubbornly throughout, characterised by some good shooting. Such was the success deemed, that the Bulawayo Field Force was disbanded upon the return of the expedition to Bulawayo. All that remained was to neutralise the rebel strongholds in the Matopos, a major challenge given the extremely rough, boulder-strewn hills of the spiritual home of the amaNdebele. At the time, the scout Baden-Powell described the terrain as ‘a tract of intricate broken country, containing a jumble of graniteboulder mountains and bush-grown gorges.’

[06] Scout in the Matopos Lieutenant Colonel Robert Baden-Powell Plumer was sent ahead to set up a new camp on Mr Usher’s farm, on the northern approaches to the Matopo Hills. With the arrival of Carrington to assume command, the camp was moved into a valley to 62

be much closer to the hills. It was here, on 18 July, that Lord Albert Grey, Cecil Rhodes and his brother Frank joined the expedition. During this time, Baden-Powell was scouting the hills, establishing where the various indunas and their impis were ensconced. At 10.30 pm on the night of 19 July, a column of 800 men, 300 friendlies, two 2.5in. guns and three Maxims, set off in the moonlight towards the Chilili Valley.

[07] Maxim crew in the Matopos


Meanwhile, a mounted troop of the Matabeleland Mounted Police (MMP) and scouts went ahead to try to find a route around the kopjes and so cut off any rebel retreat. Their attempts were, however, cut short, when, while passing through a narrow gorge in single file, they came under heavy fire. Sergeant Frederick Warringham and four Cape Boys were shot and killed, and Colonel Frank Rhodes had his horse shot from under him. Only by early afternoon was the area finally cleared. The friendlies, who had fled in the melee, returned to carry out their duties as stretcher bearers for the wounded.

[08] Lieutenant Colonel Plumer’s column into the Matopos on the night of 19 July 1896. Over the next fortnight, as they advanced deeper into the broken terrain of the Matopos, such formations were virtually impossible to maintain. (Thanks to Colonel Dudley Wall for the image). 64

Captain D. Tyrie-Laing (Belingwe Field Force), patrolling towards Inugu Mountain, met equally strong resistance that same day from the Imbesu Regiment, resulting in the deaths of Corporal John Hall and troopers Peter Bennett and William Bush, all of the MMP. A further 25 Friendlies were also killed in the three-hour-long engagement. Feeling the need to consolidate their position, Carrington ordered the establishment of a series of small forts. The main site, chosen by Baden-Powell and where the hospital wagon was based, was called Fort Usher. From here, a reconnaissance of the Umchabaze Valley to the east discovered the bulk of the remaining impis under indunas Sikombo, Inyanda and Umlugulu. Baden-Powell, after a long exhausting day scouting the kopjes with his party of seven, wrote: …and what a mixture in our little band of eight! Under the similar equipment of cocked up Boer or cowboy hat, with ragged shirt and strong cord pants, with cartridge-bandolier, and belt from which hung knife and pipe, tobacco bag and purse, all grimy and unkempt, and sunburnt to a rich, dark brick colour, each individual was an interesting study in himself. Here is one with a pince-nez – (pince-nez on a trooper!) – a Cambridge man of highest education, who thought he would take to farming in Rhodesia…and while that lasts he takes his place, like others, in the ranks. Beside him rides a late A.B. seaman in the Royal Navy, a fine young fellow, full of pluck, who will press on where devils fear to tread, but he is disappointing as a scout. This other man an architect, and yon a gold-prospector – in fact, there’s a variety enough among them to suit almost any taste.

[09] Lieutenant Colonel Plumer and NCOs in the Matopos Heading a column of 65 officers and 895 men, Plumer pushed his column farther east towards Purser’s farm, where the hospital wagons and pack train were left under a guard made up of D Squadron of the MRF, with two Maxims and a 7-pounder gun. Pushing back the enemy with gunfire over a distance of 2,500 yards, Plumer continued deeper into the hills, and on 2 August, he deployed the force in readiness to attack the impis of Inyanda and Sikombo. Establishing a new camp close to where the Tuli 65

road enters the Matopos, some 32 miles from Bulawayo, the tireless Baden-Powell reported that he had located a large body of rebels, most likely Sikombo’s men, holding a narrow pass only a few miles from the new camp. On the morning of 5 August, Captain the Honourable J. Beresford (7th Hussars) took a force of 138 dismounted men in a westerly direction to gain a strategic ridge. Progress was slow and uncertain, but as they neared the summit, their right flank came under attack from 50 yards. Lieutenant Hubert Hervey (MRF), with 20 men, tried to repel the enemy advance, but upon gaining the crest, he fell, badly wounded. Battery Sergeant Major Alexander Ainslie (MMP) replaced him, but he was immediately shot and killed.

[10] Scouts of the Matabele Rebellion At this time, the rebels also started closing in from the front and the left, with the intention of overrunning the now tenuous position. The two guns were immediately unloaded and brought into action, Lieutenant McCulloch opening fire with case-shot to the front and right flank, and Lieutenant Fraser from the left. Within the first few minutes, both were wounded, but they remained with their guns, desperately fending off the encircling amaNdebele. As soon as the firing began, the Friendlies carrying the Hotchkiss dropped their cargo and, in Plumer’s own words, ran off behind some rocks ‘in the most cowardly manner.’ As a consequence, part of the gun could not be found, so this weapon could not be brought in to action. Off to one side, Captain Llewellyn gallantly and singlehandedly worked his Maxim, even as his weapon and rocks around him were being hit by incoming gunfire. His assistant, 18-year-old Trooper Evelyn Holmes (MRF) was badly wounded and unable to assist Llewellyn, who was himself now also carrying a face injury from rock splinters. Holmes would succumb to his wounds four days later. Their line of communication and retreat 66

cut off from the rear, Beresford and his party held out until 10.00 am when the rebels retreated 500yd off.

[11] Watching over the wounded at Thabas iMambo When news eventually came through to Plumer informing him that Beresford could not advance without reinforcements, Plumer immediately ordered his whole force forward. With Baden-Powell and his scouts in front, the Colenbrander and Robertson Cape Boys marched out, followed by two Maxims and mounted troops. C, D and E Squadrons, respectively led by Major Kershaw, Captain Fraser and Captain Drury, galloped off to the left in support of the Cape Boys, while the MMP under Captain Nicholson, A Squadron MRF and the two Maxims were sent off to assist Beresford off to the right. Upon reaching the foot of the hills, the squadrons led by Kershaw dismounted and joined the Cape Boys in the assault. Sergeant Archibald Innes-Kerr (MRF) was shot and killed as the ascent commenced. The rebels’ line started to yield, especially with the added pressure of heavy cross-fire from Beresford’s position. The climb, however, was very difficult, the attackers having to climb over very large boulders. About halfway up, and leading his men all the way, Major Frederick Kershaw was killed. As the troops reached the summit, sergeants William Gibbs (MRF) and Oswald McCloskie (MRF) were both shot and killed.


[12] Desperate moments!


[13] A typical fort during the rebellion – Fort Mangwe By 2.00 pm that afternoon, the rebels were in disorganised and rapid retreat. Plumer described the actions that day as the ‘severest we had had.’ One officer and four sergeants lay dead. Lieutenant Hervey died of his wounds the following day. Estimates put the amaNdebele force at 3,000, of which 200 had been killed. General Carrington and Rhodes arrived the next day, when a parade was held and the troops congratulated on a successful operation. Baden-Powell reconnoitred the area, taking 100 men down the Tuli road for some distance. He only saw small groups of rebels, but none fired on his party. On 21 August, Cecil Rhodes, accompanied by Johan Colenbrander, held the first peace indaba with rebel indunas. The Matopos stronghold neutralised, the Matabele Rebellion was over. The last words from a soldier who would go on to even better things during the South African War and the First World War, Lieutenant Colonel Hubert Charles Onslow Plumer: Poor Hervey died about 12 noon this day [6 August]. His wound we knew was mortal, and he bore all the pain he had with the utmost fortitude and resignation. He had only been with us a short time, but he had many friends and not a single enemy, and his death was sincerely mourned by us all. He and Kershaw and the others who fell that day were all buried near our camp under a big tree. There is a fort there now, and the graves we know will be well looked after.”

[14a & 14b] Part of the small cemetery at Ft Umlugulu in the Matopos. The only grave that can be identified is that of Lieutenant Hervey, prominent with its black stone cross. Metal crosses can be seen, and although it is known who is buried in the cemetery, the name plates have all been stolen. The base of the obelisk on the right commemorates those who were killed in action at Sikombo on 5 August 1896. (Photos Alan Bryant). 69

Field Marshal Herbert Charles Onslow Plumer, 1st Viscount Plumer, GCB, GCMG, GCVO, GBE, after seeing active service in the Anglo-Boer War, went on to become a leading figure during the First World War. As commander of the Second Army, he mastered the overwhelming victory over the Germans at the Battle of Messines in June 1917. A son of Sheffield, where he enlisted and received his commission with the 65th Regiment of Foot, Plumer died in 1932 and is buried in Westminster Abbey.

[15] General Sir Herbert Plumer, 1917. [16] Field Marshal Plumer’s uniform and awards. (Photo Gerry van Tonder). A few days ago, I visited the York and Lancaster Regimental Museum at Rotherham, just outside Sheffield, where I took these photos of Plumer’s uniform with all his medals and awards.


[17] Closer view of Plumer’s medals and orders. (Photo Gerry van Tonder).


[18] Plumer’s medals, from left to right: Egypt Medal, British South Africa Company Medal, Queen’s South Africa Medal, King’s South Africa Medal, 1914–15 Star, 1914–20 British War Medal, 1914–19 Victory Medal (with Mentioned in Despatches oak leaf), Queen Victoria Diamond Jubilee Medal, King Edward VII Coronation Medal, Turkish Order of Medjidie, Italian Bronze Medal for Military Valour, French Croix de Guerre, Belgium Croix de Guerre, Khedive’s Star. (Photo Gerry van Tonder).


[19] After the Egypt Medal, with its blue and white ribbon, are Plumer’s three southern Africa medals: the British South Africa Company Medal, with ‘Rhodesia’ clasp; the Queen’s South Africa Medal with ‘Transvaal’, ‘Orange Free State’, ‘Relief of Mafeking’ and ‘Rhodesia’ clasps; the King’s South Africa Medal with ‘South Africa 1901’ and ‘South Africa 1902’ clasps. (Photo Gerry van Tonder).


[20] Plumer’s four British Orders of Knighthood: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath; Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George; Knight Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order; Knight Grand Cross of the Oder of the British Empire. [Photo Gerry van Tonder].


[21] The Knight of Grace of the Venerable Order of St John hangs from the shoulder sash. (Photo Gerry van Tonder).


[22] Plumer’s field marshal epaulette. (Photo Gerry van Tonder).

EK VERSTAAN: KOL MJJ VAN RENSBURG (SALM) Karel Schoeman se dood het my laat gryp na die pen en ek het geskryf soos dit na my gekom het, soms hakerig, soms in rigtings, maar dit is soos selfmoord is. Ek kry medies swaar en verstaan hoe mense voel wat smarte het. Elke 6 minute pleeg iemand selfmoord. ‘n Polisieman het onlangs in Port Elizabeth verdwyn. Hy het met sy fiets berge toe gery en daar selfmoord gepleeg. Sy vrou verwag haar 2de kind. Ek dreig al jare om vir soldate en polisiemanne te probeer help. Sielkundiges kan nie help nie. Jy moet self die pad geloop het om iemand te help.

EK VERSTAAN Ek verstaan! Ja, ek verstaan Glo my vriend ek verstaan. Jy het besluit om aan te gaan En finaal het alles gaan staan. Ons jare het gekom en gegaan Baie hekkies om die atletiek baan. Daar is nie meer krag vir die resiesbaan 76

Want die liggaam is te gedaan En ja! ek verstaan. Bokant die vuurherd was jou kandelaar. Stukkend klap die kitaarsnaar. Op die gras lê die eikeboom se blaar. Die koolstoof is vandag koud, Die as is uit gebrande hout. By die windpomp is die dam leeg. Daar is ook ‘n see sonder sout. Die skrywer het homself geweeg, Vir alles was hy net te oud. Hier het die langpad dood geloop En ook die trein se spoor. Die dood het hom bekoor. Hy het die stryd gestry Maar die lewe verloor. Hy het die duiwe van liefde en hoop Uit sy hart los gelaat Ek verstaan, ek verstaan. Was daar ‘n kontrak vir lewe Was daar ‘n voorwaarde. Was daar enige waarborge? Daar was ‘n honderd beloftes vir ‘n ewige lewe. God het offers gemaak, sewe maal sewe. Op die einde was dit ‘n keuse. Skrywer se pen het leeg geloop En so het alles ‘n laaste. Die laaste hoofstukke, Die laaste bladsye, Die laaste kommas en punte. Die laaste van sy drome En die laaste van die rivier se strome. Die haan het drie maal gekraai. Die kleding was gekeur en die lot gewerp. Hoe het die mens beheer Oor die aarde en sy diere? Die een kosbare ding, die lewe. 77

Die mens het die mag om dit te neem. Skrywer het uit geklaar en uit geklok. Die vlammetjie van die kers Het in die waks versmoor. Wie het gewen en wie het verloor ? Prediker sê, alles tevergeefs. Die uitveër het die laaste blad uit gevee Ek verstaan O ja! ek verstaan,. MJJ van Rensburg

Mei 2017

DIE LEWE IN THAILAND: BARRY TAYLOR Hi Brigadier Ek sal maar eers vir jou ‘n artikel skryf oor die lewe in Thailand en die Thai Polisie later want dis ‘n storie om grys hare te gee. Ek gaan dit maar sommer as ‘n e-pos skryf en nie as ‘n “word”-artikel en dan aanheg nie. Ek woon sedert Januarie 2014 in Thailand nadat ek vir 20 jaar in Kleinmond gewoon het. Ek was nog altyd lief vir reis en het al die hele wêreld vol gereis van die VSA tot Sjina. Ek het sedert 2001 gereeld na Thailand gekom en ook in die tyd Vietnam en Maleisië ens. besoek. Ek het in 2013 net moeg geword van al die misdaad en die stadige verslegting van die land en begin rondkyk vir groener weivelde vir my rustelose siel. Ek het toe op ‘n advertensie van ‘n Engelsman afgekom wie sy huis in die platteland van Thailand wou verkoop en het hom gekontak. Hy het skoolgehou hier en Engels gegee en wou terug na Bangkok so 150 km van hier af. Ek het kom kyk na die huis en toe ek die huis sien en die prys het ek dadelik besluit om dit te koop. Die huis is 280 vk. meter, het drie slaapkamers met badkamers en een daarsonder. Het toe die huis by hom gekoop en betaal hom toe Rand honderd en vyftig duisend vir die huis wat die werk as onderwyser by die plaaslike laerskool ingesluit. Het dadelik gesien ek gaan nie van skoolhou vir die stoute kinders hou en het toe besluit om nie skool te hou. Dis ʼn storie vir ‘n ander dag. Het toe hierheen getrek en die huis op my naam gesit hoewel ek nie mag grond besit nie, is die huis op ‘n 30 jaar kontrak aan my toegeken en die kan ek na 30 jaar hernu op my 101ste verjaardag. Die oordrag was nie so duur nie net ongeveer een Rand en ek kan verder die huis weer hernu op my 131ste verjaardag vir nog 30 jaar, maar daarna moet die kontrak hernu word met die eienaar. 78

So vir die volgende 90 jaar het ek nou blyplek. Hier is geen munisipale belasting en ek betaal net water en elektrisiteit gebruik. Water is so R1.60 per Kl. en elektrisiteit is duurder teen so R1.60 per KW en ek het 3 lugreëling stelle wat ek gebruik so my elektrisiteit is so R1000 per maand. Ek het optiese vesel-internet laat aanlê en my internet kos my R320 per maand “uncapped” en teen 80 MP ps af en 20 op. Almal hier kyk maar TV op die internet en dis so te se gratis vir 474 kanale betaal ek 300 per maand en alles in HD en alle sport soos “Super 15” of wat ook al en krieket ens. is beskikbaar en ook al die nuus stasies tot Fox - gelukkig nie SAUK nie. My internet gebruik is so tussen 400 tot 600 gigs per maand hang af van die hoeveelheid TV daar gekyk word en You Tube ens. As jy wil kan jy hoër spoed kry tot so I gig af en 200 MB op maar dis duur en vir besighede. Die weer is net twee seisoene nl. warm en baie warm. Die winter wat in Desember en Januarie is koel; dit in die nag af na so 25 maar die dag is nog steeds so 30 tot 35 en die humiditeit is erg. Dit word beweer dat Bangkok die warmste stad in die wêreld is en ek kan nie sê of dit rêrig waar is maar dis nie ʼn plek wat ek graag na gaan nie. Hier is winkels om alles te koop .Hier is ʼn Makro naby my en veel groter keuse as ons Makro’s. Hier is 1700 Tesco’s waarvan ʼn klomp Hyper’s is en dan ‘Big C’ ʼn lokale Supermark en dan vele ander winkels om enige ding te koop van meubels tot ystersae. Al wat ek nie hier kan kry en ook die ander Expats wat hier woon is Bovril en Jeyes Fluid - behalwe as jy dit wil koop op die inet. Skaap en bees kry ek by Makro en die res vark ,hoender ens. orals tot op straat. Hier eet hulle ook elke dag vis en die is goedkoop en word 75% gekweek in visplase en prawn-plase. Ek woon op ʼn plaas wat aan ʼn vriendin van my se pa behoort. Hy het so 100 Rai (6.25 Rai op ʼn hektaar). Ek het uit verveeldheid nou begin boer met grenadellas as die eerste gewas. Grond is duur hier ‘n Hektaar kos jou so 3.75 miljoen Rand. Soos gesê mag ek nie grond besit, nou "huur' jy maar die grond van hom. A.g.v. die taal probleem en hulle praat nie Engels nie gaan dit maar moeilik party dae. Hulle taal het 46 letters wat jy glad nie kan uitmaak nie. Dis nou die warm seisoen en die reënseisoen begin so in die middel van Mei dan koel dit af. Word party dae hier op my stoep so 45 en die nagte so 30 tot 35. Dis in die skaduwee. Ek ry fiets en werk ook in die tuin en ry ook maar rond, het ‘n motor gekoop en hier is dit “by the skin of your teeth” want hier is 20 miljoen motorfietse en 12 miljoen karre en lorries. ‘n Rooi streep teen ʼn opdraande en ʼn draai beteken ʼn 35 ton lorrie kan jou nou verbygaan of van voor kom met ʼn spoed. Jy trek maar af en argumenteer nie met hom nie ʼn Motorfiets beteken hy jaag “flatout” en loer so oor die handvatsels sonder helmet en sonder lisensie en sonder nommerplaat. 70 mense ‘n dag sterf op motorfietse hier elke dag en Thailand het die hoogste ongeluksyfer na Libië in die wêreld. In die nag beteken dit dat jy nie ligte hoef aan te sit en geen rooilig op jou motorfiets hè nie. Baie Thais glo dat as jy ʼn rooilig op jou motorfiets het kan die “ghosts” jou sien. Ja reg gelees. Hier woon glo oor die 500000 Expats wat hier afgetree het van enige land in die wêreld en oor die 30 miljoen toeriste per jaar. As jy bo 50 is kan enige persoon hier aftree as jy wil. Hier waar ek woon op die platteland is daar GEEN misdaad nie en alles staan oop en die motor se sleutel in die voertuig sodat 79

jy dit nie verlê nie. Hier is geen garage vir jou motor en net ʼn afdak om te keer dat die son die kar nie flenters brand en so nou en dan die hael. Hier groei enige iets en ek het mangobome, Custard Apple, Jack Fruit en vele meer vrugte. Op die erf staan daar sowat 80 mango bome en ek kap nou van dit uit om die grenadellas te plant. Ek het twee ou klapperbome op die erf en dan groei papajas natuurlik soos vuilgoed hier. Ek betaal vir ʼn papaja tans so twee rand vir die groot lang papajas wat so 3 KG weeg. Nou weet julle iets van die land en julle kan gerus die Thai Visakoerant op die internet lees, dis ʼn gratis koerant vir die Expats hier en die kommentare is party dae kostelik oor die lewe van die Expat in Thailand. Ek is ook net ten laaste naby Pattaya en daar is Veertig duisend "Bargirls" daar, wat die hele wêreld se mans “entertain” wat hier kom “Sex Tourist” wees. Gaan na “Youtube” en “google” maar “Pattaya’s Bargirls” en ook die Nuwejaarsfees wat "Songkran" genoem word en wat 2 weke gelede hier gevier is. Thailand is natuurlik in die jaar van 2561 en nie in 2017 nie. Want hulle volg die geboorte van Boeddha. Groete Barry Taylor [Magsnommer 39973; Troep 57 (1962).

GENL. GL "KLAASVAKIE" PRINSLOO: BARRY TAYLOR Middag Brigadier, Hier is ʼn staaltjie oor genl. Prinsloo: In 1972 is ek bevorder tot SAO en het brig. “Kappies” van Zyl my vanaf Sunnyside waar ek die laaste 7 jaar ‘n s/sers. en s/konstabel was na Wierdabrug verplaas. Met my aankoms daar het ek vir SAO Willem van der Nest vervang wat toe na Sunnyside verplaas is. Te Wierdabrug het ek die stasiebevelvoerder, A/O Willem Muller, leer ken. Hy was die skoonseun van brig. Buurman van Zyl en was met Trudie getroud. Brig. van Zyl het toe NTVL afgerig en was ook DK van Pretoria. Die stasies wie se sake ons moes ondersoek was Wierdabrug, Erasmia en Lyttleton. Niek Janneke, die atleet, was die SB te Erasmia en te Lyttleton was Q Papenfus die SB. Ek is in 1974 na Offisier bevorder en het te Wierdabrug aangebly. Genl. Prinsloo was toe by Veiligheid en het in die wyk gewoon op ʼn plot so ʼn paar km van die polisiestasie. In 1975 het hy kommissaris geword en op ʼn dag bel hy my en deel my mee dat een van sy skape gesteel is; maar hy vermoed dat dit een van sy werkers is want die het ook verdwyn. Ek se toe vir hom 80

ek sal ʼn dossier open maar hy sê toe vir my dat dit nie nodig is ek moet maar so tussenin die saak ondersoek. Ek besluit toe in die stilligheid om wel ʼn dossier te open en ʼn paar dae later kry ek van ʼn beriggewer inligting van ʼn skaapvel wat langs die Hennopsrivier in riete lê. Die vel was vol maaiers en ek kry toe die polisiefotograaf van die SAKB om ʼn foto van die vel te neem. Ek praat toe met die vroulike huisbediende van die generaal en die sê toe vir my dat die verdagte "Sekukukhuniland" toe is; na sy huis. Die ou Lebowa-tuisland. Ek bel toe vir die generaal en deel hom toe mee dat ek twee speurders met die vrou kan stuur en die man gaan arresteer waarop hy toe se ek moet nie petrol en geld mors nie en wag tot die man eendag terugkom want hy glo hy sal. Ek moet meld gewoonlik het die generaal op ʼn Vrydag gebel. Een Vrydag so net na 17.00 was ek in die kantoor en die telefoon lui en toe ek antwoord is dit generaal Prinsloo. Hy vra my toe hoe vorder die ondersoek en ek sê toe vir hom dat volgens inligting (van sy eie) werker is die man nog steeds in NTVL. Hy vra toe vir my of ek te sleg is om ʼn skaapdief op te spoor en trap my toe uit. Ek kon hoor hy is ʼn bietjie "warm " en vererg my en sê toe vir hom: "Generaal gaan soek jou eie F***** skaap", en sit die telefoon neer. So ʼn ruk later lui die foon weer en is dit Buurman van Zyl. Hy vra my sonder om te groet: "Wat de F***** het jy vir generaal Prinsloo gesê en ek se toe vir hom. Hy sê toe vir my die generaal het hom gebel en gesê ek begin Maandag op Pretoria-Sentraal, KOD, by die diefstaltak. Hy sê toe die generaal het vir hom gesê dat hy wat generaal Prinsloo was self my lêer getrek het en gesê het ek word nooit van Pretoria-sentraal weer verplaas nie en dit in die leer aangeteken. Of dit waar was weet ek tot vandag nie. Die Maandag begin ek toe by Pretoria-Sentraal en daar is my bevelvoerder kapt. Faan van Niekerk en het ek en hy baie lekker saamgewerk tot ek bedrogtak toe is onder kapt. later brig. Louis Sauer met wie ek vandag nog mee bevriend is. Hy woon op Potchefstroom en is al amper 80. Eendag seker na so ‘n jaar gaan ek Wachthuis toe om ‘n kas ammunisie by die sport- klub te kry en toe ek die kas op die 8ste vloer optel en indra in die hysbak en opkyk is generaal Prinsloo en twee onbekende mans in die hysbak. Ek groet toe en die genl. vra my so met ʼn glimlag of ek lekker op Sentraal werk en ek sê toe ja, nie meer die lang ure van die plaas-polisiestasie nie. Hy lag toe en seker so 4 tot 5 maande daarna sê kolonel “Jumbo” van der Wall, speurtakbevelvoerder, vir my dat ek op Pretoria-Wes ʼn speurderskantoor moet gaan oopmaak. Ek vra toe so ewe onskuldig weet genl. Prinsloo want hy het gesê ek mag nie van Pretoria-Sentraal verplaas word. Hy sê toe dat genl. Prinsloo gesê het ek moet soontoe verplaas word. So het ek weer uit Pretoria-Sentraal "ontsnap" hoewel dit ʼn baie lekker kantoor was om te werk. Groete. Barry (Thailand).6 Mei 2017.

DIE STAATSDIENSPENSIOENFONDS: AP STEMMET Pensioentrekkers en ander Plus50gers vra dikwels of die Staatsdienspensioenfonds veilig is. Die antwoord is natuurlik 'n positiewe “JA”. Die fonds is geweldig sterk en daar is ten spyte van baie negatiewe berigte in die media geen rede tot paniek nie. 81

Maar dan moet alle lede van die fonds, dit wil se dienende staatsamptenare asook die van ons wat reeds met pensioen is organiseer en bereid wees om op te staan vir ons regte. Ondervinding het geleer dat mense eers teen ouderdom 50 ernstig begin dink aan pensioen. Daar rus dus,'n groot taak op die skouers van ons plus vyftigers. Hoe kan ons ons pensioenfonds beskerm? Deur die bestuurders en beleggers van die fonds voortdurend onder druk te plaas en te laat besef dat hulle deur die lede van die fonds, wat die enigste eienaars daarvan is, dopgehou word. Die fonds behoort aan ons en aan niemand anders nie. As ons nie na onsself kyk nie, sal niemand anders dit vir ons doen nie. Ek en 'n kollega het 'n vergadering van die portefeuljekomitee oor finansies op 18 Oktober 2016 in die parlement bygewoon toe die geheime beleggings, die Isibaya-beleggings, op aandrang van die parlementĂŞre opposisie openbaar gemaak is. Hoe openbaar, het geblyk toe die GEPF-Moniteringsgroep die besonderhede wat deur die Openbare Beleggingskorporasie verskaf is, ontleed het . Van die 250 beleggings toon 65 geen opbrengs of wissel die opbrengs van minus 55,02%. tot 0%. In 39 gevalle word geen wins of verlies verklaar nie. Hoe openbaar is dit dus gemaak? Ons groep ondersteun opheffingsprojekte en beleggings daarin maar dan moet die belange van die fonds altyd voorkeur geniet en nie politieke belange nie. Kommunikasie tussen die administrateurs van die fonds, die Raad van Trustees, die Openbare Beleggingskorporasie, wat die beleggings namens die fonds doen, aan die een kant en die lede van die fonds aan die anderkant bestaan nie of is pateties ten spyte van verskeie versoeke deur die Moniteringsgroep. Ons groep bly in verbinding met die Raad van Trustees en die Openbare Beleggingskorporasie en voer eersdaags weer samesprekings onder andere om beter kommunikasie te bewerkstellig maar veral om antwoorde op vrae te kry waarvoor ons in sommige gevalle al meer as 'n jaar wag. As dit nie help nie sal ons dalk eersdaags meer moet doen as net praat. Hoe kan lede van die pensioenfonds help om hul fonds te beveilig? Sluit aan by ons by eposadres of skakel met my. A P Stemmet Durbanville 021 9759474 Sel 0823209245

PRESS RELEASE: AP STEMMET STATEMENT The Government Employees Monitor Group is pleased to take note from media reports that the PIC eventually realise that there are problems at State Owned Enterprises (SOE’s) to such an extent that it


intends to seek legal advice. Also, that control over such investments will be tightened up. It is high time. Up to now the PIC, despite our concerns, went ahead to inject money into bottomless pits. However, the Board of Trustees of the pension fund (GEPF) should go even further and drastically tighten up their control and supervision over investments. The Board remains responsible while the PIC is only an agent that does investments on behalf of the GEPF. It seems that a practice has developed where the tail wags the dog with little or no control by the GEPF. It has to change. The trustees represent the pensioners who are the sole owners of the fund and is accountable to them. It was only after much pressure by the Monitoring Group, politicians and particularly individual pensioners and after a lot of denials by the PIC and the Board of Trustees that it acknowledged that there are problems. What is also a hopeful sign is that the PIC and GEPF, also as a result of pressure, improved their communication by informing pensioners and the public by issuing various media statements within days. This transparency is appreciated. We are making progress. The Monitor group does not claim credit but is grateful and ensure its supporters of continuous efforts to protect the pension fund. Pensioners who voiced their concern, played their part to bring about this change in attitude and deserve our thanks. They should continue with their efforts. The media deserve much credit for their continuous support. AP Stemmet. Spokesman GEPF Monitoring Group Durbanville 021-975-9474 082-320-9245

A LEGAL POINT TO PONDER Ismael Mahomed, previous chief justice of SA warned politicians, amongst others in his speech to judges and magistrates at Justice College, Pretoria on 26 June 1998 - as published in The Judicial Officer, Butterworths Vol. 1 No. 2. On page 48 he said: “The ultimate power of the courts must therefore rest on the esteem in which the judiciary is held in the psyche and soul of a nation and in the confidence, it enjoys in the hearts and the minds of potential litigants in search for justice. That esteem and that respect must substantially depend on the independence and integrity of judicial officers. No public figure (politician) anywhere, however otherwise popular, could afford to be seen to defy the order of a court which enjoys, within a nation, a perception of independence and integrity. His or her own future would then be in mortal jeopardy. Magistrates (and Judges) therefore have a very direct and crucial interest in securing and nurturing their reputation for independence and integrity. If it is secured, both they and the civilization they legitimately seek to 83

mediate through the power of the law are protected. If it is not, both are dangerously imperiled - often through an insidiously corrosive process, gradually eating away at the very foundations of the edifice of justice constituted by the magistracy.� Comment The crux of his message was that if public figures (politicians) defy court judgments and orders of uncorrupted and independent judiciary with integrity, then the nation will deal with those politicians – at election polls (however otherwise popular they may be). The ANC which is basically the Government at present appointed most present judges and magistrates. The ANC is fighting with itself and now with the judiciary that rule them out of order. They can at least dissect themselves instead of blaming the judges that they appointed. Fighting in this way with the judiciary is in conflict with Section 41 of the Constitution, Act 108 of 1996.


Program signed by General George Fivaz.


1999:IPA PRESTIGE-AAND Die IPA is ‘n besonderse organisasie. Hier is ‘n uitnodiging deur die IPA om ‘n prestige-aand gedurende 1999 by te woon. Dra van aandpakke en tafeltenue: Toe die SAP “gesterwe” het, het die SAP se offisiersklub wat ook prestige-aande aangebied het saam “gesneuwel”. Dit was inderdaad ‘n voorreg om lid van die Pretoria-polisie-offisiersklub te gewees het. Staatspresidente en ministers het ook luister aan die verrigtinge tydens amptelike gesellighede gegee. Die ontbinde BSAP hou egter steeds formele dinees.


ANGUS BUCHAN “One of the most powerful white men in South Africa is neither a politician nor a businessman. He is an evangelist called Angus Buchan, and at the weekend he proved capable of drawing a crowd of almost a million people to a prayer gathering outside Bloemfontein. Among those who joined Buchan in praying for a “Christian government” were the leaders of the Democratic Alliance and the African Christian Democratic Party. What does Buchan’s popularity tell us about the time we live in?” By REBECCA DAVIS.45



Commandant General


Combat General





Field Cornet


Sub Lieutenant

Warrant Officer Class I

Warrant Officer Class II


Chief Sergeant



Private First Class

*It is understood this arrangement only lasted about two months before it was changed again.




Lieutenant General

Major General

Chief Commandant*








2nd Lieutenant

* Chief Commandant only existed within the Commando Forces.

HELDE WEMEL IN ONS POLISIEMAG Helde wemel in ons polisiemag14 deur Benjamin Bennett - BENJAMIN BENNETT SERSANT JOHN ROCCO NIENABER TOE ons Staatspresident nou die dag die blou-en-goudkleurige lint van die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisiekruis vir Dapperheid — die hoogste ordeteken van die S.A.P.— om die elfjarige Eleanora Myrtle Nienaber se nek hang, was dit om nog eens 'n besonder dapper selfopofferende daad te prys en 'n held te eer. Sersant John Rocco Nienaber het die lewe ingeskiet toe hy laas jaar by Kenton-on-Sea 'n drenkeling uit die kokende branders wou probeer red. Die kruis is vir ,,buitengewone helde-moed" toegeken wat homself en die Polisiemag tot eer strek. Maar as die geleentheid eike Suid-Afrikaner se hart en verbeelding moes aangryp, was dit geensins 'n uitsonderlike voorval in die geskiedenis van ons Polisie nie, wat stories van heldemoed bo en behalwe die strenge vereistes van hul plig al byna as iets alledaags beskou. Polisiemanne lê moed aan die dag, nie net onder 'n koeëlreën uit die wapens van rowers of wanneer hulle ontsnapte gevangenes en ander kwaaddoeners gaan haal nie. Hulle red ook mans, vroue en kinders uit die water, klim duiselingwekkende mure om voornemende selfmoordenaars van die dood


Huisgenoot 1965-12-24 89

te weerhou, waag lyf en lewe om diere uit die nood te help, en trek selfs in die stikdonkerte die berge in om verdwaalde klimmers na veiligheid terug te bring.

KONSTABEL EVERT PHILIP SERFONTEIN HOOG op hierdie erelys van helde staan die naam van Evert Philip Serfontein, die ,,Wolraad Woltemade" van die Natalse kus. Hy het hom onderskei toe die Umzimkulurivier verskeie jare gelede in 'n borrelende see verander het wat bome, puin en dooie diere in 'n onkeerbare vloedgolf voortsleur om meer as 750 huise plat te vee en 600 mense, meestal Bantoe- en Kleurling-gesinne, dakloos te laat. Die destyds nege-en-twintigjarige konstabel Serfontein het die brug oor die rivier na 'n dag van swaar stortreëns gaan ondersoek, en opgemerk dat die waterpeil tot by die 26 voet-merk gestyg het. Hy het na die polisiekantoor op hoer liggende terrein teruggekeer om hulle daar te waarsku en ook die hotelbaas van die dreigende gevaar te se. Drie kwartier later baan hy vir hom deur die borshoë, onstuimige water 'n pad terug na die brug, en vind dat die nou drie voet diep onder water staan en dat sewe paniekbevange nie-blankes—onder wie 'n paar kinders —in die vinnig stygende vloed vasgekeer geraak het. Een het selfs wanhopig aan 'n stopstraatteken gehang. Serfontein hys sonder nog na te dink 'n bejaarde vrou op sy rug en begin duim vir duim na veiligheid terugsukkel met die klompie wat vreesagtig aanmekaar vasklou. Toe een uitsak en nie verder kan nie, land die moedige konstabel die ekstra vrag ook op, terwyl die ander hom in hul paniek byna onder die water in sleep. Pas het die geselskap droë grond bereik, of hy hoor weer 'n noodkreet —en waag dit weer in die rivier, wat teen hierdie tyd so sterk loop dat dit die man 150 tree verder teen 'n draad slinger. Maar hy bereik eindelik 'n bejaarde Bantoe, laai hom op sy rug, en worstel met sy las deur wal toe. DIE konstabel was met 'n heining langs op pad terug na die polisiestasie toe hy 'n flou liggie in die kantoor sien flikker. Ek laat die tolk verder vertel: ,,0ns was met kinders en al sewe stuks in die kantoortjie. Ons het ingebreek toe die water ons vaskeer, op stoele geklim, en later op die tafels wat begin rondwieg het soos die water al hoer styg ... ,,0ns het aanhoudend so hard ons kon geskreeu, maar wie sou ons ooit deur die gedreun van die water gehoor het? Toe sien ek die lig van 'n flits, trek ons laaste vuurhoutjies, en bid dat die persoon met die flits dit tog moet sien . . . want die water het al tot aan my bors gereik. ,,Gelukkig het die lig al nader gekom. Dit was konstabel Serfontein. Hy was sterk soos 'n leeu en het ons almal na veiligheid gedra." Min het die tolk geweet dat daardie Serfontein met die leeuekrag toe al omtrent gedaan gespook was en byna sy lewe in die poging gelaat het! Eenmaal moes hy na 'n oorhangende tak gryp om nie stroom af weggevoer te word nie; sy lot het 'n paar oomblikke in die weegskaal gehang. Net 'n uiterste 90

wilsinspanning het hom staande gehou, en die wete dat dit lewens gaan kos as hy die stryd gewonne sou gee. Drie foltertogte van kantoor na oewer was nodig om almal veilig aan wal te bring, 'n reddingsdaad wat Serfontein se telling na sestien opgestoot het. Toe eers kon die ,,leeu" van skone uitputting ineenstort. 'n Paar maande later moes die beskeie held (,,Waaroor maak julle so 'n lawaai?") onder luide toejuiging van publiek en kollegas op aandag staan terwyl minister Erasmus die Koningin se Diensmedalje, die voorloper van ons Polisiekruis, aan sy bors spelde.

SERSANT C. J. S. DIPPENAAR EN KONSTABEL J. A. COETZEE van 'n ander aard is teen 'n ander agtergrond duisend myl van die piek onderneem, REDDINGSWERK in die warm bakoond van 'n dorre Namibwoestyn, bestrooi met die beendere van avontuursoekers en andere wat daar van dors en ontbering omgekom het. Twee Ovambo-arbeiders het in Januarie 1963 van hul werk weggeloop en deur die verlate woesteny na Luderitz koers gekry. 'n Soekgeselskap van die polisiepos Maltahöhe het hul spoor sowat dertig myl die woestyn in gevolg totdat dit skielik doodgeloop het—'n versengende wind het dit uitgewis. Die patrollie moes na sy basis terugkeer. Miskien het die onverskillige Ovambo's hierdie lot verdien ... Of was die twee dit werd dat ander lewens gewaag word om hulle of hul geraamtes op te spoor? Die antwoord, in naam van die menslikheid, was ja. Sersant C. J. S. Dippenaar en konstabel J. A. Coetzee het na die plek uitgetrek waar die eerste geselskap die soektog moes laat vaar, en die onmeetlike uitgestrektheid van sand en duine binnegedring. Ure lank het hulle na 'n leidraad gesoek in die rigting wat die Ovambo's ingeslaan het. En die polisiemanne het geweet dat as hulle faal, die twee sou sterf. Om drie-uur die volgende namiddag merk hulle 'n dowwe spoor wat hulle vyftien myl ver volg totdat ook dit vervaag. Meer deur instink en volharding as logika gelei, sit Dippenaar en Coetzee die soektog voort totdat hulle vyf myl verder een van die Ovambo's half bewusteloos vind lê. Hy word gelawe en na sy maat uitgevra, wat glo die vorige dag al opsoek na water sy eie rigting ingeslaan en vermoedelik verdwaal het. Dog die polisiemanne sukkel nog dertig myl aan, om ook die tweede Ovambo in 'n heeltemal uitgeputte toestand aan te tref! Nog 'n taak was afgehandel, en hulle is terug na hul klein kantoortjie om die daaglikse roetine te hervat en later ewe terloops te verneem dat die Polisiekommissaris hul pligsbesef geprys het. " DIT is 'n beginsel van die polisie om nooit tussen mense wat hulp nodig het, te onderskei nie, wat ook al hul kleur, geloof of stand, en al het sulkes deur hul eie toedoen in die moeilikheid beland. Die polisie tree eers op en stel dan die vrae.


KONSTABEL H. W. LAMBERT 'n Voorbeeld hiervan was die ondervinding van twee Bantoes wat in hul vlug vir die gereg op die plaas Harmonie in die Oranje-Vrystaat in 'n myndam gespring het: 'n dam tot 'n diepte van nege voet vol sianiedwater. Konstabel H. W. Lambert van Welkom het self voorheen in die myn gewerk en maar te goed die gevaar besef, maar sender te aarsel ingespring toe die voortvlugtendes begin spartel asof hulle verdrink. Hy het een na 'n woeste worsteling uitgesleep, en later weer sy lewe gewaag om die ander se liggaam uit te haal. DIT gebeur van tyd tot tyd dat nie net seuns nie, maar mans van skone nuuskierige onnutsigheid en dwase avontuurlus in putte of verlate mynskagte afklim. Sulkes raak soms vasgekeer, en dan is dit soos altyd die polisie wat maar weer moet byspring om te help. SERSANT W. J. S. VAN DER WESTHUIZEN So is sersant W. J. S. van der Westhuizen van Sydenham, Durban-Wes, op 'n dag na 'n 143 voet diep put ontbied wat oor die dertig voet water bevat. Sowat vyftig toeskouers het reeds om die gat saamgedrom, maar elkeen wou dit liewer aan sy buurman oorlaat om 'n man uit die kake van die dood te red en daarmee helderoem te verwerf! Toe Van der Westhuizen daar aankom, het niemand nog 'n vinger verroer nie. Hy kon 'n floue hulpgeroep uit die diepte hoor en in die lig van sy flits die omtrekke van 'n mensefiguur in die donker sien hang. 'n Lang tou word dus van 'n naburige klipgroef gehaal en om sy middel gebind, en hy laat hom met behulp van twee kollegas en 'n paar toeskouers — wat nou al te gretig was om 'n veilige, ondergeskikte rol te speel—in die diepte afsak. Naby die bodem het 'n Indiër aan 'n ysterstaaf vasgeklou. Hy kon dit beswaarlik nog reg kry om sy kop bo die ysige water te hou, was reeds so swak en uitgeput van ontbering dat hy eike oomblik onder die water kon verdwyn. Van der Westhuizen knoop die tou los, maak dit om die Indiër se lyf vas, en skreeu vir sy helpers om die man op te trek terwyl hy self aan die ysterstaaf bly hang totdat hulle die tou weer laat sak. ,,Dat daardie Indiër aan die dood ontkom het," moes die Polisiekommissaris later opmerk, ,,is grootliks aan sersant Van der Westhuizen se moedige, flinke optrede te danke."15 ADJUDANT-OFFISIER T. PIENAAR

Ek was gedurende 1965 van Wentworth na King’s Rest verplaas. Ek het baie saam met sersant “Wessie” te King’s Rest gewerk. Hy het baie van Sydenham gepraat maar nooit ‘n word gerep oor sy heldedaad nie. In daardie dae het ons konstabels nie toegang tot magsorders en ander amptelike publikasies gehad nie. Ons het net die “Informasie Boek” en maandelikse lesings gehad. So eers na jare het ek uitgevind dat ‘sant Wessie ‘n held was! Sy magsnommer onthou ek is 30320P. 15


By 'n ander geleentheid het 'n kind aan die Rand in die skag van 'n verlate steenkoolmyn geval en is adjudant-offisier T. Pienaar as stasiebevelvoerder van Brakpan ontbied. Hy was hom tereg daarvan bewus dat sulke skagte dikwels dodelike gasse bevat en dat hy geen masker byderhand het nie, ook nie die tyd het om een te laat soek nie. As daardie kind gered gaan word, moes hy dadelik probeer. Hy het homself toe onmiddellik in die 160 voet diep skag laat afsak, en het reeds na genoeg aan die kind gekom om te kan sien dat di6 nie beseer is nie toe die gifgasse hom so aantas dat hy half bewusteloos na die buitelug opgetrek moet word. Gelukkig kon behoorlik toegeruste brandweermanne afklim en die slagoffer net betyds na die oppervlakte bring. BESONDERHEDE van sulke heldedade word gewoonlik aan die Polisiehoofkwartier verstrek, maar soms s6 die betrokkene niemand van 'n voorval nie omdat hy dit as deel van sy dag- of nagtaak beskou.

KONSTABEL DIRK JOHANNES BESTER Konstabel Dirk Johannes Bester was so een. 'n Paar weke nadat hy die Polisiekollege verlaat het, was hy met 'n patrolliewa naby die Muizenbergse stasie aan diens toe iemand hom vertel dat 'n beskonke Kleurling daar allerhande dolle streke uithaal. Toe hy die man op die rand van die perron sien slinger, lui die waarskuwingsklok ook reeds en kom 'n trein blitsvinnig om die draai geskiet. En juis op daardie oomblik verloor die dronke sy ewewig en val op die spoor. Bester was nog sowat sewentig voet van hom, maar hy het nader gehardloop, afgespring, die Kleurling met 'n ontsettende beurslag tot op die perron gelig, en agterna gespring . . . skaars 'n sekonde voordat die trein ratelend oor die spoor skuif. Daarna het Bester sy patrolliewerk doodgewoon hervat sonder in die minste soos 'n held te voel; hy het wel 'n paar bitsige woorde vir die swaap gehad wat so na aan sy eie dood gekom en hom as konstabel sulke ongemaklike oomblikke besorg het. Geruime tyd later verneem 'n lid van die publiek uiteindelik in die koerante of daar toe ooit ,,iets vir die dapper jong konstabel gedoen is wat 'n dronk man van 'n trein gered het?" Toe eers kon ondersoek ingestel en die beskeie Bester na behore lof toegeswaai word. MAAR die polisie se heldedade is geensins tot werkure beperk nie. Mense kry hul hulp te alle tye van die dag en nag nodig; want die vreemde dinge waarmee 'n polisieman hom bemoei, gebeur op vreemde tye en in vreemde omstandighede. Van die konstabel word verwag dat hy ook van diens die motorbestuurder-onder-die-invloed moet arresteer, 'n tasdief agterna sit, 'n argument by 16 wat op vuishoue kan uitloop, of 'n verdag voorkomende persoon ondervra wat laat in die nag met 'n oorvol tas rondsluip. KONSTABEL J. P. N. BOTHA 93

Min het konstabel J. P. N. Botha van Caledonplein, Kaapstad, kon droom wat daardie nag op horn wag toe hy met Glyndalestraat langs gaan wandel het. Hy was in burgerklere, sy ampspligte vir die dag afgehandel. . . totdat hy skielik reg voor hom 'n om-geslane motor in vlamme sien 16. Deurdringende pynkrete het verraai dat die bestuurder binne-in vasgevang is, en die mense op die toneel saamgedrom was skynbaar magteloos om meer te doen dan die wrak vol afgryse aan te gaap. Dit was toe dat Botha byspring, verby hande beur wat hom probeer terughou, aan die rooiwarm deurtjie pluk, en met byna bomenslike kragsin-spanning daarin slaag om dit oop te dwing. Terwyl die vlamme wreed om hom lek en dit lyk asof die motor eike oomblik in 'n massa' gesmelte metaal en siedende vuurtonge kan ontplof, het hy sy hand ingesteek, die erg verbrande bestuurder los gemaak, en hom uitgesleep. Botha se moed hy hierdie geleentheid sou hom die Polisie-medalje vir Voortreflike Diens besorg. Toe die publiek se belangstelling ‘n geruime tyd gelede op die oortredings van verskeie lede van die Polisiemag gevestig was, het een vrou aan 'n koerant geskryf: ,,Laat die kritici sê wat hulle wil. Maar laat hulle ook, wanneer hulle snags lekker warm in die bed lê, onthou dat hierdie manne — sommige nog blote seuns — hul eie lewens waag om lede van die publiek (soos die kritici) te beskerm. ,.Laat hulle ook aan die vroue, moeders en kinders dink wat in slaaplose nagte vir hul mans, seuns en vaders se veiligheid bid en angstig op hul terugkeer wag" Miskien sal die regverdiges wat tog so verontwaardig oor hierdie of daardie se sondes en afvalligheid kan raak, in die toekoms ook aan die polisiemanne dink wat hul eie lewens veil het om andere te red ... en aan die vroue en kinders wat tuis wag en bid? Wat het van hierdie helde geword? Het iemand foto’s van die helde?

AFBREKER: BERNARD FIELIES Afbreker, jy bokspring en huppel soos 'n held, maar stadig verdrink jy in jou eie geweld... Jy gaan tekere met knopkierie, knuppel en klip en laat die land se trane aanhoudend drup... Jy maak dit duidelik, "Hierdie is mý land!", maar breek dit dan af en steek dit aan die brand! Tussen al die vlamme en borrellende rook, word jou toekoms gesluit...met betogings bestook... Jy toyi-toyi en baklei met bitter en bloed; jou geplunder maak die paradys kapoet... In 'n bloeiende land is jou dade barbaars en 'n gesonde verstand is by jou skaars... Jy verdruk ons vryheid; wil net hiet en gebied, soos 'n parasiet soek jy alles verniet! Met jou selfsugtigheid word ons son gestroop en hyg ons in die duisternis sonder hoop... Die gekneusde land se veld lyk leeg en dor; uiter in dorsheid swaarkry en seer skor... Die lug is so grys en groenigheid verkleur en die mooi in more gewaar ons nie meer... Afbreker, kermkous...niks sal jou bevry, want met jou boosheid sal jy in boeie bly... 94

Verwoesting saai jy en jou skrillende koor en op die einde bly daar tog niks meer oor...

FROM THE MEDIA / VAN DIE PERS Policing is a 24 x 7 x 365 job. Policing is a world-wide occupation: The police are thin “blue-line” between law and order on the one side and anarchy and terror on the other side. Our job is “keeping the peace”. Naturally, ordinary crime does at this juncture get the attention it deserves. It would appear if the days of the ordinary unarmed Bobby on the beat, especially in London, is numbered. London appears to be a hotbed of terror. We have a look at a few news reports that might be of interest to our readers; we also look at spying, new police armoured vehicles and methods to combat terror. One is thing is clear: The public determine what sort of police will do the policing. Look at the difference of the police vehicles in London and those in Dubai in oil rich Middle East. We also look at the history of the Mau Mau. (History is so full of irony.)

WE HAVE NO RIGHT TO PULL THE COUNTRY BACKWARDS - ZUMA 2017-03-21 11:41 Thulani Gqirana, News24 “... Political parties and government are remembering the victims of the 1960 Sharpeville massacre, where police shot dead 69 people during a protest against the country’s pass laws, which were used to control the movement of blacks, coloureds, and Indians. ....”


Security has been stepped up in the capital and around the UK after 50 were injured and four killed this week Scotland Yard rolls out some of its armoured car fleet, which are designed to withstand bomb blasts The Metropolitan Police says it is doubling the number of armed officers on patrol in the coming days The death of an unarmed officer in the attack has raised concerns over security at UK landmarks

By Richard Spillett, Crime Correspondent For MailonLine Published: 12:46 GMT, 24 March 2017 | Updated: 16:14 GMT, 24 March 2017 Heavy-duty armoured cars which can withstand bomb blasts and machine gun fire have been deployed on the streets of London in the wake of the Westminster terror attack. Two of Scotland Yard's fleet of Jankel 'Guardian' vans were parked off Parliament Square today as the force announced a surge in number of armed officers. The seven-tonne vehicles, which can cost more than £100,000, can carry eight offices and have bulletproof tyres, a blast-resistant floor and can withstand bullets from AK47s, grenades and bombs. 95

Police vans in Whitehall today as Scotland Yard ordered a surge in the number of armed officers on the streets of London

Armoured vehicles guarded roads around More than double the number of armed officers will Parliament Square in a show of force in the wake patrol the streets of the capital from today to of Wednesday's terror attack. increase security


It came as hundreds of extra firearms personnel were put on patrol around the country as forces mount a large-scale security operation following the outrage. Scotland Yard head of counter-terrorism Mark Rowley said the service will sustain an 'enhanced' armed and unarmed presence over the next few days. In London the number of armed officers remains at near double strength, while there are up to a third more on duty in other parts of the UK. Forces outside London have stepped up their firearms responses in light of the atrocity in the capital. Essex Police has implemented additional armed patrols across the county, while West Yorkshire has implemented an 'uplift' in the capability of armed response vehicles. Last year Scotland Yard announced plans to increase the number of firearms officers on hand to protect the capital by 600 in the wake of the Paris terrorist attacks in November 2015

The gates through which terrorist Khalid Masood The Carriage Gates, branded a 'weak link' in ran through after driving into pedestrians on security, were shut with armed police officers Westminster Bridge guarding Parliament


Armed officers patrol outside New Scotland Yard. The Met's Mark Rowley said there would be an 'enhanced armed presence' Met anti-terror head Mr Rowley said today: 'The police service will sustain an enhanced armed and unarmed presence over the next few days. 'London, and the UK, are open for business, and we are out there in greater numbers to make sure that the public see a highly visible presence to help reassure them as they go about their daily lives. Met's 'Guardian' vans The Jankel Guardian is based on a 4x4 Ford F-450 Super Duty truck. It is equipped with a 6.0-litre V8 turbodiesel 129bhp 4,164cc diesel engine. Bars on the front to punch through barricades. It weighs 6,804kg. 7.62 calibre bullet protection. Armour protection. Bullet-proof glass and tyres. Blast-resistant floor. 'In London, the number of armed officers remains at near double strength, while in other parts of the UK there are up to a third more armed officers on duty. Nationally the armed policing strength is being boosted by 1,500 personnel. The most recent figures available showed there were 5,639 authorised firearms officers in forces across England and Wales as of the end of March last year. This was a slight fall on the previous year and meant the number had dwindled by more than 1,000 in five years, but the figures did not include the major drive to boost the armed capacity.


Most police personnel in the UK are unarmed, setting the country apart from many other nations around the world. But the question of whether officers should carry guns as a matter of course has been debated for decades, and the issue has come under scrutiny again after recent attacks in Europe. Research has suggested the majority of police are opposed to any change in approach, but surveys of members of the public have proved less conclusive.

An armed officer alongside a soldier outside Buckingham Palace in the wake of the attacks on Wednesday

An armoured police vehicle with armed officers inside has been parked on Manchester's St Peter's Square Share or comment on this article (24 March 2017.) 99


The United Arab Emirates officers have added the German vehicle to their group of 14 supercars The second fastest police car is the Lamborghini Gallardo LP560-4, which is owned by the Italian force As well as collecting a range of superfast vehicles, Dubai police want to have a fleet of electric or hybrid cars

By fionn Hargreaves for MailonLine Published: 20:14 GMT, 24 March 2017 | Updated: 22:14 GMT, 24 March 2017 If you were to see a sleek Bugatti Veyron speed through the streets of Dubai, you might not expect the driver to be the one doing the chasing. But the vehicle is the latest addition to the force's line of supercars and has been declared the fastest police car in the world, reaching speeds of 253mph. Dubai police own 14 superfast cars, including a limited edition Aston Martin One-77, a Lamborghini Aventador and Ferrari FF. The line of cars was launched in 2013 to help improve the public image of the police force, according to CNN. The vehicles are mainly used to drive around tourist areas as a marketing tool. But officers now want to cement their eco-friendly credentials and plan to have electric and hybrid cars make up a quarter of the government fleet by 2030. The second fastest police car is the Lamborghini Gallardo LP560-4, which is owned by the Italian force.

Dubai police have added a Bugatti Veyron (pictured) to their collection of supercars. It has been declared the fastest police car as it can reach speeds of 253mph and can go from 0 to 60mp in just two-and-a-half seconds


The force also own a limited edition Aston Martin One-77, a Lamborghini Aventador (left) and Ferrari FF (right). The fleet of cars was launched in 2013 in a bid to improve the public image of Dubai police. They are now looking into increasing the number of electric and hybrid cars

Pictured, a female police officer poses beside an official police Ferrari. The second fastest police car is the Lamborghini Gallardo LP560-4, which is owned by the Italian force. The cars are mainly used by the force as good advertising


Tourists often ask police if they can pretend to get arrested just so they can have their photo taken in the sleek cars, according to CNN. Pictured, another female police officer poses beside the Ferrari

The supercars are decorated in the green and white of Dubai's police force. Other forces who have their own supercars include the Metropolitan Police, South Carolina and Australian police

Most of the drivers of the flashy cars are women The supercars were put on display at the Dubai (pictured). British police own a Caparo T1 and Airshow in 2013. In 2016, Top Gear called Dubai a Ford Mustang V8. The Bugatti Veyron, the Police the 'coolest police fleet in the world' newest addition to the police fleet, was discontinued in late 2014

Share or comment on this article (25 March 2017).



Jack Barsky, 67, arrived in the US in 1978 to work as a KGB agent during Cold War He was formerly Albrecht Dittrich and was born in East Germany in 1949 Barsky worked his way from bike messenger to IT specialist at MetLife in NYC He fell in love with a woman named Penelope and married her in the US - but had a wife and son back in Germany His cover was compromised in 1988 and the Soviets wanted him to return home He said he had AIDS and remained in the US. After USSR's fall, FBI found him He cooperated with authorities and was not charged for his espionage Has written a book about his experiences. Barsky now lives in Georgia

By forrest Hanson for Dailymail.Com Published: 05:01 BST, 26 March 2017 | Updated: 05:28 BST, 26 March 2017

A former KGB officer who worked as a spy in America convinced the Russians that he had AIDS so he wouldn't have to return home after he fell in love with the United States. Jack Barsky, born Albrecht Dittrich in 1949, has written a book about his experience as a Russian spy, 'Deep Under Cover: My Secret Life and Tangled Allegiances as a KGB Spy in America.' Barsky, 67, details how he arrived in the US in 1978 after growing up in communist East Germany.


Jack Barsky has written a book, 'Deep Under Dover: My Secret Life and Tangled Allegiances as a KGB Spy in America,' about his life

Barsky, who was born Albrecht Dittrich in East Germany, came to the US as a KGB agent in 1978. He worked his way from bike messenger to information technology worker for Metropolitan Life Insurance Company Dittrich was recruited from his college dorm room in 1970, the New York Post reported. He wrote: 'I had no problem working for the Russians, because they were our big brother and they were leading [East Germany] to the promised land.' Barsky, who also described his experience in a 2015 interview with 60 Minutes, arrived in New York with a perfect American accent and a stolen identity that he has since claimed as his own. The spy worked his way from bike messenger to valedictorian at Baruch College, where he studied computer systems. In his native Germany, then-Dittrich had studied advanced chemistry and even taught university courses. Barsky was hired as an information technology worker for Metropolitan Life Insurance Company, which pleased his Russian bosses. He wrote: 'Insurance companies were always near the top of the list of capitalist villains in Communist propaganda.'


Barsky said that his job at an insurance company Barsky, pictured second from right with 'The pleased his Russian bosses. He wrote in his Americans' star Matthew Rhys, fell in love with the book: 'Insurance companies were always near the US while he was meant to collect intelligence on it top of the list of capitalist villains in Communist propaganda'

While he gave MetLife software over to the KGB at the time, Barsky also began to appreciate his adopted home and fell in love with an illegal immigrant from Guyana named Penelope. The couple married - Barsky's false driver's license and birth certificate were enough - and had a daughter. At the same time, he would return every couple years to Germany - where he had a wife, Gerlinde, and a son, Matthias. Both thought he was in Kazakhstan, according to the BBC. But in 1988, his ideal was threatened when his cover was blown and he was urgently recalled to Russia. He ignored signs the Russians sent him - including a death threat - and finally told them he had AIDS so as to fake his death. At the time, the disease almost always signaled death.

Barsky fell in love with a woman named Penelope When his cover was compromised in 1988 and he and they married in the US and had a daughter. was to be recalled to Russia, Barsky told his handlers he had AIDS so as to stay in the US. 105

He had a wife back in Germany, Gerlinde, and a Pictured: Barsky with 'The Americans' creator Joe son, Matthias Weisberg at left and executive producer Joel Fields at right

His American family - which shortly added a son - moved to rural Pennsylvania. After the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, documents showing his identity made their way to the FBI. His house was bugged and during a fight with his wife, he told her his dirty secret of formerly working for the KGB, which also blew his cover to American authorities. The FBI eventually took Barksy in to interrogate him about his former life and decided, upon seeing his love for America, not to charge him. He even became golf buddies with the FBI agent who originally booked him. Barsky now lives in Georgia with a third wife and their young daughter, and has re-established contact with his German family. He said the US 'is still the greatest country in the world.' March 2017).


THE IRISH MANDELA? YOU MUST BE MAD! THE DAY HIS MASK SLIPPED AND I SAW MCGUINNESS THE MONSTER, WRITES KEVIN TOOLIS By Kevin Toolis for The Mail On Sunday Published: 00:36 BST, 26 March 2017 | updated: 00:40 BST, 26 March 2017 Martin McGuinness had his eye up against the peephole of the door of Sinn Fein’s shabby office in Derry’s Bogside. Standing in the narrow hallway, McGuinness was staring out at a squad of British Army soldiers milling in the street outside. ‘F*****s. B******s,’ he snarled. I was standing just behind the then leader of the Provisional IRA, wondering if the flimsy wooden door was about to come crashing in on us under the weight of a burly squaddies’ shoulder-charge. The year was 1991 and the IRA’s war was still raging. Back then no other living person was a greater danger to the British state than Martin McGuinness. In February, the IRA had mortar-bombed Downing Street, coming within feet of killing the entire Cabinet. Seven years earlier the IRA’s secretive Army Council, on which McGuinness was a perpetual force, had sanctioned the Brighton bomb that nearly killed Margaret Thatcher.


In 1991 no other living person was a greater danger to the British state than McGuinness Hundreds of people would die before Ireland’s Troubles ceased. I was in Derry investigating rumours of secret peace talks between the IRA and the British Government. But just after I finished interviewing McGuinness at the Sinn Fein office, we ran into a British Army patrol cruising the streets of the IRA’s stronghold. At the sight of McGuinness, the soldiers jumped out of their armoured Land Rovers and ordered him to open the boot of his car. The patrol’s intelligence officer, at last rubbing shoulders with the enemy’s chief general, struck up a false bonhomie. ‘How’s it going, Martin? Open the boot of the car, Martin… Nice day, Martin, eh?’ McGuinness turned away defiantly. ‘Open it your f****** self,’ he said as he walked back to the Sinn Fein office. I jumped in behind him. McGuinness’s simple but absolute denial of British Crown authority shocked me. Heavily armed soldiers are not the type of people you tell to ‘f*** off’. McGuinness had been irritated but not, I felt, frightened or intimidated by the presence of these enemies. But I was also struck by the crudity of McGuinness’s response; this street fighter turned guerrilla statesman had not moved far from his roots. His disdain for the Crown was still couched in the language of the rioter.


This street fighter turned guerrilla statesman never For decades Martin McGuinness led one of the moved far from his rioting roots. most ferocious terrorist movements in the Western world.

It was a stunning insight into the mind of the man who led the most ferocious terrorist movement in the Western world. Despite all the claims of warm family chats from politicians such as Tony Blair, McGuinness remained an enigma until the end of his life. A dangerous cold fish who had for decades no compunction about killing other men. The real McGuinness was a closed book who only revealed what he wished others to see. All the subtle everyday expressive nuances that guide us to the mental state of our fellow humans, the arch of an eye to express puzzlement, were absent in McGuinness. He was a stone-cold poker player who outmatched his adversaries, Unionist or British, in the tortuous rounds of peace talks that led to the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. Back in Derry I had by chance caught the future ‘statesman of peace’ in character. It was a momentary slip of the mask for which McGuinness would never forgive me. When I quoted his swearing in a book I later wrote about the IRA, McGuinness phoned me at home, incensed that I had punctured his crafted image of a church-going, genial, family man. He vowed never speak to me again. At his funeral, McGuinness was hailed as an Irish Nelson Mandela. Prime ministers and presidents came, flags flew at half mast on government buildings, and thousands lined the streets of Derry. In his eulogy, former US President Bill Clinton said the congregation had to ‘finish the work that is to be done’. But such glib panegyrics are an outright denial of history and the very personal responsibility for the Troubles that lies on McGuinness’s shoulders. In the very same city, the Derry Brigade he masterminded ordered its followers to bomb the town flat, shoot policemen in the head, murder suspected informers, and tar and feather young women for the ‘crime’ of dating British soldiers. Ironically, McGuinness the heroic peacemaker will now share the same earth of Derry City Cemetery with scores of those IRA victims, many of whose killings he personally sanctioned. The real question, the real judgment, on McGuinness remains unasked and unanswered: was all the damage, all the bloodshed, he wrought as a Provisional IRA commander anything other than purposeless 108

killing? The fawning funereal coverage also masks the far more dangerous present threat Sinn Fein poses to the stability of both Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic.

Along with the Machiavellian Sinn Fein leader It was in Derry that McGuinness made the fateful Gerry Adams (pictured left), McGuinness was a choice to take up the gun and join in a devil's stone-cold poker player in the torturous rounds of bargain with the hateful fanatics of the IRA. peace talks with the British. McGuinness’s last political act was to plunge the peace process again into crisis by bringing down the Stormont Assembly in a manufactured row against his Democratic Unionist Party opponents. Even as Deputy First Minister, McGuinness was never there to help run a better British-ruled Northern Ireland. His unswerving aim – handshakes with the Queen aside – was to destroy her rule and bring a United Ireland into being. His loyalty was always to Óglaigh na hÉireann, the Gaelic name for the IRA, whatever the cost in blood and lives. Even now Sinn Fein is no more than a pretend democratic party clandestinely commanded by the remnants of McGuinness’s old IRA Army Council and their Machiavellian leader Gerry Adams. Parts of Belfast’s Catholic communities are ruled in terror by British-taxpayer funded ‘republican community’ workers. And at the next Irish general election, Sinn Fein could easily force its way into power in a coalition government in Dublin. The long war that McGuinness fought so violently for most of his life is far from over. To understand McGuinness we have to return to the sectarian world of Derry in the 1970s when a corrupt Protestant police force batoned peaceful Catholic demonstrators off the streets for protesting about discrimination in housing and employment. The protests soon descended into riots and McGuinness, unlike the vast majority of his fellow citizens, made his fateful choice to take up the gun and join in a devil’s bargain with the hateful fanatics of the old IRA. McGuinness swiftly became the protege of the old southern IRA leaders eager to supply guns and bombs in return for the futile ‘glory’ of once again killing British soldiers on Irish soil. McGuinness, barely 19, was their boy general, a good Catholic who loved his wife, went to Mass on Sunday, and took to the roofs at night to snipe at British Army posts. As Northern Ireland descended into near civil war, Derry was soon a cauldron of killing and mayhem. Other Derry politicians, such as the Social Democrat John Hume, fought for peace but McGuinness committed himself to war, wrecking every attempt at peace talks for the next 20 years. 109

There is no moral equivalence between the wrongs of anti-Catholic discrimination and the wrongs of blowing up pubs full of innocent civilians. But when asked, McGuinness would always justify the IRA’s murders as a war ‘against British occupation.’ In 1998, when the Ulster peace deal was struck, the constitutional position of Northern Ireland remained unchanged. The same power-sharing deal that had once been offered decades before by previous British Governments and decried by McGuinness as treachery was repackaged and served up to his own followers as an overwhelming victory. None of the IRA’s killing, the bombed cities, had brought a United Ireland one inch closer. His own life as an IRA gunman achieved nothing. Now, if only the dead could still speak, even as they lie alongside McGuinness beneath the earth of Derry City Cemetery, surely they would finally shame an answer from him: what, Martin, was all the killing for? Share or comment on this article (26 Maart 2017)


18-tonne riot vehicle is made in Slovakia and designed to deal with hooligans Can protect up to 38 riot officers behind its bullet and fire-proof shield Armed with water cannon, gas canisters and ports that guns can be fired from Vehicle is remote controlled and can drive sideways to fit through small gaps

By Chris Pleasance for Mailonline Published: 10:02 BST, 27 March 2017 | Updated: 11:18 BST, 27 March 2017 Meet the terrifying new anti-riot vehicle that weighs 18 tonnes, is equipped with water cannon and gas canisters, and is designed to stop rioters in their tracks. The Bozena Riot, which is made in Slovakia, is engineered to protect police from football hooligans, violent mobs, and aggressive political protesters. It can shelter up to 38 riot officers behind its 24ft main shield, which is bullet and fire-proof, and can be expanded or retracted to fit down different sized streets. This is the terrifying Bozena Riot, an 18-tonne vehicle made in Slovakia that is designed to deal with football hooligans, rioters and violent political activists


It can protect up to 38 officers behind its three tonne riot shield which is flame and bullet proof and can be expanded to 24ft wide

The barrier can also be raised up to 10ft in the air to allow officers to move out from underneath, or allow those needing protection inside The shield also has weapon ports which allow officer to fire rubber bullets, smoke or gas grenades, or guns at their assailants.


The three-tonne barrier is capable of withstanding the pressure of 100 rioters rushing against it, but can also be lifted to allow officers out or those needing protection inside. The top of the barrier is decked out with high-powered lights, police flashing lights, an array of cameras and recording equipment, and a loudspeaker to allow officers to coordinate themselves or speak to protesters. One officer can control the vehicle remotely using cameras for guidance, or drive it from inside a cab protected by bullet-proof armour plating and glass.

The beast is designed to control riots in streets and urbanised areas and to protect the law-enforcement units in action


+The vehicle consists of of three main parts: central base part; side extendable wings and a protected lifting platform

The Bozena system is intended predominantly for the special military and police units responsible for crowd control


A Slovakian company developed the 'Bozena Riot' light armored vehicle operated remotely with a massive protection shield

The shield is fitted with bright lights, police sirens, a loudspeaker, ladders, a camera array and bullet proof glass windows to allow officers to see out 114

Police can also make use of a raised platform which is equipped with two spotlights, a water cannon and gas canister launchers with a range of 30ft. The shield is also fitted with weapon ports which allow officer to fire rubber bullets or other crowd control devices at attackers

The whole vehicle can be controlled remotely using cameras for guidance, or by a driver inside a flame and bullet proof cabin A raised platform can also be mounted with a water cannon controlled by officers from behind another shield, and gas canister launchers that can quickly cover a 10m area in front of the vehicle with gas.Two spotlights can also be fitted to the platform, allowing police to pinpoint trouble-makers in a crowd. Meanwhile an optional water trailer can be fitted with a second water cannon facing backwards, allowing officers to fend off attacks from the rear, or extinguish flaming projectiles thrown over the main shield. 115

Bozena Riot Full Specs Name: Bozena Riot Manufacturer: Bozena, part of Way Industries, based in Slovakia Weight: 18 tonnes when filled with water, 15 tonnes when empty Main shield: 3 tonnes, 15ft wide but can be expanded to 24ft. Fitted with weapon ports, bright lights, police sirens, a loudspeaker and a camera array. Flame retardant, armour plated, and equipped with bullet proof glass. Can withstand pressure from 100 rioters pushing against it. Optional dozer blade can be fitted to clear large obstacles Raised platform: Protected by armour plated shield, capable of carrying two fully armed officers. Armed with a water cannon with a range of 12m, gas canister launchers with a range of 10m, and two manually-controlled spotlights Vehicle: Can be remote controlled using a camera array, or by a driver inside a bullet and fire proof cabin. Fitted with automatic sprinkler systems over the wheels, engine and driver's cab which activate in the case of fire. Run-flat tyres are resistant to oil spills, shrapnel and bullet-holes. Vehicle can be driven sideways to manoeuvre through tight gaps Share or comment on this article (27 Maart 2017).


Barriers in Windsor are designed to protect Changing of the Guard ceremony popular with tourists Additional security and yellow metal gates have also been put in place outside Buckingham Palace Measures come in response to terror attack last week in which car was driven into crowds near Parliament Some Windsor residents have hit out at the barriers, saying they reduce parking and are 'ugly'

By Richard Spillett, Crime Correspondent for Mailonline Published: 12:12 BST, 28 March 2017 | Updated: 17:03 BST, 28 March 2017 Barriers have been put in place around Windsor Castle and Buckingham Palace following last week's terror attack outside Parliament. The additional security measures in Windsor were introduced to protect the 'Changing the Guard' ceremonies following a review by Thames Valley Police. Meanwhile in London, a ring of huge metal bollards has been installed outside Buckingham Palace to prevent a car mounting the pavement. It comes after terrorist Khalid Masood ploughed into more than 50 pedestrians, killing three, last Wednesday, before stabbing a police officer to death outside the Houses of Parliament. 116

New barriers have been put up outside Windsor Castle in the wake of the London terror attack which killed four and injured 50

The barriers are said to be to increase safety at the town's Changing of the Guard events which are popular with tourists


(Left) The local police chief said there was no highlighted threat to the castle but the gates had been brought in following a review (Right) The gates will allow police to completely close off the road to traffic when necessary, such as during the guard ceremonies

Bollards and armed police are also in place at the entrance to the world-famous castle, which receives millions of visitors

The Changing of the Guard events - which take place on most weekdays during the summer - are watched by thousands The Changing the Guard ceremony - which takes place on most week days - is hugely popular with tourists and more than 1.3 million people visit the castle every year. 118

Thames Valley Police chief constable Dave Hardcastle said there had been no evidence of a threat to Windsor Castle but recent events had highlighted the need for added security. He said: 'While there is no intelligence to indicate a specific threat to Windsor, recent events in Westminster clearly highlight the need for extra security measures to be introduced. 'The Force believes that it is proportionate and necessary to put in place extra security measures to further protect and support the public and the Guard Change. This is consistent with security deployments in London. 'Preventative measures such as these have been put in place across the UK over the past 10 years at various events. 'The national threat level remains severe, which it has been since 2014, and I would urge the public to be alert to the threat of terror attacks but not alarmed, and to remain vigilant.' But not all residents of the Berkshire town are happy. One tweeted police asking: 'What law allows you to install ugly barriers with two hours notice, remove half of residents parking bays?' Another, Shami Kalra, added: 'Sad times that our beautiful streets of Windsor are now lined with antiterrorist barriers.'

Left: Some residents of the picturesque Berkshire town say the steel barriers are 'ugly' and have reduced parking on some streets Right: Others say that, while they reduce the chances of an attacker using a vehicle, a marauding terrorist could still attack on foot


Left: Security gates designed to stop cars are also in place around Buckingham Palace in the wake of last week's attack. Right: The gates are designed to allow people to enter the Palace grounds but prevent vehicles driving along pavements

Left: A surge in the number of armed and unarmed officers has also been announced by the Met Police in the wake of the attack. Right: It comes after Khalid Masood drove through crowds in Westminster, killing four and injuring more than 50 last Wednesday Town resident Nigel Kenyon also pointed out that the large barriers would only be of help in deterring vehicle attacks like that which took place in London last week. He told ABC News he hoped the measures would make the town safer, but added: 'One person could walk around them or come over the fields, the Great Park is behind the castle which belongs to the Queen and is open to everyone.' Security has been beefed-up across the capital in the wake of the Westminster terror attack, but some of the toughest barriers have been put out near the Queen's palace. The bright arches, as well as steel barriers on The Mall, appeared overnight on Friday on the paved area linking Green Park and Constitution Hill. Commenting on the measures at Buckingham Palace, Scotland Yard spokesman said: 'It's security measures put in place but not in response to any threat. 'Buckingham Palace is obviously a high profile area that is going to benefit from them. There is no intelligence to suggest a threat to these spots.'


Officers with guns also remained at the entrance to Parliament after questions were raised over security last Wednesday

Armed officers and police on horseback were also patrolling outside Buckingham Palace as tourists strolled in the area today


Last Wednesday's attack has raised questions over whether more officers in the capital and at landmarks should be armed It comes after the number of armed police on patrol in the capital was doubled and blast and bullet resistant 'Guardian' trucks were stationed in Parliament Square. The seven-tonne vehicles, which can cost more than ÂŁ100,000, can carry eight offices and have bulletproof tyres, a blast-resistant floor and can withstand bullets from AK47s, grenades and bombs. Police patrolling outside the Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh will be armed with tasers, it emerged today. Despite the new measures, there have been warnings that officers in other areas of Scotland are not equipped to respond to a fast-moving attack such as last week's terrorist incident in London. Two officers equipped with Tasers will be on duty at Holyrood at any one time, with the site covered 24 hours a day, it is understood. The officers deployed will be fully-trained firearms officers carrying Tasers only.


Armoured vehicles guarded roads around The heavy-duty vans, called 'Guardians', were Parliament Square last week in a show of force in rolled out by police in Parliament Square to the wake of Wednesday's terror attack. enhance security last week.

Pictured: Armed police outside New Scotland Yard last week. The number of armed officers in the capital has been doubled The Met's 'Guardian' vans protecting London The Jankel Guardian is based on a 4x4 Ford F-450 Super Duty truck. • • • • • • •

It is equipped with a 6.0-litre V8 turbodiesel 129bhp 4,164cc diesel engine. Bars on the front to punch through barricades. It weighs 6,804kg. 7.62 calibre bullet protection. Armour protection. Bullet-proof glass and tyres. Blast-resistant floor.

Other firearms officers, while not deployed inside Holyrood, are believed to be in the vicinity of the parliament building and the wider government estate in Edinburgh. But Calum Steele, head of the Scottish Police Federation (SPF), said: 'We know that batons don't work, we know that in 40% of cases spray doesn't work, we know that unarmed police officers are not only sent to incidents of knives but also to reports of firearms. That's a disgraceful position to find ourselves in and it's unforgivable. 'The events at Westminster took place in less than 90 seconds and were able to be brought to an end because hundreds of officers were in the vicinity. 'No police force in the world can stop those kind of events, but police should be given the equipment they need to protect themselves and the public if events unfold quickly. Last Wednesday, Khalid Masood, 52, killed three and injured about 50 people after driving a car into pedestrians on London's Westminster Bridge before fatally stabbing a policeman in the grounds of parliament before he was shot dead. Detectives said they believe he was acting alone. 123

Officers with tasers outside the Scottish Parliament today. Fears have been raised that forces north of the border are ill-equipped to deal with a similar attack to that which took place in London

Two officers equipped with Tasers will be on duty at Holyrood at any one time, with the site covered 24 hours a day Read more: London terror attack: New barriers protect Changing of the Guard at Windsor Castle Video - ABC News Share or comment on this article (28 March 2017)



Operation Ivy Bells was launched by the US in 1972 but details remain classified The daring wiretapping operation was conducted 400 feet underwater in the Sea of Okhotsk off Russia's east coast It allowed the US to uncover a goldmine of intelligence from the Soviet Union The wiretapping idea is believed to have shifted the Cold War in favor of the US America was able to receive Soviet intelligence for a decade until a former NSA employee leaked details of the operation for $35,000 in 1980 A former US Navy diver said he believes the old-fashioned surveillance methods could still be happening today

By reporter Published: 00:04 BST, 3 April 2017 | Updated: 01:13 BST, 3 April 2017 It was the daring wiretapping operation conducted 400 feet underwater that helped the US uncover a goldmine of intelligence from the Soviet Union. More than 40 years on, details of the surveillance mission Operation Ivy Bells, which launched back in 1972, still remains classified. But one thing that is clear is that the information the US uncovered proved to be invaluable and helped lead to the end of the Cold War, according to investigative journalist Sherry Sontag who spent years interviewing the men responsible for the wiretapping for her book Blind Man's Bluff. The US had spent a decade riskily wiretapping the Soviet communication line at the bottom of the Sea of Okhotsk, just off Russia's eastern coast.

Operation Ivy Bells was the daring wiretapping operation conducted 400 feet underwater that helped the US uncover a goldmine of intelligence from the Soviet Union during the Cold War 'We didn't know... how much we were frightening (the Soviets)... until we listened to these tapes,' Sontag said, according to Popular Mechanics. 'Very quickly, we pulled back from the brink. And this had a lot to do with it.... I think finding this information turned out to be the thing that let the Cold War end.' 125

The wiretapping idea is believed to have shifted the Cold War in favor of the US. Former US Navy diver W. Craig Reed, who carried out secret Cold War missions, said the old-fashioned surveillance method may still be happening today. 'Submarines absolutely still have the capability to do these kind of missions and there are personnel that are still trained on how to do these missions,' he said. 'Whether or not those missions are still underway, that would be considered classified.' Captain James Bradley devised the mission that tapped the un-encrypted telephone line connecting Petropavlovsk's submarine base to mainland Russia.

The US had spent a decade riskily wiretapping the Soviet communication line at the bottom of the Sea of Okhotsk by sending in nuclear submarine Halibut in 1972.

Intelligence information divers were able to uncover from the wiretap led to the completion of the SALT II talks with US president Jimmy Carter and Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev in 1979.

He sent the US nuclear submarine Halibut just miles from the Russian coast in 1972 where navy divers were able to walk along the ocean floor and wiretap the communications line. Days later, the submarine returned with recorded tapes unveiling Soviet secrets. For the next decade, the Halibut and other US submarines would travel to the Sea of Okhotsk several times a year to pick up the tap and replace it with new and advanced ones. Sontag said Bradley didn't have much trouble initially finding the communications line once he realized there would most likely be signs close by warning people not to anchor their boats because of the cables. Sure enough when the US scanned the coastline, they found the signs in one part of the 611,200 square miles of water that warned fisherman.


The Halibut (above) and other US submarines would travel to the Sea of Okhotsk several times a year for a decade to pick up the tap and replace it with new and advanced ones

'The Soviets weren't trying to hide (the cables),' Sontag said. 'They had no idea we could get that close... that we could send divers walking on the bottom that deep...or that we had the technology to tap it. No one had conceived anything like this before.' The top secret Operation Ivy Bells used helium for the first time to allow the divers to stay deep underwater to carry out the hours-long wiretapping. Communication technicians discovered a way to avoid shorting the cable. Divers had to wrap a connector around the line and feed it into a reel-to-reel tape recorder. Technicians then had to separate the channels to intelligence could be gathered. 'These guys were the original makers... they were making it up as they went along. No one else was doing underwater cable tapping. This was all brand new,' Sontag said. The intelligence information divers were able to uncover from the wiretapping led to the completion of the SALT II talks in 1979. Despite the decades of wiretapping, Ivy Bells reportedly ended when ex-NSA employee Ronald Pelton leaked details of the operation to the Soviet Embassy in Washington D.C. for $35,000 in 1980. Read more: How Secret Underwater Wiretapping Helped End the Cold War Share or comment on this article (3 April 2017).


Pictures show British and African soldiers navigating harsh and treacherous landscapes in Kenya Emergency The rare photographs were taken during British counter-insurgency operations in Kenya between 1952-1956 In period of increasing violence, villages were plundered before 1st Lancashire Battalion was sent from Egypt

By Amie Gordon for Mailonline 127

Published: 09:43 BST, 4 April 2017 | Updated: 15:28 BST, 4 April 2017 Never before seen images have revealed the harsh and treacherous landscapes British soldiers had to endure during the Kenya Emergency as they sought to suppress the Mau Mau Rebellion. Incredible photographs show British and African soldiers navigating a rocky river and wading through a semi-tropical forest where rebel forces would ambush them. Other shots show a Mau Mau gang proudly posing for the camera, Mau Mau prisoners being guarded and soldiers checking identity cards in Nairobi during a period of increased internal security threat. The striking images were captured during British counter-insurgency operations in Kenya between 1952 and 1956.

In this photo taken in the mid 1950s, a Kenya Police officer uses a fingerprinting kit - a reliable forensic method for identifying a body - however it would have proved unsuitable in wet conditions


A soldier searches a Mau Mau suspect in the depths of the semi-tropical forest, where rebel forces would ambush British and African soldiers. The striking images were captured during British counter-insurgency operations in Kenya between 1952 and 1956


Four (Uganda) KAR on the ranges with Bren light machine guns. While the askaris were happy with small arms, they were less confident with mortars. The Mau Mau was a secret society confined almost entirely to the Kikuyu tribe who inhabited parts of the Central Highlands Kenya's Bloody Conflict: The Mau Mau Uprising

Home Guard and a police officer escort four captured Mau Mau. The Mau Mau had suffered badly from the introduction of British colonialism in the late 19th Century and had lost grazing grounds and homesteads to white farmers, many from the British upper classes The Mau Mau was a secret society confined almost entirely to the Kikuyu tribe who inhabited parts of the Central Highlands. The Mau Mau uprising was a military conflict which took place in British Kenya between 1952 and 1960. Kikuyu hostility first emerged after the First World War and developed into a political movement that was first proscribed for subversive activities in 1940. They had suffered badly from the introduction of British colonialism in the late 19th Century and had lost grazing grounds and homesteads to white farmers, many from the British upper classes. Independence was not widely supported by other Africans, many of whom retained loyalty to the colonial authorities. So extremists formed the Kenya Land and Freedom Army (KLFA), which became known as the Mau Mau. As tension increased in 1952, the State of Emergency was declared in 20 October and the 1st Lancashire Battalion was sent from Egypt. Britain dealt with the Mau Mau by seeking to confine them to the Prohibited Areas around Mount Kenya. Various war crimes took place on both sides including the Chuka Massacre where members of King's African Rifles B Company killed unarmed people suspected of being Mau Mau fighters. The people executed belonged to the Kikuyu Home Guard — a loyalist militia recruited by the British to fight the guerrillas. British interrogation techniques also involved torture while Mau Mau militants carried out the Lari massacre where they herded Kikuyu men, women and children into huts and set fire to them. According to David Anderson in Histories of the Hanged (2005), Mau Mau attacks were mostly well organised and planned - contrary to British propaganda.


He wrote: 'the insurgents' lack of heavy weaponry and the heavily entrenched police and Home Guard positions meant that Mau Mau attacks were restricted to nighttime and where loyalist positions were weak. When attacks did commence they were fast and brutal, as insurgents were easily able to identify loyalists because they were often local to those communities themselves. 'The Lari massacre was by comparison rather outstanding and in contrast to regular Mau Mau strikes which more often than not targeted only loyalists without such massive civilian casualties. "Even the attack upon Lari, in the view of the rebel commanders was strategic and specific.' Members of the Kenya Regiment sit and enjoy a drink together following what would no doubt have been a stressful and life-threatening patrol. The never before seen images have revealed the harsh and treacherous landscapes British soldiers had to endure during the Kenya Emergency as they sought to suppress the Mau Mau Rebellion

A Rifle Brigade patrol flanked by two former Mau Mau. The tall figure seen in the middle is Sergeant Oulton of the Kenya Regiment. The Mau Mau was a secret society confined almost entirely to the Kikuyu tribe who inhabited parts of the Central Highlands


A wounded soldier is unloaded by his comrades from the only Sycamore helicopter which had been deployed to Kenya. Many of the service personnel were National Service, some of whom had seen active service in Korea. Among the regulars were veterans of the Second World, the Palestine Emergency, Malaya and Korea.

+13 In this image taken on 16 February 1954, the wounded General ChinaĂ­ is loaded into an ambulance at Nyeri for transfer to Nairobi. 132

Left: Privates Horsely and Green, of the Royal Army Veterinary Corps, were attached to 1 Rifle Brigade. They are pictured here standing in the camp with their Labradors.16

Above: Gray Leakey, accompanied by his family outside Buckingham Palace, after collecting the Victoria Cross awarded to his son. Leakey was murdered by the Mau Mau on 13 October 1954 Mau Mau Fighters Raped, Castrated and Beaten in Kenya's Uprising Against Britain Get £14m Compensation In 2013 the UK government announced it was to pay £14million in compensation to some 5,000 elderly Kenyans tortured by British colonial forces - following a legal battle which lasted four years.

THE ADMISSION CAME AT THE END OF A TEST CASE BROUGHT BY THE LAW FIRM LEIGH DAY WHICH ESTABLISHED UK COURTS DID HAVE JURISDICTION TO HEAR HISTORICAL CLAIMS BROUGHT BY THOSE DETAINED IN MILITARY CAMPS. Negotiations began after a London court ruled that three elderly Kenyans, who suffered castration, rape and beatings while in detention during a crackdown by British forces and their Kenyan allies in the 1950s, could sue Britain. With legal fees, the total bill for the brutal treatment of thousands of prisoners tortured and raped under colonial rule was some £20million. But Foreign Secretary William Hague stopped short of issuing an apology. Mr Hague told MPS the the British Government continued to deny liability for what happened during the uprising as he only conceded 'we understand the pain and grievance felt by those who were involved'. The torture took place during the so-called Kenyan 'Emergency' of 1952-60, when fighters from the Mau Mau movement attacked British targets, causing panic among white settlers and alarming the government in London. Then- Foreign Secretary William Hague said at the time: 'The British Government recognises that Kenyans were subject to torture and other forms of ill-treatment at the hands of the colonial administration. 16

SA Polisie hondemeesters het ook in Kenya diens gedoen - HBH 133

The British Government sincerely regrets that these abuses took place and they marred Kenya's progress towards independence. 'Torture and ill-treatment are abhorrent violations of human dignity which we unreservedly condemn.'

Christmas lunch in a forest camp: British service personnel, in an attempt to regain some sort of normality, celebrated Christmas day with a hearty meal together amidst the violence and fighting around them

Left: Nairobi, April 1955: 1 Rifle Brigade march past Governor Baring on leaving Kenya. Military ceremony was deemed important in maintaining civil morale so would be made into something of a spectacle, watched by members of the public


Right: Little Lynn Munro pictured boarding her school run bus - which for many service children was a Bedford one tonne Army lorry The pictures are showcased in a new book, The Mau Mau Rebellion, by Nick van der Bijl and published by Pen and Sword. 'The book adds to the understanding of the Mau Mau Emergency by describing the purpose and lives of British Service personnel serving in Kenya,' said Mr van der Bijl. 'Many were National Service, some of whom had seen active service in Korea. Among the regulars were veterans of the Second World, the Palestine Emergency, Malaya and Korea. 'The Army was thoroughly familiar to adapting to different environments - in 1952, Malaya, Korea, Egypt. Lessons learnt in Burma during the Second World War and being applied in Malayan Emergency (19481960) and Kenya developed into the British counter-insurgency strategy that is largely current today. A training school was established. British units arrived direct from UK, Korea and Egypt. 'After the Mau-Mau was banned in 1951, the Mau Mau Central Committee established camps in the Aberdare Highlands, Mt. Kenya, the Rift Valley, the 'White Highlands' and gained support in the Kikuyu reserves. 'While the Mau Mau intimidated loyalist Kikuyu though murder, burning of crops and grasslands and hamstringing of cattle, Governor Mitchell dismissed their oath ceremonies as primitive therefore not unusual.' 'While there was ill-discipline among the Kings African Rifles and other Kenyan units, the British Armed forces maintained their discipline,' said Mr van der Bijl. 'The concentration camps were the responsibility of the Kenyan colonial government and not the Army. The Kikuyu also committed war crimes is conveniently forgotten. 'The Kenya Emergency was essentially a peasants' revolt against dominant colonists who had occupied the land they had usurped less than 50 years previously. 'It was fought between peasants who knew how to exploit the forest against young British and African soldiers who learnt to survive in a hostile environment. 'Militarily, the peasants were defeated. Politically, they won, are still in power.' Read more: The Mau Mau Rebellion: The Emergency in Kenya 1952 - 1956: Nick van der Bijl: Books Share or comment on this article (4th April 2017.)



He saw himself as an ordinary man and his aspirations were noble in their simplicity. At work he was just PC 4157U of the Metropolitan Police Service. His aim was to serve and protect the people of his city - where possible, with a smile. At home his dedication to his wife Michelle and their five-year-old daughter Amy was equally unswerving. For his pains, he was pretty devoted, too, to his struggling local football team Charlton Athletic. Yesterday, however, Keith Palmer was given surely the most extraordinary send-off a British police officer has ever received. For, as we heard from the many people whose lives he enriched, there was nothing remotely average about the London bobby who died in defence of our democracy and the British way of life. • 51 comments • 2 videos • 30 shares Lees volle berig deur te klik op:

(11 April 2017)



Swedish police chief Erik Nord, head of Gothenburg police, pictured, is being hauled in front of the country's Attorney General after he suggested that Islamic extremists should be deported. • 14 comments • 3 videos • 222 shares Vir meer inligting lees: (11 April 2017)

BRIEWEBUS – LETTER BOX MAARTEN KRUGER SKRYF: Hennie, Wys jou hoe mens met toe oë deur die lewe kan gaan. Ek is elke dag op die net besig en sien vandag eers die tydskrif van jou. Sou graag sommer al die ou weergawes ook wou bestel as ek kon. Ek was self so 12 jaar in die SAP voor ek in 1996 gepakketeer is. My Pa en skoon-Pa was albei in die SAP. Ek spot altyd en sê dat ek eintlik 32 jaar in die SAP was want ek was seker 2 jaar oud toe ek die eerste keer in die aanklagkantoor ingestap het. Een ding wat my baie gepla het, was as ek na die stories van my Pa en sy vriende luister van wat hulle alles beleef het in die vroeë jare. My pa se eerste stasie was Bishopstowe gewees na hy sy opleiding voltooi het. Met sy aankoms daar word hy op patrollie uitgestuur te perd. Hy kon nie verstaan hoekom die ander lede hom agterna kyk toe hy wegry nie.


So entjie van die stasie af was daar ‘n stroompie gewees. Daar besluit perd toe hy gaan met saal en al in die water rol tot groot vermaak van die ander. Was glo ‘n ou streek van hom gewees. My Pa is in 2013 oorlede en die stories van sy lewe is saam met hom weg. ‘n Vriend van hom vertel my hoe hulle die Natalse Parkeraad moes help met die beskerming van renosters in die 50/60’s. Een aand besluit die klomp lede hulle is honger en hulle skiet toe ‘n rooibok wat daar naby die kamp loop. Was glo nie 5 minute nie toe stop Ian Player daar en vra of hulle die skoot gehoor het. Min weet hy dat die rooibok reg bokant hom in die boom hang en dat die lede hard bid dat hy nie moet opkyk nie. So is daar baie stories wat saam met die ouer garde verlore gaan en ek het nog altyd gedink iemand moet met die manne gaan gesels en dit dokumenteer vir die nageslag. My Pa en skoon-Pa het nie aangesluit by die SAP om oorlog te maak teen die ANC nie. Hulle het vir die avontuur aangesluit. Sterkte Maarten Kruger.

‘N TWEEDE BRIEF: MAARTEN KRUGER. Jy weet noudat ek so terugdink besef ek dat my ou familie diep spore in die SAP getrap het. My Pa was Theuns Kruger gewees. Hy was in 1977 stasiebevelvoerder op Melmoth en is daarna as stasiebevelvoerder Dundee toe verplaas tot 1981. Hy was op Gingindlovu/Melmoth/Dundee/Newcastle/Greytown/Kokstad en Pietermaritzburg gestasioneer gewees. Hy het afgetree op 52 as lt-kol nadat brig Beeselaar (as ek reg onthou) hom aanbeveel het om te loop want hy het geglo dat die pensioenfonds met die veranderings daaraan en in die land, tot niet sou gaan. Kort voor sy dood het hy my nog gesê dat hy spyt was daaroor want hy het geglo hy sou generaal gemaak het want lede wat onder hom gewerk het, het generaal gemaak. Ek onthou op Dundee moes hy twee nuwe Indiër luitenante na hulle kursus onder sy vlerk neem. As ek dit reg het, het die een generaal geword – Maharaj. My oom Freek Els wat ook ‘n veiligheidspolisieman was, was op Empangeni en Eshowe gewees. Die vriend van my Pa waarvan ek vertel het wat by die rooibok storie betrokke was, was a/o Otto gewees. Hy was ook maar in Eshowe en Pietermaritzburg gewees en bly nou nog in Pietermaritzburg. Hy het baie stories te vertel. My oom Ben Kruger was ‘n polisieman by Brixton moord en roof gewees. Ek onthou as jong seun was daar ʼn berig oor hom in die Rapport geplaas waar hy ‘n rower deur die badkamervenster geskiet het. 138

As ek so vinnig tel was daar seker so 8 van ons ooms en neefs in die SAP gewees - wat ek van weet. Maarten Kruger.

BRIEF VAN GOVERT “GOOFY” VETTEN Goeie dag, Ek is op soek na Hennie Heymans wat in die 60’s by Kings Rest polisiestasie gestasioneer was en latere jare by SAP Hoofkwartiere beland het. Sy pa was ook in die polisie in Durban. My besonderhede: Govert Vetten (Goofy) •

Ek was ‘n week in die Kaap gewees en het Goofy Vetten – een van die beste speurders wat ek geken het, in Durbanville ontmoet. (Die bekende speurder, brig. Ivor Human, was ook in ons tyd ‘n uniform-konstabel op King’s Rest.)

‘n Tweede Brief Van “Goofy” Vetten Hennie, Ek sien dat jy nie jou boodskappe op selfoon lees nie. Nogmaals dankie vir die lekker “Call back the Past”-ontbyt. Ek het die naweek daarna weer lekker sit en terug dink aan King’s Rest – aan Garveys / Ansteys en Brighton strande, Harcourt Hotel; Walvisstasie en baie ander dinge en gebeurtenisse van weleer. (Dit het natuurlik ‘n huisbreker of twee ingesluit!) Ek sal in kontak bly en laat weet wanneer ek eendag in Pretoria beland Beste wense “Goofy” Vetten Ons het meer as vyftig jaar gelede saamgewerk en ons ontmoeting na al die jare was asof ons “gister” laas gesels het. Goofy was speurder – huisbraaktak – en hy was ‘n uiters bekwame huisbraakspeurder. Op nagdiens het ek heelwat inbrekers gearresteer en dan vir Goofy laat weet. Hy was nooit lui om te werk nie. Tydens nagdiens het ek hom dikwels in die wyk raakgeloop terwyl hy waarneming gedoen het. Na ‘n klagte het ek een nag vier inbrekers betrap, ek was alleen op die patrolliewa en kon net een verdagte arresteer. Ek het heelwat gesteelde goed teruggevind, asook die klaer mnr. Chamberlain se MA-graad wat pas klaar getik was. (Dit was in die dae voor rekenaars.) In die bondel gesteelde goed het ek my eie skoene gevind wat hulle uit my Volksie gesteel het. Ek het heelwat lede van die publiek wakker gemaak om hul goed te identifiseer waar daar by hul huise ingebreek was. Hul het hul eiendom geïdentifiseer. Goofy het die saak ondersoek en later die ander drie vasgetrek en een van hulle het Goofy se salaris gesteel toe hy gebuk het om onder ‘n bed in die kampong te loer. Sy salaris het hy later weer teruggevind! Dis maar een die vele herinneringe wat ek en Goofy gedeel het. Goofy het later ‘n “groot” bedrog-speurder geword en het later by die akademie in Paarl klas gegee. “Die strafproseswet was my Bybel en ek het al my klagstate self opgestel”, vertel hy my. 139

No. 32196 konst JD Uys was ons senior-konstabel op die stasie. As hy gewerk het, onthou ek en Goofy, waas daar geen misdaad nie! Hy het almal en alles voor die voet gearresteer van spoeg in die straat tot huisbraak. Goofy was ‘n rolmodel vir almal op die stasie – hy was een wat alles feil gehad het vir die polisie en die speurtak. Sy ondersoekwerk het nie net vir homself nie maar ook vir die mag tot groot eer gestrek. Goofy was ‘n harde werker en dis so jammer dat uitstaande speurders se salarisse nie deurgeloop het na die van kolonel of brigadier nie. Operasionele speurders wou nie verlof neem om aan bevorderingseksamens deel te neem nie. Ek het heerlik nagedink aan die kaskenades wat ons op King’s Rest aangevang het. Dit was sulke rustige ongekompliseerde dae. Die bandietwag was konst. Njayo – so ‘n blok van ‘n Zulu - hy het met sy assegaai en kierie die drie bandiete opgepas wat die patrolliewa gewas het en die stasie en kamp skoongemaak het. Elke dag 12:00 het AO Marais geskryf: “Kamp Inspeksie: Stasie en terrein is skoon. W MARAIS (SB).” Dan het die bandietwag vuurgemaak onder die avokadopeerboom en saam met die bandiete pap of kaboemmielies of mageu met 20c se braaivleis geëet. Soms het ons vir die manne walvisvleis gekry om te braai. Hulle het eers die olie uitgekook en dan gebraai. So een wit moord per jaar, nou en dan ‘n selfmoord, of verdrinking in die see, so 20 huisbrake per maand, talle botsings, heerlike gevegte by die ‘ou’ Harcourt Hotel en Barbeque. Ons het natuurlik ook tientalle dames van die nag in die hawegebied aangekeer. Verder was alles rustig en stil ... ja, dit was voor die bosoorlog. Het my ambisie in die pad van my geluk kom staan? King’s Rest was 1000-keer beter as Hoofkantoor!

DIE VLAG: CORRIE PRINSLOO (Ontvang via brigadier Fanie Bouwer. Brief word onveranderd geplaas.) NOOIT HOEF JOU KINDERS WAT TROU IS TE VRA WAT BETEKEN JOU VLAG DAN, SUID-AFRIKA? Die eerste vlag wat in my ingeprent is en waarvoor ek op aandag gestaan het, was nie my Vlag nie. En die nasionale volkslied wat ek toé gesing het, was nie die Stem nie... Dit was die Portugese vlag, en die nasionale vlaglied "Heróis do Mar". (Helde van die See). En boeta, was ek trots gewees! Angola in die middel- en laat sestiger jare. Suid-Afrika en Suidwes was slegs in grootmenspraatjies gehoor. En alhoewel ons Afrikaans van moedersknie af geleer en dit ons huis- en kerktaal was, was ons maar net Portugese onderdane. Want dit was my familie se keuse... hulle sou as die laaste Dorslandtrekker afstammelinge in Angola aanbly toe almal suid getrek het in die begin sestigerjare. Die laaste Dorslandtrekkers was ons, in Portugese skole - en met Angolees-Portugese toekoms ons voorland! Maar my liewe ouers het anders besluit. Ma Breggie op die voorgrond. Julle sal Portugese laerskool klaarmaak en Suidwes toe gaan, het sy in haar wysheid besluit. En julle gaan Matriek daar skryf en terugkom. Julle sal sétimo ano (Portugese ekwivalent van Matriek) kom doen in die Liceu (hoërskool) en dan Portugese Weermag toe gaan, was haar redenasie. Sodat julle offisiere kan word en nie gewone troepe nie. Of Lugmag toe. Ma Breggie het my, ouboet Buks en kleinboet Piet se toekoms mooi vir ons 140

bepaal. Want sien, as Portugese onderdane sou ons as seuns die verpligte vier jaar diensplig moes doen in die Portugese Weermag, beginnende op die eerste inname nadat jy mondig geword het... En Ma Breggie wou ons maar net 'n goeie voorsprong gee. Gelukkig (of eerder ongelukkig?) het Generaal António de Espinola anders besluit en 'n staatsgreep uitgevoer. En Angola het ná net meer as vyfhonderd jaar as Portugese kolonie onafhanklik geword. Maar my storie is nie daardie een nie. Ek onthou dat ek die Portugese vlag geteken het as een van die eerste dinge wat ek op skool in Angola moes doen. Elke oggend het ons dan ook op aandag gestaan en die volkslied gesing. Uit volle bors. Ma Breggie het ons so tussendeur leer Afrikaans lees, skryf en praat. Met behulp van boekies wat die Hervormde Kerk uit Suidwes aangestuur het. Ook die Huisgenoot en Landbou-weekblad. Dit was 1965 en daarna, ek was so ses jaar oud. Ek kan onthou dat ek my Afrikaanse taalkennis geslyp het op Walther die Wonderman en Kosie en Kwak in die Huisgenoot, en die Gemaskerde Ruiter en Tonto in die Landbou-weekblad. En ek het die Kinderbybel gelees, met potlood in die hand. Vir die onderstreep van 'n moeilike woord wat Ma Breggie dan eers gou moes uitspel en verduidelik. Ook verder gegaan met die lees - my heel eerste boek wat ek van voor tot agter in Afrikaans deurgelees het, was die Swart Luiperd. Die eerste uitgawe - dit het 'n rooi voorblad met 'n swart Afrika masker motief gehad. Potlood in die hand, natuurlik... Ek het my Vlag die eerste keer in 'n Huisgenoot gesien. 1965 miskien? Ek onthou die artikel het die Stem uitgebeeld, elke vers met 'n foto. Uit die blou van onse hemel het 'n opskietende Impala vegvliegtuig uitgebeeld. Of was dit nou 'n Sabre? Soveel jare gelede... die see en kranse. En 'n pragtige foto wat die vér verlate vlaktes uitgebeeld het. Maar ek was vasgevang deur die Vlag. Oranje, blanje, blou. Selfs Pa Kerneels was onkant betrap toe ek hom vra wat "blanje" nou eintlik beteken. Definitief wit, my kind. Want dis óns Vlag! Ek het die Vlag die eerste keer in lewende lywe gesien wapper op die grenspos Oshikango, op die Suidwes-grens. Santa Clara aan die oorkant in Angola. Iewers in Augustus 1969, toe ons vir die heel eerste keer op pad was koshuis toe. Om ons Matriek te gaan kry later, soos Ma Breggie gedreig het. En daardie wapperende vlag het in my geheue ingebrand! Ek onthou dat ek in al my vervelige rondloop daardie dag ook op 'n wit kennisgewingbord afgekom het. Welkom in Suidwes-Afrika. Het ek tóé maar geweet wat my toekoms vir my sou inhou... Die Vlag het my rigtingwyser geword. Op skool tydens die oggendparades. As ons die Stem gesing het. Later, toe ek die Stem met vlaghysing op die trompet gespeel het. En die Vlaglied, uit die hart geken. As Voortrekker vanaf die eerste groepie tot Verkenner onder Oom Kosie Alberts, my laerskool koshuisvader en klasonderwyser. In die Voortrekkers Matriek uit. Ek het die Vlag baie keer gehys as Voortrekker. En op aandag daarvoor gestaan tydens kadetkampe. Iewers diep in die Namib of Walvisbaai. En ook toe ek 'n Polisieman geword het. Dit was altyd ons plig as juniors om die Vlag te hys en te salueer. En saans weer neer te laat. Ek het dit hoeveel keer op Oshakati, Werda en Ruacana gedoen. En daarna nooit weer nie, want ek het 'n offisier en 'n bevelvoerder geword... Behalwe vir nog een keer... Ek was Stasiebevelvoerder op Hoedspruit toe die nuwe vlag opdaag. En die instruksie dat dit landswyd oor twee dae gehys moes word. Ek kan nie meer die dag onthou nie, maar ek onthou dat al my blanke kollegas daardie dag vroegoggend reeds op kantoor was. En tot ná laaste lig aan diens gebly het. Daardie dag het die geskiedenis vir ons almal gaan stil staan. Ek het daardie oggend die Vlag self geneem, in vol uniform, en dit vir oulaas gehys. My laaste saluut aan die opwaarts Vlag. En sesuur daardie aand was ons steeds by die Stasie. Ek het my Vlag gestryk en gesalueer. My vaarwel saluut 141

terwyl daar onbeskaamd 'n paar trane geloop het. Nie net oor my wange nie... Ek het die Vlag opgevou en in my kluis gebêre... Nooit hoef jou kinders wat trou is te vra, wat beteken jou vlag dan, Suid-Afrika? Vir my - alles! Daardie Vlag was oor my hoof en in my hart sedert ek voet op Suidwes-grond gesit het. Deur my lewe as kind het dit oor my gewapper. En toe ek my deel op die Grens gedoen het vir tien en 'n half jaar onafgebroke. Vandag wapper dit nog net in my hart. En die harte van tienduisende makkers van my, in browns of in camoes. Want ons hoef nie te vra wat beteken ons Vlag nie ... ons weet! SALUUT...!

Gedenkdiens: Voortrekkermonument: Paul Els

Vlnr: Louis Lubbe, Paul Els en Johan Visagè Ander foto’s van Paul Els met SAW-lede wat die HC ontvang het:


“SERSANT”: AP STEMMET Geagte redakteur, Jy vra my waar my liefde vir die polisie vandaan kom? Jy moet weet dat ek in die dae toe “Sersant” nog die dorp regeer het groot geword het. Dit het nie saak gemaak as hy bevordering na Hoofkonstabel gekry het nie. “Sersant” het hy gebly. Hy was 'n slim en magtige man. As sersant Hauptfeisch van Montagu 'n bakleierige paartjie geskei het, het hulle geskei gebly. Hy het alles regverdig verdeel. Kinders ook op 'n basis van een vir pa en een vir ma. Geen appèlle want “Sersant” het gesê! Almal, wit en swart het dit aanvaar. Op 'n keer kry pa en 'n buurman stry oor waterregte. Ingewikkelde sake. Litigasie was ons voorland en pa is dorp toe om sy prokureur, self 'n gesiene man, te gaan spreek. Toe hy terug op die plaas kom, vertel hy my wat die prokureur se advies was. Toe ek hom vra of hy toe die advies gevolg het, sê hy: "Nee. Ek wil eers hoor wat “Sersant” sê. Hy was nie vandag daar nie en ek sal weer moet dorp toe om te hoor wat hy sê." Na matriek sluit ek by Justisie aan. Ongelukkig die boot om tegniese redes polisie toe gemis. Die teleurstelling was groot want luitenant Alwyn Burger op Worcester het dan gesê ek is “all right”. En neef Le Roux is dan al 'n polisieman.! In Justisie eers klerk. Toe staatsaanklaer. Later landdros. As aanklaer het “Sersant” my al die ‘fyn tricks’ geleer. In Pretoria het ons die boekkennis gekry maar “Sersant” het die praktiese deel op grondvlak bygevoeg. Snags het ek saam op uitnodiging met hom gegaan om fisies te ervaar waarmee 'n polisieman te kampe het as ons ander slaap. Ek kon later die OB , FIC , SAP 8117 ens. so goed


OB = Occurrence Book (VB: Voorvalleboek); FIC = First Information of Crime/ Eerste Aangifte van Misdaad, SAP 81 = Register of Found Property / Gevonde eiendom – HBH.


soos 'n polisieman voltooi. More in die hof het die beskuldigde die staatsaanklaer op en af bekyk en gestik in sy: "Die polisie het my geslaan". Ongelukkig fouteer polisiemanne ook soms en dan het hulle verstaan as ek hulle ook verbete vervolg. Ook as landdros, baie begrip vir die polisie se probleme maar soms! Later parlementêre diens in dieselfde ministerie as polisie. Blywende vriendskappe het ontstaan. Baie polisiemanne het huisvriende geword. Ondersekretaris van Justisie. Die vlak van skakeling was, soos by die parlement, anders as in “Sersant” se dae maar tog met dieselfde soort mense. So bel die kommissaris my een dag. Ek het goeie gholf ver onder my voorgee gespeel en hy het 'n paar lastige manne wat hy wil regsien. “Hoe lyk dit met Woensdag?” Die weddenskappe was hoog want hy wou hulle 'n les leer en AP sou mos nie verloor nie. Toe gebeur wat met alle gholfspelers, Gary Player, Tiger Woods, almal gebeur en dit is my afdag!!! Maar ons bly vriende al het ek hom sleg in die steek gelaat. Toe Staatsveiligheidsraad toe en ek skakel met die reuse. Nou is dit landsbelang en nie meer departementele belang nie. Verskille tussen departementele verteenwoordigers is volop maar word altyd in landsbelang opgelos. Ons kry dit reg en dit is wat ons nou nodig het. Verskil soms heftig, aanvaar mekaar se bona fides en gaan aan. Die saak is groter as ons. In die stryd wat ons tans stry om ons pensioen te beveilig sal daar onafwendbaar verskille wees. Soms hewig maar almal se einddoel moet dieselfde wees. Die verskille mag nie ons saak skaad nie. Elke lid van die pensioenfonds moet sy kant bring . Redakteur, vra jy my nog hoekom ek altyd 'n sagte plekkie vir die polisie sal hê? Ek kan nie anders nie. A P Stemmet.

SLOT / END Geagte leser: Vir hierdie kwasiehistoriese dokument ons maak van verskeie bronne gebruik en bevat die dokument uiteraard uiteenlopende en diverse persoonlike menings van verskillende persone en die opsteller van die Nongqai kan nie in sy persoonlike hoedanigheid daarvoor verantwoordelik of aanspreeklik gehou word nie. Dear reader of this quasi-historical document: please note we make use of various sources and consequently it is obvious that the document contains various diverse and personal opinions of different people and the author of the Nongqai cannot be held responsible or be liable in his personal capacity. Hennie Heymans: No 43630


Profile for Hennie Heymans

Nongqai Vol. 8 No. 6  

South Africa: History: National Security

Nongqai Vol. 8 No. 6  

South Africa: History: National Security