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The

to the librarian.

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All borrowers

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ter in the library to bor-

row books

for

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end of

at

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must be

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and

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University Library

ac4i7^^ S-^JT*]®" BF1508 .T34 1922

^®®^HiiiMiiHliiiii!i*?.'i?i'Ilf?,?rf

oljn

®^'*®**

'rom manusc

3 1924 028 957 400


THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

tSTAMENT OF SOLOMON EDITED FROM MANUSCRIPTS

AT MOUNT ATHOS BOLOGM, ,

HOLKHAM HALL, JERUSALEM, LONDON, MILAN, PARIS AND

'

" 'VIENNA

WITH INtJlOBUCTION

.

A DISSERTATION .

SUBMITTED TO THE/I ACDLTY OF TH£^

IGRADUATE DIVINITY SCHOOL IN

CANDIDACYJfQR

THfi

DEGREE OF

DOCTOR

(Department of

OF: :yilIX)SOPHY new testament and early chkjstian

literature)

BY

;

CHESTER CHARLTON Mc COWN

LEIPZIG J.

C.

HINRICHS'SCHE BUCHHAl<fDLU>IG '

;.

1922

^


= THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

THE TESTAMENT OF SOLOMON EDITED FROM MANUSCRIPTS AT MOUNT ATHOS, BOLOGNA,

^'

HOLKHAM HALL, JERUSALEM, LONDON, MILAN, PARIS AND VIENNA WITH INTRODUCTION

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE

GRADUATE DIVINITY SCHOOL IN

{DEPARTMENT OF

CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY NEW TESTAMENT AND EARLY

CHRISTIAN LITERATURE)

BY

CHESTER CHARLTON Mc COWN


o

^?y

'-^

\jt>

%\

P\5\^'S3T

Druci

1

.

Y

i

i

I

!'!

H

C)

i.)l.!ViKiU

Y>l

A)Un.i

voJiAugustPriosln

Leipzig.


TO i;

H.

D.

M.

WHOSE CONTINUED ASSISTANCE AND ENCOURAGEMENT HAVE MADE THIS WORK POSSIBLE


>1


Preface.

A

new needed. Of

of the Testament of Solomon has long been the published texts, Fleck's was a careless and intext

accurate transcription of a single manuscript, while

Istrin's,

which

was indispensable

for understanding the history of the work,

buried in Russian.

Of unpublished manuscripts several were us much nearer the original than did any of

found which take

those already printed.

is

Conybeare's investigation, while resulting

an excellent discussion and translation, labored under the disadvantage of depending upon Fleck, and, because of lack of

in

could not avoid erroneous conclusions. In consequence of the paucity of materials there was a great variety

fuller materials,

of opinion as to the origin, character, and value of the document.

This to

answer

edition cannot aspire to present all the materials nor all

the questions involved.

It is

hoped, however, that

no accessible manuscripts have been missed, and that the materials available

scholars in

have been

possession of

set forth in all

such a manner as to put

data necessary for accurate con-

clusions.

When

the task was begun, the intention

was

to edit the text

of Fleck's manuscript with introduction, commentary, and trans-

but as the number of manuscripts discovered increased, commentary and translation were abandoned, since it was plain that the volume would be swollen beyond due proportions. The Introduction has in size far exceeded the writer's expectation and desire, and constitutes in part a commentary. The work here published has been under way for many years. Forced by ill health to leave the mission work in India lation;

the


VI

Preface.

which he had intended to give his life, the writer determined to devote himself to New Testament study, to which he had been especially attracted during his theological course under the

to

D.A.Hayes of Garrett Biblical Institute. Directed by the Expository Times he went to Heidelberg to work under Professor Adolf Deissmann. The latter with his instruction of Professor

unknown

great-heartedness received the

characteristic

student,

and after a few months suggested the Testament as a subject worthy of investigation. Prpfessor Albrecht Dieterich also promised to take an interest in the work. Upon Professor Deissmann's removal to Berlin and the untimely and lamented death of Professor Dieterich the writer decided to go to Berlin. There, beside further guidance from the former and the inspiration of the lectures of Professors dorfif;

Hermann

Professor as

Norden and von Wilamowitz-Moellen-

he had the highly prized advantage of suggestions from

was then

As

Diels,

who read

much

of the manuscript

written.

became necessary

it

as

to return to

America, the

further

prosecution of the task was interrupted except for occasional intervals during vacations until the writer to

remove

to

duties, the

Chicago where,

in

work was continued and

the supervision of Professor E.

had the good

fortune

time snatched from pedagogical

J.

practically completed under

Goodspeed.

The manuscript

has since been read hy Professors E. D. Burton and H. Windisch. Dr.

Montague Rhodes James went through

made numerous an early

it

vtry carefully and

suggestions which have been gladly used.

At

stage of the work encouragement and direction were

thankfully received from the

late Dr. Eberhard Nestle, from von Dobschiitz and E. Kurz, and especially from Dr. James, These obligations are acknowledged, but not so fully as they are felt, in the footnotes and bibliography.

Professors

1920â&#x20AC;&#x201D;21 the writer was Thayer Fellow of the American School of Oriental Research in Jerusalem. The manuscript was put into the hands of the publisher as he was on his way to In

In browsing among the manuscripts of the Great Greek Monastery in Jerusalem he had the good fortune to discover two manuscripts, one of the Testament, one of the legend of Palestine.


VII

Preface.

Solomon's dealings with the demons.

Although the printing of

Testament has been delayed for various reasons, it was not possible to incorporate the results of the study of these manuthe

scripts in the text.

of the other,

called

A collation MS

of one, called

MS

N, and a copy

E, have been printed in the

— 128

Appendix

and 102* 120*) and a list of emendations suggested by MS N will be found on p. I2i*f. On the way to Palestine the writer passed through Milan and took occasion to visit its famous library and inspect the manuscript, Ambrosianus No. 1030, in which fragments of the Testament are found, described below, pp. 2of. Nothing new was discovered. The fragments seem to have been cut of some manuscript, perhaps for the sake of, what was on the recto^ (see pp. 112

which, in the case of Up, contains rules for gematric prognostication. This

follows the

fragment ends with the word

W text

^//£()«2;,

p.

7*

1.

15.

It

For the patience and wisdom of the editor of the series. many perplexing problems that have arisen and for the skill and carefulness of the publisher in overcoming the technical difficulties of a complicated critical Professor Windisch, in dealing with

apparatus the writer cannot express too high appreciation.

The task was practically completed at the beginning of the The course of events which has prevented publication until now has given further time for revision of the manuscript and, it is hoped, thus contributed to more careful conclusions. The work is given to the public with the hope that it may war.

as it has the writer, to a better understanding of devious ways of the ancient book maker and copyist and

assist others,

the

a better insight into the working of the popular quity,

mind ;n

anti-

and so advance the study of the genus humanum.

Berkeley, California Dec.

24.,

192 1.

Chester Charlton

McCown.


1

Contents. Seite

INTRODUCTION. 1—9

L General character and contents General character

I.

tribution to history

Jewish history tents of 11.

3.

The popular

2.

1.

faith

Con-

3.

Contribution to

of Christianity

2.

4.

The motifs of

the

work

5.

i.

3

6.

5.

Con-

MSS 6—9.

Description of the manuscripts

MS D 10. 2. MSH II. 3. MS I 12. 4. MS L isff. 8. MS T i8ff. 6. MS Q 18. 7. MS S 18. 5. MS P I5ff. 12. Athos 11. MSW25fF. 10. MS V 21— 25. 9. MSUaof. MS 27. 13. Other MSS 28 f. Modern editions, translations, and treatises

10

— 28

28

—30

30

i^

I.

III.

.

I.

Fabricius 28.

28 f.

5I

cals

Migne

29.

IV.

The I.

6.

29.

11.

Bomemann

3.

Conybeare 29.

Istrin 29.

8.

Kohler 29 f.

Fleck 28.

2.

Kurz

9.

Salzberger 30.

12.

.

4. Fiirst

Notices in periodi-

7.

10.

29.

28f.

Hamack and

Ginzberg 30.

....

textual history of the Testament The manuscript families 30 f. 2. Relationships and the recensions 32

dates of

lative

— 34,

3.

re-

Evolution of the

Testament 35 f. 4. Textual value of the manuscripts and their use in reconstructing the text 36 ff.

V. Language and style

MS D

I.

38f.

38

C

Rec.

2.

sgf.

and the original Testament 40.

lomon 40 f.

6.

Is

3. 5.

Rec.

B

Letter of

40.

4.

Adarkes

the Testament a translation? 42 f.

Rec.

A

—43

to So7.

Ten-

tative conclusion 43.

VI.

The I.

46 f.

chief ideas of the Testament Demonology 43 46. 2. Astrology 46. 3. Angelology 4. Magic and medicine 47 f. 5, Solomon 48 f. 6. Apo-

calyptic element 49 f.

7.

Syncretism 51

f.

2.

The

universal

human

Assyrian and Babylonian influences 52 fF. 54ifr. 5. Egyptian elements 55 59.

3.

fluence

ments and relationships 59 relationships 66 ff.

— 78.

8.

— 66.

7.

Christian

4. Iranian in-

Jewish

ele-

Hellenistic elements

and

elements

element 52.

6.

and relationships

Unique mater in Unique mater in Rec. B 82 f. 12. Unique matter in Rec. C 83 13. Unique matter in MS D 85 f. 14. Solomon's seal 86 f. 15. Summary and conclusions 87 if. 68_

Rec.

—5

51

— 90

Jesus Christ 50 f.

and relationships of the subject matter

VII. Sources I.

43

A

9.

82.

Arabic folklore 78 II.

fi".

82.

10.


X

Contents. Seite

VIIL The Testament I.

90

in literature

and history

.

90—104

.

.

Solomonic books of healing and magic among the Jews 94,

2.

Solomonic books among the Arabs 94.

Among

3.

— 104.

Christians 94

IX.

The date of I.

3.

the Testament and

Previous opinions as to date 105

f.

its ^s.

recensions

105—108

.

Conclusions 106 f.

Date of the original Jewish ground work 108.

4.

Date

of the recensions 108.

I.

Authorship: Opinions 108 f.

109.

3.

Provenience 109

f.

2.

— in

108

X. Authorship and provenience Autorship: Conclusions

Provenience of the recen-

4.

sions III,

112— 126

Appendix A. ManuscriptN with a list of variant readings pp. 1 12 B. Manuscript

E

pp. 123

— 126,

— 123.

BIBLIOGRAPHY I.

11.

III.

127-136

Editions and reprints

127

Translations

127

Treatises

and discussions

128

IV. General bibliography with abbreviations I. Dictionaries, encyclopedias, and periodicals 128 if. .

2.

Modem

authors 130

.

.

....

Compendia Original Text of Testament Text of Recension C Text of Manuscript D I1^q\ tov 2Joko/iwvTog Conspectus Titulorum Sigilla Anuli Salomonis Text of Manuscript E Ac^yrj^tg

:

.

5*

j^^ .

.

.

.

jcsqI

tov ^o/LofiSvtog

Textum

123*— 166* 123*

Angelology, Astrology, Demonology, Magic

III.

Greek words

Modern Greek words

.

,

**.

V. Subjects and Persons VI. Quotations from Ancient

102*

122*

Grammar and syntax

IV.

98*

121*

INDEXES 11.

88* 100*

Corrigenda

I.

i*— 122* 3*

Sigla et

in

— 136

— 136.

TEXTS WITH CRITICAL APPARATUS

Emendationes

128

Authors

130*

134* 161*

i5l* i5c*


THE TESTAMENT OF SOLOMON. INTRODUCTION. I.

GENERAL CHARACTER AND CONTENTS.

The Testament of Solomon

1.

is

a combination of folktales

and a magician's vade-mecum. In its interpretations of Scripture and its legends of biblical personages it reminds one of the

Haggadah.

In

relate

it

stories

its

of

Arabian Nights.

similar to the

demons and Its

their activities

it

is

magical formulae and recipes

to the execration tablets, the amulets,

and the magical

papyri of antiquity, and to the medical recipe books of the

The same combination of

Middle Ages.

naive popular science

and laboriously learned philosophy runs indirectly into the Faust literature, and directly into the Clavicula Salomonis, the "Key of All Mysteries"

i.

It

is

a product of those three pseudo-sci-

ences which have brought more disappointed hopes and abject terrors

to

mankind than any others:

astrology,

demonology,

and magic. 2. It is

as a leaf

Testament has

its

intense interest,

from the

chief value.

when one

common

man's thinking that the

Its superstitious puerilities

thinks of

and fears of the vast majority of mankind. of Marcus Aurelius and the "Confessions" of the door to

arouse

them as recording the hopes

The St.

"Meditations"

Augustine open

the innermost thoughts of two great personalities

who have done much

mould the life of their own and all Books like the Testament help one to understand the psychological reactions of the great shadowy to

succeeding generations.

1 Cf, infra,

UNT.

9:

p.

McCown.

14 and n.

i.


Character and Contents.

2

army

why

of

men who

followed these leaders afar off. They explain emperor, who had learned "not to give

philosophical

the

what was said by miracle- workers and jugglers about incantations and the driving away of demons and such things" should have allowed two lions to be cast into the Danube with elaborate ceremonies and costly sacrifices, in the vain hope of winning success for the Roman arms, and should have consulted credit to

i,

the Chaldeans to

cure Faustina's infatuation for a gladiator 2

demonology and magic had a tremendous hold upon the great body of mankind. The Testament

In spite

of their absurdities

is doubly welcome, since unfortunately we have too few first hand sources in this field 3. 3. The document also makes a contribution to a most important chapter in the early history of Christianity, coming as it probably does from the fourth century, or earlier, and embo-

dying much older materials. the

The

work

is

One

of the prominent motifs

in

the conception of Christ as conqueror of demons.

Christian compiler combines a simple, unhesitating faith

in

the efficacy of the pagan formulae he cites with an inconsistent trust in

the superior power of Christus invictus.

Dion Cassias

famous thunder storm that miraculously refreshed and discomfited their enemies during the Marcomannic war to the magic arts of an Egyptian sorcerer*. The Christians claimed the marvel came in answer to the prayers of the 'Thundering Legion', and made the incident a powerful argument for the new faiths Our author, combining the two ascribes

the

the

Roman

legions

contradictory points of view, stands as a representative of the great majority of the Christians of his time, to

1 Meditations

2

Dill,

3 The

their faith

I 6.

Marcus Aurelins. London

Roman

Society

â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 450;

Lucian, Alexander 48.

1905, pp. 446

whom

from Nero

to

:

Macmillan,

some measure fills the gap in our knowledge of ancient by the missing books of Hippolytus' Refntatio (II and III>

Test in

superstitions left

4 Hist. LXXI 8. 5 Eusebius {HE v

5) quotes as his authority Claudius ApoUinaris, who addressed an apology to Marcus Aurelius, TertuUian makes the same apologetic use of the story, Cf. the account of Dion with that of Xifilinus in Dio Cassius

Cocceianus ed. Bossewain, III 259

f.


Character and Contents.

o

was but another superstition superimposed upon the old. It was impossible all at once to replace, the old sensuous paganism with a spiritual and ethical monotheism. During the long struggle

was fearfully debased and weakened. How much was carried over into the new religion the Testament of Solomon helps one partly to realize. 4. Another important semce the Testament renders in that Christianity

of the old

it

represents, so far as

it is

Jewish, "pre-Talmudic demonology"^,

and one might add, Palestinian demonology.

much more than

of both Christian

fusion

be found

in

it,

and

2.

eliminated, as they can

be of

Jew

in

5.

A

sure,

pro-

the

thought world of

century of our

first

era,

and

it is,

church history,

Testament and the Jewish scholar.

complete table of contents

The aim of

section.

to the

New

A

document must

therefore, important not only for the student of

but for the

be

to

However, when once these elements are be with some certainty, the Test comes

real assistance in reconstructing the

the Palestinian

is,

and pagan ideas and materials are to

until these are indicated, the

be used with caution to

It

a Christian revision of a Jewish work.

is

given at the end of this

the present paragraph's to call attention

main ideas that enter

into the construction of the work.

In the two chief recensions the story in brief

is as follows: In response to his prayers Solomon receives his famous magic ring,

order that he

in

who the

is

King

activities

calls

of

frustrates

the

may

workman on the Temple, by a demon. By means of the ring demon before him, learns the powers and protect a favorite

being tormented

future.

all

each,

the

the demons, the formula, or angelic name^ which

and

in addition

The demons

many

secrets of nature

and of

are used to perform various tasks in

connection with the building of the temple. with an account of Solomon's

The

story ends

because of his love for a Shunamite girl, and of the consequent loss of his power over the demons. This simple framework, without plot or progresis fall

of thought, allows the introduction of a bizarre medley of stories

1 Dr. Kohler,

2 V. infra

art.

"Demonology"

III 12, a criticism of

in

JE

IV 518

a,

Ginzberg's use of the Test^

I*


Character and Contents.

4

The writer's chief interest is medico-magical. make known to the world what the diseases and which demons bring to mankind, and how their male-

about demons.

He

writes

ills

are

to

be frustrated. His angelology is only a foil to his demonology, for God's messengers come to earth solely for the purpose of counteracting demonic agency. The motif of temple building, which introduces the story, is wellvolent designs are

to

maintained throughout, entering into almost every section. Yet, ostensibly primary,

while

it

is

really subordinate;

it

is

part of

the background against which the author can display his demonological knowledge. Another motif is the wisdom and glory of Solomon. This also is kept continually in mind throughout the entire narrative. In one brief section the demons are for the

moment

entirely forgotten, while the magnificence of Solo-

and the homage rendered him by other nations are described. Though the "Queen mon's

buildings,

of the South"

is

the

wealth

of his

introduced as

treasury,

a sorceress {yoriq),

a trace of the Jinn of the Bilkis legend.

it

is

without

However, Solomon's

power is due to his ring, his wisdom and magnificence to what the demons have taught him and done for him, and thus the whole is brought within the writer's circle of ideas. Another very natural interest betrays itself. No doubt many an inquiring mind had asked how the magicians came to know the secret names and incantations by which the demons In a well known Egyptian legend, Isis, the could be laid. sorceress,

divine

wishes to

learn the secret,

allpowerful

name

be bitten by a serpent, and he must reveal the name before she can cure him ^. The question which inspired the Egyptian story is more satisfactorily ansof Re.

She causes him

to

by the

Solomon's magic ring forces the Testament before his death writes all this wise king and the revelations, hidden lore in a "Testament", which is handed down to future

wered

generations,

1

name

that

they

may be

demonic tormentors.

their

is

Erman, Handbook of

the

It

is

able to in

this

Egyptian Religion^

p.

escape the wiles of connection that the

154

not pronounced aloud, and' the reader never learns

if. it.

Unfortunately the


Character and Contents,

motivation for the story of Solomon's

5 fall

is

not unskillfuUy

supplied. According to one manuscript^, a demon foretells the sad end of the King's glory, and, when the prophecy is fulfilled,

chastened monarch,

the

demons have

work

of contents, the

ponderating interest 6.

is

of the truth

satisfied

told him, writes

down.

it

of

Thus, with

all

that the

variety

all its

a real unity, owing to the writer's pre-

magic and demonology^.

in

following inventory of the contents of the recensions

The

of the Testament is intended to show in the most concise manner what the various forms of the work contain. By comparison of the numbers in this list with those of the ^'Comparative Table" opposite it will be plain at once what part of the total material each manuscript contains. References to chapter and section

Greek text

or to pages of the

survey of the

hoped, render the rapid

will, it is

latter easier.

The "Comparative Table"

is

intended to show the material

contained in each manuscript, and thus to illustrate the relations

The

of the manuscripts one to another.

scripts into families, or recensions, here

other considerations, as will appear

by

table

this

divisions of the

adopted

later.

is

manu-

supported by

Yet the proof

offered

so simple and decisive that further evidence

is

is

hardly necessary. In the

numbers

The

table

the

in

letters, a, b,

the figures

conspectus

and

c,

used

at

the

left refer to

the sectional

of contents on the opposite page. in the

columns pretaining to the

manuscripts, stand for Recensions A, B, and C, and indicate that the recension

Where one that to

that

in

it.

contains the material of the section in question.

of the letters:

The

section cipher:

the

o

d, h,

i,

1,

p, etc.,

appears,

it

indicates

manuscript shows material peculiar

indicates

that

the

section

is

wanting

through the carelessness of the scribe or accident to the manuscript,

by

not

intentional omission

on the part of the editor of

the recension.

1 P,

XV

14

f.,

the only complete

2 Schiirer, 6^^^111419, literatur".

is

MS.

But

see

MS N

in?

appendix.

hardly right in calling the TVj^ "Unterhaltungs-


7

n6

4

1

Contents of the Recensions,

a) 1.

Prefatory matter (not originally part of Tesi)

Title

2.

Doxology

3.

David's sin with Bathsheba,

4.

Failure of God's attempt to stop David,

5.

Nathan's reproof of David,

6. 7. ,8.

D

D

I

I 7

— 3I

i

9.

4

I

Solomon's birth, reign, power, and wisdom, D Solomon's prayer; command to build Temple, Building of Temple,

D

II

i

Test I

cf.

;

b) Testament proper, matter

10.

D

— 11

The

favorite slave, or chief architect, I affliction

by

a vampire.. I 2

D

3;

i

;

D

to majority of

Solomon's prayer about the matter,

12.

Solomon examines

the slave, I 3f.

3

Solomon's supplication for

18.

The answer, a magic ring, The inscription on the ring (not original) ^ Solomon gives the ring to the slave, I 8f.; D II Sf. The capture of the demon, Ornias, I 10 14; D II 10 — 13. Solomon examines Ornias, II i 9, D III i

19.

Ornias fetches Beelzebul,

17.

MSS

;

13.

16.

—5

II 2

14. 15.

1

II 2

I 3; D II D II 3f. him, I 5; D II 5 I 6f.; D II 6f.

11.

Prol.

i

common

His

I i2f.

UVW^,

who

examined,

is

III

21.

summoned and examined, IV i — 12 Asmodaeus summoned and examined, V 1 — 5

22.

Asmodaeus

i

7<j

20. Onoskelis

further examined,

23. Beelzebul re-examined, 24.

Lix Tetrax, VII

25.

The seven

26.

Phonos, IX

c)

VI

i

V6 — 136 "^

1

i-8 8

sister vices,

VIII

i

— 12

1—79 Testament proper continued

Punishment of Phonos, IX 8 28. Kyon, or Rhabdos, and the green

in

Recensions

A

and

B

27.

29. Leontophoron,

V

XI

i

stone,

X

i

1 For compendia employed to indicate MSS see below, II. 2 U contains only a few lines in § 4 and again in Nos. 52 and 53. 3 About th^ middle of I 2 HI and PQ unite. 4 The inscription on the ring in HI and T is found also in an amulet (Vr) not connected with the Test. 5 Q resumes in section 40 below.

in


Comparative Table. Rec. A.


7

5

7

3

2

6

Contents of the Recensions.

30.

Koryphe drakonton, XII 1—6

31.

Obyzuth, XIII

1—7 XIV 1^8

32. Pterodrakon,

*

33.

Enepsigos and the origin of the

34.

Kynopegos,

35. 36.

XVI

i

Test,

XV i— 15

The cave spirit, XVII The thirty-six decani^

i

XVIII

or elements,

i

— 41

Treatment of decani, XVIII 42 (of all demons, XVIII 42 38. Solomon's power and glory, XIX if. 37.

39. Saba,

Queen of the South, XIX

—44,

D

III

3

Quarrelsome father and son; Ornias' prophecy, XX i 2\\ D IV 41. The "Queen of the South" in the Temple, XXI 1—4, D VI 1—8 20, D VI 9 42. Ephippas, pest and wind demon of Arabia, XXII i 40.

i

— 18

— 11

46.

Ephippas and the corner-stone, _XXIII i 4, D VI 9 11 Ephippas, Abezethibu, and the air-pillar, XXIV 1—5, D VI 12—14 Abezethibu examined, XXV i 9^ Solomon's fall through the Shunamite, XXVI i 7 5

47.

The

43. 44.

45.

XXVI XXVI 10 5

writing of the Test,

48. Closing doxology,

H

8

(H XXVI

d) Close of

49. 50.

5—9.

8f.)5

MS D

Solomon and the demon prince, Samael, VII The glory and wisdom of Solomon, VIII i

i

e)

New

material in Recension

C

The request and promise of Phonos, IX 8 Magical recipe, IX 9^-106 53*^ 53. List of demons and their signs, X i 54. Onoskelu summoned and examined (second account) XI 9^ 55. The request and promise of Onoskelu, XI 7 6" 56. Solomon's conversation with Paltiel Tzamal, XII i 51. 52.

57. Paltiel

Tzamal

secures a

"new

testament," XIII

58.

The

59.

Solomon's conclusion and signature, XIII 15

preservation of the "great mystery,"

60. Subscription of copyist of

1

MSS HL

MS V

omit

XIV 3-XVI

P

has an unique

2 In XVIII 4

i.

e.,

an inflated one.

sections

The B

H

— 6^

— — 12

Rec. C, XIII i3f.

(partly cryptographic)

i.

text.

L

breaks off at the end of XVIII

3 In XIX P has numerous additions. 4 MS Q reappears in XX 10. P often has 5 In many

i

i

a longer text than

presents a highly abbreviated text, in

text is here

probably

better.

28.

H.

XXVI 8—10


Comparative Table.


lO

Manuscript D,

,

DESCRIPTION OF THE MANUSCRIPTS.

II.

that

The manuscripts are here described in the briefest manner seemed consistent with the desire to put the reader in posmain

of the

session

importance and

facts

their

necessary to estimate their relative

They

relationships.

are taken up in the

order in which they appear in the foregoing table, that

is,

fol-

lowing the alphabetical order of the letters which have been chosen to symbolize them, which is also the order of priority

development of the

in the

D

I.

Test.

Dionysius monastery, Mt. Athos, No. 132^

XVI

ff.

367^â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

rov 2oXofi<5vTog] published by Istrin, cf. Edition No. 4; collated by photograph^, from which the title is missing; pages of Tesl 374^,

deleted

by

cent;

entitled it^Qi

transverse lines

^

no description of the manuscript. The photograph shows it to have been carefully and correctly written and well preserved; it seems to be in small format. The hand is heavy, round, and beautifully clear, with the customary ligatures gives

Istrin

and abbreviations. Orthography and punctuation (comma, ques-

and period) are exceptionally good.

tion mark,

script

The

iota sub-

The ^ is often written like an v. In one word was added at the bottom of the page; order of two clauses was reversed by putting

lacking.

is

instance an omitted in

the

another the letter

^ before the

there are no

first,

a before the second ^

important corrections or erasures.

A

Otherwise later

hand

has added marginal notes giving some of the subjects mentioned

The title given by Istrin appears to have been above the ornamental head-piece, and only the lower part of the letter jt appears in the photograph. The Solomonic writing, which fills eight leaves, was wrongly bound. The leaves in

the

text.

written

are

the

in

order 367â&#x20AC;&#x201D;371, 374, 373, 372.

The page on which

1 Secured during tlie summer of 1914 through Leipzig-Marienbrunn, by whose permission it is used.

2 3

It

by Lambros

does not appear to be noticed

xitcrtifxe

occurs for

xextijf^ai,

always written with the grave accent.

I

10;

Dr,

Heinrich Jantsch,

in his Catalogue,

oixela for Gttia 112,4;

<prjol is


D

Manuscripts

and H.

II

the next selection begins appears to be 375. Tiie writing covers

only about two-thirds of

f.

374^, something having been erased

from the remainder of the page. F.366^ contains the conclusion of a religious or ecclesiastical writing which I do not recognize K

On

f

begins a selection described in another hand as

37S''

tovg alQsrixovc, X6y{oi) 2,

H

kif,

q>illa

Holkham

England, No. 99, described in the cataon paper, Quarto

Norfolk,

Hall,

b\ Earl of Leicester,

Private library of the

elc

logue as "Opuscula theologica varia,

XV

and

XVI

16x21.5; 35

The easily

cent'"

^-i

The

blank,

making 68 pages;

d^^XTjg

ooXoftmvrog, etc;

writing

is

Test

is

unnumbered; f

large, round,

cent; cm. f.

35 verso

unpublished

well preserved,

and

intelligently used,

is

and

y and

clear;

v,

s

3,

and a may

Ligatures and abbreviations are frequent;

be confused.

.which

recto

entitled dn^yrjcfig jisqI rrjg 6ta-

iotacism often appears; the iota subscript tion,

XV

of the

i

The punctua-

rare.

is

consists mainly of the period,

placed sometimes higher, sometimes lower. Corrections and erasures are rare.

It

is

the only manuscript which boasts rubrics

placed before the chief divisions of the story. The page

The

title

and the

x^iQovaa naQaaxTlqi xaq aidlovg ixelvovg (in -ag and ends, ov 6^ xal rjuelq ftETQtwg fisv ^vtavO^a, nXovlalwg 6s ixet xalg aatq oalaig eijxtxTg int\ xvxoifJ.sv' ;^a<)iTi xov K(vgio)v xal 0{so)v xal G[wxif)Q{o)q r)fXo>v l(7joo)r 1

corr.)

xal S-siag

begins,

\

iXXdfjttpeig nXov\alQ)g asl Ssxofiivrj

x(qiozo)v' (pln^eTCSt itaaa

(Colalrt^u/),

.

.

.,

\

etc.

2 It is called ^lEjc^fia^e xax iTtizoft^v ^xov xwv laHQ)p'Cx(bv\S6yfxaxog' xal x(by aXXoDv ibv notova'C naQO. x^jv\ixxXriaiaarii<^v xal d^S-oSo^ov niaxiv xe xccl 7ia^d\6oaiv' ovyyQa<petaa naQd. drjfirjXQlov fxrixQ07io\XLXOv ^vt^vxov ix tcqoXQ07ii]{(g)) xov (fiXoxQiotov xwvaxavxlvov xov noQ<pvQoy£VV'^xov v\ov X£ov\xog \

xov oofpov^ iv y seal nsgl twv xax'itx'C,aQl<Dv: Inc.: ^EitetSri aov x^v vneQ(fwrj xal x<b ovxt paaiXixa)xdxi]v <pvaiv ^^aiQBXov xt XQfjfia d-{Eb)g xui xoafio) the page ends with xal ngbg xov xwv laxwpixibv 6tccv6oxriaev iSco^rjaaxo .: .

^sXeyxov

|

.

Sg av

fi^\xal ovxoi dieox^a/ipiiva xal ^Xdatprjf^a Soyftaxa.

3 Professor Deissmann very kindly made inquiries concerning the Tesi while lecturing in Cambridge in 1907. Dr. M. R. James informed him of the Holkham Hall MS, and later was so kind as to send me a copy of the first nineteen pages. In January, 1908, I went to Holkham and, through the generosity of the owner and the goodness of the librarian, Alexander I. Napier, Esq., was allowed to collate the MS in the library of the Hall. It is published by permission of the owner.


Manuscripts

12 letters

initial

of the

lesser

H

and

I.

are

sections

also in red.

In

XXII

has been mistaken for /. q for Aside from the Test the contents of the codex are theological and ecclesiastical. There is nothing to indicate its prolo,

II

venience except a tract copied in the same hand as the Test and called in the catalogue '']ohdiTints Canabutii magistri ad

principem Aeni et Samothraciae" ^ This seems to point to Greece. 3.

BibHotheque Nationale, Paris, Supplement grec, No. 500, XVI cent, paper, cm. 16x22; ff. 78â&#x20AC;&#x201D;82; entitled coXoficovTogf etc., with diad-rjxT] rov added in a careless

I

hand

in the

published

The are

writing

upper margin of the page; well preserved; Istrin, cf. Edition No. 4.

by

is fine;

slender,

extremely frequent and

pendia numerous.

lotacism

is

graphy appears occasionally; script

is

wanting;

the

and somewhat crowded;, ligatures abbreviations and com-

intricate,

comparatively rare; Attic orthoe.

g.,

(pgirxo:) (II i);

punctuation

(comma and

the iota subperiod),

the

and the use of breathings and accents correct. Corrections and erasures are very rare. Although a broad margin has been left, marginal variants and glosses are wanting. division of words,

The

title

with a conventional ornamental head-piece above

the magical inscription of the ring, and occasional

it,

initial letters

of sections are rubricated.

The codex

contains

a miscellaneous collection of

philosophical, ethical, theological,

and

classical,

biblical writings, including

and Canticles, some of them unfinished. The Test follows the two Solomonic works just mentioned. Unfortunately, as with some of the other works, the copyist soon became weary of the stories of the many demons and broke off in the middle of a sentence and a column, when he had written about one sixth of the Test, The well known Greek scholar, Minoides Minas, whose name appears on one of the fly leaves at the back, owned the codex, and through his heirs it came into the Bibliotheque Nationale in Ecclesiastes

1 Johannes Canabutzes was a Graeco-Italian from Chios, Krumbacher, BLg,

fifteenth century,

first

half of the-


Manuscripts

I

and L.

I

^

Minas had been under commission from the French goto seek manuscripts in European Turkey, Asia Minor,

1864.

vernment

Mt

and especially at

Doubtless

unknown.

L

4.

Athos.

XV

cm. 23x34,

acquired this one

in the

is

Levant ^

Museum, No. SS96; 58 ff., paper, in the printed catalogue described cent,

MSS,

Harleian

Where he

was somewhere

it

British

as "Geomantica, exorcismi, divinationes et huius modi,"

with the addition in the written "Class-catalogue" of the

words *'quaedam Salomonis;" well preserved, unpubliFour fragments are used as follows: i) ff. 8^ i8s the title, originally missing, supplied by a later hand

shed.

in

"Quomodo Solomon

Latin:

cum

colloquitus

spiritibus

aedificaturus

templum

multa

edoctus,''

et

fuit,

33^ and 4) ff. 39"^— 4i'- (On the last three fragments, which are designated by T, see below\)

2)

The

f.

r—1\

writing

run together,

is

f.

3)

and heavy; it is somewhat clear, and not without are frequent, compendia

low, broad, round,

yet

it

is

regular,

very

beauty.

Abbreviations and ligatures

less so.

lotacism

appear.

The comma

is

not frequent.

The

iota subscript does not

(rather infrequent), the period, and, at the

end of the more importand sections, a the punctuation.

A

wanting.

Erasures,

later

corrections,

hand has added

triple period make up and Greek glosses are

in Latin,

besides the

occasional marginal notices and translations, and has

a

cross

and

circle those peculiar directions for the

a

unique.

The

MS

being the only one

They

are seven to eight

centimeters wide, and contain twenty

letter,

information regarding

Regarding d'une

list

lines.

In fragment

used except on the seal of Solomon.

1 In a personal

me

MS

also has the distinction of

written in columns, two to the page.

are

use of the

magical remedy for disease which render this

Test as

colors

title,

marked by

dated April 10, 1908, M. the

three

MSS

Omont

It is

i)

no

painted

very kindly gave

of the Test found in the Bib. Nat.

this one he says: "Suppl. gr. 500. Provient de Minoide Mynas, no. 35 de ses manuscrits, mais sans qu'on puisse autrement preciser I'origine

du volume." My wife copied the MS in Paris in 1907. I compared copy vi^ith the original then and again in Heidelberg, where it was sent through the customary diplomatic channels to the University library for my use. orientale

the


14

Manuscript L.

with silver over red, as

are

the

name

The

coarse,

rather

the,

as well as the article

(o)

demons (Fragment

4),

beginning

to

numbers

Clavicula (see below), and the

before each

of the sections in

titles

in the list of fifty-one

yellow paper of the codex

is

one spot in the lower half of the inner column many

decay. At of the leaves have rubbed until a few letters have disappeared. Harleian MS 5596 is entirely filled with magical, astrolo-

and demonological matter, evidently written by a mediaeval

gical,

(ff.

18 -44"^)

is

by

taken up

Fragments Recensions A and C In

Salomonis^. vely in

The

found.

The

in his profession.

magician for practical use

it

largest part

the Greek form of the Clavicula

and

3)

which appear

4),

MSS

other

in

of the

respectiTest,

seven leaves of the codex contain various

first

are brief

magical, geomantical, and astrological excerpts and observations,

ending with Fragment

which

2),

C

Onoskelis story, found in Recension

MS

of these excerpts bring this contains //hadi (sic)

2,

f.

f 6^, col.

f;3,

both also found in

2,

MS

MS V,

the

other

which

rov Uvd'ayaQOv

bxsQa

viz.,

and a "Pythagorean

col. 2,

5^^

Two

of the Test,

into relation with

a copy of Recension C;

(sic)

second form of

the

is

table,"

V.

:n:Xivd'7]q

have

I

disco-

MS in which the Clavicula and the Test appear together, and that is MS W, in which there are three very badly written pages of the former and a complete copy vered only one other

This

1

present form,

well

known

work,

niagico-astrological

though mediaeval

based on older materials. The Harleian

is

MS

in

its

contains the longest

Greek copy I have seen. The vy^OfiavTSla in Munich MS. 70, ff. 240â&#x20AC;&#x201D;253 (cf. CCAG VII 3, 3, f. 240), is well written, but shorter. Paris, g^raec. 2419 (= MS W) has, as remarked above, only a fragment, and that miserably written. It is to this last that Reitzenstein

me

'to

.

.

.

f.

28v~37r,

MSS

English by art,

C YII

zd

xXri6)iv

x.

S.

i.

f.

15,

Other Greek MSS, known 75V [CCAGIY 16), called

(Lambros, ndatjg

z?Jq

of the Clavicula are numerous.

r.

L

Cai

t^/v?/?

Latin,

MS MS

I

400) No. 3816.4

t7Jq

French,

Cf. the translation

ly^of/avriag^ Italian,

from Latin

and into

L. M. Mathers, Ciavictila Salomonis^ London, 1889, Seligsohn in Apocryphal Works" (XI 447), accepts a Hebrew original.

"Solomon,

He knows no Greek 2 3

entitled

naQO. rov SoXofiiovzog,

avpzsd-sp

English

JE^

Poim, 187, n,

Mt. Athos, Dionysios monastery,

t^f/avsia; (282),

refers in

only through catalogues, are Turin

form.

CCAG IV

41, Bon. Univ. 3632).

V,

f.

274

V,

f.

274V, closing the ^nioxoX^

(cf.

Uv^ayoQov.

I


5

Manuscripts

C

of Recension

of the

L

and

P.

1

Fragment

latter.

or L, contains about

i),

Test, ending in the middle of a column. While on a brief visit to England in January and February, 1908, I undertook to go through all the Greek MSS of magical contents in the British Museum, as well as all the Solomonic

two-thirds of the

search

Latin, French,

in

literature

across the Onoskelu story, then the longer frag-

came

I

In the course of the

and English.

and later the other pieces in the Clavihave been able to get no light on the codex. But it certainly has Italian relationof the provenience ships, since the "Pythagorean'* letter and table are found in several other Italian MSS ^ besides V, and S of Vienna which

ment

Test (L),

Unfortunately

acla.

is

the

,of

I

closely related to V^. 5.

P Bibliotheque

Nationale, Anciens fonds grecs, No. 38

(Colbert 4895);

XVI

in three

ooXofiSvrog,

by

Furst,

and

cent, paper, cm. 15.5x20.5; 24

ff.

quaternions; well preserved; entitled dtad^x?] etc.;

and

published

by

Fleck, reprinted in part

by Migne;

entire

cf.

Editions Nos.

i,

2,

3.

The manuscript has been carefully and intelligently written. The handwriting is somewhat unskilful and angular in appearance, but easily readable. The letters are ligatured as ordinarily in the sixteenth century, but compendia and abbreviations are rare, even such words as d-sog and

out in

written

the

lotacism

is

very

TsQoCoXv^a being often

rare.

The

iota subscript,

and the breathings are almost always correctly

accents,

given.

full.

Unfortunately the punctuation, consisting of the comma,

and the period

is most profusely employed gegen jede auf bestimmte Grund-

at various heights,

and, as Furst says, "verstoBt

Abzeichnung der Satzteile"^. Not only has the manuscript been carefully

satze basierte

part

A

of

it

large

1 Cf.

number of CCAG IV

53 (Neapol. 1030,

f.

has also been through

247.

19,

f.

letters

(codd.

Ital.)

44), 75 (Florent.

2 Cf.

CCAG VI

the hands

but

written,

of a corrector.

which seemed uncertain to the co-

15

(Taurin.

= Laurent.

33.

5,

29,

39V), 31 (Mutin. 11,

f. f.

3 Orient V,

f.

77),

38); also Milan (Ambros.) col.

596 note.


6

Manuscript P.

1

marked with three dots, in other instances he left part of a line vacant for the insertion of the proper words. Two

pyist were

first page, where blacker ink, smaller and more crowded letters, and more numerous abbreviations;;) show that the words were put in later i. In one case the corrector hit upon the right text; in the other he missed. On f. a^^s a similar blank was left, but the corrector was too uncertain to put his conjecture in the text; it remains on the margin, Unfortunately he failed to go carefully through the entire manu-

such cases occur on the

|

'

and not

script,

of the uncertain places received his

all

made

Occasional corrections were

letters of sections are enlarged,

Initial

stances the

No

blank.

closing

As

made

attempt has been

manuscript.

contains only the

It

in

le

little

can be made

President de

Mesmes

in

1739^.

who

1596, his son, Jean-Jaques,

in

in-

left partly

Test.

ding to the catalogue printed by Montfaucon

de Mesmes died

two or three

to rubricate or decorate the

provenience of the codex

to the

belonged to the library of M.

It

and

of paragraphs have been

lines

attention.

course of the writing 3.

in the

out.

accor-

Henri

inherited

his

In 1679 Colbert bought about 215 manufrom the Duchesse de Vivonne, great-granddaughter of the former 5, among them the Test, as the list shows®. The

manuscripts, in 1642. scripts

manuscripts of Colbert came into the Bibliotheque du Roi in 1732

"'.

In the catalogue of the Bibliotheque Royale (later Nationale) of

1740^

mentioned as "No. 38 olim Colbert." Back of the Mesmes it cannot be traced. Above the begin-

is

it

of de

library

ning of the text on the

Regius 2913

Of

flourishes. 1 In

1,

3 is

in

5

XXX.

XX

V

5,

written

"Codex

Colb. 4895 in

many

part of the superscription

19,

VIII

left

VII

3,

2.

The only

in II

7, p, 10,

XXVI

3,

IX

6,

3, 4.'

XIII

2, 3,

Marginal

XVIII

notes

27, 37,

I.

31.

33,

4

Cf. Delisle,

6

illegible,

Similar blanks are

I 9.

Cf*XVIII

XXI

me

to

this,

found in IV

XIX

is

I C. 3, 4-

2 In C. are

page

first

preceded by a short word ending

3",

XXVI

Bib. bib. mss.,

Cab. des, msc,

It is msc. tat,

8 Cat. codd. mss.

9364

f.

bib. reg,,

IF, I,

p.

serious

pp. 469, 471,

ll

voU.

omission due

to carelessness

1327.

and Omont, Inv, IV, pp. XXI,

in the Bib. Nat.

1—4,

Paris,

7 Delisle, op. cit p. 439.

1739—1744'


:

1/

Manuscript P.

M. Omont says: "'Cent': ce numero est une code d'inventaire vraides manuscrits de la duchesse de Vivonne; il provient tres senibabletnent des de Mesmes^i.

Du

This manuscript has been occasionally noticed by scholars. Cange used it in his Glossarium published in 16882, referring

Testamentum ex Codd. Reg. 18433

to "Salomonis

Colbert,"

et

and adding "vide notas nostras as Zonarae Annal. p. '^'^'K In these ISIotae, published in 1687, he gives the title almost as in P with the remark, "legimus apographum ex Bibliotheca Thuanea." Either this

"apographum" The library of Jaques August 1680, most of the ancient ma-

memory, or

a slip of the

is

was merely a copy of the

title.

de Thou (died 1617) was sold in nuscripts being acquired by Colbert.

else the

But none of the printed

Thou show any copy of the

catalogues of the library of de

Test^.

Other references to the Testament are secondary and rest

upon Du Cange 6 or Gaulmin, the manuscript and published the basis of

until

1 In the personal Gloss,

ad

3

4 Zonarae Annalia

ed.

Now Du

1866),

"Bien que

le

ms. 38,

De Thou,

je

crois

p.

9

XLV,

Concerning

60.

des notes

p,

13, u,

Solomonic

i.

du

this

comme

vous

II

p.

le

7,

2 vols,

471; Omont, Inv^ IV, p. XXX; Biogra505 and n. 17; Nowvelle Biographie Uni-

lui

c'est

ad

hist.

lit.

de praecip. bibL

in the letter already mentioned, says

le verrez

de Zonaras.

Testament de Salomon dans

p.

M. Omont,

cependant que t.

I,

229; MaicheU, Intro,

p.

MS W.

Far. gr. 2419, see below

XLV,

phie Universelle (Paris 1826),

Paris., p.

to,

Cangius, Parisiis 1686

Cab. des msc,

Cf. Delisle,

verselle (Paris

this piece of

scrip, med. et infin» graec, (Paris, 16S8), II, col. 32, in "Index

Auctor. Graec. ined,"

5

His edition' has been

of Istrin®.

above referred

letter

Fleck came across

finally

1837.

subsequent labors upon

all

literature, until the publication

2

in

it

provienne de

auquel

En. tons

cas,

De Mesmes

Du Cange il

fait

et

non de

allusion k la

n'y avait pas

de ms. du

Catalogue imprime au XVIIe siecle de la Biblio-

De Thou." 6 So the references by Hemsterhuis in Thomas Magister (Lugd. Bat, 1757), 636, and Etymolog. Mag. (ed. Gaisford, Oxford 1848), p. 142, 7, depend upon

th^que de

p.

Fabricias reprinted the title from Zonaras. On a slip pasted on the inside of the cover of the codex one reads: 'Testamentum Salomonis,

the Glossarium.

Fictitium,

non semel laudatum a Gauminio in Notas ad Psellum de operat. This is a mistake. On Gaulmin's quotations see below on

Daemonum. 4895." the use of

MS W.

8 Edition No. 4; UNT. 9: McCown.

,

7 Edition cf.

No.

1;

cf.

infra Intro III

i.

infra Intro III 4. 2


8

Manuscripts Q, S and T,

1

6.

nâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;

Q

Andreas Convent, Mt. Athos, No. T% ff. cent; published by Istrin, cf. Edition No. 4^.

has given no description of the manuscript apparatus, \t is evident from the number of omitted

Although or critical

Istrin

which he has supplied

letters

XV

15:

frequent longer lacunae that

as well as from the

in brackets,

carelessly copied from a de-

was

it

fective exemplar.

The manuscript the

first

cc. Ill

I

â&#x20AC;&#x201D; XX

bottom of its

two hundred thirty-seven

last

The omission

9 being omitted.

many

12^,

f,

only about one third of P;

contains

and the

ninety

pages, evidently, having

viz.,

lines,

occurs near the

dropped out

S Vienna, codex

7.

XVI

108; paper, cm, 19x25;

philos. graec.

cent; well preserved .

the greater part unpublished.

;

Contains two unpublished fragments:

VW

MSS

twelve seals said in the ring of Solomon,

f.

The codex

contains

Solomonic amulets and amulets like those

in

much

7),

copies of the

have been found on

to

167^2

f.

astrological

selections.

MS

i)

361^; 2) one of the recipes found

same recension (VII

in the

It

matter, and many'

has a large number

of

V, and long selections of magical

content written in the peculiar cryptography to be found

They must,

manuscript

that

S having beeh copied from learned anything concerning

T

8.

therefore,

V

its

or

be of related origin, I have not

provenience.

MS

No. SS96;

cf.

rent letter, T,

1

I

2

is

CCAG

A

diffe-

used to designate the three fragments which

attempted tq secure a photograph of this manuscript, as of sent. No reason was given for the failure.

Cf.

supra,

4.

This manuscript has already been fully described.

none was

in

exemplar.

its

Museum, Harleian

British

No.

is

of

exemplar.

MS

are

D, but

VI (Codd. Vindobon.), p. i. Some of the Solomonic matter The names of the decani from ff. 357 ff, (p. 73 ff.), bear

edited in the catalog.

practically

no resemblance

ultimately related;

cf.

to

those in the

infra p. 56.

Test XVIII,

I studied the

very kindly sent to the imperial library for

my

yet the materials are

codex in Berlin, where

use.

it

was


Manuscript T.

ig

not incorporated in the incomplete copy of the Test found in this manuscript, and which belong to different recensions. T** (or

simple T) designates a fragment containing the variant

story of Onoskelis (Rec. C, XI), and part of Solomon's conversation with Paltiel It

begins without

Tzamal (Rec, title

Q

XII 1—4, and 6

the middle of

in

col.

i

separated from a magic formula which precedes space,

same

and ends

in

the middle

The remainder of

leaf.

of

the column f.

).

7^ being by a slight f.

it

on the verso of the

col. 2

begins at the top of the next column,

— in part —

on

is

blank.

The

Test

8".

T' designates a fragment from the Clavicula containing a representation of a seal and inscription which, according to MSS HI, was that on Solomon's ring. The seal, an elongated sixsided figure containing ten circles and various magical characters with the word (J«j9aa>^, takes up the greater part of the first column on the page (f. 33''), and following it are given certain instructions and the inscription (cf. infra p. 2/3.), which runs over into the second column, under the rubric jieqI xov da^xvXidiov, The Test in this manuscript (L), contains a somewhat different but closely related version of the inscription on the seal. T*^ designates a section in the Clavicula which contains the list of fifty (or fifty-one) demons which makes up a considerable portion of the unique matter in Rec. C. It runs from f. 39^^ (bottom) to

f.

41^' (top), and

bears the rubric,

eVe^a

^iQa^r^o,

T^e ccvT^g. The previous section has for its rubric, erega jtQa§?]g xov xad^QBJtxov (modern Greek, mirror). It is an exorcism of a certain female demon and her people (^ xvqo. ^aal(sic)

XtCCa Gov)

rj

in

avfiJtlkia Ofiov fis

order that they

xov Xaov

may

eCv xal ol agxovxsg perform certain services for the rrjg

.

.

.

may answer

truthfully any Greek with an Italian flavor, much more modern than the already late Greek of the list of fifty demons. T** is followed by a list of the demons and angels that rule each hour of the day, and another of the ruling planets and the work proper to each hour of the day. Both of these subjects had already been covered more

magician,

particularly

questions he

may

ask.

that

they

It is

written in very late

briefly in an earlier part of the Clavicula]

that

is,

the writer

is


20

Manuscripts

T and U.

here adding to the Clavicula matter of various kinds that belongs to the same sort of magic, but was not found in his copy. The

two sections he probably found in another recension of the Clavicula, for they appear without great difference of text in the Munich codex i. The origin of the list of fifty demons will be discussed later 2. The text of T^ covers about one fifth of

last

Rec. C.

U

9.

Ambrosian

cm. I)

As

library, Milan, ff

inf.);

paper,

1—378; f.

f.

this

No. 1030 (H 2

XVI cent; two fragments: 252V Ud), (= Up). (= 2) 233-, manuscript is known to me only through the cata16x22.6;

logue^ and a photograph of the page on which Fragment a

found,

description

full

of

it is

impossible.

As

i) is

to the hand-

writing of the page photographed, however, and general contents, it

closely resembles manuscripts

follow.

It

fiavreia as in

table found in

and some

and W, discussions of which

MS No. 70, the "Pythagorean"' letter and Harl. MS No. 5596 and Bologna University MS 3632, Munich

^

astrological matter

The manuscript

found

in the

Bologna manuscript^.

contains several unfinished fragments, some

those from the Test,

of them, like I

V

has two pages from the Clavicula^, here called v^qo-

should judge that the scribe

filled

"transversis

lineis

deleta."

up odds and ends of time

and space by copying little sections from other manuscripts. Thus he started in on the list of demons, and when he had reached the bottom of the page stopped. He probably had or its exemplar before him, for he usually follows the text.

W

W

U^

designates a fragment which,

like T<^,

contains the

list

of demons given in Rec. C. fugitive fragment, with

except as

it

all

is

1 Cod. 70,

ff.

In this case, however, it is a mere no relation to what precedes or follows,

of astrological character, and

2431-— 246r;

ff.

24or— 243r.

2

it

does not com-

Cf. infra

VII

12.

3 CCGBA, II 1096. The photograph was obtained through Dr. H. Jantsch, as was that of MS D; cf. supra^ p. lo, n. i. 4 Cf. supra, p. 14 n. i. 5 Cf. supra^ pp. 14, ns. 2—3. Here it reads, nv^txyoQov fjXtodQ}Q(p XccLQetv noXXa naB-lv, xvl.

6 ?'

Ttegl

7l)MVTjT(5v,

Twv

5'

paxavwv

t 246 r.

(sic),

f.

250; tcsqI

foxav&v i^

"Qoidiojv

xal riov


Manuscripts

plete the

list,

ending with §

11.

U

and V.

It

bears the

Aaiiioov 0<pQa'

title,

Aatfiovicov dvvafistg xal

vjtb 6ajiv^uwvog rdde bIjcs,

yidaiisvog

21

ovofiara.

have chosen to designate a little fragment which begins very abruptly in the middle of a sentence in § S of the "Prologue" to Recension C, with the words, JiQog avtoV oo?.of£<Dv, aoXofimv, xvgiog 6 d-eog aov eqeI. The catalogue does not quote

Up

I

nor give the

farther,

V

10,

explicit.

475

paper, cm. 21.9x29.6;

ff.,

The codex leather binding

is

is

dated

son of Aro, or Aron);

(f.

441^)

December

preserved.

The

torn away, and the

book

poorly

No. 3632; by a

written

cent.;

rov 6oq)coraxov (foXoftSprog, xtX.,

Testy entitled Jiad^^xr]

436^—441^; Unpublished 2.

XV

(or the

physician, John of Ai-o

ff.

MS

of the University,

Bologna, Library

1440*.

14,

leather of the halfis

almost in pieces.

The rough, gray paper is becoming discolored, yet the writing One would not form a high estimate of the education is distinct of Dr. John from his handwriting,

and

irregular,

satisfactory.

his lines

No

run up

distinction

hill.

for

it

made between,

is

careless,

loose,

is

His spelling

is

ec,

rj,

and

equally uni,

and

ot,

v\

between a and e; or between o and (d. Often /3 arfd v, occasionally a and et^ are interchanged. The accents are usually placed on the right syllable, but no attention is paid to the distinction between acute, grave, and circumflex, the on

8,

The breathings also are The punctuation,

is

wanting.

is

in general not bad,

last

appearing even

The

interchanged.

iota subscript

comma and

consisting of

but not entirely consistent.

period,

Abbreviations,

and compendia are extremely frequent. Well known words or forms are abbreviated by leaving off the last few

ligatures,

CCAG IV

1 Cf.

(codd.

Ital.

praeter Flor. etc.) 46.

sity

Library

of three

at

the

months from February

summer

officials of the

Heidelberg very kindly secured the loan of this to

May, 1908, and

time for three months more, transferring

it

"Indice", 452.

Olivieri,

2 Through the customary diplomatic channels the

MS

Univer-

for a period

later the extension of the

also to Berlin,

where

I

had gone

for

semester. This gave opportunity for a careful study of the whole codex.

3 Probably because the

ligature for ei closely resembles a

common form

of a.


Manuscript V.

22

The

letters.

title,

of the

initial letters

the subscription, and the

chief sections are rubricated. Corrections, erasures, and marginal

notes are wanting.

The

they include

of pseudo-scientific biological infor-

sorts

all

Middle Ages,

religious beliefs of the

medical practice and the for

instructive both as to the

codex are

of the

contents

mation, pages of medico-magical

partly

formulae,

crypto-

in

and long astrological treatises. The codex is rendered its cryptography and by the large number of illustrations, poorly drawn and highly colored, including drawings of animals and plants, and magical and astrological figures.

graphy

*,

unique by

The by

Test stands in gathering

of the codex, being preceded

jw

ka^VQipd-og rov ao^ov CoXofimPZog, f 43 5 ""^ ^^^

i)

rmv Tav(5v rSv £'

nXavrjxoiv,

OVSlQOXQLXOg 6

a7]Q7]fl*

fioravSv

^mdimv

i^'

rov TQiCfisylaTov zal

sQfiov

/9o-

Following the Test comes

435^^.

f.

jteQt

2)

Jtagl

XOL ETEQOQ OVBlQOXQirOq

TCal UTaltV BXBQOq

xai dXg)a^7]Tov. After the letter jc of this third oveiqoxqitoq the codex ends (f. 475). Two further writings mentioned in the jtiva^

(f.

sTBQov

16^')

(sic)

are wanting;

i)

xov aylov xvjtQtavov

evii}

rov aylov yQiyoglov, and

xal

2) xal ertQeg rix^atg rov

ooXofKDVTog \ None of these items were originally

in the jcim^,

but the writit>gs themselves are in the same hand as the greater of the book.

part

They

evidently were not a part of the

The codex

ginal plan of the copyist.

ori-

contains also the "Pytha-

gorean" matter found in Harl. 5596^ but in this case the copyist saved himself trouble by pasting in six leaves, the first five of which, containing the "Pythagorean" ther hand,

1 Cf. m/ray p. 23 and

2 St.

were written

letter,

Dr. John continuing on the sixth.

Cf. Berthelot,

Mark's, Venice,

f.

u.

in ano-

of the

titles

i.

Cot. alch, I

102 v,

The

XIV

Texte grec

I56f.,

or

XV

cent.); I

I

XXsgf.

have found

it

(from

MS

also in

299,

Munich

^S 395 (Hardt, IV 228), and Brit. Mus. Add. MS 34060, f. 162V. The Bologna MS lacks the text which in three different forms accompanies the Labyrinth in the above three

3

no

Cf.

MSS.

CCAG IV

134,

VI

Z-i,

VII 29;

below p. 26 on MS W. 4 See below on MS W, p. 26, ». 2. 6 a. supi-a, p, 14 and ns. 2 3 and

Fr. Boll in

N JBB kl AH XXI

5 Was

this the Clavkula'i

20 and

n.

n. 2; see

p.

5.

(1908),


Manuscript V.

23

which were pasted in are an original part of the jtlvag, and therefore, probably of the plan. From the similarity of subject matter it is plain, I think, that T, U, and V are very

writings

closely related.

Test covers the lower two thirds of

The it

remainder

the

436^, on which

After fifteen lines at the top of the succeeding page,

begins.

all

f.

occupied by the twelve seals which were

is

engraved on Solomon's

with an additional circle in which

ring,

the description of the seals given in the text

next six pages are written

On

cm. 17.5x25,

The

repeated K

the writing space averaging

solid,

441^ the

f.

is

of the

eleven centimeters

first

by a circular figure intended of Solomon which is mentioned

writing space are occupied

to re-

present a magic writing

in the

C

text (Rec. ^ovX(ci) it

XIII

OmXo^ov kjiavo rrj empty circle. There

another,

avT{t])

^ Beside

axsvsi avrov.

6g)6QÂŁo{e)

7]i^

stands

and bearing the superscription,

14),

follow

the concluding

and then the subscription, consisting of seven lines, the first five of which are in the cryptographic character peculiar to this MS and Vienna 108.

five

of the Testj

lines

The

reduced to ordinary characters,

subscription,

rov aQO iv

'Ico{avvov) laxQOV

etsi

A6XÂŁ((i)^qIco i6\

The

*name, 'iwavvov

line

up

On

graphic

characters,

abbreviated to

is

and including ago being

to

name

f 362'' the

is

loavov latQov rov agov.

On

loavov rov ago rov largov. reading of the characters,

327'

f.

efiov

it

Ico,

the

in crypto-

given again in crypto-

time spelled, out in

this

given

{Ivdtxrcovoci) 6' ev firjvl

^<;<l^fid'

remainder of the

graphic characters.

is

Lines five and six read, eygag)?] Jtag

in the Text, p. 212.

is

full,

as

follows:

found again thus:

There can be no doubt as to the by a combination of two lists

since

of words and their equivalents in different parts of the codex a

key

is""

formed to the cryptography 2.

name, but

As

am

unable to locate

to date there

scription

exhibits

1 Called

Vs

is

no

only the

in the apparatus

Aro

I

take as a place

it.

difficulty, since that part

common crit.,

2 The writer has in preparation an

cf.

abbreviations.

of the sub-

The world

p. 214.

article

on

this

cryptography.


Manuscript V.

24

year 6949 corresponds to 1440— i. The indiction, four, fits that year according to the table given by Gardthausen. The date is, therefore, December 14, 1440. On f 269^ (bottom) one reads

and on

the date

^<j^Jl^',

6939, or

1430— I, and

f.

327"^ after

6952, or 1443

of the accompanying notice

the name, fi<l^v0\ that

— 4.

not clear to me,

is

is,

Although the meaning I

take

it

for an

That on f. 327'" has the appearance of having been added to the page at the lower margin after the original writing had been completed. As we have already seen, the codex falls into two parts, the second beginning with gathering II, f. 435, and there is no reason why the first part may not have been written last, yet I incline to think the date was added after the writing. There are several other writings in the codex which in the jtiva^ are called jrga^tg Uokoficovrog, all of them having to do with magic. The references to Solomon, however, were added after the first writing of the index, and it would seem that after astronomical remark

1.

came to the conSolomon was the great source of all magical science and proceeded to give him due credit. The Tesi may well have been the cause of this opinion. Most of the writings marked jrQac,tg 2oXo^wvroc, have no relation to the ancient king, except that they are magical. Howwriting the latter part of the codex, the scribe clusion that

ever, on ff. 360 361 is a considerable collection of amulets, two of which bear his name. In the one it is simply a part of

the

incantation

2.

The

other,

a

four centimeters in dia-

circle

1 The three notices read, after correction as to orthography, as follows: 327 r: fxvi'jo&ijti, xv^i8, r/> xpvx^v tov dovXov gov 'Imdvov xov ^Aqo xov i^ixEi) ^c,^v(i' [dalv) at >^ ?/? x[ovq) •) (• (1. laXQOv 6 XQOvoq elq xovq i)

f.

+

Ix^vaq); at lower margin in faded ink: ^,^

xov ^Aqov

^c^lTi^f'.

2)

f.

62

r:

Iwdvov laxQOV

^ y^&rpaaa oenerat, xdrpo), x6 Sh ygaiphv slg xovq al&vaq fdevsi, s^^sxs ^Qs/za ix Ssov sksvi (1. svQexai ^Xsfxf/a ix d^eov retX^vov. 3) f- 269V (not in cryptography): exei ^c;qriXS'' xvxk(ov) iXssivov}) xy {asXi^vriq) (^.«6^a?) d' &E,ueX(i(p) ^' (tvdixxiwv)oq d-'. Cf. Gardthausen, 'fj

fjhv

fi

x^^

+

+

6V. Pal. II 495.

2 The same amulet is found in S page preceding the copies of the twelve

(^

Vind.

seals of

phil. gr. 108),

Solomon

f.

361

r,

on the

supra p. 15). The amulet consists of a circle decorated within and without with magic signs and containing the following: icoj^X ^or^S^st (within a triangle). i6ov coXouiov) vioq (cf.


Manuscripts

meter, bears the within

Harl. 5596

25

rov aoXoficovrog fi£y{dXov)f and according to H and

title,

(=

T^),

manuscript

in that

and W.

the inscription which,

it

oh Solomon's magic in

V

seal,

and

(L).

and which

contains

belongs

given in the Clavicuia

is

in a slightly different

The Bologna

it I,

form in the Test

version has been designa-

ted as V^i.

As

the provenience of the codex

to

nothing

learn

more than has been already

have been able

I

The

intimated.

to

crypto-

Hke the stenography of Cod. Vat. Graec. 1809 to make one think of the monastery of Grottaferrata 2 as some way the source of Dr. John's knowledge Yet the inference that he was connected with of stenography. graphy of the manuscript

the

sufficiently

is

monastery would be extremely uncertain.

gotten the stenography indirectly or even

He may

have developed

dependently upon the basis of more ancient systems. manuscript

is

W

1 1.

Bibliotheque

XV

Nationale,

rdrov aokoftSvroc, Unpublished ^.

ting

Paris,

Test entitled

xt?.,,

ff.

That the

Anc. fonds

cm. 27x37, 342

cent, paper,

by George Mediates.

in-

can be no doubt.

Italian in origin there

No. 2419,

have it

266^

grecs,

written

ff.,

rov aogxoWell preserved.

diad^riTiri

— 270^

The codex resembles very closely the foregoing. The wriis somewhat more regular and less hasty in most of the

codex,

lotacisms

are almost as numerous;

doubled

letters are

almost always written singly, even where theybelong to different

As

words.

W

omits

W

to all other points

occasional phrases

apparently through

is

carelessness,

just a trifle better than V.

are

that

found

V, sometimes

in

sometimes because they were

unintelligible.

As ^a{^t)6

to contents again there

is

great similarity, but in

dQaxovtog yXoo(a)a ex<^^ paCiXsog syysestpaXov,

the following prescription for the use of the amulet:

avz(f])

Beneath r}

is

W the written

povla yQai^JB)

o^OKov HQOxov xai XTiva^aQi xat pLayvrifq xai paaza ev&a eici x^«/uar« {xai more correct spelling adopted where MSS differed^ 1 Cf. Text p. 100*. 2 See M. Gitlbauer, t)berreste^ i Fasc. p. 3.

£01 ase^vrjtoq add. Bol;

3

On

this

and June, 1907.

MS

cf.

Omont,

Itro^

II 256f.

I

copied the Test in Paris in

May


Manuscript

26

and astronomical

alchemistic

des plus precieux pour

est

outweigh the biological it, "Ce manuscrit in-

interests

Berthelot says of

and the magico-medical. folio ...

W.

de TAstronomie,

I'histoire

de rAlchimie, et de la Magie au moyen age; une reunion indigeste de documents de dates diverses et parfois fort anciens, depuis TAlmageste de Ptolemee et les auteurs arabes jusqu'aux ecrivains de la fin du moyen age" ^ The de

I'Astrologie,

c'est

codex contains three pages from the Clavicular and some "Hermetic" and "Pythagorean" writings. The fact which connects it most clearly and indubitably with Bologna 3632 is that the Test is immediately preceded by the Hermetic work on the planets and the twelve signs of the zodiac, and followed, though not immediately, by two of the "dream books" which also appear manuscript 2.

in the Italian

of the Test on the page

As

V, so

in

page,

and

seals

that

in

W,

at the in

this

The very the

is

same

Test begins

the

position of the beginning

two manuscripts.

in the

about one third down the

bottom of the next page are found the large recension belong on Solomon's ring. Either

was copied from the other, or both followed very closely the same exemplar. The decision of this question can best be left to a later section (III 4) where the text will be discussed. As to the provenience of the codex, M. Omont has given me the following information 3; "Grec 2419: Provient du cardinal Nicolas Ridolfi (f 1550), puis du marechal Pierre Strozzi (f 155^) et de Catherine de Medicis, apres la mort de laquelle (1589), il resta sous scelles jusqu a son entree dans la bibliotheque du Roi the one

en 1599.

^^

^^^'

340'°;

le

bibliothecaire

de

Ridolfi,

Devaris, a ecrit cette note sur Torigine du ms.: avxri fil^/iogj OJioTT;],

35.

^v

IxofiiOB Tig

ot£Qiey^Bi

[Deleted

Matthieu r^

(isydkrj

EXXrjv kv Balvsagla diarQi^ovxt rq> 6e-

aCtQOVOfiixa xiva xal laxQixa xai aXXa 6ta<pOQa.

by a transverse

hne.]

N" 44

vigesim.

quart.

(Ce sont deux numeros successifs de la bibliotheque du Cardinal x(p deojtoxij designe ici le maitre de DeRidolfi; s. e. capsae. 1 Cat.

{/oc.

a/c/i,

I,

Intro.,

I,

205;

The

MS

described, pp. 205

— 211.

of the "dream books" as given by cU.) are Oneirocrites Syrim and Manuelis Palaeologi oneirocriies.

2

Cf. supra, p. 22.

3 In the

titles

letter already referred to

above, p. 13, n.

r,

p.

17,

n.

i.

Omont


Manuscript W.

W,

cardinal Nicolas Ridolfi.)"

varis, le

2/ then, like V,

came from

Italy.

The name of the

was George Mediates (or, Meidiates), as appears from a subscription found on f, 288. From a Paschalion on f. 275 running from 1462 to 1492 the conclusion is drawn that the codex was written about 1462. The codex has been frequently used by scholars. Gaulmin in

took from

probability

all

writer

the excerpts he quoted in his

its

From

on Psellus de oper. daem^.

notes

considerable

a very

list

it

Du Cange

prepared

of chemical and astrological abbrevia-

In more recent times Berthelot some important chapters in his Collection des

and tachygraphic signs 2.

tions

has taken

from

it

Anciens Alchimistes Grecs, while Reitzenstein refers to times

in

his

publication 12.

Aside from Gaulmin

Poimandres.

which refers to the

Bt^lio^^rpiri (<P.

This reference

is

4.

but was

several

of no

Xagr.

16.

taken from Lambros' Catalogue of the

unsuccessful,

I

XVI

SoXofiSvToq, ^'Ajtavra sv

diad-TJxat

on Mt. Athos, No. 3221, p. 287. graph,

it

know

Test.

KovrXovftovolov,

iiovfjg

431), ...

I

attempted

to secure a

and know only

this

rfj

MSS

photo-

reference to

the manuscript. 13.

While studying

in

Berlin,

London, Heidelberg,

Paris,

Munich, and smaller places on the Continent, other manuscripts

None

and

for. translations

of the

catalogues which

I

made search Testj

for

but without

was able to consult gave indications of its presence in any form. Through the kindness of Dr. A. F. R. Petsch, then professor in Heidelberg, and later in the University of Liverpool, inquiries were mady by friends of his in the libraries at St. Petersburg and Moscow, but without success. Dr. F, C, Conybeare was so kind as to search in the Vatican Library. Though he was under the impression that a Latin manuscript was in existence 3, he was success.

of the

1 See above, p. 17, ns. 6,

2

Gtosj!.,

"Notarum

3 At Florence;

I

7.

characteres,

Notae aliae," coll. 19â&#x20AC;&#x201D;22, in vol. II. Mar. 29, 1899, p. 442. Dr. Conybeare

see the Guanizan,


Modern

28

and

Editions, Translations,

Treatises.

No

scripts.

doubt such exist and

will

any other manu-

find

unable to verify that supposition or to

be found, but no others

are available at present^.

MODERN

III.

Fabricius2 deserves mention before

1.

AND

EDITIONS, TRANSLATIONS, all

TREATISES.

others, because he

attempted a systematic collection of materials bearing on As already indicated 3, he gathered his excerpts from

first

Test

the

Du

Gaulmin and

some attempt

full

with

Fleck rather inaccurately copied ih^ editw princeps^ from

2.

MS

Cange, whose quotations he prints in

at emendation,

mistaking

P,

who have had

many

to

letters, and so causing himself and those depend upon his edition much difficulty. He

evidently was not familiar with sixteenth century ligatures. While it

seemed necessary

has not

note his

to

apparatus of the present edition,

critical

misreadings in the

some of the more

im-

portant have been included as samples of his errors ^

Apparently the first scholar to concern himself with the which Fleck had printed was Bornemann. In 1843 and in 1846 he published conjectural emendations of the text, showing no little ingenuity, and in some obvious cases finding the ori3.

text

ginal,

though missing

in

in

it

every real

difficulty, as is usual with

In 1844 he published a complete translation

such conjectures.

German ^, marked by

the same learning and good sense shown

in his "Conjectanea". 4.

Fiirst^

Greek text

was the next

to deal with the

after Fleck, with a

German

Test,

printing the

translation, also in 1844.

me a reference to Chachanov's History of Georgiati where mention is made of Georgian manuscripts of the Test, Unfortunately the work was to be found neither in Berlin, London, nor Chicago, and I have not seen the pages in question. 1 The index to Omont, Inv refers to Anc. fonds grecs 25 11 as having a copy of the Test, but it is merely a copy of Prov. XXV i XXIX 29. Two was so kind

also as to send

Literature

(I lyoff.))

Jerusalem

MSS

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

2 4

discovered later are discussed in the appendix.

Cf. Bibliogr. Ill Cf. Bibliogr. I

7 Cf. Bibliogr. I

i.

5 2 and

r.

3 Supra

p.

17, n. 6, p. 27, ns. i, 2; Bibliogr. IV.

Cf. c. I 2, II 6, II 2.

IV

4.

6

Cf. Bibliogr. Ill

i

and

II

i.


Modern Editions,

Translations, and Treatises.

29

The work, however, was not completed. Little attention was given to emending the text, but no small learning was expended on its proper translation and interpretation, though, rather strangely, the rendered "Bund", not "Testament", or "Vermachtniss."

is

title

In Migne's Patrologia Graeca^ a reprint of the text from

5.

was appended

Fleck with a Latin translation that

fact

Psellus'

de oper. daem.

typographical

The

but

errors,

Apocryphs (Bibliogr.

reprint

The

which

marked by the famous

is

rationalist's usual careful scho-

However, I him on questions of date and origin. do with Fleck's edition.

As

7.

did

one could

all

inclined to differ from

articles in the

Manchester Guardian^,

by Dr. Montague Rhodes James,* and the other by Dr. Conyand a brief review

Schiirer^,

of the

who

in the Theologische Literaturzeitung

Conybeare

differed with

as to the Jewish origin

Test,

In the

8.

same year

that Dr. Conybeare's translation appea-

Russian scholar,

red, the

Istrin,

mentary manuscripts which interesting

MS D^

story called

A

9.

I

and Q, and of the

His introduction indicates the

between

D

and the

Test,

brief notice of Istrin's publication and a review

Kurz appeared 10.

presented the text of the frag-

have called

I

true relationship, as I believe,

E,

He

am

a result of the publication of Conybeare's translation

appeared two brief

beare,

by

Dr. F. C. Conybeare's

is

Jewish Quarterly Review 2,

and independence of judgment.

larship

one

Migne's Dictionaire des

article in

adds nothing new.

Ill 3)

translation with introduction in the old

there

shows the usual additional

Chronologically next in order

6.

because

Notae to

in his

few cases Fleck's more obvious

a

in

were corrected.

mistakes

to Psellus,

Gaulmin had quoted the Test

of the

by Dr.

in the Byzantinische Zeitschrift^.

Harnack has a

brief notice in his Altchristliche Literatur'^,

and Schiirer a considerable one in his Geschichte des jUdischen Volkes,

which includes a valuable collection of materials 8. 2 Bid,

II

4

Ibid, III 7.

5 Ibid,

I

7

Vol. I 858.

8

1 Cf. Bibliogr. I

3.

4 and III 4. 4 and III 8.

GJV III 4i9f., HJP II

^ 6

Ibid, III 5 Ibid. Ill

III r54f.

and

9 and

6.

10.

To


"

Textual History.

30

Jewish Encyclopedia ^ I owe the insuggestion that the Test represents pre-Talmudic demonology. Other encyclopedia articles make no special conDr. Kohler's

article

the

in

teresting

tribution

space

2.

In

11.

dissertation

Salzberger's

dedicated to the Test^.

is

clusions

as

and

authorship

to

He

date,

on the Salomosage much accepts Conybeare's con-

and accordingly takes the demonology and

Test as representative of early Jewish-Christian

making no attempt

folklore,

He

to distinguish Hellenistic elements.

has evidently used Conybeare's translation without reference

Greek

to the

text^.

Ginzberg's Legends of the Jews^ contains a section de-

12,

voted to the

Test.

It

is

a paraphrase and epitome rather than

a translation, but follows the text of Fleck rather closely. error

of

sufficiently serious to deserve

is

XXIV

c.

confused with the cornerstone of

is

One

mention: the aerial column c.

XXIII.

As

unfortunately the notes and references, which, according to the

preface there

'^,

is

were

have appeared

to

in the last

nothing to indicate the source

was taken.

As

volume, are lacking,

from which the story

a piece of entei'taining writing the

have a place, but

it

study of ancient Jewish thinking because of fusion in

work may

a hindrance rather than a help to the

is

of older and later materials,

using the Test without

first sifting

its

uncritical con-

Ginzberg was not

justified

out the considerable non-

Jewish elements more carefully than he does.

IV. I.

alone,

THE TEXTUAL HISTORY OF THE TESTAMENT. The manuscript families. — On the textual evidence

without

reference

to

and subject matter, which 1 IV 518,

3 Bibliogr. 4:

art.

wider considerations of language be taken up later, the various

will

„Demonology".

2

Cf. Bibliogr. Ill 3

This appears from his citing only Conybeare

use

of

119

— 123,

and

12.

Ill 13.

"Flasche"

for

thongh the

5 Bibliogr. II

5.

&a?c6q latter

(p.

97),

following

(p. 9, n. 9)

Conybeare's

once has "leather flask" (119).

6 Vol.

I

XV.

and from

"flask"

his

in sees.


1

Textual History.

MSS

3

marked

divide themselves into four clearly

classes or re-

censions*.

MS D

a)

from the rest

differs

in that

it is

not a "Testament.'*

Of magico-medical formulae there are none. It is simply a biography of Solomon in which the demonological interest outweighs all

others, quite closely

resembling

many

in

Arabian

features the

belongs to the "literature of entertainment,"

It clearly

Nights.

where Schiirer wished to class the whole TVj/^.

MSS

b)

H and

I,

and

1 agreeing in a

XIV

cc.

omission,

MSS,

other

that in the

itself

H,

3

L

(Rec.

A) stand very

beginning which

H

and L

â&#x20AC;&#x201D; XVI

entirely different

is

might deserve

as a separate recension, for

it

from

drops out) in the long

(after I

L

i.

together,

close

to

be put by

has at a late period under-

A

magician has endeavored to make of his profession by intromembers the ducing directions for the use of the more important magical formulae in the cure of some disease, probably demon possession. He has also made some further changes in the opening sections. However, all these alterations, marked by modern Greek forms gone a special revision.

work more

useful

for

^,

are so easily

detached from the remainder and affect

that there is

no need

to separate

it

from

H

and

I

so

it

little

as a textual

witness. c)

MSS P

and

Q

(Rec, B),

almost from beginning to end.

good

tences are

again,

The

clearly

title

stand

together

and the opening sen-

illustrations of their close similarity throughout.

P

marked by two explanations of the writing of the Test^^ by a shorter beginning and ending, and by more extended accounts of many of the demons ^ d) MSS V and with the fragments S, T, and U group This recension, in

at least,

is

W

1 The variety of recensions such as this;

of,

Theodosius," in Siizungsber. 1892, Heft

II,

is

not at aU remarkable in popular literature

the remarks of Krumbacher, d,

bay. Akad, d.

"Studien zur Legende des

Whs.^

philos,^ philol,

ÂŤ.

hist,

heil. Cl.^

p. 225,

2 Since this is not a Test^ I have not called it a recension, but refer to it 3 Such as r^tov §Va^, I i, D, See above, p. 5, n, 2. 4 See XV 14 and XXVI 8; no great weight can be attached to this, since

as

MS

c.

XV

is

-wanting in

5 See

cc.

HILQ by

accident or scribal error,

XIX, XX, and XXVI.


Textual History.

32

themselves as an entirely different recension

gone a thorough

The

revision.

(C),

Prologue, as

I

which has underhave called it, in

order to bring the chapter and verse divisions into line with the other recensions, and the altered title, but especially the entirely cension

more

is

demonology

interested in

as a

ing nature's treasures and mysteries than in

emphasized

as

the

in

original

This

sufficient evidence.

ending from IX 8 on are

different

It

Test.

means

medical aspect

its

marked by

is

re-

for reveal-

scribal

omissions ^ 2.

The

a)

MS D

and

relationships

The recensions have

the Test.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

relative dates of the recensions.

represents the story which formed the basis of just

been considered

writer regards as their chronological order.

what

in

the

inconceivable

It is

any one should take the Test as found in Recs. A, B, or C, and, by eliminating all the magico-medical element and the

that

"testament" motif, reduce

to the simple tale of

it

Solomon's

birth

temple building and dealing with demons, which appears in MS D. On the other hand, the very close

and greatness,

his

resemblances between

and even old man and his outline

and,

tionship,

D

the

Test.

MS

condemn

not

The

question

answer, Ill

4â&#x20AC;&#x201D;8

work

in

reason

had

c.

all

VII

jtoXXa,

the

c.

before

as to general

co

secondary

working

Especially xal

^aCtlBv^

after

this true

is

^tsqoi^

text,

e.

Solomon

if

of

daifioviov;

its

D VII.

It is

work

its

the statements of

demons had been brought

writer.

g.,

did

and

c.

and set to addition. There is no in

VII should not have been put into the Test

sents a revision of the

late

2).

loxi

i,

fuller,

to cease

the temple are manifestly a later

why

lain

of

that

man

son (D IV

(isv

slat

B

in the story of the

D.

of the old his

and

g.,

the

occasionally shows a

It

e.

present form cannot have been the basis of

its

threat

the

in

in

A

and Recs.

XXI, proves the closest possible reladependence of the Test upon the

son, c.

therefore,

story as found in

Yet

MS D

as to text in places,

evident, then, that

MS D

if it

repre-

that formed the original of the Test.

1 See cc. I4, II, 14; V, VI, etc. The language of than in any of the other recensions; see below, V 2,

C

is

more

consistently


-

Textual History.

The question this original is

as to whether cc.

been written in the abrupt beginning original story in

new

the

fit

first

that

it

a "testament," which must have

II in

person to have entirely consistent. The

of Eec.

B

is

probably due to truncating the

the Test.

in the original

seems entirely possible

and was omitted by the editor of the not inconsistent with

It is

fall.

certain VII,

was a

I

—VI,

conclusion to

I

am

inclined, therefore,

VIII as the original basis for the Test; with

we cannot

changes which

D

fitting

of which the account of the sin of David and the

D

regard

into the

did not interest him, or perhaps because

it

Solomon was the beginning i,

birth of

c.

have been put

it

remainder of D, but rather comes as a

a narrative

to

easily

Yet

C. VIII could

left in

did not suit the pathos of the

the

Tes£ could

editor of the

order to eliminate these elements, which do not

merely because

Test it

was

first

plan.

person and

and

I

and VIII were part of

II,

I,

The

harder to answer.

not well include cc.

^^

received

its

follow

present form.

much more complicated

-and

the

addition

The making of

the

of

Test

process.

A

and B are both revisions of the original priority in this case is much more difficult. It is plain that A is secondary at its beginning, because it is much fuller than B (c. I if). Again at its conclusion, A, here represented by H only, is much fuller, and probably represents an expansion (C. XXVI 8 lo). In the main, however, A has the shorter text in so many places where B presents b)

Recensions

The question of

Test.

regarding the demons

information

fuller

A

conclude that Rec.

and

is

nearest the original Test^-

c)

Recension

C

the material in the

the fragments,

in

1 as

it

the

The

Cf.,

9:

c.

much

of

VIII does not

it

occurs

in,

or in

affect these conclusions,

occured in the exemplar from which

f.,

H Rec. UNT.

especially in T,

MS D -was copied, or in of D without touching the original. But see MS E in appendix. for example, VI 4 XVI 4 ^m XVIII 42, XX 6, etc.

copying

plar; e. g.,

is a revision of Recension B. The nature of added chapters of C, as well as the fact that

transposition of sentences in

may have 2

that one cannot but

2,

has the claim to priority in most cases,

A

presents omissions due to careless copying or a defective exem-

XlVs^XVI McCown.

I.

3


Textual History.

34 connection with, the

which

Clavicular

a mediaeval product,

is

establishes the character of this recension as secondary

The

C

interesting account in

which

d^rixTj

be given

to

is

while the true,

snare,

one copy only

XIII of the origin of a

Testament

be preserved

to

is

expected parousia of God," when

again to be spread abroad,

is

late.

world as a deception and a

to the

original

until "the

and

-naivri Sia-

it

in is

plainly intended to establish faith

in this recension as the real original article

over against Rec, B,

which it was to supplant. The numerous agreements of B and C prove that the latter was based upon the type of text found in the

d)

C

yet in some cases

former^,

than the present

MS

Illustration

has a more primitive text

representatives of

will

B (MSS PQ)

make

serve to

offer.

the relationships of the

A

good example is to be found in c. Ill 7. Here Rec. (HIL) gives a text which is entirely fitting and intelligible: ajc^xovv de xovxov adiaXelotrcoq eyyvd-iv fiot jtQo(o)86qev8iv. This became nonsense by misreading into ajtdvzcov 6e rovtcov ov 6ia7ujio{^ as V shows (W omits this much), P, recensions clearer.

A

wishing to leave nothing unintelligible, altered to ajtavrsg 6e dalfioveg eyyiod-iv f/ov jtQosdQsvovCi^

does not

fit

which

the context which follows in §

ol

in itself is good, but

Another example

8.

of B's improvement upon a text which seemed unintelligible

is

W

V

in the previous case, and W, as II 8, omitted the difficult words. In c. XVIII 42 the editor of B expands a short section which in A merely closes the account of

where both

found in

the thirty-six decani into an entirely

treatment of demons in general. latter part of the

are a to

Test,

where

H

new

On

narrative of Solomon's

the other hand, in the

alone represents Rec. A, there

of sections in which the text of

number

be almost

unintelligible,

and, as

dence of hasty abbreviation 2.

it

seems

H

to

In these sections

the preference, as also in the conclusion

(c.

XXVI

is

so brief as

me, shows I

evi-

have given B

7â&#x20AC;&#x201D;8), where

H

has an expanded text 1 Examples of

the

36, 42,

2

writing

may be found on almost any page; cf. c. Vft. This account "New Testament" may be compared with IV Eiira XIV

of a

45 fCf.

XXHs,

ir,

XXIV

and

XKY

passi??/.


Textual History.

The evolution of the Testament: summary of conclusions. number of stories about Solomon in which demons played

3.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;A

were gathered

a large part

MS D

before us in

lies

into a tale,

B

Rec.

a

more

in

fitting

work mainly as of the

A

later

it

to

begin abruptly as

demon who plagued the King's temple building. The editor added

the

B (MSS

A

Rec.

in

fall

as found

consisted of the beginning

then,

original Test^

and ending as in Rec.

of Rec.

leaving

d,

conclusion in the story of Solomon's

The

Rec. B.

interested in the

of a

with the tale

workman during

of which

a revision

then conceived the idea of the Test^

and decapitated the story of

favorite

d^

Some one who was

1.

magical cure of diseases

in

55

PQ), but with the body of the

(MSS HIL)^. The

present beginning

remove the abruptness by piecing together from items regarding the favorite workman. This re-

resulted

from an attempt

to

sentence, being constructed

first

sections

dacteur also thought himself able to construct a conclusion with

of the

over

original

B

Rec.

greater parenetic value.

Testy

is

another independent working

with

certain

interesting

additions.

A

was mainly concerned with making the story read better, redacteur B was in possession of fuller knowledge regarding many of the demons mentioned, and accordingly Whereas redacteur

added

or replaced

to

several

sections

5.

Finally a student of

demonological literature with a theological and scientific bent

some fragments which he thought Solomonic and

discovered

which appeared to him to have greater value than a good part Test

of the

So taking Rec. B he constructed another

Testy

putting in a preface, or prologue, containing certain prayers of

Solomon, removing the abruptness of the beginning redacteur

by

his

A

new

did,

and replacing the

material.

MSS ^which he MS D to the Test

1 Istrin in his introduction to the

and

I

am

very of

in part indebted to

MS

2 The

him

as

latter two-thirds of the Test

In the story of Onoskelu (Rec.

conclusions regarding the relation of

much

edited

came

C

XI) he

to the

same

as those expressed above,

for this theory,

and especiaUy

for the disco-

page in

this edition is

an attempt

D. text printed at the top of the

to

reconstruct this original Test,

3 These are printed in brackets thus: bottom of the page.

r

T^

or placed in the critical appa-

ratus at the

3*


Textual History.

^6

presents a variant form of a tale which he allows to remain in the earlier, unaltered part under the

He

name ofOnoskelis

seeks to give authority to his version

IV)i.

(c.

by representing

that

it was feared and secretly preserved at the request of a great demon, Paltiel Tzamal, who wished to prevent the publication

of

j

l

great mysteries, and that the well known, current form of

its

-^

the Test had been specially written for Hezekiah, thus utilizing

an early tradition 2.

MS L

j

represents an interesting step in an-

other direction, the attempt to

make

the

work of greater

practi-

vade mecum, or book of prescriptions. reading with the proper rites would cure the possessed ^

cal value as a physician's Its

of the MSS and their use in reconAlthough MS D represents the original story from which the Test was evolved, it possesses no primary textual value, since it is not the Test, and, though its contents 4.

The

textual

structing the text.

are similar, is

its

text

value

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

rarely that of the

is

to reconstruct the original

have grown.

MS D

is

Test.

The attempt

Test out of which Recs.

printed

separately

at

A

here

and B

end of

the

the

volume.

Our

MSS

C come from

of Rec.

men

a class of

of rather

low mentality and poor Greek education. The numerous omis-' sions are textually of little moment, because the redacteur was interested

in

different

and the scribes were

above (IV 2 little

c, d),

C

is

matters from the originator of the Since, as

careless.

we have

Test,

already shown

derived from B, their agreement can have

weight per se against acceptable readings found

in

A alone.

Where, however, Recs. A and C agree, they represent the original text. Without C it would have been much more difficult While neither V nor to show that B was secondary. could copied the one from the other ^ they may have come have been from the same exemplar. Where it was unintelligible or corrupt,

W

1 In the critical apparatus to

c.

IV

distinguished by adding a superior letter

readings from

c.

to the letters T,

XI

of

C have

l^een

V, and W.

2 Rec. C XIII; cf. Josephus, Hyponmesticon c. 74, Suidas, s. v. below VIII 3c (3). 3 Cf. II 5, 6; IV 12; V 8, 9, I2f. omitted by V which the scribe of 4 I can find no words in not have added by guess, while the reverse (words in V omitted by

'^E^enlag;

see

W

W W)

might often


Textual History.

V

reproduces

sometimes

W

emends, for

to

or

V

where mistakes appear

have arisen from carelessness or misunderstanding.

B

Rec.

\

revision ^ to

omits

Accordingly

intelligent copyist.

has been given the greater weight except

W

where

conscientiously

more

Jaad the

XJ

represents

a learned,

Occasionally

P alone

the greater intelligence with

and

MS

in

P

a very careful,

preserves the true text owing

which

it

has been handled. Yet

B and P have taken great liberties with the text in making additions, alterations, and omissions. Q shows more errors than P, it

must be used with great caution, since both redacteur

scribe

but fewer intentional changes. 'i

The MSS of Rec. A have been rather mechanically copied. some instances the scribes have not taken the liberty to drop or emend what they could not understand, but have reproduced letter 2 There are omissions due to carelessness, it letter for one so long as probably to have been caused by a missed or In

exemplar.

missing leaf in the

general

In

suffered least from, intentional revision,

H

appears to have

but to have been

in less

hands than P. Both were conscieritiously copied by scribes who knew little of magic. Therefore the better instructed L skilful

presents

occasionally

a

somewhat careless and his

vitiate

In

text.

preserves the

first

illiterate

c. I

occurs,

where other

VIII

9,

IV

I

and

although he was

reading,

his practical directions often

MS

have followed

since

T,

it

alone

person, which the original Test ought to have

shown throughout^, and

(yvffftog), II 9,

preferable

MSS make 12.

W

also since

it

omits

appears to me,

it

possible to determine the true text;

by homoeoteieuton, IV

following e. g.,

IV

5

of intention, II 9, could not have

12,

where the passage seemed unintelligible. Therefore V could have made out the true text from W. But I do not believe

W

copied from

V's unwarranted expansion in II 6 {(po^ov^evoq likely to

have omitted the right words in IX

.

.

.

ngoaypavGai), nor

is

he

9.

H

and L are unmakes a glaring omission by homoeoteieuton in XXI 3 f., and a minor one in 1X6. 2 Cf. II 2, 3 (HIL), 6 (H), V 6 (HL), XVIII 4 (HL). 3 Cf. XXII 7 and XXIV 3-5 (H); XIV 3â&#x20AC;&#x201D; XVI i (HL). In V 4, 5, IX 6 1 In one case at least

intelligible,* viz.,

H

V

appears to have read 4:

L

P

omits a difficult passage where

V 4,

7; it omits difficult lines in

'/.

(=

iaxiv) as

!>

(=

cf.

VW;

it

Se).

maintains the third person for Solomon consistently,

others vary, but in general begin with the third

and change

I the first; the

to the

first.


Language and

38

a suggestion of Dr. Goodspeed,

make

clearer the

favorite

A

Rec.

H

that

exhibits an attempt to

somewhat unusual language of

Here, however,

slave.

Style.

as

I

regarding the

concluding sections,

the

in

shows signs of undue expansion, and

in constructing the

text of the Test, which always appears at the top of the page, I

have followed Rec. B.

end,

and

Again,

A

have thought that Rec.

I

MS

rence ^

In

of Rec. A,

general,

H

certain sections

toward the

gave evidence of abridgment,

especially since the carelessly written

in these places,

here the only

in

then,

has

I

unless

been made

the

contrary,

rule

adopted has been, 'When In concluding this section

have given Rec.

B

H

is

the prefe-

weighty reasons appeared the basis of this edition.

to

The

in doubt, follow H.' it

should be noted that

we

claim to have the original Test in our reconstructed text.

cannot

Such

an admission would be called for on a priori grounds alone. But

we have

evidence on the subject,

for, in

the quotation from the

and Aquila\ the alia eB-Xaaeh% while in the Test as we now have it, although the Shunamite says ctpa^ai (MS H) or GvvTQLtpov (MSS PQ)^ Solomon merely says Id^vca (MS H) or ojttQ xal exsksoa^. If we could find the original MS, many such differences would appear, but not enough to vitiate Test which occurs in the Dialogue of Timothy

Jew

insists that

Solomon ovx

'iatpa^ev

our general conclusions regarding the work^.

V.

This section

index

will

LANGUAGE AND

will

supplement

be made quite it

STYLEbrief,

by presenting

as the grammatical

the evidence for the po-

sitions taken. I.

MS

D.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

As

to

language and style there are decided

IV 2b, d. MS N has valuable readings. See appendix, Amc. Oxon, Class. Ser. VIII 70, c. XIII 6; cf. infra, VIII 3d) (2) (e). 3 C. XXVI 4, 4 C. XXVI 5. 5 In general the effort has been made to print the text as the author may 1 Cf. supra, 2

be

supposed

to

have written

it,

following

the

Christian centuries as to spelling and grammar. rule has been followed for the sake of simplicity.

ordinary practice of the early

As

to v

moveable the

classical


Language and

between the recensions.

differences

39

is

far superior to the rest.

educated Greek has edited and written

An

inaccuracy in his

grammar Once

occurs a few times.

The outstanding

it.

the use of the nominative absolute,

is

not a serious blunder^, which

nominativus pendens^

rather

as well as

In this regard,

MS D

from the diplomatic standpoint,

or

Style.

ayia is

used with to and the

infinitive

The

Otherwise tenses and cases are on the whole corretly used. optative, subjunctive,

^â&#x20AC;˘

imperative in both second and third person,

Late forms and For the dative utQoq with the accusative is In IV 9 ovxixi 16'^]^ is a (Homeric and) late usage, frequent. subjunctive for future, which has contributed to such a future and a future participle of purpose are found. usages are rare.

VI

as eiCEveyxofiev in

As

to style,

2

IV

^ovXsaai replaces ^ovZsi in

^.

1 1 ^.

the constant use of the historical present and

the occasional omission of Isysc or g)fjal after the

name

of the

speaker in dialogue lends vivacity, while the conversations are

The writer has a fairly large vocabulary, including a considerable number of particles. There is a heaping up of epithets and synonymous words when opportunity offers and

short

to the point.

^-

noteworthy

Specially

constant use of the circumstantial

the

is

The author

participle in various relations. in

a verb

The

noun^.

Rec. C.

MS

=

use of ^aaiXsla

cellency" in direct address 2.

is

fond of dropping

separate the article and attributives from their

to

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

is

"Majesty," and KQccrog

"Ex-

Byzantine.

This, the latest recension,

How

=

is

at the antipodes

due to scribal and ignorance we cannot say, but probably they partly accountable for its very poor Greek. Errors, such as accusative for the dative, and late forms, such as -av as

from

D.

far

its

present condition

is

carelessness are

the

ending of the accusative singular in the third declension with an analogous nominative, several Latinisms. absolute.

The

The

editor

ISid. 249.

e

C.

IV

2,

g.,

<jg}Qayt6a,

sentence

is

abound, and there are

an unattachable genitive

was fond of compound

1 Cf. Moulton, Pro/es^. 69. 4r

e.

first

2 C.

5 C. I 2, 13; IV VI 14, VII 2, 4, 5.

Ill 5.

6,

7,

9,

7 See

3

tenses.

As

Cf. Dieterich,

to style

Un^ers, 243

18.

Prologue

i,

2; c. XIII 4,

12.

^

ff.


Letter Formulae*

40

show somewhat ambitious attempts

the additions

at fine writing,

Prologue and in the closing chapter. J g., The same trick appears as in D, of dropping the verb in bein the prayers of the

e.

..j

tween attributives and 3.

Rec, B.

simpler as to little

a

to

B

Rec.

more

is

but in

more

;

correct

additions B,

its

usage,

"correct"

words, and in one instance

it

as

Between

than Rec. C.

style

difference,

tendency

their nouns. to

A

grammar and

and

B

especially

MS

but also

to

there

is

shows

P,

compound

has a decided Latinism, jcqcoxo-

fiatCTCOQ ^

A

and the original Testament. The editorial additions to Rec. A have some glaring errors, particularly in MS L, but, if we may judge from this recension, the 7>^^was originally a. very simple piece of writing in fairly correct Koine Greek. It paid no attention to refinements of rhetoric or lexicography, but 4.

told

Rec.

its

story in a straightforward, paratactic style, such as one

might expect from a in

man

of small education and mental

recounting an interesting series of

grammar

is

that of the

the lines taken

by

stories.

New Testament, New

ability

the whole the

with developments along

the Koine such as would

period subsequent to the

On

Testament.

seem

to point to a

The

disappearance

of the optative, the aorist subjunctive for the future, the increase

and compound words, and the nume-

in the use of prepositions

by

rous locutions which are characterized constitute

appear

the

in the

such

evidence on this point.

the Atticists as vulgar

Real Semitisms do not

That the xal kysvsxo construction

Test

may

be

cannot believe 2.

Another so-called Semitism, the demonstrative repeating the relative, occurs, but it is a mere blunder due to an attempt to repair a garbled passage 3called

5.

I

Letter of Adarkes

Arabian King of the in

name

MS D

in c.

XXII

to

Solomon.

The

letter

of the

contains two peculiarities, the absence

of the sender from the introductory formula and

the use of direct address, ^aatXev UoXofiSv, xaigotq.

Unfortunately the two treatises which have appeared on the 1 C. I 2.

3

2 Contrast Conybeare,

C. I 9, Rec. C;

cf.

Moulton,

JQR

op. cit.

XI

94 f.

6,

and Moulton, Proleg.

i6f.


Letter Formulae.

Greek

ot

subject

letter

formulae

^

aI

do not carry the subject

far

enough into the Byzantine period to aid us here, and the extant letters ,

have too often been handed down without the introduc-

tory formula \

So

far

the

as

evidence goes, the use of variations of the

customary formula, o delva to; delvi yaiQBiVj does not mark any particular

The use of

era.

^ign either of servility or of

me

x^iQotq with the vocative seems a

poor breeding,

for three of the in-

stances

known

culture,

while the ancients particularly reprobated the use of the

first

to

from the papyri are from people of

person and direct address

3.

Perhaps the editor of

D

little

thought

such familiarity entirely legitimate between kings, or wished to

Arabian king as inferior to Solomon*. To account for the absence of the senders's name three

represent the

theories are possible: either /^ad^^ei;^

^pa^o? 2^

l4d«()x?;g

has fallen

by haplography, or the MS D form was original and the present text of A and B is a correction to the third person, or the writer has used the form which was customary in copies of out

letters-^

Other evidence for the secondary character of the

D

present text of native.

For the

as to the lines

first

seems too strong

to allow the

speaks the fact that the

immediately preceding the

MSS

letter.

second

differ

alter-

decidedly

More

decisive,

however, seems the consideration that such a writer could hardly

be expected to be precise as to letter formulae, particularly as the identity of the sender

is

plainly indicated in the text.

Unfortunately in any case

we reach

that the peculiarities of the letter

the negative conclusion

formulae give no aid in deter-

mining the date of the recensions. 1 Gerhard and Ziemann, see Bibliography IV 2 See Hercher and Migne, FG. 3 Apollonius Dyscolus, de const, II 9, III 14, 10, 232, 11.

1.

i8ff.;

infra.

ed. Bekker,

Scholiast to Dionysius Thrax, 550,

11.

112,

14—23,

1.

27

— 113,

ed. Hilgard.

Ziemann found six examples of xaLgoiQ to which add Ox P \i2 (I 177, III/IV cent.) and the optative tYriq, Migne, PG 161, cols. 688, 692, 697; and nine examples of xaiQE to which add Ox P 1156 (VIII 258, III cent.); op. cit., 295. Ziemann, op. cit.^ 296 f., suggests also the possibility of Latin influence. 5 Cf. Ziemann, op. cit.^ 285 f.; petitions and memorials give no precedent such it form, cf. ibid.^ 259 266. 4:

for


,

Evidence

42

is

rally suggested

and demons,

Testament a translation?

the

Is

6.

that the Test

as to Translation.

Dr. M. Gaster argues

Hebrew ^ Such a view is natunumber of Hebrew names of angels

translated from

by

the large

Solomon, the great

to say nothing of the fact that

Jewish wise man,

is

Dr. Gaster finds

the hero of the story.

dence of translation

in the expression

xm ayyilm rov

xaXovfievcp ^Ag)aQc6g), o sQfirjPS'iErai Pag)a7j?.,

.

d-sov rw.

ocaraQyovfiac^

.

.

evi-

He believes that we have here a misunderstanding of the word Shem-ha-meforash^ perush having been taken to mean "interpretation." Aside from the precariousness of argument from a single case such as this, the decisive fact is

an

editorial

found only

addition

that this expression

is

MS

in

HL

P.

present a

shorter and simpler text, vjtb rov dyyeXov 'Pag)a^X (xaraQyovf^ai),

There of

P

no reason

is

why

HL

fectly intelligible, with only

such as

'Ag)aQ(Dg)

Rec.

B As

should have omitted the phrases

they had stood in the original

if

an element of mystery in the word

The

of literature loves.

sort

this

they are per-

lest, for

editor of

contiibuted this out of his fund of magical knowledge ^

it seems to me, the strongest evidence for translation from a Semitic original is to be found in Rec. in the list of decani, the thirty-six croty^Btay where all from the twentieth on

A

call

themselves gvg (H, XVIII 24—40), or Qtg

This word surely transliteration

written in

is

a transliteration of

{U XVIII 24—28).

TVr\.

But even such a

does not prove that the whole Test was originally

Hebrew

or Aramaic. This particular section, which is Egyptian origin, has been partially revised by a Jew was taken over into the Test^.

plainly of

before

it

Another possible piece of evidence ajtoyovoq 6e

clause

Ouriel

is

in the text

nize

it

as

It

be found

and was translated by some one who a proper noun.

1 "The Sword of Moses," Cf.

to

rov

in the

©aov'*.

B and C, but the might be thought that originally bi^'i'lDSi stood

some name, have made

3

is

aQXc(.yyeXov rrjg dvvdfiscog

not the "power of God," as in Recs.

God."

"light of

elfii

m/ra VII

11.

4

The

copyists,

various "corrections."

^AS

1896

Cf. in/ra

p.

VII

155, 5.

failed to recog-

feeling

170.

5 C. II

the need of

Such a supposi2 4.

C. XIII 6.

:


Chief Ideas.

would be entirely probable

tion

43 the language

if

of the Test

more passage was written by one who knew no Hebrew. It seems much more 7. Tentative conclusion, evidence of translation.

elsewhere gave

It

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

explain

all

Test has used materials already trans-

Did the heathen commagic papyrus translate the biblical

lated

from languages unfamiliar to him.

piler

of the

late their

a

sources from Aramaic?

conclusion,

be that

So

great Paris

he used? Did the writers of the Synoptic Gospels trans-

material

tative

No

one so

Our

alleges.

at this stage of the investigation,

then,

ten-

must

native language of the writer of the Test

tlie

a study of the language of the

far

natural to

apparent indications of Semitic origin a& due to the

the writer of the

fact that

likely the

is

more precise answer as

to

its

origin

was Greek. work has taken us. For we must analyze its chief

ideas and their sources.

VI.

The

THE CHIEF IDEAS OF THE TESTAMENT.

Test

The

stency.

is

a collection of astrological, demonological, and

brought together without any attempt at consi-

magical lore,

writer attempts no science or philosophy of

nology; indeed he

origin of

a compiler rather than an author.

No

Some

general statement

demons, and the data given

are fallen angels

the daughters

one

is

Demonology^.

I.

of

men

2

^.

is

made

others are the offspring of angels and

One

is

the

spirit

of a murdered giant,

They

dwell in deserts,

tombs, precipices, caves, chasms, and at cross roads

As

to

their

a

number

^.

nature certain intimations are given.

them are embodied while

as to the

in particular cases disagree.

perhaps born of a bath qol^.

is

are

demo-

spirits.

Of one

this

minutely described,

combined of animals and

is

generally as

birds, or of animals

Most of

distinctly stated^,

and man.

griffins

One

is

wind merely, but when put into a sack he acts like a man '. They can, within limits, assume different forms s. They are ana

1 Cf. Index

II.


DemOnologyk

44

Onoskelis quails before a threat-

thropomorphically conceived.

ened beating^, Asmodaeus is bound and beaten 2, Kunopegos almost faints from thirst ^, Akephalos Daemon sees through his

and

breasts

Some for

are

is

blinded

when

the

seal

upon

pressed

is

and the writer probably thought

female,

both males and females

it

possible

They have

have offspring^.

to

him**.

all

the physical as well as psychical passions of mankind.

Though they

human

thus resemble

have a certain likeness

beings so closely, they

They escape many

also to the angels.

of the physical limitations of men, in that they

may

assume

various forms and are supernaturally crafty and powerful.

know

How

events.

this is possible is

demons

that the

They Solomon of coming explained by Ornias, who relates

and several of them

the future,

tell

up to the gates of heaven and overhear

fly

the decisions announced to the great concourse of angels there;

coming down, they make use of their knowledge to injure However, this foreknowledge is gained at great risk,

then,

mankind. for,

having no place to

weary and

fall,

shooting stars

No

and these

demons

falling

systematized demonic hierarchy

Solomon

tribe of

demons',

He

dealing with them.

in

Abezethibou,

are

what men

call

^.

as chief of the whole

like

God and

known.

is

Beelzebu],

summoned

is

to assist

has a vicegerent, named

who

himself a fallen angel,

of rebellion against

now

of heaven, tliey become

light at the gate

the good.

is

the great

spirit

Beelzebul apparently

upon earth and Abezethibou in Tartarus, though the Red Sea," where he was confined on the overthrow of Pharaoh and his host 8. He is haled before Solomon by Ephippas, not by Beelzebul, and may, therefore, be rules

"nourished in the

latter is

thought of as independent of the

1 C.

IV

5 C. 6 C.

V 4; Rec. B XX 14â&#x20AC;&#x201D;17.

7

Cc.

NT MSS

Ill,

VI.

c.

V

6.

3

248).

H

C.

XVI

certainly so thought;

BsBXt^s^ovX,

and adopted by Tischendorf,

Recs. BC.

XXIII

2

II.

latter

the

4

5. cf.

form

Beelzebul

9.

VI

is

plainly

IX 3. XXII 20.

C.

6;

occurring

in

the

majority

of

and von Soden, is the form of has BesX'C^s^ov^X, said by Legge to be the Coptic form [PSBA 8 Cc. VI 3; XXV. 9 Cc. VI 5, 6; XXIII 2; XXIV i. Nestle,


'

Demonology. identified with

xmv dacfiopicov of the Gospels 1, for "Emmanuel of the Hellenists" 2. But he is

the aQXG)v

before

he trembles

45

3; his star is *^(J:7rÂŁ()ta4. Except summoned, and in C. VI, where he a figurehead. Only Kunopegos, a sort

not "Lucifer, star of the morning"

where he

in C. Ill, is

is first

examined, Beelzebul

is

mentions the fact that he, with

of Poseidon,

subject to Beelzebul's

and

direction,

all

the demons,

at intervals

comes

is

to land

it was on one of these trips that Beelzebul him and brought him before Solomons Many interesting demonic figures appear, such as Ornias, Asmodaeus, Lix Tetrax, Pterodrakon, the dog Rhabdos, the three headed dragon called xoQv<pri 6Qax6pra)V, Leontophoron

to

consult him;

arrested

demon of Gadara,

the

three

or Empusas, called Onoskelis,

liliths,

Enepsigos, and Obyzuth, seven stars that are xocffioxQaroQEg rov cxoTOvg, and other thirty-six with the

who

the decani.

are

Limitation

same high sounding

title

of space forbids their further

here. They cause all kinds of diseases and bodily from seasickness to epilepsy, being particularly dangerous

discussion defects, to

women

in

and to and human

childbirth

flotks, houses, ships,

end of the world sort

'.

Demons

evil

out,

and

lives,

bring the

will finally

evil,

inspiring heresies,

envy, hatred, murder, war, and kinred

who

spirits

call

in

evils.

themselves xoOfioxgaroQEg are of

the

this

Test has thought the matter

far as the writer of the

does not reside

fields,

decani are entirely of this

thirty-six

are sources also of moral

idolatry, lust, theft,

The seven kind^. So

The

^.

They destroy

infants.

nor in matter, nor can

flesh,

it

be ascribed to God; sins are the result of demonic incitement.

How

or

when

zebul are

no

is

"the

rules

angels

the

any case there

real

spiritual

completely subject

means

Tartarus, 1 Cf.

3

their

for

Is

C.

to

dualism

are

Test

the

of wickedness,"

hosts

God and

subjugation.

we

sin in

Mk lU XIV

12

7.

XVIII.

=

22;

AV;

Mt Xlt

24;

=

Lk XI

told.

In

Beel-

they and he

the divinely ordained

to

Mention

not

Though

is

made

of

but no punishment for them seems to be

4 C. VI 7

to

came

demons in known ex-

2 C. VI 8. LXX. P VI 4, cmoXat xbv

16.

kcoogJOQOQ 6 TCQCot dvatdXXcov

5 C.

XVI

3,

8 CVIII.

5.

6 Only

in

seoafxov.


46

Angelology.

Astrology.

cept that which Solomon and the magic revealed in the Test

can

inflict. 2.

Test

men

Astrology.

have some

â&#x20AC;&#x201D; A

demons

large proportion of the

definite astrological relationship.

in the

Demons

are said to reside in a star^, or a sign of the zodiac

a phase of the

moon

3,

and mortals seem to be

and ^

or

particularly

from demons who are avvaCrgol with them, that belong to the same star 4. The author seems to think of the

liable to injury is

of the

influence

stars

wholly

as

Asmodaeus

baleful.

says,

madness after women" ^, and that suggests the prevailing notion. There is, I believe, no reference to prediction by means of astrology. "through the stars

One piece

I ("scatter^

chapter (XVIII), a

of the thirty-six decani,

list

of astrological material taken

over bodily.

is

a

In this case

each dsxapog is thought of as a demon causing certain diseases, which are recorded, and the means for counteracting them are

Here the astrological entity does not belong to the demon, or the demon to it, but is the demon. On the other hand one may doubt whether the stars are thought of as living beings, for in XX 17 it is said, "the stars are founded in the firmament" so that they cannot fall. It would seem that astrodetailed.

logical influences are operative, not of themselves, but through

the

demons

the astral deities of paganism have teresting to

note also that the

Israelites

transferred

is

In other words,

that "dwell" in each star or sign.

pointed out^, the

pillar

to

become demons ^.

pillar

the heavens,

suspended

It is in-

of cloud of the ancient for,

James has Milky Way.

as Dr.

in air^ is the

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

The angelology of. the Test is entirely Angelology ^. undeveloped. Aside from Michael and Raphael no angels appear 3.

as

actual

actors.

are familiar and

Numerous angel names, including many

many

that

not elsewhere discovered, are scattered

HU^ai and ddevo) are the verbs used. 1 Cc. V 4, VI 7, VII 6, et passim. aoXQOV seems to mean any astrological entity. An astrological papyrus fragment at Munich has points of affinity with the Test, see Arc/dv f. Pap.-Forschung I 3 C. IV 9. 4 C. IV 6. 2 C. II 2. 5 C V 8. (1900-1) 492ff. 6 Cf. the attempt to combine the polytheistic and polydaemonistic viewpoints in

VII

6.

7

CL

Bibliogr. Ill

5.

8 C.

XXIV

5.

9 See Index

II.


Magic and Medicine.

47

through the book, but they are charms rather than designations of real beings. They are given .solely for their apotropaic value. Considering the fact, however, that the two great archangels do actually appear,

likely that the author believed in the actual

it is

numbers of

existence of great

angels, jyst as he did of

demons,

when his name was called, to him^ Aside from the use of the

and thought that each appeared,

demon

subdue the

subject to there

word aQxccyyeXog

no

is

allusion to an angelic hierarchy.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

Magic and Medicine. The prime interest of the writer For him demons were what bacilli of the Test was medical. are to the modern physician, and his magical recipes and angel names are his pharmacopoeia. The one case where he embarks upon a piece of magical mysticism only serves to emphasize For when, at Solomon's request that he speak jtsQt this fact. rc5v ijtovQavlcoVy Beelzebul tells him the recipe whereby he may 4.

dragons circling 'round and hauling the chariot

see the heavenly

of the sun

2,

he

once rebuked and silenced. Evidently this There is it might well be true.

at

is

was forbidden magic, although likewise

a story of obtaining wealth through a

demon 3, but such

suggestions bear fruit only for the beautifying of the temple

Such use of demons

As

in his

^.

evidently dangerous.

is

demonology, so also

in his

bined various and inconsistent views.

He

magic the author comhas

full

confidence in

power of the magic name, which, in most cases, is an angel name. To subjugate Onoskelis Solomon "spoke the name of the Holy One of Israel" ^ Men are led astray, says Asmodaeus, "because they do not know the names of the angels which are the

ordained over us" infrequent,

there appear

In the original

6.

except

some

in

the

well

Test Ephesia

of the thrity-six

list

grammata are Here

decani'^.

known angel names, a few

that are pos-

real names, but not a few ovo^ara aOfjfia in the best manner of the magic papyri and "Gnostic" amulets. Since these voces mysticae are less numerous in the former part of the sibly

1 As Raphael does,

IV

4

II yf.

X

Cf.

Test

IV

C.

7

C. XVIII, esp. sees. i5f., 21, 29, 32;

7.

C.

5â&#x20AC;&#x201D;9.

unregenerate Hellenistic magic.

6

Dan VI

3

C.

i.

12. cf.

also

2 C.

VI

10 f.

6 C. V 5; cf. XXVI 8 H. VII 6, likewise ^ piece of


Solomon and His

48

ring.

would appear that a Jewish editor had undertaken the task of removing the heathen elements, but had become weary before he was done. section,

it

j

j

Likewise there appear the well-known apotropaic materials,

such as

a wrecked ship,

of animals, and kinds of plants

organs

^,

spittle,

certain

and the common ma-

such as the use of the cause to cure the

gical devices,

ill,

i.

e.,

demon to drive the demon away or a fishbone person who has swallowed one^ the drinking of po-

name

the

wood from

lead,

iron,

of the

to cure a

or sprinkling them about, and the writing of amulets or hanging them in the house ^. Surely these methods of aversion are fundamentally inconsistent with monotheism and with the tions

view' that the angels are appointed to frustrate the demons.

Solomon

ring of

differs

only in that

it

The was probably thought to

contain the ineffable name-*.

the

he

Test

Few

insight

He

the

demons

uses the

Christians than Solomon,

endowed by him with

into

crafty

In

excellence^

divine ooq>ia, which

demonic

wiles of his

one purpose only, to

for

in the folk-

man and magician par

already the wise

is

the favorite of God, includes

have bulked larger

figures

Mohammedans, and

of Jews,

.lore

Solomon.

5.

captives.

assist in building

and beautifying the great Temple at Jerusalem, this labor being the usual form of punishment adopted for them. Solomon's glory, the visit

and

gifts

of the Queen of Sheba, and the

of other kings are described in some detail; but

temporary, for the

bonds of Artemis 1 See I

II 6,

am much

Ornias the

is

fish),

V

^^-ise

as the

12,

IV

8,

king,

only

VII

3,

V

gf.,

13,

the

is

eventually led

VI

10,

doubt whether the means used by Raphael in

in

gifts

deceived by Eros, held by

demons prophesied^, XVHI 28,

all this is

XVIII

II

20, 33.

8 to subdue

the application of parts of the xi^ii d-akdaa}]g (as with

Asmodaeus

or the casting of the

both

uot^a

(in astrological fashion?), or

of

as in the

do not find (xoiQav ^LTtteiv in Vettius Valens as an astroloConybeare so understands it {^QJ^ XI 18 and n. 2). 2 C. XVIII 35. 3 Cf. c. XVIII.

restored

text.

I

gical phrase, but Dr.

4

Cf.

m/ra VII

144,000 in Rev VII the Apocalypse^

Cf.

was

19131 PP-

Vm9,

is

14.

4—8

Charles' to secure

interesting view

that the sealing of the

them against demonic

attack (Studies in

nS — 32).

That Solomon was not regarded as a model of perfection ir. 5 C. indicated by the statement that the murder of his brothers was caused by jindtri.


m\

Apocalyptic element.

by the Shunamite to and thus loses

all

and leaves

Test

The which

is

was

said

chief part of Solomon's magical

by Michael

prayer ^

at

every

demon.

The

he writes the

true,

equipment

God's

is

command

his ring,

in

answer

own hand, or that of his demon Ornias it at once subhave removed the original

editors

statement as to the inscription,

if

of the ring after Solomon's

is

fall

there

What became

was one 2

not stated.

Several features of the Solomonic legend receive their

known

literary

not

Either in his

best beloved servant, or even the

dues

is

to the Children of Israel.

it

given to him

king's

the

tc»

soon he dies

convinced by the fulfilment of their

demons had

the

all

How

power.

his

indicated, but at his death,

prophecies that

gods of the Jebu-

sacrifice locusts to the

sites,

expression in the

To quote

Test.

first

Salzberger,

zum ersten Male ausgesprochen, dafi Sal. beim Tempelbau verwendet habe und da6 er, durch die

„Immerhin wird es hier Geister

Liebe" zu

Macht

einer Jebusiterin

geworden

spott

heidnischen Kult verstrickt, der

in

iiber die Geister verlustig sei.

gegangen und ihnen zum Ge-

Zu beachten

ist

auch,

dal3 die ,.Konigin

des Siidens" bereits als eine Zauberin (yo^ye) auftritt"^.

Apocalyptic element.

6.

Test

is

very

slight*.

The apocalyptic element in the by the demons and their

Certain prophecies

speedy and exact fulfilment are related trustworthiness particular,

the

in

order to prove the

of the demons* revelations in

of their statements regarding their

means

for their frustration

In

^,

some

general,

own

in

and

cases these prophecies

extend far beyond Solomon's time, particularly

one who

and,

activities

in certain refer-

subdue individual demons ®. The only section which may be called measurably apocalyptic ences to Christ as

1 C. I 5

will

2 Cf. infra VII 14.

7.

4 Dr. James, TS

3 Salomosage

11.

29 The Testament of Abraham^ says, "The names *Testament' and 'Apocalypse' are convertible terms. In the case of the Apocalypses of Adam, Moses, and Isaiah we have positive evidence of this fact, and it is II

known

that most,

ment.

The Testaments of Job and Solomon come

rule,

if

not

all,

extant 'Testaments' have a large Apocalyptic ele-

but even they do not actually transgress

5 Cc.

UNT.

9:

V 5; VI McCown.

3, 5;

VIII 11; XII

4.

nearest to transgressing thi^

it."

6 Cc. XI 6; XII

3.

4


The

50 in

tonei

found

is

Christianity of the Testament.

Test which

that part of the

in

is

preserved

MS P, and, therefore, while there is no doubt that the original Test had a prophecy in this place, it seems very likely that it resembled the one in V S, and contained at least no such only in

detailed reference to Christ as

is

now

there found

2.

Did the writer of the Test, then, know nothing of the apohopes of Judaism and Christianity? At best these hopes had little meaning for him. He makes no reference to that element in Apocalyptic for which we would most naturally look, the expectation of the final overthrow and eternal binding of Beelzebul and his hosts ^. Aside from a single mention of the calyptic

avPTEXsca^,

the writer has

his

eyes on his muckrake and sees

no happier future for the world than his wretched recipes. 7.

the

— One

Jesus Christ.

Test

is

its

in the

continued use of

of the outstanding inconsistencies of

introduction of Christ as the "angel"

who subdues

Whether these passages are Christian interpolations in a Jewish document will be discussed later ^ We are now concerned with the religious standpoint of the writer who certain

demons.

gave the Test its present form ^. It is probable that VI 8 contains a reference to Christ. Certainly Rec B so understood it, and the phrase jcaga de^'EXXriCiv ^Eii^avovrjX

is

natural from

the pen

of a

Christian

who was

without knowledge of Hebrew, but familiar with the use of the

term Immanuel

XI

in Christian circles, as in

MSS

so corrupt and the

agree so

little

Yet the

6,

text

is

that the meaning cannot

be certainly made out. The garbled allusion to the "place of a skull" and "the wood" in XII 3 is so unintelligible as to afford no light on the author's views, but is plainly of Christian origin.

Unmistakable

is

the

the Gadarene demoniac is

the meaning of ev 1 C.

XV 8—12.

3 Jub

5

X

8; I

Cf. infra

6 With

in

XI

c.

to the incident ot

a legion of devils.

But what

tqioX xaQaaxrjQOi xaxayBxai MEQvt]yjoviitvoc^ 2 Cf. Anfra VII

En X

VII

reference

who had

6,

12;

XIV

5;

11.

XVI

6;

Mt

XXV 41.

ii.

this discussion cf.

Conybeare in

JQR

XI

5

12.

4

C XXV

1


I

Sources and Relationships.

in

section 6?

P probably understood

J

to refer to iiid'

it

(= 644),

the numerical value of ^EfiiiavovriX, already introduced in

and XI

Can the

6^.

three

mean

characters

the

trinity?

VI

8

In

mentioned 6 liiXXcov xatsXi^-aii^ ocoxrjQ, Ov to droiX8top kv xq> fierwxo) may be a reminiscence of Apoc XXII 4, The sign is the Tcal TO ovofia avTOv 8jeI Tmv li^xmuimv avxSp.

XVII 4

is

number

Conybeare concluded from P's frequent introduction of ;(|Mc)'2. Another distinctively Christian passage is much milder in the A form than in Rec B, which, as Conybeare points out, is distinctively patrithe next line shows, not a

cross, as

as

Rec A mentions the virgin birth, an and the crucifixion. The allusions to the permanent immaculacy of the Virgin and to the victory of Christ over Satan in the Temptation in XV lof. cannot be used

passian

in

character ^.

by

adoration

angels,

to define the position of the originator of the

Dr. Conybeare's Test as "equivocal"

of

Rec

B,

far

more

true of the original than

now

The

which he had before him ^

sources and

VII.

is

can be better understood

faith

Test^.

characterization of the Christianity of the

after

was

an investigation of the

of his subject matter,

relationships

it

nature of the writer's

to

which we

turn.

THE SOURCES AND RELATIONSHIPS OF THE SUBJECT MATTER. I.

Syncretism of the

Testament.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

To

set forth

what the

present writer has collected for the purpose of interpreting the

and determining

its sources and relationships would require Yet what has been gathered has only touched the fringe of that great body of material bearing on magic^ demonology, astrology, and kindred superstitions which has recently appeared, much of it since this work was first under-

Test

a large volume.

1 So Conybeare understood,

2 Op. zodiac,

4

3

cit.

C.

34,

§

XXII

71.

op. ciL 28, n. 6.

Diog. Laert.

20; Conybeare op.

Cf. supra sec. 6, infra

Vll

tr.

6.

102 uses azoiXHOV for "sign" of the

cit.

5

11.

JQR

XI

11.

4*


The

52

universal

human

The purpose

taken*.

Assyrian and Babylonian influence.

element.

to introduce here only

is

what

is

absolu-

germain to the subject of the section. One point is clear cavil: Like other magic the Test is thoroughly eclectic. It borrows and combines elements, often contradictory, from all the nations that contributed to the civilization ab:ut the eastern tely

beyond

apparent consciousness of their The whole course of the succeeding discussion will

Mediterranean, sources.

any

without

patent

offer illustrations of this 2. is

The

universal

human

fact.

element.

necessary, perhaps especially

magical and mythological study.

in

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

In one direction caution

the realm of comparative

Similarities are not always an

evidence of borrowing. Take an example from the story of Lix Tetrax.

As

the

demon

in the

form of a sand storm whirl-wind

by spitting on the ground 2 In modern Bengali charm for a whirl-wind exactly the same means is used to stay the demons Did the Test borrow from approaches Solomon, he lays

it

a

India or the Bengali from the Test} Manifestly neither.

And what

Spitting-

more natural than that spittle should magically lay a dust storm. So in many instances from widely separated localities the human mind under similar circumstances has reached similar conclusions. With this caution in mind we can proceed to notice the instances of real

is

almost universally apotropaic^.

is

borrowing.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

Assyrian and Babylonian influence. The great civilion the Euphrates deeply affected Hellenistic, Jewish, and Christian demonological and magical beliefs. Babylonia is one of the few countries in which theology and demonology, religion 3.

zation

and "her bastard daughter, magic/' seem from the first to have gone hand in hand^. There are no indications that the official cultus ever regarded magic as alien. Rather, the exorcism of 1 See, for example,

ERE^

arts.

''Ancestor Worship," "Baalzebub," "Birth",

"Charms and Amulets," "Cross," "Demons and Spirits," "Disease and Medicine," 'Divination,'' "Evil Eye," "Keres," and the literature there referred to. 2 C. VII 3. 3 In a little collection of charms sent the author by former pupils, Babu Probodh^Chandra MalUk and Babu Shusil Chandra Karuli. One must spit on his

own

breast, however.

.5 Famell, Greece

4 Cf, Conybeare,

and Babylonia^ 300 f.

op. cit.

23, n. 3.


Assyrian and Babylonian elements.

demons seems

countless

53

have been one of the regular duties

to

of the priesthood, and, to judge from the relative proportion of

magical texts

among

those that have been preserved, one of the

most important duties

i.

Nowhere do we

find a ranker

growth

Every possible of demonological beliefs than in Babylonia. "a toothache, a headache, happen, could that accident or were ascribed

all

and were to be averted or cured This

of Hellenistic

that

of tone proves

demonic agency, incantations.

But it is also and such a general similarity relationship between the Test and the

superstition

no direct

Can we

Euphrates valley.

to

by means of

precisely the atmosphere of the

is

a

an outburst of anger, of jealousy, of

broken bone, a raging fever, incomprehensible disease" ^,

ill

Test

3,

more

find

definite evidence of de-

pendence?

A

peculiar resemblance appears between one class of Babydemons and a figure in the Test: the alakku marsu and "Ephippas, the wind demon of Arabia. Since the similarity is somewhat vague, I call attention to it with some hesitation. Ephippas is an early morning blast of wind that kills man and beast ^ or, according to MS D, "uproots houses and ti-ees and destroys men"^. The alakku marsu is „der Damon hills, and lonian

der auszehrenden Krankheit" according to Jastrow^, but Sayce"^

and Thompson® render the word "fever."

The

following from

Thompson's translation of the Asakku series shows interesting with Ephippas' activities:

similarities

1 Zimmern, Bab. Hymiten^ 13; ^

273

—392,

Rogers,

Re/,

cf.

Sab, Ass,

Jastrow, ReL Bab. Ass,, 253

144

— 159;

— 93,

Germ.,

Weber, Damonenbeschworungen.

The chief part of the hymns that have been preserved consists of incantations. 2 Rogers, op. cit. 145. 3 Cf. infra VII 7.

XXII

4

C.

6

Rel. Bab, Ass. I

7

2f.

5

MS D

VXi.

348 fF.; he is uncertain as to what disease is meant. Hibbert Led. 18S7, 477; Sayce translates thus "The plague-demon bums :

up the land like fire. The plague-demon like the fever (asakku) attacks a man. The plague-demon in the desert like a cloud of dust makes his way. The plaguedemon like a foe takes captive a man. The plague-demon like a flame consumes

a

man.

The plague-demon, though he hath neither hands nor feet The plague-demon like destruction

Ephippas), ever goes round and round.

down

the sick

man."

8 Devils and Evil

Spirits II 31.

Cf. Rogers, Rel. Bab. Ass,

147.

(cf,

cuts


Iranian influence.

54

evil

tlie

Fiend,

i The roaming windblast The evil Spirit which in the street creates a storm wind The evil Fever hath come like a deluge, and

Girt with dread brilliance it fiUeth the broad earth, Enveloped in terror it casteth fear abroad; It roameth through the street, it is let loose in the road

An

evil

And

A

no

.

.

.

^

rest,

turneth not nor looketh back again

Fever [asakku) hath blown upon a

That

least,

Semitic

figure of Ephippas,

upon

still

5.

between the Test and AssyroGranting that Babylonian,

may have

superstition

we

as the wind-blast

significant.

is

the broad places for men,

^

man

this is the closest parallel

Babylonian demonology at

.

perturbed the people of the land above and below:

Hath cast desolation upon it. The great Demon, Spirit, and Fiend, which roameth The angry, qualciug storm [which if one] seeth

or,

.

ghost (?J hath assailed the land.

pestilence, a plague that giveth the land

He

^ .

contributed to the

can assert only that the Test

rests

mass of Sumerian-Semitic beliefs of which we have the earliest and fullest illustrations from the Babylonian tablets, but not that it has borrowed directly^. To Mazdaism is to be ascribed the 4. Iranian influence. ultimately

that great

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

not of introducing demonology and angelo-

questionable honor,

logy into Judaism', but of decidedly directing

its

development^.

been so deeply affected as has the New Testament Apocalypse, for example, in its war between Michael and the Dragon 9, nor even as PauH*'; for there is no dualism

The

in

Test has not

our

text.

1 Op.

5 aaxdq-,

cit.

a

sack.

2 Uid.

5.

Ibid. 31.

knows Beelzebul only

writer

Its

It is,

3

9.

Ibid.

4

II.

Ibid.

as ^'ruler of the

13.

perhaps, worthy of note that Ephippas

However

silly

it

may

seem,

is

it

is

caught

in an

not possible that a popular

etymology connected asakku and aOicdq6 The

lilith,

who

appears

in three

forms

(of.

supra

p.

45),

is

an

inter-

national figure, and, therefore, no evidence of Babylonian influence. 7

So

Perles, Boussefs Rel. des

Judentums^

p. 36.

HDB

325 ff., IV 991 f.; Mills, 436; Bousset, Rel. des Jud. 387; Clemen, Prim. Christ. 11 iff. Religionsgesch. Erkl. 85 ff., where earlier literature is cited. See particularly Griin-

8 Moulton,

Early Zoroastrianism

304!!;,

=

Zarathnstra

baum, "Beitrage" in 9 Cf. Moulton,

ZDMG XXXI, HDB IV 992.

256; Dibelius, Geisterwelt, i83ff., igoff.

10

d-ebq

rov alojvoQ tovtov,

2

Co

IV, 4.


Iranian influence.

55

He

has no doubt that God can empower Solomon knows the angelic names to frustrate and bind who or any one any and all demons. The archangels, though their names appear^

demons"

1.-

and the one group of Yet one cannot read the Persian sacred writings without being struck by the Test^. And, furthermore, the Test has adopted one Mazdian demon, Aesma daeva, or Asmodaeus^ very much in his Magian character. Plainly the demon of tlie Test is the same as that of Tobit but the writer did not have Tobit before him or he would not have used the heart and gall, instead of the heart and liver, of never are grouped seven

together as seven,

demons has no

Parsi coloring ^

s,

the fish as his (paQ^iaxa.

which had

that, while he may have had the story he was drawing upon the developing Jewish

fount in the original source and eventua-

its

we

In another direction

manifest

medans

itself,

identified

naturally look for Persian influence

namely on the Solomonic legend. The MohamSolomon with Yima, the Jamshid of Firdausi,

many

because he had taken over so

1 C.

such as the name

Talmudic Asmodaeus®.

ted in the

to

details,

show

of the fish, yXavoq,

of Tobit in his mind, folklore

His additional

2 C. VIII; cf. infra

II 9.

VII

6,

of the Persian hero,

traits

60.

p.

S See the Vendldad, the "anti-demoniac law," (Moulton, Early ReL Poetry of Persia^ 12), esp. the incantations of Fargards XIX and XX, and the account in XXII of Angra Mainyu's creation of 99, 999 diseases [SEE IV 203 235), and Darmesteter's discussion,

4 Moulton, Early

Aesma Daeva,

y^

though

II 219,

Prim, Christ.

Rel, Poetry

as does Stave,

112,

JE

admitting n.

7

^

LXXXV— XCV.

ibid.

I

the

of Persia 68 f., accepts the derivation from 220 f., and Marshall, HDB I 172. Ginzberg, identity,

denies the derivation;

ReL-Gesch, Erkl.

86,

n.

Moulton's

7.

cf.

Clemen,

theory

that

Magian legend revamped by a Jew in its present form {Early Zoroast. 246—253) is accepted by Simpson, Charles' Apoc. and Pseudep; of the OT 1 185 f. On the influence of the Ahikar cycle see J. Rendell Harris, "The Double Text of Tobit," AyP HI (1899) 541 554, and Clemen, loc. cit., who quotes Fries, Tobit

is

ZJVTW 5

a

1905 16S, which I have not at hand. Test

V; Tob

III 8,

17;

V

7f.;

VI 13—17; VIII

2f.

more plainly the "wrath demon" in the Test than in Tob. There is no reference to Egypt in the Testy cf. Tob VIII 3. Is the uncertain phrase TrXJQrig d6ovq ntxglag (Test V 13) an attempt to render the "wo;inding spear" 6 A,

of

AeSma

is

(I? I 32)?

1

Cf.

SBE IV

p.

Lxvil,

^E

II

217

f.


Egyptian elements.

^6

renown as a builder i. The Talmudic story of Solomon combines elements from the legends of Takhma Urupa, who made Ahriman his horse until his wife betrayed him 2^ of Yima, the prosperous king and great builder, who, like Takhma Urupa, "ruled over the Daevas and men, the Yatus and Pairikas," but sinned and fell before the usurping Azhi Dahaka^ and of particularly

bis

Thraetaona, the

first

smiter*.

Test,

In

the

healer,

the inventor of magic,

we catch

however,

the story

the fiend-

midway

in

There has arisen, as yet, no demonic being to d epose the king, and th e Test lacks, therefore, the most characteristic detail which the Talmud borrowed from Persia 5.

its

development.

The drew

its

in part

evidence, then, justifies the conclusion that Persian

in-

work upon the folklore from which the Test inspiration, and have affected our text in part directly, are

fluences

at

through Tobit and, no doubt, other Apocrypha. Yet the

Test cannot

come from

circles where, as in

Magian influence was dominant. Egypt 5. Egyptian elements.

of magic,

its

pre-eminently the land

is

Her "Book of

but not of demonology®.

almost from

Babylon, for example,

the Dead"

inception had the purpose of magically insuring

the happiness of the dead in the hereafter;

and the ancient inhabitants of the Nile valley were so much concerned with tl^e future life that their magical texts gave little attention to avert1 Salzberger, Salomosage

5

;

SBE IV

1

8,

n. 3.

2 Yt XIX 29 {SBE XXIII 292 f.; cf. ibid, 252, 3 Yt XIX 31— 38 {ibid, 293—295, 297, and n. 5).

The legends of

5

the Shakneime/i

Firdausi available to me) i6f.,

with

(cf,

Atkinson,

allusions

the

in

n.

i).

4 Vend, 5

— 34,

XX {SBE IV219).

the only version

oi

(XXXIX

the Dadzstan-i'Dlmk

I27f.), Bundahish XXIII i {SBE V 87), and elsewhere throw on the references in the earlier literature, but they have probably

SBE XVIII

much

light

been influenced in their turn by the developed Jewish and Musulman tales; cf. by Moulton, Early Zoroast, 150. Bun-

Darmesteter, Le Zend Aoesta II 624, cited dahish

Dahak

XXXIV

4 f.

(5!5£

V

I49f.)

is

into connection with Scorpio,

particularly

much

interesting because

it

brings

as the Test connects certain

demons and zodiacal signs, Cf, a closer parallel to Solomon and Asmodaeus in King Mukunda and the hunchback in the Panchatantra (Benfey II 124 127 cf, I 129 f,).

ERE

IV 584—590. 749—753 (Foucart), Wiedemann, Mag, und Zaub.\ Breasted, RTAE 281 f., ft

Ret,

c.

Cf.

VI, 148—164.

III

;

430—433

296, et pas.^

(Naville);

Erman, Ag,


:

Egyptian elements,

ing

from the

ill

that

Yet enough has been preserved

living.

the fear of evil

JJ

to

show

especially the ghosts of the dead,

spirits,

was abroad here as in Babylonia and Persia, even thought the Egyptian demonology is so official texts reflect but little of it. definite color and in general so much like that of and Greece that one can hardly hope to show from Babylonia In the this side any distinctive Egyptian traits in the Test, times when the T^est was written it was of the variegated mix-

lacking

in

we call Hellenistic When we turn to astrology, however, i.

ture that

one of the longest sections

for

with the thirty-six decani^^

in

the case

the Test^

distinctly Egyptian.

is

is

different,

that having to

generally accepted since Letronne that astrology

It is

do

has been as the

not,

ancients supposed, of Egyptian origin, but rather that Babylonia

was

its

native

land

3.

As

however, has shown 4, having

Boll,

been adopted by the Egyptian priesthood and actively practised

by them, it came to be so thoroughly at home and so mixed with Egyptian elements as to be really native, "in ihrer Eigenart autochthon, wenn auch in allem rein agyptischen Inhalt von sehr spatem Ursprung" s. Particularly is this true of the decanL They were originally, not Babylonian ®, but Egyptian divisions of the equator', which were given an astrological significance. "Nur diese (the Egyptian astrology) hat die 36 Dekane personifiziert alle andere Dekandarstellungen in Indien oder bei den Arabern gehen darauf is

in letzter

BoU^

This sentence

for the

Test has fully

Linie zuriick," says

especially noteworthy for our purpose,

personified the decani.

Various

Cf.

lists

of decani have

come down

to

us

1 Erman, op, ciL 227 ff. 2 C. XVIil. 3 M. Letronne, Sur I'Origine du Zodiaque Grec, Paris 1849, Riess, in Pauly-Wissowa II 180S, art, "Astrologie" Cumont, Or, ;

6 Bouche-Leclerq, Boll, op,

cit,

Asirol.

316, 336, n.

Service des Ant, de t' Egypt, I

IX

192.

79

8

2.

133 f.,

Ibid. 2i6f.

in Bouche-Leclerq, op,

Budge, Gods of the Egyptians II 304 ibid,

^^P* P* 2. Rel.

5 Uid, 373. Gr, 215—240.

9 See the comparative table

bey Kamal,

With

4 Spkaera 372 f,

163; Astrol, 74ff.

7

9.

— 308

— 90,

;

cit, 232 f., and that in by G. Daressy, Annates du 236—9, XarfT., iSoff.; by Ahmed

also articles

III 175,


Egyptian elements.

58

names in the Test do not at all agree, but seem rather most part to be Hebrew, or, perhaps, mock Hebrew ^

these the the

for

Yet the Tests account of the is

not original invention,

of these siderial

activities

at

for,

spirits

the two chief

the beginning,

one given by Pitra from a Moscow and a Vienna MS 2 and one given by Kroll from another Vienna MS ^, agree with the Test in certain essential particulars. The names in Vind. 108 and its fellow, Par. 2419, do not correspond with any other list, just as those of the Test do not. The peculiarity of the names in the last, therefore, need not trouble us; That the activities lists,

ascribed to the several decans should not agree in is

all the lists not strange, in view of the confusion in the Egyptian lists i

While there is much closer resemblance between Pitra's and documents than between either of them and the Test,

Kroll's

they

still

differ in

many important

They

particulars.

all

agree

on the fundamental proposition, which Celsus described as an Egyptian belief, that the decans rule diseases, each of a certain

body^

part of the

In the case of the

decan

first

all

three agree

the head,

although the Test adds xgoxafpovq, which puts under the second. Vind. 108 has jtad-rj 6g)d-akfiwv

that

it

M-V

is

under, the second decan, while the Test has

Under the things

toothache.

diseases of the throat.

1 The is

unter the

From

third.

other rules

point on there are still fewer between the three accounts, yet these we have indi-

similarities

/xovsq

it

M-V

and Vind. 108 have among All three agree that the fourth decan

both

third

allusion

this

of Origen, contra Ceh.

not applicable to the decani.

VI

There

30,

is,

to

to

ol knzd.

be

sure,

aQxovteg 6atan Antiochus ex-

which mentions the 5' 6^xav5)V O'/rJixa (Boll, Sphaera 57), but this either means the Pleiades, or, as seems to me more probable, it is a mistake for the seven planets (cf. ibid. 280), which are sometimes connected with the thirty-six cerpt

decani

2

(ibid,

See Bouch^-Leclerq, Astral. Gr. 224

302),

Analecta

V,

ol.

50, referred to as

p.

18)

3

CCAG VI

from Mosquensis 415

73—78, from Vind. Graec. 108

(= MS W,

cf.

Cf. Bouche-Leclerq, op.

5 Contra micus, and ch.

Cels,

— 230.

and Vindobon. Medic.

23,

M-V.

with the seals for each decan; there

from Par. 2419

4

2, 285,

supra II 11, cit.

is

S,

cf.

supra

II 7,

names

p. 26).

230, n. 3.

VIII 58. Cf. Bouch^-Leclercq,

XV, "La Medicine

(= MS

also given a parallel list of

Astrol.," pp. 517

loc.

cit.^

— 542.

quotation from Fir-


Jewish elements.

more than fortuitous. They evidently rest upon a But M-V has for the first few names the i, and theretransliteration of the old Egyptian names

are

cated

common

tradition.

Hellenistic

fore serves to

We

are

connect

then,

safe,

Jewish revision of a

in

tradition with

concluding that

chapter of the

presenting

The

editor has

probably

made

it

a

more

decans as demons who cause disease, rather

regarding the

than deities

who

"rule" {xvQisvsi) or cure {iaxai) the parts affec-

Yet he has

such as the

failed to

purge out

all

I

am

unable to

one main source of the Test the plot,

is

Other evidence of

find.

Jewish elements and relationships.

background,

the heathen elements,

amulets and voces mysticae'^.

Egyptian influence 6.

of decani.

list

this

Egypt.

monotheistic than the other accounts mentioned above,

nearly

ted.

common

this

comes from Egyptian sources,

Test

in

59

a)

That Judaism

apparent on every page.

is

The

and the principal characters are Jewish.

Solomon, wise man, builder, and glorious king, the Queen of all familiar Old Testament sometimes presented here in strange connections. though figures, In pre-Christian times Solomon was already on the way to become a magician, both in the canonical books and in the Apo-

Sheba, and the Shunamite girP are

crypha*.

Josephus shows

developing,

his

this

conception of the king gradually

exorcisms and the remedial or magical plants

recommended being already in practical use by Jewish His ring, his power over demons, and his use of them on the Temple become commonplaces of Jewish legendary lore. His glory and his fall are put in telling contrast by the editors of the Old Testament as they are by the Test. demonology of the Test are b) The angelology and practically those of the Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha. Our text contains the view, based upon Gen VI i 4 and found in Ethiopic Enoch VI— VII, XV— XVI and Jubilees VII 2 iff., X 5, that the angels who fell and their offspring became he had

magicians ^

1 Bouch^-Leclercq,

with No. 27,

p.

307.

Astrol. gr. 232

2 Cf.

suj>ra

VI

f.,

Budge, Gods

XI

304—308, beginning

4.

3 Cant VI 12, VII i. 4 See fuller discussion below, VIII & Ant VIII 25; quoted below VIII i d).

i

a),

b).


6o

Jewish elements.

demons!; but much of in the Similitudes (I

it

seems rather to follow the belief found

En XXXVII— L XXI;

cf.

Charles, ^wt?^^ p. lo;)

demons have existed since the creation. The Pseudo-Philonic Jewish work de antiquitatibtis biblicis, dating from the latter that

part of the

contra in

the

century A. D., in

first

daemonium

SauliSy

unites

citkarismus regis Dauid

its

view with another found According to

this

as to the origin of certain demons.

Test

a badly tangled passage Onoskelis

is

born of an echo.

demon

Citkarismus David addresses the

In the

thus:

Et factum est tunc noraen in compaginatione extensionis quod appellatum caelum (There follows a reference to the creation of the earth but not of animals and man.) Et post haec facta est tribus spirituum vestrorum. Et nunc molesta esse noli, tanquam secunda creatura; si quominus, memorare Tartari in quo ambulas. Aut non audire .... Aut immemores quoniam de resultatione in chaomate nata est vestra creatura. est superius

.

.

Less apposite

Abraxas^ In

p. 17,

spite

.

is

a parallel Dr. James notes from Dieterich,

y^XaCavroq Sk xov d-sov

eysvv7]d'7]6ap d-eol Ijrra-.

of great differences in detail the general manner

which each demon's work is described in I En LXIX i 12^ may well have contributed to the demon portraits in the Test. The section on the seven xo^^JoxQaroQsg (c. VII) is based upon exactly the same conceptions of evil and of demons as the list

in

of seven vices in Test.

Reuben

III 3

—6;

yet the

rently

a

in "the

X 7 — 9,

how God evil spirits

1 See above

VI

i.

Cf.

75 II

left

Griinbaum, "Beitrage,"

2 Dr. James printed the

Citharistmis

which

one tenth

an

ZDMG XXXI 225.

Apocrypha Anecdota^ Cambridge, 1893, without being aware

3,

article entitled

"An Apocryphal Work

Ascribed

The text I have quoted Dr. James communicated in a making a further collation of MSS. James and Cohn below VIII

J

c)

free under

with three other Pseudo-Philonic

of their origin. Dr.L.Cohn called attention to the source in in

appa-

tells

Jub

place of condemnation", and

fragments in

ftax'^,

the angels to imprison nine tenths of the

mere coincidence.

commanded

do not

lists

agree except that the third in each has to do with

JQR X (1898) 277—332

to

Philo of Alexandria."

letter

of July

8, 1916, after

agree as to the date.

See

for the concluding sentence of the so-called song.

3 From the "Apocalypse of Noah." One might think the Test depended upon this work, were it not that the rest of the sections Charles

particularly

ascribes

to

it

{Enoch,

sorcery and witchcraft,

pp. 24 f.) do not at all agree with the Test, I

En

VIII, IX.

e,

g. as to


6l

Jewish elements.

explains the statement of Beelzebul in

of Mastema,

command

VI 3 that his second in command rules his race in TarNot only its demonology in general but certain partitarus. Test

cular figures of

our text are well

home

known

made Asmodaeus also came to belong to Judaism as Judaism, however, gave more at

has

in the it

in

Jewish mind.

Tobit

The

Jewish folklore.

lilith

did to other nations.

attention

to angels than to

demons. While here the Test differs in emphasis, the view point the same. Among the Jews as in our text exorcism was one

is

means of

of the chief

healing, so

much

so that in antiquity the

Jew became almost as famous for magical arts as the Chaldean. "The Graeco-Roman world regarded the Jews as a race of ma-

Angel names, of which so many occur in the Pseudwere often used in incantations. The Jews were fully persuaded of the power of the "name" 2^ and they also thought of the angels as specially commissioned to protect the gicians" ^

epigrapha,

righteous from the machinations of demons.

There

are

many

thus

similarities

Test and

between the

Jewish folklore and superstition of the beginning of the Christian

But that our document is dependent in a literary way upon the Apocrypha or Pseudepigrapha does not at all appear. I have discovered but two quotations from Jewish literature, one

era.

the

passage touching the corner stone 3, the other the phrase

x-i]v

Tcov

Owp

d^Qovcov jtagsdQOv 6og)iav\ taken from the

Wisdom

same book K In the passages describing Solomon's glory and the Temple, where one of Solomon,

and a possible

allusion to the

would expect quotation, there the

biblical

accounts ^

is

only a free development of

One might mention elements

thinking which are absent from the of the

Messiah to destroy

1 Ludwig Blau,

^E

frequency of allusions to

was

common throughout

the classics

on the

2 Heitmiiller,

the

of Jewish such as the coming

demons"^.

We

C.

4

C. Ill 5;

must, then,

art. "Magic." He says, tdid. 255, "The the Bible indicates that the practice of magic

VIII 255 f., it

in

ancient Israel,"

Cf,

his

Altjud. Zauberwesen,

subject, also Bousset,

ReL Jud. 391 and

Im Namen Jesu

â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 80.

176

Schiirer

XXIII 4; Ps CXVIII 22; Mt XXI 42 and parallels, Sap IX 4. 5 C. V 3; Sap VII i. XIX, XXI. 7 Cf. I En LXIX 27.

3

6 C.

all

Test,

one of

GJVUl 408

I Pt II 6.

f.


62

Jewish elements.

document operated with Apocryphal and Pseudepigraphic writers, he is not in a literary way dependent upon any Jewish literature. On the other hand so many traits connect him with the rabbinical writings that we must suppose him to live during conclude

much

that,

the

while the writer of our

same

or after the

beliefs as the

century of the Christian era.

first

Turning to the Talmud we find parallels to many of oui^ stories ^ The account of Benaiah's capture of Asmodaeus by the use of a magic ring and chain, a bundle of wool, and a c)

of wine 2 reminds

skin (I

in in

and again of Ephippas (XXII 9—16), for the ring is both cases. It is pressed upon Ornias and seals Ephip4

his

while in the rabbinic legend Benaiah cries to

sack,

Asmodaeus, "The name of the Lord is

capture of Ornias

slave's

— 14)

lo

used pas

one of the

caught

modaeus shows a knowledge of the plans, just as Ornias does

foolish

know

upon

is

Ephippas

thee,"

sack instead of by drinking wine from

in the

the future

is

is

The

3.

found elsewhere

i6a the collocation of ideas

future

and laughs

much

As-

idea that the demons

the Talmud.

in

it

at men*s

the

same

In Hagiga

as in the

Test

"The rabbans taught: The demons possess six characteristics, three like the ministering angels, and three like the sons of men. Three like the ministering angels: they have wings like the ministering angels and they fly from one end of the world to the other like the

determined angels.

ministering

for the future (rTT^tib

l^iW^

Do you come

They know!

and they know what

angels

is

ird) like the ministering

to

that opinion?

Rather

from behind the curtain like the ministering anThree like the sons of men: they eat and drink like the gels. sons of men, they propagate themselves like the sons of men, they hear

and they

it

die like the sons of men"*.

1 Ginzberg, Legends IV 165 2 Gittin 68a; Ginzberg, J}

C.

XX

6—18;

Transcendentale, Magie

from Suca 53 a. 4 Goldschmidt the curtain.''

cf.

a

loc,

The Abotk of R. Nathan

— 9. cit,\

story

^

JE

XI 4435.

of the angel of death related by Brecher,

und magische Heilarten im Talmud Wien

III 2 839, Streane, 92; cf.

j

Test

XX

16 for

'

1850,

p.

58 f.,

'hearing behind


Jewish elements.

adds:

"Many

every form

their

appearance according to

they wish, and they see and are not

as

This passage

instructive in that

is

of fhe Test and writer

They change

say;

53

reduces

was not able

it

it

describes the

seen*'i.

demonology

system which apparently our

to a

to construct.

d) While, however, there are

many resemblances between

demonology, magic, and mythology and the must not forthwith be taken as proved that it is a Jewish work. It certainly was not a product of rabbinic Judaism such as is seen in the Babylonian Talmud, and later Jewish specu-

Jewish angelology, Test^ it

Samael appears only in MS D, the angel of death, Malak Iia-Moweth, of the Zohar and Qelippoth not at all 2. Asmodaeus

lation.

is

an

entirely

Ornias and the

different

New

character,

his

plac e

being taken by

Testament BeelzebuP.

of Jewish tradition come to surround Solomon which only begins to appear in the Test^, Among the many later traits not found in our document, one which might easily have been used is the statement in Targum Sheni

The

mists

with a halo

Esther that "Solomon ruled over the wild beasts, over the birds of heaven, as

over the

the

and over the creeping beasts of the earth, as well devils, the spirits of the night; and he understood

language of

all

these

according as

it

is

written,

talked with the trees,'" instead of 'of the trees,'

One of

I

'and he

Kg IV

33 ^

most decisive illustrations of the difference between the Test and later Judaism is the account of the fall of Solomon. The subject was one which the Jewish theologians in the early

Test in

the

its

the

attitude

Amoraim,

pressure

some heat*^. The midway between the Tannaim and while Solomon falls, it is under the

Christian centuries discussed with

in

stands

that,

of a passion which seems not to be regarded as

1 A. Wiinsch, 4i6f.; Aboth di R.

"Die Zahlenspruche in Talmud

Nathan 37

3.

u.

Midrasch",

ille-

ZDMG LXVI

2 Cf. Meyer, Qabbalah 43of., 4:^2â&#x20AC;&#x201D;7.

3 See Griinbaum's characterization of the Talmudic Asmodaeus in ZDMG 216, following Git 68a, b, and Fes iioa. 4 Cf. Eisenmenger, Entd, Jud. 1 441 Faerber, K, Sal.; Salzberger, Salomo-

XXXI

;

^age\

JE

Xl438fr., 448.

5 Salzberger, op, cit. 93 f, from f. 440, ed. David p. 8. 6 Faerber, K, Sal. 4 19, Salzberger, Salomosage I2f.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;


Jewish elements.

64 and

gitimate,

worship

his

^

was not conscious and]

of idols

brazen, but consisted merely in crushing certain locusts before 1 idols,

he

for

not

"did

consider the blood of the locusts" i.j

who wished

This charitable estimate quite befits a writer

his

work accepted as a valuable medical treatise own hand. That in the Test Asmodaeus has nothing to do with the king's fall at once differentiates the work from the Talmud and proves that it had no close connection with those! popular cycles of Solomonic myth from which the rabbis pro-j from Solomon's

|

bably drew

their stories.

Moreover, in the Test there

on

is,

the]

one band, no hint that the king lost his throne along with power over the demons,- and, on the other, no restoration of power, while the ring, which is the chief means by which gains

power over the demons,

his

not indispensible, as

is

his;

his

hej

it is

Talmudic legends-. The connection of a Shunamite girl^ with Solomon's fall is unique. It must have been suggested byj the name in Cant VI 12; VII i, and it would seem to hint at an interpretation of Canticles otherwise unknown to me^, and entirely in the

1 C.

XXVI

5.

The

Test takes the attitude of the Half-Tannaites; Faerber,

op, cit, 8f.

2 See Gittin 68 a,

b.

Salzberger, op,

cii.

115

is

hardly justified in making j

the Test present a later development of the ring legend than the Talmud, if that is

what he means.

The

often

{Ant VIII 2

Josephus

published

passage

5)

presupposes

a

ring

of Solomon.

from the great Paris magical papyrus

(Suppl.

no doubt borrowed from Jewish, not Christian magicians. Dieterich believes the section cannot be earlier than the time of Eupolemus, and probably comes from the Essenes {Abraxas I42ff., Leid, pap, 78off.). In any case this papyrus, written in the III or IV cent. A. D., but embodying much older material, stands beside Josephus as a witness to the prominence of Solomon and grec. 574) is

his ring in

magic during the

earliest centuries

of the Christian

xaxa

era.

No

satis-

a^^aytdoQ ijg eO-ero 2oXo/i(ov inl x^iv yXwaaccv tov ^IsQ^fxlov xal iXdXTjoev (ri. 3039 f.) has been advanced. Professor Deissman {Licht 187, n. 15, LAE 257, n. 10) thinks it may aUude to some legend connected with LXX Jer I 6 10. Is it. not more likely that the name Jeremiah is a mistake for some demon or dragon name that has been misread? In one of the phylacteria of the Bologna MS which contains the Test is the line l6ov S. vidg Aa^ld d^axovzoq yXoioaav sxo>v ^aCiXsQ)q iy>ce(pa)uv (cf. supra II, p. 24, n. 2). One can go no farther than to suggest the possibility of a connection. I can discover no Essenic material in the Test, factory

explanation

of the

clause

bQxltfa

as

TTjq

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

unless indefinite prescriptions of "cleanness" can be supposed to be such (VI 10,

XIII

2).

3 See

my

article in yt. Palest, Or,

Soc, I

116â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 121.


Jewish relationships.

became customary

that which

to

contradictory

65 in

Jewish and

Christian circles.

A same our

comparison of the

with Jewish thought in the

Test^ then,

confirms the statement which Dr. Kohler makes, that

field

document

pre-Talmudic 1.

is

Palestinian than to the

It

moreover, closer to the

is,

Babylonian Talmud 2.

Loewe

If

is

right

was Galilean, not Judean, rabbis who believed in demonology and magic 3, we have just the line of tradition we should expect in a Christian work, which would be connected with Palestine rather than Babylon, and with Galilee in

contention that

his

it

rather than Judea.

One

e)

offshoot of Jewish magic remains to

be considered.

Perhaps the most interesting and valuable of recent publications in

field

this

Montgomery's Aramaic

is

inscriptions

Nippur,

Aramaic,

series

'

Some

are

distinctly heathen,

and

all

are decidedly eclectic,

Hellenistic elements,

show Jewish influence and were prepared

but the for Jews.

Strangely enough, in view of the place of origin, Persian

nology has of the to this

from

and Mandaic, intended to protect the houses of the clients, and dating from the sixth century

mingling Babylonian, Jewish, majority

Texts

Incantatioji

of magic bowls in rabbinic

Syriac,

and families A. D.

from a

no

left

trace,

but "Egypto-Hellenistic magic

prime sources of our

remarkable

How

texts''^.

is

the

demois

one

Test related

series of incantations?

We find the same same trust in their efficacyÂŽ, and the same conception of demons as the causes of ills and diseases of all sorts. The sealing of demons is mentioned In

respects the similarity

of angel names

kind

in

many

most of the

texts',

In a related text

ending

in

is

-el^,

and Solomon's

Grunbaum found

great.

the

seal

is

referred to in some^.

the phrase "jinn of Solomon"^.

1 Cf. supra I 4.

{ZDMG XXXI

and Perles {Bousset's ReL d. Jttd. 35 f.) comes nearer to the soberer views of the former, as is natural in a Christian work, which would not show direct 4 Op. cit. 115, cf. 116. Babylonian influence. 3 ERE IV 612 f. 5 Ibid. 96 ff,; see review by the writer, AJT XIX (191 5) 292 ff. 2

Grunbaum

call attention

to

the difference.

6

Ibid. 56ff., III.

8

Ibid.

UNT.

9:

7 Cf. ibid.

170, 173, 232, 248.

McCown.

215)

The

9

Test

127, 133, 165, 191, 231 Ibid. 80,

r\vi-ym

f.

ÂŤ5*^a.

5


66

Hellenistic elements.

On gician

the other

is

hand there are decided

The ma-

differences.

not concerned with individual demons or angels.

Per-

names of demons are few; rather they are addressed as classes, "Demons and Devils and Satans and Liliths"^, while the angels, even more than in the Test, come ,to be mere charms, not pei'sonalities. The black art is personified, and ''the Curse' and the Vow, and Arts and Practices" are adjured 2. Certain; familiar names appear which the Test lacks; for example, Metatron^, Abraxas^, and Hermes ^ Rather more of plainly Hellenistic magic enters into the Aramaic texts; for example, Zeus and Okeanos*^. Heathen deities appear more distinctly: Sames, Sin, Bel, and Nirig"^. The charms are much more elaborate than any in the Test. sonal

From

this hasty comparison it is evident that Montgomery's and ours belong to the same world, that of syncretistic Hellenism, but not to the same part of that world, nor to the same era. The Test comes from an earlier, or at least a less

texts

developed stage

highly as

on

may

it

its

appear,

magic,

if

the history of magic,

in

shows- really less

not on

its

of

and, strange

Hellenistic

influence

demonology, than do the

Semitic

texts. 7.

and

Hellenistic elements

relationships.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

No one

familiar

with the magic papyri can fail to identify the Test as a HelleUpon the basis of primitive Greek and Roman nistic work.

animism the popular mind had constructed by the time of the Empire a magic that borrowed from all the races, Babylonian, Persian, Indian, Jewish, and Egyptian, that had contriearly

buted to'

civilization, and yet was thoroughly naturalized 8. world that the Test belongs.

its

It is in this

1 /did. 225; cf. 68. 218.

Such summaries

The magician wishes 2

Idid. 237, et passim.

4

Ibid.

148, 196, 232,

6

Ibid.

197, cf. 113.

are frequent

and long,

S cf.

pp. 188

f.,

Ibid. 207, cf. 98, 113.

57. 7

5

Ibid.

Ibid. 238, In a

147,

196, 207, cf.

heathen charm,

8 Cf. art. "Demons and Evil Spirits (Greek)" in ERE TV Pearson and art. "Damonen u. Damonische" in Realenc. IV 408

123, 113.

cf.

7of.

590â&#x20AC;&#x201D;4 by A.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D; 19

with bibliographies.

cf.

to include all possible evil spirits.

by

C.

Weiss, J.


Hellenistic elements.

6/

no doubt, the well known Greek female demon, although the manner of her birth can be paralleled from both Enepsigos is probably Hekate^. Greek and Jewish sources ^ Onoskelis

One demon

is

I

identified with

have

Lix T^trax, two of the

ori-

Ephesia grammata^ in part because, while the nanie

ginal

corrupted,

it

Cretan tablet of the

fourth

century B.

Hellenistic,

as the

charm ^ovXtala' d^aXaX'

section

is

demon

shows; the Christian

idea.

Akephalos

is

wind as it is in a In any case the

Test connected with a

is in the

C.^.

fiskxdX*

also cures fever, a heathen, not a Jewish or

Kynopegos may be

Daemon

appears

identified with Poseidon*.

the magic papyri s.

in

The

idea of

was familiar to the Greek mind, for the" K^Qsg were the ancient Greek form of microbe ÂŽ. The similarity of views on this subject among men widely separated in time and place is illustrated by the fact that Plato, Apuleius, and the Talmud all agree in regarding demons as partly human, demons

as the cause of disease

partly supernatural in their nature'.

The magic of

the Test is not outwardly so different from magic papyri, and the writer was familiar with the praxis of the latter, as VI lO and XVIII show. But ovofiaxa ciarjfia rarely appear, and when they do they are an evidence that the section in which they occur has come from Hellenism; nor do the incantations and amulets have the elaborateness that characterizes them in the papyri. The angel, a messenger of that of the

God,

is

the agent of healing and protection.

The

nor defixiones appear.

papyri chiefly in that

it

is

then,

Test,

differs

No

black magic,

from the magic

the work of a Christian using heathen

1 C. IV. Cf. Roscher, Lexicon^

s.

v.

^Ovoasieliq'f J. HaiTison, Proleg,

202 f.;

H46;, supra VI i, ^^I 6 b. 2 She is a moon goddess, called yLVQimvvpiOQ,-, and lias three forms. 3 Ziebarth in NGG 1899, 131, Wiinsch, Rh, Mus. LV (1900) 73fF. The writer is preparing an article in defense of this identification. 4 C. XVI. 5 Lond. P 46 145 ff., Gr. Pap. Br. Mus. I 695.; Deissmann^ Licht 194, LAE 139, Of course the headless ghost is an international figure (cf. Washington living's Legend of Sleepy Hollow)^ but allusions to fire and lightning in both accounts make the identification certain. 6 Hamson, Froleg. i63flF., Bouche-Leclerq, Asirol, Gr, 24 n. i. Cf. supra VII 6. 7 Sympos, 202 e; Apuleius de Soer. XIII. Gruppe,

Gr. Myth.

1306

and

n.

17,

769;

Lucian

-ver,

hist.

5"


Christian elements and relationships.

68 materials

rather

than that of

a""

heathen working on Jewish

or

Christian matter.

The passages show

that his fame as

limits

of Judaism and

that

papyri which mention Solomon merely

in the

magician was spreading beyond the

a

One

Christianity K

is

inclined to think

some legend of Solomon's dealing with demons

is

back

of

the line that speaks of Solomon's laying his seal on the tongue

of Jeremiah-. 8.

Christian elements

a)

Relation to the

text regarding

As

and

New

relationships,

Testament.

demonology the New Testament

to

The thought

of our

has already been sufficiently discussed 3.

Christ

is

not sufficiently de-

permit a comparison of individual figures except

tailed to

case of Beelzebul,

who

in the

New

Testament character, so far as our knowledge goes, and who has been fully adopted into our text*. In general it is quite evident that Paul and the writers of the Synoptic Gospels believed in demonic activities! is

a purely

such as are described

in

point that Christ's

the only

is

They name to

the Test^.

differ in

the essentia?

use in exorcism, and,

it could safely be invoked only by real magic books were to be burned'. Testament language has been adopted by our writer

according to Luke, Christians^;

New

all

the phrases orotxsTa xoOfioxQaroQsg tov oxotovc, applied

in

seven

the

spirits

of evil 8,

or aroiXEia

ol

Oxorovg {tov alcovog) tovtov applied to the thirty-six

and

dgxccl xal s§ov6lcu xal dvvafiBtq as

Dr. Conybeare has

1 Par

p.

decani^,

designations of angelic

and discussed a consinumber of words and phrases common to our text and

beings i**. derable

to

xoOfioxgaroQeg tov

MP

collected

850, 853, 3040,

2 Cf. Deissmann, opp. citt. 3 Cf. supra V 7, 64, n. 2.

184,

4

Dieterich,

252,

VI

Cf. supra

i

Abraxas 139; cf. supra and p. 44, 'n. 7.

5 Dibelius, Geisterwelty 37 114. 6 Mk IX 38fF.; Lk IX ^^U Ac XIX 13—17. 7

Ac \IX

19.

9 C. XVIII

2,

8 C. VIII 2. combining Gal IV

3, 9;

Col

omits xov alwvog as do the best witnesses in

10

MS

C.

XX

15,

Eph.

I 21;

Col

I 16; II 15

II 8,

20 with

Eph VI and

I

Eph VI

12.

MS P

12.

Pt III 22 are combined; but

P, putting xoa^oscQdroQsq for dwdf/.ecg has the order of

Eph VI

12.


Christian relationships.

the

New Testament

He comes

1.

69

to the conclusion, with

which

we must on the whole agree, that the similarity of phrase is due to common environment. "Paul merely glances at a system of belief

which the Testament

sets before us in lengthy detail"

But the environment of our writer includes the Not as if he had first hand acquaintance with

New

That

it.

^i

Testament. is

ex-

cluded by those passages which deal with its incidents or ideas. When he describes the "Gadarene" demon, Leontophoron, he

only to

refers

one would in

the outstanding features of the story which any

remember who had heard

it

read or told

^.

Likewise

mentioning Jesus he alludes only to characteristic features of

Christian doctrine

who was

which would impress themselves on a hearer

dsiaidatfiovsarsQog.

combining as

stone,

after the

manner of

reads like

stone,

I

The

story of the rejected corner-

it

does Ps CXVIII 22 and

Pt

II

6fJ, but referring

anti- Christian

Is

them

XXVIII

polemic from the Jewish

was not familiar with the Christian of these verses, if he was a Christian.

I Certainly our writer

cation

After weighing the evidence one

is

16

to an actual side.

appli-

driven to the conclusion

had the same relation to the New Testament that we have found him sustaining to the Old Testament and the apocryphal literature. All this constitutes part of the background of his thinking, and he had a superficial knowledge of it derived from hearing it read in the Sabbath worship, or mentioned in sermons and discussions; an occasional phrase the author of the

that

or quotation

Test

sticks in his mind,

or he

instructed magicians; but he

better

is

may borrow from

other

not working with copies

He composes freely without knowledge with an absence of literary dependence rather than a very early date which makes the Test at once like and unlike the New Testament^. of any of this literature before him..

literary

trammels.

It

is

auricular

XI 5 f. 2 Idid. 6, 3 t. IX; cf. supra VI 7, p. 50. XXII 7f., XXIII 2â&#x20AC;&#x201D;4. Cf. Mt XXI 42 and parallels; see above VII 6if., also IX 2 and n. 16, p. 102. 5 Cf. Conybeare, yQIi XI 10; "The allusion [to the miracle of Gadara] 1 ygj?

4

p.

C.

not of such a kind as to involve our Gospel text in reflects

the oral tradition

which went before

it."

its

6,

is

present form, but rather


yO

Gnosticism.

b) Relation to the early Church.

would such a work as the

tians

To what class of Chris^One would ex-

Test appeal?

much Gnostic material in such a work, especially, view of the fact that so many so-called "Gnostic amulets" have been preserved, many of them coupling the name of Solopect to find in

mon

with Abraxas and similar words of powers In fact, Dr.: Conybeare concludes, "It is probable .... that the Testament was the favourite book of the Ophiani, or of some analogous sect which combined a belief in Emmanuel with a mass ofpreexistent Jewish superstitions"

2.

The passage on which judgment appears to

be

me directly to in whom Origen

contradict

The

it.

this

seven

ascribed to the Ophiani 3,

in

Gnosticism 4, are certainly the seven

Test the only group of seven which appears

In the

be identified with the Pleiades

racteristics

of the

mentioned

with

and Wisdom

agree.

which the author of But these seven, which with the "mother"

play so important a part

to

we cannot

just the sort of beings in

sure,

the Test believes.

planets.

this

to

ruling demons, faith are,

With

Dr. Conybeare seems to base

them.

as

5;

Gnostic seven

in

they have none of the chanor

*^,

Sophia

is

is

there any "mother"

personified

is

in

Proverbs

Test long before her appropriation by

the

Gnosticism.

The

prohibition of the invocation of angels'

eine Sache" in the Second

Book of Jen

'

is

names "um

irgend

a direct attack upon

A similar condem-

such practices as the Test sought to further. nation of heathen magic and astrology appears 1 In the British

Museum

ASTRAEL lAO SABAO

is

in Pistis Sophia^,

a bronze nail with the inscription,

(drawing of a serpent)

SOLOMONO;

ABARAXAS.

H. B. Wallers, of the Bronzes in the Br, Mtis., Gi'eek^ Roman, and Etruscan^ p. 370, No. 3194. Henzen, Bull, d, Inst, di Corr. Arch. 1S49 ?• n cites from a magic nail the inscription, AO SABAO SOLOMONO. Wessely, Eph. Gram. 22, 202, cites im 2 Op. dt. 14. aoXo^(i>v oapao from Montfaucon Tad. 164. cf.

Cat,

3 Contra 4 op.

Cels.

VI

30, Conybeare,

Cf. Bousset, Hauptprobl.

c.

I,

JQR pp.

XI

5 So Bousset, op, clt, 21 n. 2, decides; 24 n. 2, though suggesting the planets

cit.

6

Cf. Bousset, op.

8 Ibid. pp. 15

cit.

— 18,

27.

167.

7

13.

9-58. as

does also Conybeare himself,

as an alternative.

Schmidt, K~Gn. Schriften, 305, 30 f.


1

Ethiopian connections.

as Dieterich

but,

7

pointed out, the Gnostic insisted he had the

was this that gave Gnostic one of the striking facts outside the chapter on the that, about the original Test is thirty-six decani (XVIII), which, as we have seen, is of Egyptian origin 2, it contains practically none of the names which are key to the true science 1, and amulets such tremendous vogue.

:

v;

it

Now

commonly found on Gnostic amulets, or are regarded as characteristic of Gnosticism; such names as Abraxas and laldaboth. distinctly Gnostic elements

The

belong to sections which have

been assigned on other grounds to the later recensions

The one piece of cosmic mysticism occurring the

directions

the

chariot

136,

c.

in

tail

of the

seeing

mouth ^.

%deccmi^ which

for

Test,

dragging

presents a conti'ast to Pistis Sophia

sun"^,

gi'eat

dragon with his

The words and phrases

in the list of the

have a Gnostic sound

origin;

in the

dragons

heavenly

"the

which describes the sun as a his

Gnostic

for

3.

example,

lai'

may be

leco*

in part really of

viol JJa^acod-'^,

xalXtov

ken Soloiimv Evdexa jtaraQcov^^ lov6a ^iC^a^ov^. Some, perhaps all, are borrowed by Gnosticism and the Test from the same 'โ€ขsources, Judaism, heathenism, and Christianity 1^. None of the characteristic features of the Gnostic systems, such as dualism, emanations, syzygies, and mystic names being found in the Test, and there being so few allusions of any kind to Gnostic language, the conclusion must be that our text has not come under Gnostic influence.

One story in the From Ethiopia comes

Test

a

parallels that in the Test.

brings

In the

temporarily deposes the King pian to

legend Pharaoh's

it

into touch with Ethiopia.

story of Solomon's

by

Talmud

it

fall

is

seizing his ring.

daughter seduces him.

worship her idols; he refuses.

he promises on oath that he will

Cf. infra

In this Ethio-

She urges him She entices him until finally do whatever she wishes. Then

f. and n. 2. 2 Cf. supra VII 5. VII 11 and 12. 4 C. VI 19. 5 Schmidt, K-Gn. Schriften 233 i8f. G C. XVIII. 1 Ibid. ยง 16. 9 Ibid. ยง 21. 8 Ibid, ยง 18, P only. 10 E. g., Sa^(x(bS; 'A6o)vat; cf. ยง 17.

1 Abraxas, 151

3

M'hich closely

Asmodaeus who


72

Ethiopian connections.

she

a thread across the middle of the door of the temple

ties

of her gods (that

"Come

me

to

is,

them

sets

locusts,

across the door half

in the

and twist

she says to him, "From

complies,

brings three

up),

stooping so as not to break the woolen thread,

these locusts before me,

kill

way

temple of her gods, and says to him,

made offering them." The writer, moved by

their necks."

now on

I

will

When

do thy

he

will,'^

my

gods and hast prayed to the same apologetic tendency as the Test, explains that he acted thus on account of his oath order that he might not perjure himself, although he knew

since thou

in in

that

hast

was a

it

The

sin to enter the idol

parallels

between

this

too striking to be overlooked.

demonology

to

as a whole are

great importance

is

temple ^

legend and that

in the

much

like

those of the Test.

"\''ery

attached in (Ethiopic) magic spells to the

knowledge of names and the power resident

in

potent element of the magician's art Jewish,

this

Test are

Furthermore, Ethiopic magic and

pagan ideas curiously meet ....

them; and Christian,

In Abyssinia, Biblical

in

and

sacred

names, together with a large number of fanciful appellations

much resembling

those in the Jewish Kabbala, were magically*

pronounced for the purpose of warding and

all

kinds of diseases"

lets

to

be

chael,

the

tied

to the

The

2.

off the

power of demons

use of slips of paper as amu-

person or walP^ the prominence of Mi-

use of angelic names against demons and diseases*,

Werzelya ^ and the power of Solomon over demons almost make the impression that it is the Test which Margoliouth

the

lilith-like

6. Remembering also the similarity of the Enoch one might be led to the conclusion

describing

is

Ethiopic

1 Prof. Dr. Carl BezoJd,

den

HSS.

Klasse

in Berlin,

der

Salzberger,

§

k'dnigl.

Salomosa^e 96,

Ak.

that the

Kebra Nagast, Die Herrllchkelt der Xonige, nach

London^ Oxford, and bayer.

7>^/ and

d.

JViss.

says the

J^aris^

c.

23. Bd.,

same

story

64, i

in Abh. der philos-pliiloU

Abt.,

Miinchen 1905,

found in Kisa^i;

6of.

cf.

infra

2 G. Margoliouth, "The Use of Charms and Amulets in Ethiopia,"

ExT

9, p.

is

80.

XXI

3 Ibid. 404. Cf. Test XVIII 22â&#x20AC;&#x201D;42. 4 Loc. ciL 9 (June 1910) 403. 5 Montgomery [AITN i^ii^ gives several parallels to the story of Christ's meeting with it lilith. In Canaan Aberglaube 27 f. the story in told of Solomon. > Op.

cit.

405.

-


Christian relationships.

73

must have come from the land fi'om which the Ethiopic its legends, that is, from Egypt.

Test

church received

much,

Lest one should infer too similar

legends

Dr. Conybeare has discovered a

the story of the corner stone which

to

not

could

the

In

church 2.

Georgian

Georgians

history of the

of the saint and the Armenian

life

a story of a cedar column, the seventh

is

necessary to the erection of the

last

human agency

of St. Nino, the mother of the Georgian

in life

^

lift

be noted that

to

is

it

those in our text ate to be found in other

of the Christian world.

parts

parallel

and

to

church in the

first

newly converted kingdom, which the king and

his

all

people

were unable to move, but which, in the early morning, after the defeat

of the hosts of evil

invisible

hands

but the miracle

king,

their

suspended above

its

St.

same story

the

siastical History

by

is

One might

base^.

but the connection

Dr. James writes to me:

"I

of the "Iberians" and

told

is

moved by

is

In Rufinus' Eccle-

it^.

heightened by leaving the

of the stories of the corner stone last legend,

Nino's prayers,

base prepared for

to the

is

pillar

think of a combination

and the

aerial

column

in this

very tenuous.

would add two more references

to your bit of testimonia. In the Syriac Obsequies of the Virgin,

Wright, Contributions 1865, p. 42,

the end of

the in

same

the

to

Apocryphal Literature of the NT, man and his son [Test XX]

the story of the old

is

and

only,

it

tale.

from a

It is

a tract called Inventiones

but unmistakably

in different guise, fifth

century

MS

Nominum which

(see p. 12).

I

Also

printed in Journal

of Theological Studies^ 1903, p. 224, § 27, is, 'Tres sunt Orniae Tercius est Omias princeps demoniorum.' In one this

MS

emended I

Mace. XII

but

7;.

esting to find

Christian 1

Test

Conybeare.

4

from

XXII

7,

Bibl,

life

XXIII.

V

(1908)

The accounts

it

is

an emendation.

excursions

we

to

2 Guardian, Mar.

Migne,

fields

of

29, 1899, 442.

edited

are full of wild stories of ;

outlying

find every reason for believing

38—41, and 83 f.,

Ibid, 60, Eccl. hist. I x

It is inter-

in Latin."

these

thought and

3 Stud.

sure

I feel

an allusion

Returning

is

princeps Lacedaemoniorum' in allusion to

'Ornias

to

PL XXI

482.

by Miss Wai-drop and Dr. demons and exorcisms.


JA

Christian relationships.

that the Test belongs in the ordinary current of Christian faith

and

From

practice.

Paul on down the church fathers believed

and the dangerous powers of demons heraus, von der Hilflosigkeit und "Aus dem tiefsten niedergedriickten Stimmung, wie dieser Glaube sie erzeugt hatte, eine Rettung gefunden zu haben, schreibt ein Christ des II. Jahrh. (Clemens Alex., Theodoti Exc. 71, 72) die Worte: 'Verschieden^ artig sind die Gestirne und ihre Krafte, heilsame, schadliche, rechte, linke .... Von diesem Widerstreit und Kampf der Krafte rettet uns der Herr und gibt uns Frieden vor dem Kampfe der Krafte und der Engel, den die einen fur, die anderen wider uns fuhren'"2. Origen also seems to believe fully in the "powerful names" known by "the Egyptians, or by the Magi among the Persians, or by the Indian philosophers called Brahmans," as he does in the power of the name of God and of Jesus and of angel names ^. That Christians practise sorcery or exorcism by demonic names he indignantly denies; it is the name of Jesus which drives out demons. Jesus has freed the Christian from all superstitious fears 4. in

the real

existence

i.

Gefiihl

such was the case with the leaders in the Christian

If

church,

how can we expect

that the rank

and

file

of their

fol-

lowers should fully grasp and consistently apply the one great

which Christian magic differed from heathen, that Christ's was the sole name of power to use for all purposes of healing and protection? The newly converted idolater cannot at once rise to the full heights of Christian spirituality^- The idea

in

ancient

1

church replaced the heathen deities with the Cf.

von Dobschiitz,

(Christian)," very strangely

ERE

413—30,

III

H. L. Pass,

Im Namen 1 24f.

cf.

45.

and

Amulets

5. 2 Wendland, Kultur 81. ovrwq oh xa oi]fiaiv6fieva xata twv

Jesu^ 291

V

"Charms

IV 578 83, art. "Demons and Evil but see now VIII 277 f., art. "Magic."

ibid^

Spirits (Christian)" treats only of angels,

See also Heitmiiller, 3 Contra Cels.

art.

crucifix

n^ayfidziov akX\ai xcbv (pcovwv TtoiozrjTeg xal c6i6ti]Z£q sxovoi xi Svvatdv iv Com. II 76. 4 Ibid. VIII 57 f. avTaig n^bq t&Se xivk rj x&Sa. I 25 20, 5 Experience as a missionary in India has vividly impressed upon the

KV

writer's its

mind

the

point of view.

which converts to Christianity have in acquiring But modern western Christianity is not without illustrations

difficulties

of the same problem.


Relation to patristic thought.

75

and the images of the saints and madonna, and the old abradacadabra with angel names K At a very early time on Christian amulets the Lord's Prayer, verses from the Psalms, and

myths and incanSimilarly the writer of the Test is making a brave,

other familiar passages replaced the heathen tations

2.

though but partially successful, attempt to put Christian Jewish and Christian) ideas in the place of heathen.

(i.

e,,

This whole

movement is most illuminatingly set forth in an excerpt quoted by F. C. Burkitt from the Syriac homily De magis, incantoribus, which "the writer complains that his fellow-ChrisHe tians, even the clergy, resorted to Magicians and Jews. says (col. 395): 'Instead of the blessings of the Saints, lo, they in

et divinis,

about the incantations of the magicians, and instead of

carry

holy cross,

the

carries

on

it

lo,

they carry the books of devils ....

his head,

who knows nothing

at

and another round all,

carries

about

One

and a names and comes

his neck,

devils'

child,

Polluted and abominable priests take refuge names of demons... "^ Magic grew in power in the church, especially from the fourth century on, and was officially recognized in the sixth and seventh"*. Our text is a document of

church)

(to

in

the

progressive paganizing of

this

the product of c)

some obscure

Relation to

official Christianity

rather than

heretical sect.

mediaeval Christianity.

belongs to orthodox Christianity

•— That the

further demonstrated

is

2'^est

when

one turns to study the preservation of the ideas for which stands

in

the European world.

Illustrations are too

it

numerous

The Queen of Sheba will serve as one. Kraus has collected many references of Byzantine writers to the fabled queen, which show that in using her the lest was followpresent in detail.

to

ing,

or inaugurating, Christian tradition 1 Cf. Heitmiiller,

Im Namen

2 Cf. Deissmann, Licht^

24,

Jesu^ 252 167, 297,

«.

f.

LAE

39, 232, 415!?.

3 In PSBA XXIII (1901) 77 f. The homily is "ascribed in MSS to S. Ephraim and edited as his by Lamy (vol. II, col. 393 426), but ... in my opinion is more likely to be the work of Isaac of Antioch {circ, 450 A. D.)"

4

Cf.

von Dobschutz,

ERE

III 414.

5 "Die Konigin von Saba in den byz. Chroniken," cf.

Nestle,

BZ

XIII (1904) 492 f.

BZ

XI (1902)

l2off.;


;

Relation to mediaeval thought.

76

As

Solomon there was

to

among

of opinion

beginning some difference Early anti-Jewish polemics,

in the

Christian writers.

Dialogue of Tijnotky and Aquila, for example Solomon used to offset the claims of Jesus. Not only did the

like

*,

many a made the

Jewish opponents apply

find their

Messianic passage to the wise

claim that he had anticipated and excelled Jesus in his power over demons, thus undermining the Christian argument that Jesus was the Messiah because he had broken the power of Satan, and weakening the Christian appeal to a world that was languishing under the oppressive fear of demonic activities. To offset this Jewish claim these

son of David, but they

Christian writers bitterly attacked the

memory

of the wise king,

maintaining that his was only a temporary victory over the

demons, who overcame him at the end of

his

life.

Leontius of

some length that Christ's greatness is Ms power over demons while iie was here on earth.

Constantinople argues at manifest in

In the midst of his description of the cure of the Gadarene de-

moniac he abruptly turns the request of the "Legion" to enter the swine to account in this fashion: Hivi sIjcsv Xsyacop rmv El ex/9G2^e

6atfj,6v(X)v'

^/M«ej

ejclOTQEXpov ri^lv slg xriv

xa>v %oIq€ov siOsXd-slv; SoXofiSprc, rj

T^

svMcog

(imv ovx edsOJioxevOs CvvsxXstOEv;

ov](l /iSXQt

0XEV7]

xmv

dccifiovcov; ov)(l

Tl ovv; 6 Uolo-

Jtavxaq v<p

sv (bq %va

x^g a^fisgov xovxov dsdoiTcaOcv; 'AD^ m

%v6aZoL fiayyavodaifioveg, AsCJioxriq

X^^Q^ ^aCxaC^ovxt]

ot g)t2.o6alfiovsg 'lovdaZor

xSv

aysZrjv

IsQoOoXvfia xxioavrt^

XqlOxw, xw xa OvfiJtavxa sp ty

AsCjtox'^

'AX?! BQovOtv

rw ra

fzaxrjv

ravxa jcgo^alXeod-B'

fiovog yccQ

XQtOTog xQaxaicog xov icxvQov sdrjOs, xal xa

avxov

dtriQjtaOE.

^oXoficov ydg, ov ^ovov ovx

datiiovcov ^aoiXixcog, dX2.a xal vjt

avxmv

sdiajiocis

ideOJcoxEvd-r] JtQog

xa xeXi] xaxag)d'aQslg. dyaJci^Oag yag xov x^g JtoXvyafilag BQcoxa, x^ xov dia^oXov iiaaxQOJtoxrjxt dsXeaa&slg, .... £QQv:n:a)as xov Umg ovv 6acfi6vcov 6£0jr6xtjg, x^g d^Eoyvcodiag d-aXa^ov

xmv

datiiovcov dovlog]"^ 1 Cf. infra

p.

1031'.

2 From the homily In mediant Pentecostem^ Migne, cording

to

bacher,

BLg

Loofs, p.

Das Leben

usw. des Leant,

S4f,, this Leontius

v.

Byz.^

PG

86, col.

19S0; Ac-

summarized by Krum-

was a Constantinopolitan presbyter who

lived


Relation to mediaeval thought.

Similarly to the

the Disputatio

in

Herban the Jew

claim of

demons the archbishop

h

TOtg dyyBiotg xal

xavrd

fj

Solomon had ruled

JtQog xaiQOV ^ev rjOtpallGato rovrovg

aXXa

xaxixmdBv-

C^Qayl<jag

^rT9]d'slg Jtsgl

ys to rrjVt-

avrwp

rcov

avtov sxivdvvsvcsv,

CcoxriQiav

cog

(laQxvQu^,

yQag)7j

The

Test shows no suspicion of a conflict of claims

original

between Solomon and Christ, but in

c.

XV

10—12 Rec. B (MS

P)

As

attempts to combine the Jewish and Christian viewpoints. to

the

all

^oXoyimv erajrslvmas daifiovag,

ore vrjrcog xaTajcoZsfirjd-eig vjt

fiot 'Oxojtst,

6aiiz6v(ov xal

of Pseud o-Gregentius, in reply that

replies:

ovx oldaq ri dcayoQsveig,

77

him the demons through the seduction of women,

the glorious king's sad end, these early fathers think of

a prey to

as falling

But the majority of Christian

or vice versa.

phus 2

ascribe

his

fall

into

idolatry

to

his

writers,

love

like Jose-

for

women

The Test in one view^ but in the closing chapter apparently the latter. Here again our text shows its early date. The conception of Solomon as a great magician who was powerful over demons and disease is witnessed to by scores of amulets and incantations, and especially by such books as the without the interposition of demonic agency

3.

place takes the former

Clavicula

Many

^.

about 485^—542.

of the

demons of the Test

Cf. Gelzer, Leant, v. Byz.,

etc.,

and

lived on.

Hist. Ztschr.

Asmo-

LXI

(1899)

1—32, Fabricius, Bib. Grace, VIII sigff. 1 Migne, FG 86, col. 644 A. Gregentius was bishop of the Homerite church in Taphar in southern Arabia in the early part of the sixth cent. The Disputatio

Wace,

not authentic, but

is

DCS, Krumbacher, BLg

ayyela makes cf.

XV 9,

2 Ant

A

contain historical materials.

Cf.

Smith and

Bardenhewer, Patrol. 477. The mention of connection between the Arabic type of tradition and the Test\

XVIII

where Recs.

may

43,

and

Vm 7

XXV B

7,

59,

-where the

word

is

found only in MS P, and XVX 7, it, though A reads wvXaz^iv.

both should probably have

s; cf.

I

Kg XI

43.

3 Georgius Syncellus, P 181, V 145, B 341; Georgius Hamart, Chron. 1143 (Migne PG no, 252—64); Glycas, Ann., Migne PG 158 353f.; Joseph. Hypomn, 74, (Migne PG 106 89 D). 4 C. VIII 8, 10. 5 Solomonic amulets can be found in many museums as well as in a number of mediaeval MSS. They occur in Syriac, Arabic, and Hebrew, and in Latin, Greek, and modem European languages; c. g., Sachau, Verz. Syr. HSS. Berlin I 367, No. ion, f. 54b: Sol. on horseback attacking Asmodaeus-

large


Christian relations.

78

many

daeus goes through

Abyzu

the

of Pradel's

Migne were

right in

und

Obyzut appears

in

the

Gaulmin and together.

great Byzantine's ^bqI evsQyelag dat^ovcov dtaXoyoq

The

but the

is

master mind to systematizise the ideas which the

of a

effort

in

Gebete,

suditalienische

same documents 2. bringing the Test and Psellus

appears

while Ornias

transformations ^

Griechische

Withal, this whole complex of Byzantine demonoiogy and magic makes the impression of being a more Test merely registers.

highly developed form of the conceptions with which our text is

The

operating.

roots of the tree run back to the Sumerians,

the Babylonians, the Iranians, and the Pelasgians, the Test stands for the blossom, Psellus gives us the ripened fruit dissected

and

analyzed.

Relation to Arabian folklore.

Arabic literature, since and Solomonic myth, invites particular comparison with the Test In general Arabian beliefs and practices in the field of demonoiogy and magic are not essentially different from those of our text except in one feature which Islam inherited from heathenism, the idea of the Jinn, 9.

it

is

demon

especially rich in

Schwab, Diet. 421, ^^^^PATI'S au Cabinet des Medailles

me

et

&EOY;

un ennemi

a cheval, per^ant de sa lance

Prof. Nestle wrote

lore

Antiques de

un Salomon

sur une hematite figurant terrasse, avec la

la

legende

20A£iMSiNj

Bibliotheque Nat. II 3039". The

of a Sol. on horseback as an amulet against

published by Bienkowski in Eranos Vindobonensis^ 1893, 288. Amulets in are well illustrated by those in cod. Bonon. unin). 3632, cf. supra p. 24.

Heim "Incantamenta

— 576,

magica," in Jbb, fur

=

class, Philol.

Sup,

XIX

(

1

late

malocc/iio,

MSS Of.

893) pp.463

Nos. 56 169, 61, 62, 236, 237, and Sorlin Dorigny, "Sal. als Reiter," Etudes Grecs IV (1891) 217 296. The pilgrim of Bordeaux in the

in Rev. des

was shown the "crypta ubi S. daemones torquebat," Schiirer GJV III 418, from Tobler, PalaesL descript. (1869) 3, Pal. Pil. Text Soc, Bordeaux Dr. Conybeare drew my attention to Gannurini's ed. of St. Silvia's Filg. 20. Perigrinaiio (IV cent.), according to which the ring was kept in the Church of The tradition was that Vespasian took it to St. James (p. 96 and 95 n. 2).

IV

cent,

Rome, whence Constantine returned locis

the

Sanctis,

Holy 1

Places, 64

and

njon Sal.

n. 3),

cf.

Petri diaconi liber de |

The Pilgrimage of

S.

,

i,

to

S aturn cf Fr. Vogt, Die deutschen M. Kemble, The Anglo-Saxon Dialogue of

Kitovras,

u.

Markolf

s.

v.

I; J.

;

,

and Saturn. 2 Cf. Index

SiHia

125.

Morolf

,

{ibid. 96 Text Soc,

it

see Pal. Pil.

117;

As Markolf

Dichtungen Sol.

ibid.

,

''Damonen," and Reitzenstein, Poivi. 297 ff.


^

Relation to Arabian folklore.

79

which are often kindly and beneficent creatures

*.

In our writer's

mind there is properly no place for any good among demons, although he is once or twice betrayed by his pagan materials The wild exuberance of into referring to their healing powers'.

Arab fancy as we see

Thousand and One Nights

in the

it

is

mark of differentiation. The Quran and even more the Arabian Nights have made

another

the world

all

and with the

familiar

with Solomon-'s authority over the Jinn

forms and powers.

latter's terrible

Quran

In the

are allusions to the fallen angels, Harut andMarut^; and to the devils who were subject to Solomon, some as builders, and others bound in fetters 3. In the Nights we find full accounts of how Solomon placed rebellious Jinn in bottles, or in cucurbites of copper, poured lead over them, and sealed them with his ring^, with tales of their later escape from these prisons According to the Quran the Jinn are not allowed to listen

God has placed

the stars there as

throw at them

if

gates of heaven, but

at the

weapons

for

the

angels

to

In the Nights the Jinniyah

attempt.

firmament, thinking to listen angels,"

by

they mak-e the

Maymunah "made

for the

stealth to the converse of the

and when she ascended "skywards

till

she drew near

the heaven of the world, the lowest of the heavens," she found

an

Ifrit

angelic

there before her

host

In another story "Allah suffered his

6.

shoot down the

to

with a shooting star I

Ifrit

1 Cf. Wellhausen's account of primitive Arabic beliefs, Reste 148

— 67,

Canaan, Aberglaube 6—27, for modern demonology; also Encycl, of Islam^ art. "Djinn," by D. B. Macdonald.

SBE VI

2 Sura Il97£F., substantially

as

(Quran

I)

in Midrash Valkut

told

and Weil,

Sources of Islam^ 30f.,

14; c.

Sale

44,

ad

loc.

quotes

and

1045

I

f.,

legend

the

and Muir, Zohra resembles Shunamite

see St. Clair-Tisdall

Bibl. Leg, 2o8ff.

in her activities. 35fF., SBE IX (II) 179, cf. Sale, ad loc.\ XXVII 7, SBE 4 Lane-Poole III iiof., Burton VI 84, Nights 566f. 5 Burton VI 85. The most famous is that of the "Fisherman and the

3-Sura XXXVIII

IX

(II)

loi.

Jinn," Burton I 38;

cf.

MacDonald's transcription from Galland's

Stud. Tk. Noldeke gewidmet, also separately published.

7 Burton, I 224,

VI Burton VI

Night 22;

i68; III 31, ibid,

(I)

ibid.

100,

305;

cf.

50 and n. 2;

Quran, Sura

LXVII

5,

6 Burton

MS III

in Or.

223 f.

XXXVII 6—9, SBE IX IX (II) 293; LXXII

ibid,

Night 571, VIII 293, Night 870.

(II)

8f.,


Relation to Arabian folklore.

8o

The

and unlikeness of the conceptions

likeness

the Test are

in

apparent.

Salzberger

not reach the

s

dissertation

on the Salomosage^ although

it

does

of the king, presents a rich collection of

fall

le-

gends, particularly with regard to his relations to the demons.

He

them under

gathers

demons,

four rubrics,

the punishment of the

appearance before Solomon, the description of certain individuals, especially Sahr, and Solomon's ring^ Two their

of the appearance

descriptions

of the devils as they are mar-

shalled

before the king are given from three Berlin'

Kisa'i.

The

portrayal

MSS

of

of demonic forms as given "nach dem

korrecteren und vollstandigeren Text der dritten Berliner Hand-

would seem most strikingly like that in the Testy were it not that the other two MSS give in a longer and shorter form descriptions which are still more similar ^. Solomon inquires from the demons, just as in the Testy what their activischrift des Kisa'i"

^

and, having learned, chains them so they may injure mankind no more. The ring, as in the Test, is brought down from heaven, and by its aid Solomon becomes master of the demons.

ties are,

Yet, with

all

these close resemblances, there are also great

between the Test and the Arabic legends. All the Jewish stories of Solomon's glory and wisdom, his wonderful ring, the building of the Temple by the aid of the demons, and his differences

dealings with the queen of

Sheba have grown marvellously under

the fructifying fancy of the Arabs.' Beside the marvels of the

Quran and

its

commentaries, and especially the Arabian Nights

and tame^. Most of the features in which we legend found Jewish to have evolved beyond the Test are to be

the Test

is

found in

still

dull

more highly developed form among

example, Solomon's power oyer the animals

1 (i) op.

2

cit.

98f.,

Mg.

Ibid. 99,

40,

irsff.; f.

(2)

99â&#x20AC;&#x201D;112;

(3)

is

the Arabs;

112-115;-

(4)

115â&#x20AC;&#x201D;29-

72 b.

3 Ibid. 105 ff.; Pm. 627, f. i6oaf. gives the longer form, resembles the Test; Spr. 86, f. 226 a fF. the shorter.

4

Cf., for

example, Lane-Poole, III 51

f.,

which most

uof., 239, 317, 329, 454.

5 In the Quran he knows the language of the birds; Sura XXVII

SBE IX

(II)

100.

for

greatly extended*;

16,


1

Relation to Arabian folklore.

Sahr

Asmodaeus, but worse;

the Talmudic

is

Adam

whose refusal to worship Beelzebul in the

in

the Jewish legends; the king's

Quran

the

The in

leads to his fall^

subject to Solomon,

Test,

fall

has quite a different aspect

ring also, as Salzberger shows, develops a

evolving along

Asmodaeus'

the

it

3.

Moslem

it

new character

has in the

Test,

suggested by the Talmudic story of

lines

theft of

Kisa'i

is

the

first

glorious that no one can look at

so

is

not, like

is

but carries a step

2

Arabic legend different from that which

It

the devil,

Iblis,

independence and insolence which Asmodaeus shows

farther that in

8

to describe it

it

fully*

without repeating

and has four considerable legends engraved brought by Gabriel, or of itself comes throne of God and appears upon Solomon's hand. from the the

upon

it

creed,

It

^.

either

is

Solomon's

according to Kisa'i was due to conscious or

fall

unconscious idolworship, which,

if I

understand Salzberger, was

connected with the sacrifice of locusts ^

This tradition, then,

connects the Test on the one hand with Ethiopia, and on the Since Ethiopia was closely connected with

other with Arabia.

Arabia

Christian

in

Palestinian Jewish

bylon,

nor,

literature,

so

we have probably to think of a which never found its way to Baknow, into official Palestinian Jewish

history,

tradition

far

as

I

way of the Jewish colonies in southern Mohammedan legend, and directly Judaism into our Christian work, for we cannot

but passed by

Arabia into Ethiopian and from Palestinan

suppose that the Test arose in Arabia. the links that

This being

would connect our text with Egypt

is

one of

so,

broken.

These examples are

sufficient to illustrate both the likeness and the unlikeness of the Test to Arabic literature. They show how Arabic legend, where it resembles ourworkj has developed its

1 Sura II 33 75fF., ibid,

VI

(I)

f.;

5,

VII

igff.;

i38f., 246f.,

2 Sura XXXVIII 33 f., 3 Salomosage 115— 9.

XV IX IX

3off.; (II)

8,

XVII 63 f.; XVIII 20,

47ff.;

178 and n. 2. from Mq. 40 f. 70b 72b, 6 In the Nights an oath by the names on Solomon's ring powerful, Burton III 224f., Night 177; cf. VII 317 n. 6 O.p. cit, 96; refers to Pm. 627, f. 151b 155a. UNT. 9: M-cCown. 6 ibid,

4

X^XVUt

181.

(II)

Ibid.^

is

peculiarly-


Unique matter

82

in Recensions

A

ideas farther and in a different manner, ticulars

upon the

rests

it

sort

and B.

and how

many

in

par-

of Jewish tradition seen in the

Talmud. 10.

Unique matter

in

Recension A.

Having studied

the

we now undertake recensions. As Rec. A is

material relationships of the Test as a whole

the

same task

the individual

for

nearest the original, Its

it

has

little

matter that

expansions are of a purely narrative

calls for

comment

MS L

alone has

sort^.

undergone a considerable revision by a mediaeval magician, who added nothing new, but merely mutilated the document. The -single addition of

importance

in this recension is the inscription

on the ring 2. Unique matter in Recension B. — The peculiarities of Rec. B, and particularly of MS P, the only complete MS of this recension, consist in the main of unimportant interpolations and alterations. There are, however, a few additions of moment. These may be classed under four heads: (i) those which show 11.

familiarity with demonological ti'adition;

e.

jtvevfia fivQicopvfXov xal

jr oXvfioQg)Ov^,

the reference to

g.,

of the giants 3, to the female

the ghosts

and

demon Obyzuth

as

to Enepsigos, another

female demon, as fivQKDPVfiog^t the allusion to a cycle of legend regarding 'EX^ovQimv and ol ijtra dalfiovsq^, the added charms in

XVIII

(2)

those which are Gnostic in character;

further

27 f,

23,

information regarding Abezethibu *;

tendency;

cabalistic

a

Raphael, of 1 Cf.

4 'Epf. f,

c.

Xf^^'

X If.

C. XIII 3;

7toXvd)VVfiB

432,

cf.

for

Par

g.,

MP

xf^'

those which have

for

2 Cf. infra VII

Exdxfj ^VQL(j)VV^B Par

Reitzenstein,

(3)

the introduction of

Emmanuel, and of

XXVI 8—10.

and cf.

e.

the allusions to

e. g.,

the eleven fathers and the eleventh aeon 8;

14.

Apharoph

Raphael 3

C.

^,

for

and

XVII

I.

MP

2745, Orph. Hymn. /ajj/ot, names are given in cod. Par. 2316,

2815; her many Poim. 299 (one is ^^i^a), Pradel, Gr. Geb. 23 (275) ATTN 260 (No. 42), 262, Gaster in Folklore XI 133,

Montgomery, Avezuha; TCoXvtbvvfxs is frequent. For noXvfxoQtpoq cf. Par MP 2726, 2799, of Hekate and Selene; cod. Par. 2^16 f. 318V (Reitzenstein, Poim. 2(^i) JlxQayyaha 6 C. IX 7. 5 C. XV 2. noXvfxoQ<pe. See also ad7 C. XXV I 5, possibly omitted by accident from Rec. A. (k/9v?oi;),

ditions in

9

VI

4.

C. XIII 6,

8 C. XVIII 18, 31. II. See other additions in XVIII

XV

3, 23,

XXII

8,

XXIII

4.


Unique matter

show

those which

(4)

in Recension C.

83

Additions are

familiarity with Christianity.

found in every section that refers to Christ;

VI

viz.,

XI, XII

S,

3,

The additions in the first three passages XVII 4, The remaining two, however, seem to be important. are not due to an attempt to make the Christianity of the Test less "equivocal," since in XVII 4 the "becoming man" of the Savior and in XXII 20 the one to be born of a virgin is mentioned, and XXII

and crucified

XV

in

where Rec.

lof,

A

advanced,

accident, the positive Christian ideas

wanting by

is

that

viz.,

God who is to be stretched on the tree, that know man, and that he is especially fit

son of

dominion over

B

the

This conclusion

redacteur.

At any

generalization. for

only

much

special

claim these

definitely

B

not

is

better instructed in the faith, but also later.

Unique matter investigation

Recension

in

much

of

As we have already it

is

seen,

its

C.

â&#x20AC;&#x201D;

Rec.

C

deserves a

greater proportions than can

given here, in order to determine

which

at systematic thought or

we cannot

rate

the original writer, and must conclude that

ideas

12.,

supported by the fact that

is

makes no 'attempt

Test elsewhere

the

devil

occurs in the Test) are probably the work of

rarely

{did^okog

mother

to receive

demons because he overcame the

the

all

the

it is

his

never to

is

in

These additions lead

called 6 iiovaQ%riq d^eog.

is

belief that

the

to

20.

language

found as well as

its

be

sources and rdationships.

its