POLITICAL POWER OF WOMEN OF COLOR REPORT
Democracy's Powerbrokers
THE POLITICAL POWER OF WOMEN OF COLOR
Prepared by: Dr. Jessica Barron Emily Hylton, MPH Marion Johnson, MPP
Developed by Frontline Solutions International, LLC
CONTENTS 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 5 BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION 6 METHODOLOGY 6 Phase I: Landscape Review 6 Phase II: Interviews
7 FINDINGS 7 Pathways and Motivation of WOC 8 Barriers to Political Power Experienced by WOC 10 Strategies Used by WOC to Amplify Political Power 13 Landscape of Organizations Supporting Political Power for WOC
14 IMPACT OPPORTUNITIES
POLITICAL POWER OF WOMEN OF COLOR REPORT
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY BACKGROUND
FINDINGS
Women of color (WOC) have proven to be vital to American politics and political movements. However, the political power of WOC is understudied in scholarly research and underinvested in by philanthropic institutions. In order to identify opportunities for the philanthropic sector to support the political power of WOC, Frontline Solutions conducted research on the pathways, barriers, strategies, and resources that propel WOC in the political arena.
Interviews and desk research revealed key factors that impact how WOC operate in the sphere of political and civic engagement: ■
WOC often take non-traditional pathways to political engagement. Many become politically engaged in order to rewrite political narratives of their communities. WOC do not have access to the traditional pipelines, funding sources, and mentors that their white and male counterparts do.
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WOC face major barriers related to finances, fundraising, lack of privacy, family responsibilities, and gender-based violence when engaging in politics. They continuously demonstrate creativity and innovation as they navigate these barriers.
METHODS
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Frontline conducted a literature review of organizations and strategies supporting the political power and capital of WOC. We also documented the philanthropic landscape of institutions and collaborative funds that provide resources for these organizations and strategies. We conducted interviews with WOC of diverse backgrounds, areas of expertise, and perspectives to document the pathways, barriers, strategies, and supports available to WOC in the political arena.
WOC use a myriad of strategies to advance political power: enlisting and equipping other women for political causes and campaigns, working deep within community, engaging in local politics and elections, elevating the solutions of impacted communities, integrating social and political networks, applying for funding as collectives, and leveraging their unique strengths.
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WOC incorporate an intersectional approach to addressing the challenges faced by their communities.
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Organizations that build political power for WOC use a range of strategies and services such as training, coaching, capacity-building, organizing, civic engagement, voter registration and education, and policy and legal advocacy.
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POLITICAL POWER OF WOMEN OF COLOR REPORT | EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
IMPACT OPPORTUNITIES Frontline proposes several opportunities to help bolster and sustain the political power of WOC. These include the following:
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Deepen and broaden pipelines and pathways that allow WOC to run for oďŹƒce and build political careers.
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Support strategies that leverage a strategic, intersectional approach to issue areas that are important to WOC.
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Increase support to WOC-led institutions engaged in organizing, civic engagement, and advocacy eorts.
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Invest in intermediary organizations that distribute resources to small, frontline organizations in local communities.
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Support researchers of color who study the political power of WOC and reframe conceptions of political leadership.
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POLITICAL POWER OF WOMEN OF COLOR REPORT
BACKGROUND AND INTRODUCTION From June to July of 2020, Frontline Solutions conducted open-source research and interviews on the political power of women of color (WOC) in the United States. Despite social, political, and legal efforts to impede their participation in our political system, women of color power many of our political parties, initiatives, and agendas. The research in this report was designed to elevate the political ambitions and leadership of WOC by discussing the pathways, barriers, strategies, and supports that propel their politics. For the purposes of this work, we use the following definitions:
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Women - those who identify as femme, female, gender non-conforming, trans, and/or queer and are 18 years of age and older. The inclusion of women of different gender expressions is imperative to developing a representative support strategy.
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“Of Color” - those who are categorized and identify as Arab/Middle Eastern, Asian/Pacific Islander, Black/African American, Latinx, and Native American/Alaska Native. We recognize that groups of color are not a monolith. We seek to understand how intersectional identities (nativity, religious identity, etc.) impact how WOC, their communities, and their families are perceived and valued in political spaces.
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Political Power - We use a working definition of political power related to our definition of power: 1) the ability to influence others, including decision-makers; 2) the ability to access resources, including public resources; and 3) the ability to impact policy for oneself and others.
Our research strategy is not exhaustive. Furthermore, the conceptualization of terms is not intended to be final or complete. Future research should continue to build upon these concepts to create an even more representative understanding of the experience of WOC. 5
POLITICAL POWER OF WOMEN OF COLOR REPORT
METHODOLOGY We engaged in a mixed-methods, multi-tiered approach in an effort to answer a set of interrelated research questions:
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What decisions do WOC consider when deciding to participate in the political arena?
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What strategies have WOC used to amplify or wield their political power?
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What are the most pressing barriers experienced by WOC in the political arena?
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What is the current landscape of organizations supporting the political power of WOC?
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What would it take to increase the quantity and quality of investments in WOC’s political capital?
PHASE I: LANDSCAPE REVIEW Frontline conducted a review of available, relevant literature dedicated to the political power and capital of WOC to aid in our understanding of the barriers, limitations, and opportunities. We also conducted desk research on organizations and strategies supporting the political power and capital of women of color, and documented the philanthropic landscape of institutions and collaborative funds that provide resources for these organizations and strategies.
FINDINGS Frontline interviewed 30 women to gather insights on political issues prioritized by WOC, identify examples of initiatives and strategies that leverage political power among WOC, and uncover opportunities to bridge political divides. We identified a racially, ethnically, and geographically diverse group representing the wide range of roles WOC play in the political landscape. Interviewees included campaign managers, political candidates, 501(c)(3) and 501(c)(4) leaders, community-based organizers, and scholars specializing in political movements of Black, Indigenous, and other WOC.
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POLITICAL POWER OF WOMEN OF COLOR REPORT
FINDINGS PATHWAYS MOTIVATION OF WOC
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The political behavior of WOC is vastly understudied in scholarly research, primarily due to the fact that WOC often take non-traditional pathways to political engagement. Different ideological orientations, motivations, historical contexts, and resources shape their political engagement. WOC’s political ambitions and voices are often driven by their visions for justice, equity, and fairness, a motivation which is often counter to current narratives of political ambition.
WOC often have little-to-no resources, pathways, or “grooming” to support their efforts. Only a handful of interviewees reported having a family member or close friend who ran for political office. Many came to the political arena by way of community organizing, interaction with the government systems at a young age (e.g. receiving social services, incarceration of family members), or sheer survival (e.g. in an effort to keep community members from deportation). These women did not consider civic engagement to be a choice: their motivations for engagement were based on protecting and sustaining their families and communities. Moreover, many interviewees discussed becoming politically engaged as a means to rewrite the political narratives of their communities and hold the country accountable for the ideals it purports: liberty and justice for all. Interviewees expressed their concern about the apparent lack of commitment to democratic ideals exhibited by many elected officials, then discussed the ways that WOC are uniquely equipped to call out inconsistencies in leadership. Interviewees spoke of a collective vision of WOC to shift the paradigm of governing. Increasingly, WOC are encouraging and equipping each other and their respective committees to govern instead of being governed.
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BARRIERS TO POLITICAL POWER EXPERIENCED BY WOC According to research conducted by the Center for American Women in Politics, Higher Heights, and Rutgers University,1,2 WOC face major barriers related to issue areas, finances, fundraising, privacy, family responsibilities, and gender-based violence when engaging in politics. These themes were also reflected in our interviews.
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Issue Areas. As one respondent put it: “Patriarchy has stolen our right to be about one issue.” While their male counterparts have been allowed to be single issue in their platforms, WOC and WOC-run organizations are under much more scrutiny. Despite often being the spotlighters and stewards of issues such as maternal health, educational equity, and wage equality, WOC have had to discuss these issues broadly to be seen as a viable candidate or organization with far-reaching abilities.
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Finances. Overwhelmingly, interviewees identified money as the biggest barrier to supporting and sustaining the political power of WOC. The gender wage gap makes the decision to participate in politics complex and costly. Sixty-seven percent of Black women in the labor force are paid hourly, which restricts the flexibility required for campaigning. For the many WOC who are heads of households, adding the time-consuming responsibilities of running or holding office may not be feasible. WOC in low-wage jobs cannot afford to take local office, and must choose between leading a campaign or working to pay bills. Furthermore, many WOC are intimidated by fundraising, as it is often culturally unacceptable for women to ask for financial assistance. Increasingly, middle-class, college-educated WOC who don’t face these financial considerations are running for office. Interviewees noted that WOC who are interested in running for office would benefit from a broader understanding of finance options. Paid opportunities to work on or run campaigns could improve pipeline issues.
1. Black Women in Politics 2019. (2019). Higher Heights Leadership Fund, Center for American Women and Politics, Rutgers Eagleton Institute of Politics. 2. Dittmar, K. (2017). The Status of Black women in American Politics. Higher Heights Leadership Fund, Center for American Women and Politics.
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Fundraising. WOC candidates often don’t receive the backing of their political party until they win their primary, and they may not have the resources to get to that point. A lack of access to high net-worth networks often contributes to a perception that WOC are not competitive or “electable” candidates, which creates a negative feedback loop. White candidates who have poor chances of winning are held to a lower standard of electability, and often have an easier time getting financial support. Organizations led by WOC also struggle to fundraise at comparable levels to their white-led counterparts, including those serving majority Black and Brown communities or districts. WOC must work harder and demonstrate increased accountability, yet they receive lower levels of funding than their white male peers. It can be difficult for WOC-led organizations to communicate their unique needs for time and resources to large, national funders. General operating support and unrestricted funds are integral for supporting these organizations.
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Lack of privacy. WOC-led organizations and candidates experience relentless scrutiny by the public, particularly concerning financial stewardship. Many interviewees reported experiencing inappropriate questions, racist comments and assumptions, and overall lack of support by those with power and resources. Additionally, many WOC are raised in a culture where airing dirty laundry or financial information is discouraged. WOC may have to go against their own cultural norms in an effort to connect with their constituents. They also must consider the possibility that information could come out that might endanger their families or communities.
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Family and relationships. In many cases, WOC are the caregivers for their families as well as heads of household. Not seeing their family for a few months may not be an option for them-- a common expectation for being on the campaign trail. Sexism also deeply shapes the experiences of WOC. Interviewees explained that in many of their communities, women are inclined to defer to male leadership because of gender dynamics of the family. WOC are less likely to be seen as experts and thus win the support of their communities.
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Gender-based violence. As WOC gain early exposure to politics, step outside of gender roles and expectations, and challenge male authority, they face an increased risk of family and intimate partner violence. Furthermore, WOC face intimidation tactics, threats of violence, and violent acts from the public. This deters many WOC from knocking on doors or campaigning in multiracial or white neighborhoods in their districts. Moreover, WOC often must perform additional emotional labor by taking care of other women who have experienced violence while pursuing political endeavors. 9
POLITICAL POWER OF WOMEN OF COLOR REPORT | FINDINGS
STRATEGIES USED BY WOC TO AMPLIFY POLITICAL POWER WOC demonstrate ingenuity and genius as they navigate unconventional pathways. Interviewees highlighted several strategies that are used by WOC to advance political power.
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Enlisting the everyday woman. Reaching the woman who already cares about her community is key to increasing the number of politically engaged WOC. Women who volunteer in their communities, churches, and sororities must be asked to run for office and shown how they are viable candidates. This requires translating the experiences of the “everyday woman” into qualifications. WOC must also see their concerns as platforms with broad policy implications. Many interviewees help other WOC understand that community care can be translated to political action, whether in funding for early education, affordable healthcare, or other policies.
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Meeting community in community. Along with love for their communities, WOC bring to leadership a unique analysis based on their intersectional experience with race, class, gender, and a host of other identities. Local campaigns that center the needs of the communities and build consensus are often the most successful. WOC are experts at meeting community in community, going to beauty salons and other gathering places to talk about issues like school discipline and the wage gap.
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Engaging local constituents. WOC engage at the local level to garner voter registration and protect voter rights, attracting what has been termed “the other swing vote”: people of color who have not voted in previous elections. WOC have used canvassing to increase voter turnout and build power in communities of color and working-class communities.
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Elevating solutions of impacted communities. WOC-led organizations elevate the solutions of those closest to the pain, using the strategies and perspectives of their most impacted members to drive political decisions and campaign victories. This ground-up approach challenges the top-down efforts of the dominant political establishment.
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Taking an intersectional approach to issue areas. WOC have long been on the front lines of driving education policy, reproductive rights, justice reform, and health equity. WOC bring a unique, intersectional lens as women and members of minority groups. They craft multilevel strategies to combat the structural nature of complex policy issues.
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Integrating social and political networks. Because WOC often lack access to the resources, networks, and support of large political engines, they use other opportunities to develop leadership pipelines and mentoring relationships. Some WOC have taken advantage of fellowship cohorts to gain political training and build networks. Others have used sorority affiliations and chapter meetings to elevate political strategies. WOC integrate political networks and relationships into their existing social activities and affiliations. These spaces often lead to “power relationships”: meaningful connections centered on values alignment, mentorship, and resource-sharing. WOC have also developed a a “cabinet” strategy: pursuing intergenerational, multiracial networks of trusted coaches and mentors to help guide and develop their leadership. Even as political rivals running for similar positions, WOC know they cannot move without each other. Due to limited resources and support, WOC move together to bolster the political power of their communities.
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Applying for funds as collectives. Because the organizations that build political power for WOC tend to be small, many struggle to attract grants from larger funding sources. Several WOC-led organizations have responded to this issue by creating a funding collective, applying together as one large organization and then distributing funds among smaller groups. Funders such as the Ascend Fund and the Victory Fund have been responsive to this model.
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Leveraging unique strengths. WOC use what makes them “non-traditional” to their advantage. Some take their parents on the campaign trail and host cook-outs at every stop. Others utilize the “call-out” culture popularized by Black women like U.S. Representative Maxine Waters to create accountability. WOC are challenging the perception of the “traditional candidate,” a perception restrictive to their political ambition and effectiveness.
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Strategy Snapshot: National Asian Pacific American Women’s Foundation
Asian American voters represent one of the fastest-growing racial or ethnic groups in the U.S. electorate, and the National Asian Pacific American Women’s Foundation (NAPAWF) has demonstrated the ability to influence political participation in key states. Asian American voters in Georgia who were contacted by NAPAWF during the 2018 midterm elections were three to four times more likely to vote than those not contacted.
Strategy Snapshot: re:power
re:power trains organizers and leaders across the progressive ecosystem to contest for power within their domains, whether that’s movement building, electoral politics, or governance. A program that runs across these domains is “movement tech,” which includes digital organizing and data analytics. In a field traditionally dominated by white people, re:power intentionally recruits and cultivates digital organizers and data strategists of color to challenge the narrative about who is seen as a technologist.
Strategy Snapshot: Southern Rural Black Women’s Initiative for Economic & Social Justice
The spread of COVID-19 across Mississippi, Alabama, and Georgia has illuminated the need for several of the issues that the Southern Rural Black Women’s Initiative for Economic & Social Justice (SRBWI) fights for. The region is on the precipice of change as the organization’s work for Medicaid expansion and access to high-quality broadband gains support in the midst of the national pandemic.
Strategy Snapshot: Higher Heights For America
Higher Heights recognizes the importance of long-term relationships in engaging Black women voters. The organization has a salon program, in which members all around the country are equipped to host events that bring Black women together to discuss issues, troubleshoot ballot-access concerns, provide voter information, and conduct voter registration. Even when canvassing, Higher Heights prioritizes building real relationships and moving away from transactional relationships. The organization tries to make contact with a voter at least seven times before an election, rather than showing up just before it is time to vote. 12
POLITICAL POWER OF WOMEN OF COLOR REPORT | FINDINGS
LANDSCAPE OF ORGANIZATIONS SUPPORTING POLITICAL POWER FOR WOC
Funding Sources that Invest in the Political Power of WOC
Organizations that build political power for WOC use a range of strategies and services. One of the major strategies is to provide training, coaching, or capacity-building for WOC interested in running for office or working in political leadership (as chiefs of staff, etc.). Other organizations focus on organizing, civic engagement, voter registration and education, and policy and legal advocacy. The majority were birthed out of the complex and dynamic needs of WOC and therefore serve multiple functions, combating the intersectional nature of structural inequality while also addressing immediate threats. These organizations provide a space where WOC’s perspectives are acknowledged and valued, where WOC have ownership of democracy, and where queer, working, immigrant, and low-wage WOC are engaged as formidable strategists.
Few foundations have an explicit focus on building political power for WOC. However, the Groundswell Fund and Ms. Foundation are examples of foundations that give nationally and focus on grassroots organizing led by low-income women and WOC. Other regional or state organizations, such as the New York Women’s Foundation, have articulated that WOC make up a substantial portion of their giving. Still other international foundations such as Open Society Foundations, the Hewlett Foundation, and the Ford Foundation have been known to contribute to initiatives and organizations led by WOC in the United States, although this has not been a stated priority. Several collaborative funds have been forthright in their support for the political power of WOC. Higher Heights for America has composed a list of Political Action Committees (PACs) that have been known to endorse WOC running for office and contribute to their campaigns.3
Although many organizations serving WOC are officially non-partisan, the majority of their members self-identify as progressive. Some focus specifically on women of color; others focus on women broadly but are led by WOC with a substantial proportion of WOC members or participants. Still others focus on POC, but a substantial proportion of their membership is made up of WOC. Many organizations that build political power for WOC through organizing, civic engagement, and policy and legal advocacy are locally based. On a national level, these organizations are primarily focused on either race or gender: few are focused explicitly on WOC.
Academic Centers and Think Tanks that Study Political Power of WOC
3. “PACs that Endorse.” (2020). Higher Heights for America. Accessible at https://www.higherheightsforamerica.org/training-resources/.
Few think tanks expressly study the political power of WOC, but several have been known to publish on this issues, including the Center for American Progress, Demos, and the Brookings Institution. Similarly, there are no university-based centers or institutes that solely study the political power of WOC. However, The Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP), a unit of the Eagleton Institute of Politics at Rutgers University, produces scholarly research and data about women’s political participation, and a major research area of CAWP is WOC in politics.
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POLITICAL POWER OF WOMEN OF COLOR REPORT
IMPACT OPPORTUNITIES Taking into consideration the pathways, barriers, strategies, and supports that shape the political ambitions and leadership of WOC, Frontline has identified a set of proposed impact opportunities to help bolster and sustain the political power of WOC.
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Deepen and broaden pipelines. The barriers for WOC to run for office range from lack of financial resources to structural sexism and racism to poor access to specific spheres of influence. Some of the organizations that emerged during our research create more accessible pathways for WOC to run for office. Training and pipeline development supports for WOC are critical. Appendix F lists examples of these training efforts, some of which we consulted in this research. The work of these organizations must not only be supported but also expanded in order to leverage and strengthen the political power of WOC.
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Support strategies that leverage a strategic, intersectional approach to issue areas that are important to WOC. WOC have long fought for solutions in multi-issue areas because their communities face complex, intersectional issues. Philanthropy would best meet the needs of WOC-led organizations and strategies by funding broad, intersectional strategies rather than limiting support to single-issue areas.
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POLITICAL POWER OF WOMEN OF COLOR REPORT | IMPACT OPPORTUNITIES
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Increase support to WOC-led institutions engaged in organizing, civic engagement, and advocacy efforts. Data shows that women of color (Black women in particular), are among the most civically engaged of all populations in the U.S. Additionally, WOC are critical actors in engaging other populations (e.g. men and young people of color). Interviewees pointed to the need for financial capital so that WOC-led organizations doing “democracy work” can become stronger and more sustainable. Specifically, these resources would help organizations to: 1) bolster organizational capacity, including systems, technology, and human capital; 2) strengthen long-term, sustainable fund development strategies; and 3) engage with the broader ecosystem of support organizations (e.g. consulting firms, capacity-building firms) to keep their work healthy and growing. Appendix F lists examples of these organizing, civic engagement, and advocacy organizations, some of which were consulted as part of this research.
Scale the reach of WOC by investing in intermediary organizations that distribute resources to small, frontline organizations in local communities. The political power of WOC is perhaps most evident at the hyper-local level. Interviewees elevated stories and examples of WOC leading and engaging politically as both candidates and as organizers in communities throughout the country. For example, one interviewee described how the 2018 election of Lucy McBath, Jahana Hayes, and Lauren Underwood as first-time congressional candidates demonstrated to her that “Black women could run and win anywhere.” Now she herself is running for office. Another interviewee in a small southern city described an 18-month fellowship program that her organization developed to train young Black and Latinx women in political engagement. Her organization leveraged free meeting space, recruited volunteer trainers, presenters, and childcare providers, and made each monthly meeting a potluck dinner. Neither of these two examples were funded initiatives or programs, but both are stalwart examples of leveraging the political power of WOC. Philanthropy can impact and expand the political power of WOC by investing in an intermediary or other funding entity that can fund smaller, grassroots, local efforts led by WOC.
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POLITICAL POWER OF WOMEN OF COLOR REPORT | IMPACT OPPORTUNITIES
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Support researchers of color who study the political power of WOC and reframe political leadership. Over and over, our findings underscored the ingenuity of WOC to accomplish their political goals. In order to fully appreciate this ingenuity, we must reframe traditional ideas of political leadership and ambition. The gendered idea of political candidacy supports men as the “legitimate” leaders. WOC are engaged in their sororities, school boards, local churches, community organizations, and parent watch groups, but these efforts are rarely viewed as political or leadership qualifications. As many interviewees stated, WOC often decide to run out of necessity, to meet a need in their community. This is in contrast to their male and white counterparts, who run for office because they were asked or groomed or because they believe they can do the job better than someone else. Community betterment is a different way to frame political ambition. Interviewees advocated for alternative framing to leadership and ambition in an effort to capture the strategies enacted by WOC. Our research calls for the funding of researchers and scholars of color who focus primarily on the political power of WOC. These scholars can fill gaps in data and increase understanding of the political journeys of WOC. They also bring critical expertise on the intersection between race, gender, and politics.
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