The Leveller Carleton’s campus and community newspaper
Your irregularly scheduled feisty newspaper since last month.
vol 1, no 2 March 2 to March 15 2009
fallen “Gods of Rock” Social network activism brings down ridiculous radio ads by David Tough A grassroots mobilization by Ottawa residents and Carleton students, much of it on the social networking site facebook, has brought an early end to an idiotic and sexist advertising campaign for Virgin Radio. The ads, which featured pregnant women with sad, tired expressions engaged in various forms of domestic drudgery under the phrase “Lock up your daughters, the Gods of Rock are now in Ottawa,” were intended to draw listeners to the new Ottawa-area Virgin Radio franchise. Playing on hackneyed stereotypes of the irresis-
tably virile and wild male musician and the passive, victimized female fan, the ads instead drew a steady stream of mocking graffiti and angry letters, culminating in Virgin Radio’s decision to remove the ads. Although many ads were still up at press time, they have been disappearing very slowly and will all be down shortly. The organized movement emerged in response to a letter to the Ottawa Citizen February 1 by Laura Sparling, a master’s student at Carleton’s Norman Patterson School of International Affairs (NPSIA). Sparling also began a petition, and urged people offended by
the ads to contact Advertising Standards Canada, which regulates advertising content. The letter and petition served as inspiration for a facebook group entitled “Demand that Virgin Radio Remove Sexist Advertisements,” which was started by Clayton Dignard. Two of the most active members of the group were Jenn Farr and Jessica Oliver, also a NPSIA student. The group page became a gallery of letters to Virgin and other stakeholders. Oliver, who had a long correspondence with Pete Travers, the company’s program director, notes that “Letters written by
Graphic by Jenn Farr
Carleton University has banned a poster produced by Students Against Israeli Apartheid (SAIA) and threatened with expulsion any student involved in unspecified violations of the university’s human rights policy in connection with pro-Palestinian activism on campus. In a bizarrely cryptic e-mail sent to all students on February 12, Feridun Hamdullaphur, Carleton’s interim provost, claimed that “several incidents” of “hurtful and discriminatory” behaviour had taken place on campus in connection with the “serious
and tragic conflict that recently took place in the Middle East.” The e-mail linked the unspecified behaviour with violations of Carleton’s human rights policy as well as Ontario’s Human Rights Code. Hamdullaphur’s e-mail made no direct mention of SAIA or the poster, which was banned February 9 at the behest of Carleton Equity Services. The poster was an advertisement for SAIA’s Israeli Apartheid Week, which takes place in early March. It features the artwork of Carlos Latuff and portrays an Israeli attack helicopter firing
Ongoing CUSA coverage Page 3 Tim Hortons vs. student space Page 4 Design Lansdowne Page 5 Ottawa Peace Assembly Page 5
Continued on page 4
Carleton admin bans free speech by STAFF
Equivocal threats in postconventional war Pages 8-9
a missile at a Palestinian child with the word “GAZA” along the base. SAIA has replied with a statement pointing out that the poster reflects the fact that over 400 Palestinian children were killed by the Israel Defense Forces during the recent invasion of Gaza. The group contests the administration’s claim that it constitutes a violation of rights, asserting instead that the poster ban is the real infringement on rights. The poster has also been banned at the University of Ottawa even though it is not banned at a number of other Continued on page 3
Somalia’s new PM Page 7 Undefined dreams Page 11
Watching with others Page 13 Construction work Page 14 Listings Page 16
Level-ler noun 1 Historical: During the English Civil
War (c. 1649), one who favoured the abolition of all rank and privilege. Originally an insult, later embraced by radical anti-Royalists.
2 One who tells the truth, as in “I’m going to level with you.”
3 An instrument that knocks down things
that are standing up or digs up things that are buried or hidden.
is a publication covering news, current events, and culture at Carleton University, in the city of Ottawa and, to a lesser extent, the wider world. It is intended to provide readers with a lively portrait of the university and their community and of the events that give it meaning. It is also intended to be a forum for provocative editorializing and lively debate on issues of concern to Carleton students, staff, and faculty as well as Ottawa residents. The Leveller leans left, meaning that it sides with people over private property, and is democratic, meaning that it favours open discussion over silencing and secrecy. Within these very general boundaries, The Leveller is primarily interested in being interesting, in saying something worth saying and worth reading about. It doesn’t mind getting a few things wrong if it gets that part right. The Leveller is mostly the work of a small group of volunteers, so far. In fact it is produced entirely by volunteers. To become a more permanent enterprise, it will require more volunteers to write, edit, and produce, to take the pictures, and to dig up the stories, and to make it a more truly democratic and representative paper.
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Story Meeting The Leveller’s next story meetings is Thursday March 5 from 2 to 4 pm at Mike’s Place. At this meeting, the next issue’s content will be generated and discussed. Those who are thinking about volunteering with The Leveller are encouraged to attend. Those who want to contribute stories, features, articles, and opinion pieces should also make an appearance. At this meeting, we will be discussing the content for Issue 3, due to come out March 16.
The Leveller needs you. It needs you to read it, talk about it, discuss it with your friends, agree with it, disagree with it, write a letter, write a story (or send in a story idea), join in the producing of it, or just denounce it. Ultimately it needs you—or someone like you—to edit it, to guide it towards maturity, to give it financial security and someplace warm and safe to live. The Leveller is an ambitious little rag. It wants to be simultaneously irreverent and important, to demand responsibility from others while it shakes it off itself, to be a fun-house mirror we can laugh at ourselves in and a map we can use to find ourselves and our city in. It wants to be your coolest, most in-the-know friend and your social conscience at the same time. It has its work cut out for it. The Leveller is published every two weeks, at the beginning of the week. It is free. The Leveller and its editors have no phone or office, but can be contacted with letters of love or hate at email@example.com Editor-in-Chief
Karen Foster Brian Foster Ashley Hunkin David Tough Daniel Tubb Erin Seatter
Daniel Tubb Rakhim “Pax”
Contributors Alan Alanzi, Jenn Farr, Sam Heaton, Aaron Henry, Randy Innes, Melanie Karalis, Matthew Nelson, Christopher Schultz, Hani Siyad. 2 The Leveller vol 1, no 2, March 2 to March 15, 2009
Submission Guidelines Please submit your articles, opinion pieces, features, listings, classifieds, ads, or letters as an e-mail attachment to firstname.lastname@example.org by noon the Thursday prior to printing. Articles should be a maximum of 800 words, opinion pieces at most 600, and listings, announcements, briefs, or events 50 words. Features can be up to 2000, but must be arranged in advance with the editors. Letters to the editor that are more than 200 words may be published, but The Leveller reserves the right to edit letters for length. Submissions must include your name and phone number. You may ask to have your name withheld from publication.
The Leveller reserves the right to edit or refuse any material that is considered unfit for publication as determined by the editors. When Typing: –Do not indent paragraphs. –Do not leave space between paragraphs. –Type the whole article singlespaced and leave only one space after a period, not two.
When You’re Done: –Spell-check document. –Word-count document. –Write your name and phone number, and send it to us. –Save your work as an .doc file. –E-mail it to us.
Printing Dates: The Leveller will print four issues this semester: February 9, March 2, March 16, and March 30. Submission deadlines are noon March 11 and March 25.
Where to pick us up Off campus Mayfair Theatre Ottawa Folklore Centre Sunnyside Library Octupus Books Nicastros French Baker Kettleman Bagel Wild Oat Kardish
Glebe Video International The Arrow and Loon Brittain’s Magazines Crosstown Traffic Birdman Sound Francesco’s Coffee Irene’s Pub Morala Coffee The Clocktower Pub
Rama Lotus Herb and Spice Spaceman Music The Inkspot Tattoo Shop Venus Envy Invisible Cinema Wallack’s Art Supplies James Street Pub Imperial Pub
On campus Residence Commons Resource Centre St. Patrick’s Loeb 2nd Floor Lobby Southam Tunnel Mike’s Place GSA Lounge OPIRG Unicentre Atrium Unicentre Food Court
Photo by Pax
mixed messages in CUSA election Halliwell president as appeal hits the wall by STAFF Carleton undergrads went to the polls on February 11 and 12 to elect a new executive and council for the Carleton University Students’ Association (CUSA). Two slates ran against each other for five of the six executive positions, with independents running for four of the positions. After two of the three presidential candidates were disqualified, Erik Halliwell of the Because It Matters slate was declared the winner. It is unclear whether or not Halliwell won a majority of votes, as the breakdown of votes between Bruce Kyereh-Addo of the Demand Better slate and independent Cameron MacIntosh was not released. Kyereh-Addo was disqualified after violating the electoral code six times, including damaging university property by punching a hole in the wall. MacIntosh was disqualified for a series of violations to the electoral code. Because It Matters candidates also won the positions of VP Finance, VP Internal, and VP Student Life. The Demand Better slate captured VP Student Services and VP Student Issues. It is presumed that Ashton Starr, the inde-
pendent VP Student Issues candidate, drew votes away from Carlos Chacon, allowing Nick Bergamini of Demand Better to squeeze out a victory by fewer than a hundred votes. Starr gathered nearly 400 votes. The fallout from the election continued into late February. KyerehAddo appealed his disqualification. However, the electoral board upheld the ruling on February 24 after reviewing the evidence. Demand Better candidates maintain that violations of the electoral
years, Carleton students may be in for a rocky year of student union politics. Since last spring, split student union executives at Ryerson University and Trent University have led to lengthy and often destructive internal battles, culminating in presidential impeachment campaigns, allegations of financial irregularities and corruption, and legally questionable firings of student union staff. How CUSA functions with a split executive remains an open question. Tensions may flare up
Actions taken include the first impeachment petition against current CUSA President Brittany Smyth, which was rejected by council because it contained a number of inconsistencies, including the signatures of fake students. code pertaining to online campaigning were not their own actions, but the unsolicited actions of their supporters. KyerehAddo and his supporters also dispute the wallpunching incident, even though witnesses and strong circumstancial evidence indicate he was the one responsible. After a bitter campaign and the first substantially split executive in many
over past political differences. For example, Nick Bergamini spearheaded a campaign during the September 2007 CUPE 2424 strike that took issue with CUSA’s pro-labour stance. Perhaps more alarming and less well known was Bergamini’s role in the Shinerama debacle, during which he spun his version of events to a number of media contacts shortly after the motion in ques-
tion was passed. While political tensions have always expressed themselves within CUSA and during CUSA elections, the newly elected split executive can be attributed to the political fallout from the Shinerama debacle last December. This issue most shaped the election’s outcome. During the election campaign, a number of e-mails and videos circulated through online backchannels as well as the Carleton residence computer network, targeting a number of candidates for allegedly being responsible for the CUSA council motion that sought to change CUSA’s charity efforts. Although the Demand Better campaign has denied responsibility for this, individuals supportive of Demand Better have been centrally involved in these efforts. Not surprisingly, a number of individuals and candidates involved in the Demand Better campaign have been organizing against the current CUSA executive since the Shinerama debacle. Actions taken include the first impeachment petition against current CUSA President Brittany Smyth, which was rejected by council because it contained a number of inconsistencies, including
the signatures of fake students. This impeachment campaign is still underway and will likely return to council this month or the next. On this basis, the Demand Better campaign was able to inflict defeats on two of the three Because It Matters candidates, including Carlos Chacon, who was in the VP Student Issues race, and Shewit Kalaty, who was up for re-election as VP Student Services. Accusations lobbed against the current executive of “anti-white racism” have been categorically rejected by the current executive. These accusations remain questionable, as Kalaty, Chacon, Halliwell, and others on the current executive and council have been instrumental in developing the Task Force on Campus Racism, which is touring Ontario’s campuses and coming to Carleton in mid March. The battle for CUSA is far from over. The political motivations and agendas of a number of incoming candidates remain hidden. Carleton students should expect more serious contests over the direction that CUSA will go in. This means student engagement in CUSA, as well as broader student issues, remain a responsibility not to be taken lightly.
Emerging trend targets solidarity groups province-wide Continued from page 1
Canadian universities. Carleton’s actions follow a pattern regarding pro-Palestinian campaigns, particularly those that draw analogies between Israel’s actions in Palestine and
apartheid South Africa. Last year, the McMaster University administration banned the term “Israeli apartheid.” The ban was lifted two weeks later due to widespread outrage from students and fac-
ulty. More recently, documents accessed through a freedom of information request revealed that the University of Toronto administration, including President David Naylor, conspired
to deny space to proPalestinian student organizations before they had even requested room bookings. The poster ban instituted by the Carleton University administration clashes quite
openly with its claim to defend human rights and foster an atmosphere of genuinely open debate and discussion, setting a dangerous precedent for the violation of free speech on campus.
Despite the Harper government’s pledge to enhance accountability in Ottawa, Conservatives have found themselves on the defensive over the handling of political correspondence regarding the 2008 listeriosis outbreak. While the deadly episode may be a distant memory for most, Liberal and NDP critics have thrust it back into the spotlight after their access to information requests, as well as those of The Canadian Press, were rejected by the Privy Council Office. The press and opposition party requests pertained to handwritten minutes and notes taken from phone calls. Four months after these requests were filed, they were rejected by the Privy Council Office—which handles documents from the Prime Minister’s Office—on the grounds that handwritten material does not qualify as a transcript.
Report: Raise tuition US-based think tank the Educational Policy Institute (EPI) released a report late in February, which outlines the major challenges a recession poses for universities and colleges and proposes a set of cost-saving measures for institutions looking for ways to “hunker down” during hard times. Among these measures are hiring freezes, a reduction in graduate scholarships, and an increase in the number of international students. Sounds kind of like a “dream” Carleton had recently.
Secret hearings A federal judge ruled on February 27 that Mohamed Harkat’s lawyers cannot crossexamine intelligence sources in secret hearings. Harkat is accused of being an Al-Qaeda sleeper agent and was arrested on Human Rights Day in December 2002 under a notorious “Security Certificate,” which denies Harkat a fair trial and access to the evidence against him. After spending over three years in jail, Harkat was released on extremely strict bail conditions. In 2007, the Supreme Court ruled 9 to 0 that Security Certificates violated the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and called for a review. The Tories introduced a new form of Security Certificate in 2008 , which still shrouds hearings and evidence in secrecy.
vol 1, no 2, March 2 to March 15, 2009 The Leveller 3
tims trumps student space
by Melanie Karalis Have you noticed more coffee cups than usual hanging around Res Commons? That’s because a new Tim Hortons has just opened up there. Though some students are happily adding a morning coffee to their routine as they pass through, others are not quite as content with the change. Eli Cymet, who is running for vice president of programming for the Rideau River Residence Association (RRRA), commented on the new Tim Hortons by saying, “Students look and say, ‘Oh look. There’s another Tim Hortons where I can get my iced cap’ not ‘Oh, that could have been student space.’” As RRRA elections unfold, some parties have taken student space as a platform issue, but as for the new Tim Hortons, it appears to be a lost cause now that it is up and running.
Now that it’s there, Tim Hortons no doubt will bring in the cash— university students can’t deny themselves their coffee. But as for Carleton’s need for more student space, the issue remains whether Tim is supplying the donuts or not. So if you haven’t noticed the brand spankin’ new Tim Hortons in Res Commons… you’re really not missing out on much. It’s actually just like every other Tim Hortons you’ve been to. Fully stocked with your favourite bagels, donuts, and caffeinated beverages, this new location is merely five minutes closer, if even that, than the other three Tim Hortons on campus. While this new coffee establishment may seem convenient, imagine what could have been—a student-run coffee house or any sort of student space at all would have sufficed. The empty room, which was vacant for who
Photo by Pax
knows how long, had the potential to be used to the advantage of Carleton students, not to mention it could have helped raise money for students as well. Instead, the university contracted it out to Aramark, the company that handles all food services at Carleton, who then decided to place everyone’s favourite Tim Hortons in that space. This is nothing new. This past fall, a Starbucks was opened up in the Atrium by Aramark. The large open space that is prone to passionate students sticking it to the man now is home to overpriced coffee: a strange contrast to say the least. When asked about the new Tim Hortons and Carleton’s lack of initiative to use the space wisely, Andrew Cook, an undergraduate student, said, “It’s the school’s fault as much as Aramark’s. They sold out as usual.”
Fallen “Gods of Rock” Continued from page 1
angry, articulate citizens are … difficult to dismiss. If someone takes the time and energy to put their complaint in writing, they demonstrate that they are willing to fight it out.”
the power of images,” Farr says. “I think that when Virgin realized that every single one of their ads had been culture-jammed that is was time to give up their misguided campaign.” Sparling, Oliver and
Playing on hackneyed stereotypes of the irresistably virile and wild male musician and the passive, victimized female fan, the ads instead drew a steady stream of mocking graffiti and angry letters. In addition to letters to stakeholders, the group also produced cheeky and angry parodies of the ads that were displayed and distributed on facebook. These images worked alongside graffiti on the ads themselves to expose, subvert and mock the message of the campaign. “I personally believe in 4 The Leveller vol 1, no 2, March 2 to March 15, 2009
Farr all agreed that the ads reflected a severe backlash against the rights of women and the past gains in women in opposing sexist and demeaning advertising strategies. “I don’t think this was in any way accidental,” says Sparling. “I believe that it was strategic and meant to
perpetuate mentalities of women as unequal.” Organizing through facebook, Farr says, connected her to people she hadn’t known or previously worked with. “It was great to connect with activists that may have been ‘friends of friends’ but that I’d not actually met before.” Sparling says she is “really hopeful for the future of social activism through these types of networking tools. I have been fortunate to meet so many strong women and men through this one struggle and I am very excited for future activist opportunities.” Oliver notes that the group has begun working together to promote the “I’m not a feminist, but …” event at Library and Archives Canada on March 4.
Prorogues in vogue: Unsolicited development proposals put Design Lansdowne on hold by Karen Foster The much-needed revitalization of Lansdowne Park is hanging in the balance, as City Council juggles a half-complete, publicly directed design competition alongside lucrative development proposals. The future of the publicly owned park was, until recently, being decided through City Council’s Design Lansdowne competition. The competition originally involved a series of public consultations in early 2008, which were intended to guide competing designers in their proposals for the redevelopment. However, a public battle between two groups of millionaires with competing visions for new sports stadium developments has pushed Design Lansdowne to the backburner. Design Lansdowne was stalled this past fall when a team of investors headed by Ottawa 67’s owner Jeff Hunt brought an unsolicited proposal to City Council to redevelop Lansdowne for a new CFL team conditionally awarded to the city. While City Council is
careful to note that it has not abandoned Design Lansdowne completely, its current concern is deciding between Hunt’s “Lansdowne Live” proposal and Ottawa Senator’s owner Eugene Melnyk’s vision for a MLS stadium (and an Ottawa MLS team, for which the capital is vying against four other North American cities) to be built approximately 26 km from downtown, next to Melnyk’s controversial Scotiabank Place in Kanata. Capital Ward Councillor Clive Doucet, who could not be reached for comment, has stated publicly that he is in favour of re-starting Design Lansdowne as soon as possible to avert a backroom deal for Lansdowne. For now, Lansdowne’s fate, no longer exclusively the purchase of the Design Lansdowne competition, is enmeshed in a series of related debates over whether Ottawans prefer football or soccer, which sport will haul the most revenue, and whether a stadium should be downtown and easily accessible by foot or public transit, or outside the city centre, where parking is limitless
but driving is essential. A two-phase evaluation began February 19, 2009 with the release of a previously commissioned report on Ottawa’s need for new facilities, which includes a ranked list of 23 possible development sites. While the report suggested the city needs an exhibition centre more than a new sports facility, it is being presented to council because, according to Mayor O’Brien’s blog, “We owe it to [Hunt and Melnyk] to garner all information required to make the right decision.” City Council is, admit-
tedly, in a tough spot. In a world where corporate interests often hold sway over other concerns, the idea of ignoring Hunt’s proposal is almost unfathomable. However, findings from Design Lansdowne prior to the competition’s suspension suggest that this unthinkable option—continuing the competition without Hunt’s proposal—might be the one most in line with what Ottawans want. Regardless of what kind of ball residents want to watch (recent polls suggest they don’t
care) and where they want to do it (the same polls point overwhelmingly to Lansdowne), they spoke clearly and resoundingly against the private development and management of Lansdowne Park in the January and February 2008 public consultations. Moreover, Tuesday’s report noted that other cities facing similar decisions have largely opted for centrally located developments as part of widespread efforts to revitalize downtown areas. While these findings give Lansdowne an undeni-
Photo by Karen Foster
able edge over a Kanata development, time will tell whether City Council will realize it owes Melnyk and Hunt nothing; it owes the people of Ottawa first. The Planning and Environment Committee will review the report on Tuesday, March 10 at 9:30am in the Champlain Room at City Hall. The public is welcome to attend and speak on the matter. The next phase will involve an assessment of the specific CFL and MLS proposals, with an eye to findings from Phase One.
OPA and Afghan community query war by MATTHEW NELSON Members of the Ottawa Afghan community mingled with peace activists on February 17 at a public forum called “Yes We Can, End the War in Afghanistan!” Organized by the Ottawa Peace Assembly (OPA), the event provided a rare opportunity to hear the voices and perspectives of local Afghan-Canadians. On the eve of President Obama’s visit to the capital, the OPA is hoping to raise the profile of the Canadian peace movement by building networks and working collectively with local community groups. The main message of the forum was clear. President Obama was elected because of a desire for peace and change, and the people of Canada and the world need to urge him to abandon his plans to expand the wars in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The evening started with a passionate talk by Wakil Zazai, president of the Ottawa Afghan Association, who recounted the lengthy history of foreign invasions into Afghanistan. Zazai began by pointing to some of the similarities between today’s rhetoric and the
kind used by the Soviet Union following its 1979 invasion. This was likewise sold as a mission committed to “reconstruction” and the “liberation” of Afghan women. During much of the 1980s, the United States helped finance, arm, and train mujahideen “freedom fighters” opposed to the Soviet occupation. After the Soviets were kicked out, some of the mujahideen commanders turned against each in an attempt to control the national government. During the civil war of 1992–96, tens of thousands of civilians were killed. Many of the leaders involved in the civil war are parliamentarians in Afghanistan today. This includes members of the Northern Alliance, a group that, according to Zazai, is every bit as violent as the Taliban. Zazai discussed how NATO’s counter-insurgency operations have created more and more resentment towards the foreign troops. Rising civilian deaths are fuelling a renewed resistance to the occupation. “Canadians cannot win the hearts and minds of the Afghan people through force and guns,” he said. “The situation in Afghanistan is get-
ting worse and worse and worse.… No more killing for God’s sake.” Christine Jones, cochair of the Canadian Peace Alliance, spoke of the obligation of states to protect citizens by adhering to international treaties and human rights. She explained that the Canadian government is not only abdicating this role, but is actually spend-
ing billions to “build structures that institutionalize torture and human rights abuses.” With the recent announcement by the United States that 17,500 more troops will soon be deployed to Afghanistan, it is the moral imperative of the peace movement to “tear the façade off this war that is being sold to us,” said Jones. The night’s discussions
ended with a number of tangible solutions for helping out the innocent victims of this war. In the coming months, the OPA will be hosting a number of fundraisers for the construction of local schools in Zazai’s home province of Paktia and elsewhere. Unlike the reconstruction projects of NATO, CIDA, or USAID, these schools are run by local Afghans themselves.
Photo by Pax
Ottawa-based peace groups are also gearing up for “No to NATO” protests surrounding NATO’s 60th anniversary celebrations on April 4. Anti-war activists will gather in cities all around the world, notably Strasbourg, where NATO will hold its summit this spring. For more information please visit ottawapeace.blogspot.com
vol 1, no 2, March 2 to March 15, 2009 The Leveller 5
March 11, Noon, Atrium
6 The Leveller vol 1, no 2, March 2 to March 15, 2009
A spectre is haunting Europe Strikes rock France, Italy, Germany, and various other less important countries by Doug Nesbitt French president Nicolas Sarkozy has warned of a “European 1968.” The events of that year, which very nearly toppled Charles de Gaulle’s autocratic government, still haunt the political and economic elite of France. Now Sarkozy’s warnings seem to be echoing in the ears of his fellow European leaders amidst the collapse of several European governments and others under siege from largescale, sustained social unrest. For a brief moment last December, it seemed as though Canada would be the first country to see a government fall at least in part due to the economic crisis. However, that honour has gone to Iceland. The country’s three banks failed last year due to heavy investments in subprime mortgages. Daily protests on the small island of 320,000 led to the collapse of the government. More dramatic but less well known is the turbulence in Greece. Social and political tensions have boiled over repeatedly in the past few years, most notably with widespread
student and teacher strikes in 2007. The catalyst for the latest round of strikes and protests was the killing of a young teenager by police, an incident uncannily similar to what caused the 2005 riots in France. Even in Britain, often considered the most stable of European governments, there is warning of a “summer of rage.” The highest-ranking officer of London’s Metropolitan Police Service, Superintendent David Hartshorn, foresees mass unemployment, home foreclosures, and lost savings and pensions creating “foot soldiers” for large-scale violent protests, including riots like those that swept Thatcher’s Britain in the early 1980s. He believes the most danger will come from “middle-class” environmental campaigners connecting with working-class anger against the economy. Across the Irish Sea, a European 1968 may already be developing. On February 21, an estimated 120,000 people marched through Dublin calling for an end to pay cuts and the defence of pensions. Teachers, nurses, and lowlevel government workers are expected to strike in
March while hundreds of laid-off workers at worldfamous Waterford Crystal have galvanized the labour movement by occupying the factory and demanding jobs be kept and guaranteed. Sarkozy’s own words are now haunting himself. Two remnants of France’s empire, Guadeloupe and Martinique, have been crippled by lengthy gen-
eral strikes. Strikers in Martinique are demanding 20% reductions in food prices while a joint labour– community coalition in Guadeloupe is demanding substantial increases to the minimum wage amidst 25% unemployment. In France itself, an estimated 2.5 million workers struck in early February against Sarkozy’s handling of the economic
crisis. Other European countries have been thrown into similar turmoil. Two weeks ago, the Latvian centre-right government resigned as the country’s economy collapsed around it. At around the same time, millions went on strike in Italy against pay freezes and nearly a million trade unionists marched through Rome.
Photo by V. X. Lentz
Now Germany has been ground to a halt by nationwide pay strikes at schools, hospitals, regional government offices, courtrooms, and police and fire fighter stations. Sarkozy’s spectre of a European 1968 may not be far off. Whether or not such a prediction is valid for other regions of the world is yet to be seen.
Carleton Grad Becomes Somalia PM Western powers pulling for a stable, post-piracy state by Sam Heaton Somalia’s parliament voted on February 14 to make Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke, a Carleton graduate and dual Canadian and Somali citizen, prime minister of the effectively stateless country. Sharmarke’s father, Somalia’s last democratically elected president, was killed in a 1969 coup led by Mohamed Siad Barre, who was ousted with the government in 1991. The legal government today controls only a few blocks of Mogadishu, the nation’s capital. The world’s largest trading countries have a serious interest in the building of a stable and Western-friendly Somalian state after 2008 saw a near doubling of highseas piracy off the Somali coast. Piracy began following the 1991 collapse of the government, in response to a situation in which the lack of a state navy allowed commercial fishing fleets to plunder Somalia’s rich tuna stocks and European and Asian multinationals to dump toxic and nuclear waste off the coast. Previous
claims of dumping were authenticated when the tsunami of 2004 washed ashore rusting containers of toxic waste in Puntland, an autonomous region of northeastern Somalia and birthplace of the incoming prime minister. The pirates, also based in Puntland, claim to seek justice for the devastation of their country’s waters and coastline in addition to ransom payments for hijacked ships. “We don’t consider ourselves sea bandits,” said a spokesperson for the pirates last December. “We consider sea bandits those who illegally fish in our seas and dump waste in our seas and carry weapons in our seas. We are simply patrolling our seas.” Out of 115 reported pirate attacks off the Somali coast in 2008, 46 resulted in successful hijackings, including that of a Saudi tanker, the Sirius Star, carrying a $100 million cargo of oil. The response from world powers has been harsh. UN resolution 1851 calls on any “states and organizations able to do so” to deploy naval vessels and military aircraft in opposition to
piracy off the coast of Somalia. This measure gives any state or mercenary company free reign to violate the territorial sovereignty of Somalia so long it claims to be hunting pirates. The navies of Britain, India, China, Turkey, South Korea, Saudi Arabia, and Russia have already been deployed in the region, sinking Somali vessels, and a coalition of
US, NATO, UN, and EU ships are currently patrolling the seas of Africa’s east coast. However, the hijacking continues: on February 23 a ship carrying coal was seized while traveling west through the Gulf of Aden. The country’s autonomous regional governments have supported piracy and its concurrent influx of funds, which,
having trickled down to the people, led to overall popular support for the pirates’ reclamation of national waters. Somalia’s recently elected president, who nominated Sharmarke, is Sharif Ahmed, former leader of the Islamic Courts Union government, which ended piracy during its control of parts of Somalia. Hijackings resumed when
the US-backed Ethiopian military invaded and the Islamic Courts Union was overthrown. Whether Ahmed and Carleton alum Sharmarke can unite the country and combat piracy at its source—the extreme poverty, lawlessness, and instability of a region plagued by two decades of civil war— remains to be seen.
vol 1, no 2, March 2 to March 15, 2009 The Leveller 7
Eight years of quiet, surreptitious, vindictive war, and we cannot help but be, whether we know it or not, numb. We can observe this fact in the sheer absurdity of the level of thought we are reproducing in everyday speech, in phrases such as ‘responsible weapon use,’ ‘illegal combatants,’ and ‘target acquisition.’ These phrases have found their way into the public’s vocabulary and have burrowed deep into our consciousness. We have cloaked them with a banality that renders their daily appearance in the public sphere no more shocking than the period at the end of this sentence. The psychological state of such a society as ours is terrifying. It does not scream, it does not weep, it does not wonder, it restrains itself from ‘knowing.’ Rather, it lurches ahead in spasms oscillating from an acute undiagnosed neurosis to become a reactionary force,
sensitive to any perceived threat to its own unstated equilibrium. However, the threat itself need only be tangential to the ‘enemy’ and must merely present an object that society can be defended against. It should go without saying that these two states cannot co-exist; their current eclipse is only momentary before the gravity of one draws the other into it, thus bringing into sharp relief the contradictory set of relations simultaneously nurturing and rendering reticent the nervous energies of the social body. On the one hand, we
see that the nation’s intellectuals have retreated from public view and occupied themselves with purely academic questions or have wandered away on narcissistic cosmic adventures in the hope that when they return in a few years time all will have been put right. All this is quite understandable. After all, when the world is thrown asunder and the ground we stand upon shifts incrementally to an unfamiliar terrain, our reaction is to avert our eyes to more pleasing horizons, to not ask unsettling questions about why the world is being
swept out from under our feet. However, a society engaged in ‘postconventional’ war cannot be content, nor sustained for that matter, by inertia alone. No, on the other hand, Canadian society as a set of social relations cannot, without a source of immediate threat, organically sustain its own militarization indeﬁnitely. It cannot be expected to acquiesce to the continuous recruitment of its young men and women—and even the most concerted energies of Canadian chauvinism cannot sustain the bureaucratic dis-
aggregation of the family into atomized productive, reproductive, and destructive units. Moreover, the risk of public demand for peace that accompanies the dead on their return from Afghanistan cannot be endlessly secured against by concealing human loss in discrete body bags. Finally, the costly expansion of the military apparatus, and the extension of security throughout the state, does not continue organically in a society that has retrenched its social provisions to proportions where it is unable to manage growing systemic
Canadian society as a set of social relations cannot, without a source of immediate threat, organically sustain its own militarization indeﬁnitely.
Equivocal Thr of Post-Conve
Aaron Henry interrogates the rise of equivocal risk in Cana Canada’s involvement with unconventional warfare in Afgh
‘Fight who?’ It could be an international network of terrorists; it could be nationstates that threaten our claim to northern sovereignty. It is necessarily vague.
8 The Leveller vol 1, no 2, March 2 to March 15, 2009
unemployment. The material and social relations that underpin our military apparatus are, in their natural state, inelastic to the needs and demands of an indeﬁnite state of war. And inertia is not enough on its own to reproduce these relations. Rather, the energies of society to sustain these relations must be reformed and redirected perpetually toward the discovery of new equivocal threats. For example, in one of the tunnels running underneath Carleton University, there is a poster, which in one frame depicts some soldiers storming a beach and in another edgy frame shows paratroopers assailing their foes in a cunning aerial assault. A bold-lettered caption invites one and all to “Fight with the Canadian Forces.” A perceptive passerby
may wonder—if he or she even bothers to notice the presence of military advertising in a university— ‘Fight who?’ It could be an international network of terrorists; it could be nation-states that threaten our claim to northern sovereignty. It is necessarily vague. The enemy remains nameless and for all extensive purposes constitutes a ubiquitous threat, a possible presence, nothing more. Of course, more insightful examples can be found. Over the last eight years successive pieces of legislation have brought the threat of criminality to the forefront of public opinion. This should interest us as it has been well documented that criminal violence is on the decline in Canada. However, the government recently reformulated the criminal
code to ensure that any ‘gang’-related homicide would receive a ﬁrstdegree murder charge; this was done with concomitant increases in expenditure on police forces in urban centres. The object of threat is rendered clear, as the public, an ever-faithful audience to an every abysmal pantomime, begins to operationalize this logic, and in a ﬁt of nervous energy prepares itself against a clear object of risk and uncertainty— even though the threat, in reality, remains for most a mere statistical entity, not an actual social presence. Nevertheless, the object becomes a focal point for the externalization of the fear that develops in, and therein needs frequent expression in, a militarized society. We can see this as the threat manifests itself
as a set of social relations within urban communities. The response has been to calcify these relations in modes of public/ private surveillance designed to spatially enclose, and simultaneously bring into existence, perceived objects of threat. For instance, Toronto citizens have opted for new municipal legislation (Safer Communities and Neighbourhoods or SCAN) that would allow homeowners and tenants to privately report their neighbours’ illegal, or even suspect, behaviour to a municipal authority, who would then evict the undesirables. While obviously such legislation is intertwined with processes of gentriﬁcation, it also discloses a diagram of rationality that orbits the presence of an equivocal social threat: the social de-
In a closely related sphere, the last few years have borne witness to the careful deployment of a new object of threat: the immigrant.
viant/the prostitute/ the pauper/the foreigner/the drug dealer. Once again the threat constituted by these ‘identities’ is necessarily vague; the public response, however, is concrete and acute. In a closely related sphere, the last few years have borne witness to the careful deployment of a new object of threat: the immigrant. I say careful deployment because the immigrant as an object of threat was developed gradually—first in relation to the labour market as an undocumented worker or a worker who had overstayed his or her visa, then, inevitably, the immigrant became deﬁned in relation to health care and education as a new insidious threat, which needed to be screened and, when appropriate, deported to ensure the stability of an already ‘overwhelmed’ system. Such a transition takes
time, and the framing of the immigrant as a problematic/threat must occur at all levels in both the public and private spheres—in public policy, in the media (the CBC comment sections are an excellent social barometer), at coffee breaks, around the dinner table, and even as a subtle aside, couched in terms of economic nationalism, in undergraduate essays. In this sense, the immigrant is an example of an inexplicable object of social threat situated in a multiplicity of relations: terrorist, refugee, biological threat (a carrier of disease), a parasitic threat to the social system, a threat to the labour market. The immigrant is an object of threat managed from many different relations but nonetheless remains enmeshed within a narrative that animates its position in the public sphere with a particular tempo-
rality (the immigrant as an object of threat occurs spasmodically in particular situations of crisis: high tuition, long hospital waiting lists, lax border control), thus ensuring its equivocality by way of its transience. More examples could be cited—consider the prorogue of Parliament or the recent ﬂight of a Russian bomber ‘into’ Canadian airspace. Both were framed in terms of threats to security; however, in both instances the threat remained poorly deﬁned and therein equivocal). The point is simple. It is not that these relations have not emerged in society before. It is not that these relations have not been problematized before. It is that Canadian society has shifted its energies towards the perpetual discovery of equivocal threat, an uncertain object onto which it externalizes its forces of reaction. This
is, however, not an isolated development. Society’s discovery of equivocal threat is integral to the reproduction of the social relations required to continue a post-conventional, rather than conventional, war. The conventional war was many things: it was an ediﬁce of an international balance of power between nation-states of roughly equal destructive capacities. It required clear demarcation between the populace and the nation-state’s standing army. It was also the spatialization of the state’s monopoly of force. Barren landscapes were populated by regiments, earth and forests remade into trenches and fortiﬁcations, cannons and artillery batteries installed, and land that had been perhaps the bucolic outskirt of a small town became a ‘war zone’: the anarchic
interstices between two or more discrete territorial regimes. In this sense, a conventional war involved the transformation of space into indexes of the nation-state’s national stock, its technological/ industrial capacity, and often its organizational ability to seize physical space and reform it into ‘adjunct’ national territory. This transformation of space, and the process of conventional war, depended upon a spectacle of power, meaning that conventional war was, in the words of Fernand Braudel, not about death tolls or prisoners taken, but about the tactics, the manoeuvres, the sieges. In short, it was a performance that conﬁgured the social relations of warfare into a public event that could be displayed, recorded, and painted: conventional warfare occurred within,
hreat in an Age entional War
adian society and its relation to hanistan. and depended upon, a space governed by the laws of absolute visibility. It should be clear at this point that we are not involved in a conventional war. While there are many reasons for this, the key one is that a post-conventional war is not dependent upon a spectacle of power, not is it governed by the laws of absolute visibility. Rather, the advent of post-conventional war requires that the space produced by war, the social relations that underpin its impetus, is enclosed upon and conﬁgured into a set of practices to maximize its invisibility. Indeed, the war in Afghanistan is inherently spatially enclosed. Journalists and government ofﬁcials remain situated
in secure spaces, while the practices of war, the very modes of engagement, are organized into spatial regimes that compartmentalize violence from public view into many disparate nameless fronts. It is the enclosure of the spectacle that characterizes the postconventional war and it is this fact that links the transition to our society’s recent discovery of the equivocal threat. The conventional structure of war had the basis of its reproduction in its very mode of expression: spectacle. It was the spectacle, the impassioned displays, the gloriﬁed paintings (who has not seen Wolfe’s ennobled end?) that served as the womb of unequivocal threat; spectacle as the organizational structure of war
was inherently productive of an object of threat that could, through its application to society, reproduce the social relations demanded by the military structure. A post-conventional war does not contain its means of social/psychological reproduction within itself. It requires an external catalyst to ensure that society continues to securitize itself, that young men and women continue to sacrifice themselves, and that the surplus value of our collective labour continues to be invested in more sophisticated modes of destruction. Unable to produce its own concrete threat, the post-conventional war depends upon the motor forces of equivocal threat. The transformation
of warfare has brought with it a society that is forever in the process of endogenously producing its own internal objects of equivocal threat. Inertia is not enough to reproduce these relations. However, the end of inertia and the movement of Canada’s critical intellectual mass back to the public sphere is enough to end the reproduction of these relations in their entirety. We can quite easily see that the discovery of equivocal threat as a mode of reproducing the military structure is inherently inimical to the values of Canadian society and inherently destructive to Canadian society itself. As such, there will be dire consequences, for our silence is unequivocal.
The conventional structure of war had the basis of its reproduction in its very mode of expression: spectacle
vol 1, no 2, March 2 to March 15, 2009 The Leveller 9
Demand better from Demand Better
Who you callin’ mouthpiece?
Controversy has a habit of stalking the Carleton University Students’ Association, and the recent council and executive elections are no exception. The disqualification of the presidential candidate of the Demand Better slate, Bruce Kyereh-Addo, has led to protests, appeals, and claims of antidemocratic chicanery. Kyereh-Addo may have narrowly won the presidency in terms of votes, but his six electoral code violations have ensured that Erik Halliwell will be the new president. Given the fact that candidates are disqualified after only four violations, one has to wonder who can actually claim electoral legitimacy. Although the electoral code is dated and does not allow full use of Facebook for campaigning purposes, both the Demand Better slate and the Because It Matters slate violated the code. But Demand Better went a step further with online campaigning. Banners associated with the Demand Better slate were placed on DC++, the network exclusive to Carleton residence students, so they appeared every time a student logged on. The host administrator of DC++, Michael Nemat, has claimed sole responsibility for this, saying he was not asked to do this by Demand Better. That said, Nemat is a known supporter of the Demand Better slate and intentions were clear: to win votes for Demand Better. Facebook violations were similarly slippery also a site of violations. Demand Better campaigning e-mails were sent from largely defunct Carleton-related Facebook groups by various Carleton students. Also, a Demand Better banner was purchased on Facebook attacking Because It Matters candidates Erik Halliwell, Carlos Chacon, and Shewit Kalaty for their alleged responsibility for
We’ve received a lot of responses to our first issue and a lot of people are really happy we exist. So are we. Some of the more interesting and critical responses have come from student activists at Carleton. A handful of complaints and criticisms, subtle and not so subtle, have come from those who could be considered our “natural” allies. Friction was bound to emerge between The Leveller and Carleton’s activist community precisely because Carleton activists have no experience in navigating a sympathetic media. Activists will expect a paper associated with “people
the Shinerama controversy. The banner linked to a Facebook group administered by Nick Bergamini, the Demand Better VP Student Issues candidate. Demand Better candidates and campaign workers claim that none of these violations related to online campaigning were solicited or done with their consent. This is a bit rich coming from a slate with students well known for their heavy reliance on Facebook organizing. The fact is, all these online violations were done in order to win votes for Demand Better candidates. The rules were broken and an unfair advantage was firmly established during the election campaign and polling period. Until rules governing online campaigning are changed, all candidates have to follow these rules. Perhaps most damaging to the Demand Better campaign, and not just the walls of the Unicentre, was the electoral code violation involving property destruction and intimidation. On February 7, Kyereh-Addo and Scott Gorry, the Demand Better campaign manager, engaged in a heated discussion with the Returning Officer and Chief Electoral Officer in the Elections Office on the fourth floor of the Unicentre. Kyereh-Addo and Gorry stormed out of the office and Kyereh-Addo, according to a witness, punched a hole in a wall. A number of other witnesses heard the sound and the physical evidence is clear enough— there is an actual hole in the wall. Demand Better has protested this electoral code violation by questioning the anonymity of the main witness. This witness has remained anonymous because of intimidation. This is not unreasonable given that one of two men from Demand Better punched a
10 The Leveller vol 1, no 2, March 2 to March 15, 2009
hole in a wall immediately after a heated argument. Dismissing witness testimony on the basis of its anonymity is the height of irresponsibility when concerning an issue related to property destruction and intimidation. But to get lost in this debate is to miss the forest for the trees. Witness testimony aside, we are left with a hole in the wall and only two possibilities. Either Kyereh-Addo or Gorry damaged the wall. Even if Kyereh-Addo did not do this, he is still disqualified because he has five electoral violations. If Gorry, the Demand Better campaign manager, did it, one has to wonder if all Demand Better candidates would face another electoral code violation. What is clear is that the Demand Better slate, including its two elected executives, have already failed on the critical question of accountability. They have denied all responsibility for the online electoral code violations, preferring to place the blame on their “unofficial” supporters instead. And why won’t Kyereh-Addo and Gorry own up to what happened in the Unicentre hallway? One of them punched the hole in the wall. They won’t say who. But they, along with their close supporters and The Charlatan would prefer the issue to be about the witness, not the hole in the wall. Fortunately, the electoral board has demanded better of Demand Better by upholding the electoral code, however dated. Now it’s up to students to keep a close eye on the two new Demand Better executives, as well as the politicos associated with this scandalous slate. Accountability still means something. For others, it is just a word to put on an election poster.
Activists at Carleton, having been without a sympathetic media for several four-year generations of students, have little to no experience in handling an audience.
over private property” to be a mere mouthpiece for themselves. On the other hand, any remotely critical editorial stance of ours will certainly earn us a nasty letter or a torrent of gossipy abuse from the would-be McCarthyites so recently pepped up on Harper’s near-teflon status. But these marginal elements are marginal because reality has, as one late night host says, a well-known liberal bias. We’ve made it clear that our goal is to be biased and to report on events as we see them, but our goal is not to tout or toe a party line. The point of an independent newspaper like ours (and yours!) is to be open about such biases and present an argument and a viewpoint that is discomforting but revealing, controversial but factual. The point is to convince, not to coddle. Hence the appeal to that vast confusing terrain of humanity: the muddled “centre” of antiracists who badmouth the transit workers and the humanitarians who consider Western armies part of their arsenal of democracy. And it’s the question of audience that is precisely where the tension between mouthpiece and newspaper comes in. Activists at Carleton, having been without a sympa-
thetic media for several four-year generations of students, have little to no experience in handling an audience. If we disagree with an activist’s particular position (or posturing), it is not tantamount to outright dismissal. Dismissing sympathetic media for not replicating one’s rhetoric and agenda amounts to abandoning your audience. We understand that activists have a natural tendency to see sympathetic media as being their own property—hence discussions by people who have had no role in the paper and had no discussions with the editors about what the cover of the next issue should be. It’s important for us, the editors, to push back (gently and politely) against this, because a paper that’s just a transparent vehicle for activists is not very useful, in that (a) eventually nobody reads it except activists and (b) activists don’t learn how to use the media by having media-friendly events, making good press releases, leaking cool stuff, etc. That last bit—disciplining activists to use media rather than try to control it—is one of the most important things sympathetic/student media can do. But we can only do that if we don’t let them get used to dictating the agenda.
Want to be a Leveller? write • edit • produce email@example.com
Carleton has no respect for global and local human rights On February 8, Students Against Israeli Apartheid (SAIA) at Carleton University put up 100 posters for Israeli Apartheid Week, a series of lectures and public events that will occur on campuses in over 40 cities around the world. On February 9, following a complaint to Carleton’s Equity Services, these posters were banned from public view on campus by university authorities, who cited the rationale that the posters “could be seen to incite others to infringe rights protected in the Ontario Human Rights code” and are “insensitive to the norms of civil dis-
course in a free and democratic society.” The poster was created by noted cartoonist Carlos Latuff and depicts a child being killed by aerial bombardment—a situation that occurred over 430 times in Israel’s latest attack on Gaza according to UN reports. Given this factual basis, the notion that such an invite to a week of discussion is an incitement to infringe rights or a violation to norms of civil discourse is preposterous. The university president and authorities have repeatedly refused to acknowledge the war crimes in Gaza, yet have been swift to
condemn a poster depicting such events. Far from defending human rights, the Carleton administration is treating them with contempt. We call on your readers to e-mail the Carleton University President, Roseanne Runte, at presidents_office@ carleton.ca to demand that she immediately restore the rights of Carleton students and send a copy of their message to SAIA at saia. firstname.lastname@example.org. Or phone/fax her at 613-520-3801(phone) or 613 520-4474 (fax). — SAIA Carleton
Questionable CUSA coverage To the staff of The Leveller, I was excited to get a copy of the premier issue and look forward to further papers. I have one concern with the CUSA election coverage, and that was
my exclusion from the comment on the Vice President Student Issues’ candidates. I was the only independent running for the position against Carlos Chacon and Nick Ber-
gamini. I am interested in why I was excluded from such a discussion. Thanks, and best wishes on further issues, — Ashton Starr
Board guidelines not new I appreciate the opportunity to share my views in response to the front page story (“Students Oppose Board Gag Rule”) and editorial (“The Board of Governors’ new gag guidelines”) appearing in your publication of 9 February 2009. It is important to emphasize at the outset that the Board of Governors has not changed the board policies or procedures and no attempt has been made to “gag” any member of the board. In fact, nothing has changed at all. The guidelines passed simply restate in an accessible form the law with respect to those fiduciary responsibilities inherent in board service. While some board members over the years may not have understood the extent of those responsibilities, they were nevertheless bound to those responsibilities. The board
has made no attempt in these guidelines to silence students or any other members on the board. By restating the guidelines in writing, the board has simply made it clear to those taking a role on the board that their advocacy on behalf of a constituency they represent does not extend to the public denunciation of board resolutions. It is a well-recognized principle of board service that such action would be contrary to the best interests of the institution and therefore contrary to the duties owed by each governor to our university. This applies at Carleton as it does to any other corporation, whether for-profit, notfor-profit, or statutory. While perhaps extreme, a board member who feels aggrieved or upset by a particular resolution of the board may choose to resign. The
board member is then relieved of his or her fiduciary obligations and is free to criticize the decision as he or she sees fit, provided obligations of confidentiality are respected. This rule applies throughout the corporate sector. I trust this clarifies the board’s position and its good intention of ensuring greater clarity of this longstanding principle with all our board members. I have shared these views as well with Ms. Lesley Claire Vaage, vice president external of the Graduate Students’ Association, who had written to me concerning her views in this regard, and I am also copying all governors of our Carleton board.
Undefined dreams: Today’s lesson is apathy by brian foster In a recent editorial for the Ottawa Citizen, Carleton’s Andrew Cohen took on the problem of cultural and political apathy in the city. For Cohen, this apathy can be traced to the city’s “contented people and its feckless politicians,” who live as little more than tenants in a hotel-city, quick to gripe about crappy service but unwilling to work to fix the problems they face every day. Students, such as those at Carleton, present an interesting case study for Cohen’s “hotel mentality.” University students are, after all, a highly transient group of people, yet in most places they are among the most active members of their community, at the vanguard of grassroots movements lobbying for change. This engagement is commonsensically linked to the mind-broadening, democratic effect of post-secondary education, which makes the hotel mentality hard to sustain by instilling in students a sense of purpose and possibility to enact change… or so the story goes. According to this line of thinking, the university teaches people how to be citizens—how to participate in a liberal democracy—by giving them the tools to engage in constructive dialogue with competing visions of the world. Far from culturing the apathy characteristic of Cohen’s Ottawans, universities supposedly teach students how to cut through or analyze rhetoric, so they can wrestle with the foundational issues creating social tension and cohesion. Perhaps most of all, universities presumably help students imagine both a different, better world and the routes they
Even where the university does claim to have a vision, — Jacques J.M. Shore, Chair, Board of Gover- it still falls nors, Carleton Univershort of this sity wider democratic, dialogical goal by equating democracy email@example.com with vacuous consensus.
can take to bring that vision to life. These visions vary from person to person at any given time; some may put social justice at the core of a different order, while others may see individual choice and a free market defining the course of society. Regardless of their specific view, students are supposedly taught how to take a stand and how to put that stand under the scrutiny of public dialogue. The goal of stand taking, scrutinizing, and considering opposing views is the resultant conversation about how multiple perspectives can co-exist, if not shape and improve one another. Recent events at Carleton suggest that the administration cannot provide Ottawa with an example of how to take a stand and defend it while making room for the continuous public dialogue constitutive of democracy. Democracy is not an aversion to contestation, but rather the maintenance of a forum in which contestation can occur. We may not like what we hear in this forum but simply ignoring opinion—being apathetic—will not make it go away. Rather than foster a democratic process, in which apathy is rendered improbable or impossible, Carleton has even worked against it. In the recent non-stance on the boycott of Israeli universities, Carleton held apathy up as the safest, most democratic, and most tolerant space to be in. Carleton did not have to take sides, but it ought to have at least guarded other people’s right to do so. As such, Carleton failed to seize an opportunity to be a model for managing and facilitating critical discussions on real-world issues. If there is a sense of apathy in Ottawa, the university is feeding it by eschewing a stand in favour of buzzwords, roundtables, and other non sequiturs in an already languishing civic dialogue. Even where the university does claim to have a vision, it still falls short of this wider democratic, dialogical goal by equating democracy with vacuous consensus. Defining Dreams, the administration’s latest “vision” for the future of the campus, is a fine example of how dialogue and “consultation” at the front end of a project rather than a continuous discussion between stances creates
an atmosphere in which apathy is the inevitable outcome. Defining Dreams appears to have consulted faculties and other stakeholders at the outset of the strategic plan in such a way as to be able to say, “Here. This is what you asked for” upon publishing the plan. But this creates the impression that a stand has been taken and that a consensus has been reached, effectively ending the dialogue necessary for a truly democratic, participatory process that might actually stave off apathy. What’s more, the vague and rhetorical feel of the plan makes dissent and discussion unlikely, if not impossible. No doubt we are all for the “real world-solutions” the plan refers to—but what are the problems? Most of us could get on board with “globalization” and more international student enrolment, but to what end? Sure, we all want to be at a school of “excellence,” but excellence in what and for what? Excellence in simply being a university? Is that really enough? Rhetoric without substance is dangerous. Without the underlying rationale for why the university is doing, these things there is nothing for citizens of the university to speak to or dissent from. Apathy is allowed to fester in the absence of substance characteristic of Defining Dreams. There is no way to achieve “engagement,” “change,” a “cohesive direction,” or “excellence” unless there is a clear objective—which not everyone may agree with—around which we can cohere or dissent, to which we can aim, toward which we can move, and in which we can excel. Carleton is allowing a vague consensus around loosely defined platitudes to fill a void where dialogue between competing, explicit visions should be fostered. With Defining Dreams, no one can disagree because no stand has been taken, no vision offered. Concerned community members fear that Carleton is opting to participate in and feed the larger Ottawan social and political malaise by doing everything but taking a stand. If you don’t take a stand then no one can disagree with you—and that’s a safe place to be. But is apathy the lesson that we want to teach at Carleton?
vol 1, no 2, March 2 to March 15, 2009 The Leveller 11
Quirky is comfortable at Imperial Food and Beverages by Karen Foster
Photo Karen Foster
CARLETON’S TEACHING ASSISTANTS AND CONTRACT INSTRUCTORS For more information, or to become involved contact: CUPE4600@carleton.ca, Visit the Union Office at 511A Unicenter, or call 613-520-7482
The University Works Because We Do! 12 The Leveller vol 1, no 2, March 2 to March 15, 2009
It is one of the coldest nights of the year, but we forget about that within moments of passing through the front door of Imperial Food and Beverages. The restaurant, its narrow rectangle of walls lined with vintage film posters (Cannibal Girls, featuring a young Eugene Levy, and Harry Knuckles), is warm in colour and temperature. The intended art-deco vibe comes across immediately through ornate light fixtures, shimmery geometric wallpaper, and lustrous wood furnishings. Our waiter, who looks a little like Woody Harrelson, approaches our table, proffering menus. We know already that Beau’s is on tap, so we order two pints before we’ve even peeled off our jackets. The menu is short, divided into soups and chili, pizzas, sandwiches, ‘comfort favourites,’ sides, and desserts. A handful of special features are scrawled on two chalkboards on the wall. We overhear the man behind us ordering, and it seems he’s been here before: he asks for a beer, but as for the rest of his meal, it’s ‘dealer’s choice.’ “Just … surprise me,” he says casually. The waiter is nonplussed and asks if he’s tried the butternut squash soup before. He hasn’t, and so the ‘dealer’s choice’ is effectively made. Hearing this, my companion B orders the same—Buttercoconut Squash Soup—and I ask for the Tahini Halloum Spinach Salad to start. We order our mains at the same time—the Curried Chicken Lavash Wrap for B, the Black Jack Veg Lavash for me—and wait mere minutes before our starters are brought to the table. The salad is divine. Kalamata olives, thinly sliced red onion, and coins of red cabbage peek out from underneath springy leaves of baby spinach; all of this is tossed in a sweet, nutty tahini dressing studded with mustard seeds, and perched on top are two fat, egg-like blobs of fried halloum cheese. B’s soup is a subtly complex blend of butternut squash and—we think—coconut milk, with a spongy piece of toasted baguette docked on the edge of the bowl like a rowboat. The combination of squash and coconut flavours is surprising, but almost
sensible—why didn’t we think of that? Woody swoops in for our empty dishes, replacing them quickly with our mains. Although it doesn’t say so on the menu, the lavash wraps are cut in half and served teepee style alongside a few crispy-on-theoutside, fleshy-on-theinside, rust-coloured, hand-cut fries. While their flavours are a tad mild compared to the starters, both wraps are undeniably delicious. We enjoy the mix of textures in the curried chicken wrap—moist grilled tenders, crunchy baby spinach, and soft grilled yam moisten the inside of the lavash, giving it a stretchy, chewy quality and leaving the outside crisp from the grill so that the whole thing reminds us of the skin of an egg roll. My wrap is similar in that way, but inside is a layer of smooth black bean hummus, tendercrisp grilled vegetables, melted Monterey jack cheese, and a hint of cilantro. The fries are B’s favourite and, according to our server, they’re the same ones used for the restaurant’s poutine—a must-try for next time. The portions are perfectly sized, and we’re left with just enough room for the homemade Black Russian Chocolate Cake, advertised on one of the chalkboards as an aphrodisiac. While I can’t comment on that specific claim, the cake itself could curl your toes. Dense and moist, with a nubby, large crumb, its two layers are separated by a ribbon of chewy fudge icing and enrobed in more of the same. Upon hearing we wanted to share a piece, our waiter promised us a nice, big one—and he delivered. But it is so good—make-yourselfsick good—that we surmise we probably should have ordered two pieces. After all, it is supposed to be an aphrodisiac, not a trigger for a lover’s spat over the last morsel. Our meal, including two beers, two starters, two mains, one dessert, taxes, and tip, comes to an impressive $55. Imperial Food and Beverages is located at 329 Bank Street, next to Barrymore’s. Check out its website to read about its vision for the old Ottawa theatre strip and its intriguing after-show specials. www.the-imperial.com (613) 237-3636
The body pornographic Or watching in relation to others by Chris Shultz I admit, as a male-gendered sexual creature, there is something intriguing about Jenna Jameson. In fact, there is something intriguing about any woman who would sculpt her body for the express purpose of performed sexual intercourse. Her trimmed pubic hair and surgically enhanced breasts are designed for maximum visibility during hardcore fucking, executed through the classic point-of-view shot. It is the ultimate in sexual-visual empowerment for the viewer. We’re all familiar with this stuff; I’m not breaking any boundaries here. Pornography is practically mainstream. I find it funny the
tures. If you were lucky enough to be around the Mayfair Theatre at midnight on Valentine’s Day, you might have attended a public screening of erotica, in the form of the 1974 classic Emmanuelle. Now, Sylvia Kristel as the title character is no Jenna Jameson. In so many ways, Kristel is the more intelligent expression of sexuality: she has a natural body, the focus is on the intimacy of sex and not the money shot. That’s not really the point, though it might make an interesting segue to a consideration of how seriously we take sexual pleasure these days while ignoring the objectification, at a razor’s edge, of the sexual self. Really, with all the
The feeling is not arousal so much as sensory awareness and the pleasure we derive from being tactile creatures.
way porn stars have become celebrities again, so many years after a red carpet was rolled out for Linda Lovelace at the grand opening of Deep Throat in 1972. Should I mention that particular screening took place at a mainstream movie house, or would that be too unbelievable? Well, it happened. The tradition of erotic public screenings hasn’t totally died out, either. Vancouver’s Fox Theatre is still showing 35mm, featurelength pornography on a nightly basis, and many other cinemas still show soft-core fea-
Most important, it’s about the pleasure of being in the pleasured company of others.
waxing, preening, purchasing of toys, and “20 ways to please your lover” literature, haven’t we just embraced the absolute worst of consumerism? Sex, I always felt, was supposed to be an explorative and creative exercise that was revealing of yourself, but also of yourself in relation to others. And that’s the point, isn’t it? The private experience of erotica, while fulfilling in its own way, is only a small part of the greater sexual experience. When I convene in a public theatre to watch a film like Emmanuelle, I do so in the presence of others. The darkness of the theatre does not strip away their presence, contrary to what some film theorists might suggest. The flicker of the screen lights up the chairs, both empty and full, and I am reminded in this small setting that the faces from the theatre lobby are those same faces now gazing up at Kristel’s nude body. That experience of collective eroticism is fascinating and even overwhelming at times. The senses are heightened in a theatre (part of the reason why your TV can’t cut it), and the erotic images and sounds have a tendency to extend to the other senses. Smell, taste, and even touch are highly sensitized in such a bodily event. The feeling is
not arousal so much as sensory awareness and the pleasure we derive from being tactile creatures. Most important, it’s about the pleasure of being in the pleasured company of others. It was in this setting that I realized the power of bodily poetics, remembering how Walt Whitman thrilled at the presence of others in “I Sing the Body Electric”: To be surrounded by beautiful, curious, breathing, laughing flesh is enough,/ To pass among them, or touch any one, or rest my arm ever so lightly round his or her neck for a moment—what is this then?/ I do not ask any more delight—I swim in it, as in a sea. Sometimes I am reminded of these connections at the strangest of times. And why not at an erotic film? It is perhaps the greatest awakening of this type of sensation, of the marvel of the presence of others, in all its awesome power.
Photo by dotbenjamin
vol 1, no 2, March 2 to March 15, 2009 The Leveller 13
Incompletion and Disturbance: Construction Work at CUAG by Randy Innes To paraphrase Walter Benjamin, the built environment is usually received in a state of distraction. Such a state may benefit those who move through the above- and belowground environments that make up Carleton’s campus. The work of three artists now on view at the Carleton University Art Gallery
The flat, warm, earthy clay tone of the vertical bars is contrasted with the bright, glossy white gallery wall, creating a spatial and visual undulation that extends forward and back.
(CUAG), however, directly challenges this state of distraction. Construction Work, curated by Sandra Dyck and on view until April 12, raises issues as diverse as the state of the natural and the built environment, the significance of aesthetic experience, the place of cultural and visual history in the present, and the potential for art to raise both self and social consciousness. Josée Dubeau’s “Life in a Kite” includes a skeletal frame of a house made of hundreds of small wooden rods, as well as ghostly outlines of modernist home furnishings and a staircase. Dubeau’s reference to modern architecture’s use of modular design and pre-fabrication creates a link with massproduced, commercially available prefabricated furnishings. The visitor is located within the changing relationship between idea and formal manifestation. Jinny Yu’s large mural (untitled at the time of installation) is concerned with the differences that have been drawn between architecture, design, and painting. Yu’s work suggests a possible reintegration of visual elements that have been kept separate by disciplinary practice. The size of this mural and its placement in the gallery complicate the work of seeing it as a whole. The result is a combining of an expansive architectural support, a visually engaging surface, and a degree of movement and work required by
the viewer. The upper section recalls architectural friezes found at the top of interior walls. While the frieze is figurative, the effect is one of visual stimulation rather than sequential narration. Depth and movement are suggested through contrasts between foreground and background. The monochromatic scenes draw the visitor’s eyes into a dynamic lateral movement through the gallery space. This rhythmic movement is repeated differently on the wall space beneath the frieze. Unevenly spaced vertical strips descend from the frieze above to the floor below. The flat, warm, earthy clay tone of the vertical bars is contrasted with the bright, glossy white gallery
wall, creating a spatial and visual undulation that extends forward and back. Yu’s mural raises modern architecture’s austere isolation while suggesting that visual “ornamentation” need not be regarded as simply decoration or a by-product of abstraction. By actively looking, the question of the autonomy of the art work recedes and the role of experience and engagement comes to the fore. At first glance “La Patrimoine,” a series of black and white photographs by Lorraine Gilbert, seems to evoke the traditions of landscape and nature photography. “Patrimoine” itself can be translated as history, heritage, or inheritance. This series raises the question of what
is being inherited, to whom this inheritance is destined, and its overall condition. Neither formalist monuments to a mythologized idea of landscape, nor proto-romantic nature pictures, nor documentary evidence of destructive human actions, Gilbert’s photographs are assemblages organized around visual “disturbances” that complicate transparent readings. Mont Tremblant and its surrounding countryside provide the setting for this series. What emerges is a topography that has been disturbed by globalized commercial interests, an impotent identification with an idea of cultural heritage, and ecological destruction. “Open Water” evokes bucolic ideas of rural
Québec while leading the viewer’s eye to a confusing and intimidating encounter with nature. “Sunbathers” on the other hand elevates the tension between the search for pleasure and the ecological cost of this search. “Landscaping (With Crows)” confuses visual perspective and signs of nonhuman inhabitation haunt a condominium construction scene. These works share a desire to stimulate vision and to draw attention to the processes and work involved in looking at art. Implicit in these processes is an attentiveness to the condition of the present. Whether this results in a modification of one’s aesthetic or ethical sensibilities, Construction Work contributes to the opening of artistic boundaries that modern art tried to complete.
This series raises the question of what is being inherited, to whom this inheritance is destined, and its overall condition. 14 The Leveller vol 1, no 2, March 2 to March 15, 2009
The Fashion Page
With tough economic times coming and the violent and unsettled state of the world, precious little time is dedicated to thinking about what the coming spring/summer fashion season might hold. The Leveller, always with its finger on the pulse of what really matters, presents these prognostications as a service to our readers, whom we like to imagine are in need of all the sartorial guidance they can find.
Transformation latest trend in women’s fashion by Alan Alanzi Transformation is one of the key elements in fashion design, and this year brings a lot of pieces inspired by transformation. Whether a dramatic shift from the previous season, a mockery of the current economy, or a change in lengths or texture, what most designers have to bring us this spring/summer please our senses. Basic, neutral pastels or beige tones dominate, with a little splash of pattern on the fabric. There is a noticeable play with lengths, where pants are shortened in length to show off the shoes or socks, the jackets cropped shorter along the waist and arms, and the dresses elaborated with longer sleeves. Where last summer we saw textiles full of life in their colour and flow, this spring/summer is a little more rigid, with materials such as taffeta, acrylics, and other synthetic or semi-synthetics. Transparency and earth tones give a contrast to the rigidness. Last year’s woman was a hippie or Roman goddess; this year she is a Moroccan deity, dressed in colours from the east for a glamourous style. Another dramatic transformation we see this year is a focus on geometry. Angles, dimensions, and structure are key in most of the dresses seen on the runways, diverting us away from figure-hugging designs into more boxy, solid cuts, which bring out the beauty of
the dress itself. However, because of the transparency of the fabric and the subtle choice of colour, femininity is preserved. It’s alright to show some skin underneath the solid pieces to give a beautiful balance between structure and flow. One of the never-ending trends it seems is the ’80s—even more so this season, with a reintroduction of shoulder pads, denim tops, and ruffled pieces. This time designers are reclaiming the ’80s with more sophistication and confidence. Models on the runway have a powerful strut and a purpose, embracing the wider shoulders and the tie-dyed jersey leggings. Another element taken from the ’80s is the sporty look, but sizes have shifted so the pieces work nicely for a casual or semi-formal style. Many have been affected by the current tough economic times. And the fashion scene has definitely been inspired by this, taking us back to the late 1920s, with frocks and sack dresses. There is a satirical feel to the pieces, which blend asymmetry and accessories to complete the look. Two other notable trends this season are the Japanese-inspired monster characters and the trench coat with a belt on top. Artists and clothing labels are collaborating to create tops with various monster characters on them. These characters are very colourful, very expressive, and seem to interact in a way
Nerd is #1 men’s look for spring
suggestive of certain human social bonds such as love and friendship. The trench coat has always been a staple spring/summer piece, but this year it is paired with a leather or faux leather belt with interesting buckles or patterns.
Many have been affected by the current tough economic times. And the fashion scene has definitely been inspired by this, taking us back to the late 1920s, with frocks and sack dresses. There is a satirical feel to the pieces, which blend asymmetry and accessories to complete the look.
by Hani Siyad Spring fashion for men will be bold, sophisticated, and much more relaxed. The major trends for the season seem to be suits and within colour. For suits, don’t expect the classic grey on grey; expect more blues and blacks and big changes in tailoring. Instead of the current trend of skinny suits that make average men look fat and skinny men look anorexic, suits will be tailored for the real man with comfort and style in mind. Houndstooth, herringbone, and pinstripes will be big in the spring as well. Fashion designers across the board seem to agree that neutral tones like grey, white, and khaki are always appropriate for the spring. Designers have created more dynamic outfits by pairing different neutrals together; tan can be mixed with white for a fresh, spring feel. This trend is one of the easiest to adopt and can be incorporated into all varieties of wardrobe, not just high fashion. Wearing soft orange or blue can be an effective way of incorporating colour into a spring wardrobe without being too overpowering. Pocket squares, duffle bags, and T-shirts use these shades to bring excitement to an otherwise ordinary look. Zippers and leather are back again. This time, however, they’re paired with rolled or cuffed trousers to create a look reminiscent of the ’80s. The
trick to pulling off this look is to use the leather and zippers in moderation. No one wants to look like an extra for an ’80s remake. Suspenders, Ray-Bans, boat shoes sans socks, and grandpa cardigans are key items required to assemble a look I like to call “The Quirky Nerd of the ’50s.” Bring back your fedoras and don’t forget your patterned pants! Honestly, the nice thing about this trend is that you don’t have to be a nerd or quirky to pull it off. You can try several different variations on the style, such as pairing a fedora with a cardigan or checkered pants with suspenders. This look is one of the most versatile for the spring season and is therefore #1.
Suspenders, Ray-Bans, boat shoes sans socks, and grandpa cardigans are key items required to assemble assemble a look I like to call “The Quirky Nerd of the ’50s.”
The Leveller Story Meeting ! Your Community Bookseller 1067 Bank St. 613-730-2346
Thursday, March 5, 2pm Mike’s Place vol 1, no 2, March 2 to March 15, 2009 The Leveller 15
Listings Mon, Mar 2
PARTY: ”Pandamonium Console Challenge”, @ Carleton Unicentre, 730pm A Video Game Extravaganza! Including Rock Band, Guitar Hero, Mario Kart etc. FILM: “Manufacturing Consent Noam Chomsky and Media” Resistencia Alternative Films @ Carleton 213 Residence Commons, 7pm TALK: “Political Prisoners From Turtle Island to Palestine” Israeli Apartheid Week @ UofO, 232 Fateux, 730pm, Featuring Bob Lovelace and Yafa Jarrar
Tues, Mar 3
FILM: “The Invisible Nation, The Story of the Algonquin” Indigenous Peoples Solidarity Movement @ Library and Archives Canada, 630pm
Wed, Mar 4
Womens Week @ Library and Archives, 7pm COMEDY: “Rob Pue”, CUSA @ Ollies Pub and Patio, 830pm TALK: “Dr Gabor Maté & Dr Samantha King”, Octopus Books @ Centretown Community Health Centre, 7pm TALK: “Apartheid Israel: Democracy as an Existential Threat with Omar Barghouti” Israeli Apartheid Week @ UofO, B147 Fauteux, 730pm
Thurs, Mar 5
TALK: “Political Stability and Domination in HLA Hart’s Theory of Law”, The Jurisprudence Centre presents Rueban Balasubramaniam @ Carleton D382 Loeb, 3pm. MUSIC: The Airborne Toxic Event, Alberta Cross, The Henry Clay People @ Zaphod’s
MUSIC: Jim Bryson, Lucie Idlout, Jeremy Gara, Elage Mbaye @ Black Sheep Inn, 7pm
TALK: “Judy Rebick on Feminist Revolution” Octopus Books @ Raw Sugar Café, 7pm
PARTY: “I am not a feminist, but” International
TALK: “Boycott Israel The Apartheid State Speaker
Ronnie Kasrils” Israeli Apartheid Week @ Carleton 301 Azrieli, 7pm
CUSA Womyns Centre @ Carleton 315 Unicentre, 2pm
MUSIC: “Unpacking Identity, Expressions of Difference Open Mic” Social Justice Committee @ Carleton Roosters Café, 730pm
PARTY: “Disorganised with DZ, Jokers of the Scene, and Drastik” @ Babylon, 11pm
Fri, Mar 6
MUSIC: Josh Reichmann Oracle Band, Glenn Nuotio, New Teeth @ Zaphod’s MUSIC: That’s the Spirit, Flats, Paper Beat Scissors @ Irene’s
Sat, Mar 7
MUSIC: Grace over Diamonds, Benefit of a Doubt, Red Jets @ Zaphod’s MUSIC: Paper Beat Scissors @ Treehouse 80 Spruce St, 8pm
ART: “Osheen Harruthoonyan Photography Show” @ Le Petite Mort Gallery, 7pm
PARTY: “Bhangin with DJ Zahra & FunkAsia! Some hot masala with your beats!” Agitate and Jers Vision @ Eri Cafe, 9pm
PLAY: “Vagina Monologues” Carleton Vagina Society @ Carleton U. 730pm Proceeds to the Ottawa Rape Crisis Centre
TALK: “Boycott Israel The Apartheid State” Israeli Apartheid Week @ Carleton 301 Azrieli, 7pm
TALK: “Warsaw Ghetto to Gaza Ghetto” Israeli Apartheid Week @ Carleton 102 Azrieli Theater, 7pm PARTY: “Super 8, Venus Envy’s 8th Anniversary” Venus Envy Bursary Fund @ Club SAW, 9pm YOGA: “Yoga for You”
FUNDRAISER: “5th Annual Bowl-a-Thon”, Ten Oaks Project @ Walkley Bowling Centre, 6pm
tion of Women” Women in Leadership Foundation @ Carleton Bakers Grille, 6pm Mon, Mar 9 MUSIC: Ruby Jean and the Thoughtful Bees, Venus Flytrap, The Sound Technicians @ Zaphod’s Tues, Mar 10 SHOW: “Magician Genisis” CUSA @ Ollies Pub and Patio. 7pm
Wed, Mar 11
MUSIC: We Were Lovers, The Watters Brothers @ Zaphod’s FILM: “Fidel” Carleton Communist Club @ Carleton 404 Southam, 430pm SHOW: “Comedic Escape Artist Jason Excape” CUSA @ Ollies Pub and Patio, 7pm Thurs, Mar 12
POETRY: “Capital Slam March” @ Mercury Lounge, 630pm.
MUSIC: Handsome Furs, Black Hat Brigade, Giant Hand @ Mavericks
Sun, Mar 8
MUSIC: Luke Doucet and the White Falcon, Amelia Curran @ Capital Music Hall
PARTY: “A Special Celebra-
MUSIC: Amos the Transparent, Michou @ Zaphod’s PARTY: “Feed the Hungry” CUSA @ Ollies Pub and Patio, 7pm
Fri, Mar 13
MUSIC: Brent Randall and His Pinecones, Laura Peek and the Winning Hearts @ Irene’s MUSIC: Malajube, Young Galaxy @ Babylon PARTY: “Disco Bingo with Prizes” @ Humphreys, 930pm
Mon, Mar 16
MUSIC: Serena Ryder, Royal Wood @ Bronson Centre 7pm MUSIC: Underoath, Norma Jean, Innerpartysystem @ Babylon 7pm
Tues, Mar 17
MUSIC: Bloc Party, Holy Fuck @ Bronson Centre 7pm PARTY: “St. Patty’s Day”. CUSA @ Ollies Pub and Patio, All Da
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