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THE NONVIOLENT RIGHT TO VOTE MOVEMENT PEOPLE’S ALMANAC FROM SLAVERY TO FREEDOM FROM VIOLENCE TO NONVIOLENCE THE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT FROM TRAGEDY TO TRIUMPH

47TH ANNIVERSARY COMMEMORATIVE EDITION Compiled By

Helen L. Bevel 475


Birth Of A Civilization Series

The Nonviolent Right To Vote Movement People’s Almanac From SlaveryTo Freedom From Violence To Nonviolence

Public Domain

This book contains copyrighted material the use of which has not always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. We are making such material available in our efforts to advance understanding of nonviolence, environmental, political, human rights, economic, democracy, scientific, and social justice issues, etc. We believe this constitutes a 'fair use' of any such copyrighted material as provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright Law. In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, the material in this book is distributed without profit but to advance the study and usage of nonviolence.

ISBN 978-1-257-95347-9

Published by

The Institute for the Study and Advancement of Nonviolence http://almanac.2freedom.com nonviolentstudy@gmail.com ● (773) 413-0081 ● (202) 527-9798 ● Fax (267) 695-8267

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DEDICATION This book is dedicated to all human beings who would be free and live in peace. “Darkness cannot drive out darkness: only light can do that. Hate cannot drive out hate; Only love can do that.” It’s either nonviolence or nonexistence. —Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.

Violence cannot drive out violence: Only nonviolence can do that.

THE PEOPLE’S MOVEMENT The Nonviolent and Civil Rights Movement would not have been possible without the people who came together at a very unique moment in time to give their life, blood, and sacrifice to make them a reality. Our goal is to have the most comprehensive almanac, that is inclusive of the names and sometimes stories of the people who made the movements possible by the 50th Anniversary of the Right to Vote Movement. Do you have a story, your own or an ancestors? If you do please send it to us, so we can review it and determine where it fits in the almanac. We can’t print everybody’s full story, however we can create a web page on our website that has your full story. We are seeking the following names of people who participated in the following events, for inclusion in the almanac and/or website. Members of SNCC Delegates to the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party Persons locked in the church in Montgomery, AL, during the Freedom Rides Persons at the first mass meeting in Selma, AL Persons who were in the church in Marion, AL who heard the call for the march from Selma to Montgomery Persons who marched across the Edmund Pettus Bridge the first time Persons who marched from Selma to Montgomery (for website) Please send the names and pictures to us for inclusion in the next edition of the almanac. Also we are requesting unique memorabilia (newspaper article, flyer, button, etc.) for our planned museum. If you possess such an item please send a photo copy and information about it to us. Include a self-addressed stamped envelope with your submissions so that we can inform you of our intention to use or not use your story or memorabilia.

This almanac is dedicated to the people, so tell your story so that it can be heard and read.

The Institute for the Study and Advancement of Nonviolence http://almanac.2freedom.com ● nonviolentstudy@gmail.com ● 773.413.0081 ● Fax 267.695.8267 477


“Seek ye first the Kingdom of G_D and its rigteousness and all things shall be added unto you.� —Matthew 6:33

Dear G_D In the Spirit of Love and Truth, I pray that this book finds open hearts and fertile minds, so that an understanding and new direction can be chosen by your people who are lost in the wilderness. An understanding that leads to peace and a direction that leads to the Promised Land. I am grateful for those who have sacrificed, fallen short and given their lives for the cause of freedom and justice for all. I pray that their sacrifices were not in vain and that a new generation of freedom lovers will take up the banner of nonviolence and forge a new system of relationships that is based on principles. Principles that are applied in every relationship. I pray that white supremacy, racism and hatred be destroyed in the hearts, minds, DNA and spirit of all people on the earth and that we as a people will see in our fellow man and woman, a sister and a brother, a refelction of Divinity, beyond race, creed skin color, religion and national origin. Bless the ancestors who have gone before. May their fervent prayers for freedom, justice, and equality be answered by the lives each of your children live each day. May I find forgiveness in my heart for past and present violations. Create in me a clean heart and renew the right spirit and let me be like you my Source, Creator, Generator, Organizer and Director. Thank you for this opportunity to be of service and may this book spread to the far corners of the earth and give enlightenment of a way of life that begins with the individual and encompasses all aspects of living that is in harmony with the laws that govern the universe. Thank you for nonviolence and those who have experimented with it and found success. May their tribes increase. And may all who read this book find success in applying nonviolence in their personal, interpersonal and social lives as we learn to love ourselves and our fellow Earthians. Bless and protect your children everywhere and send them loving parents. May the evil of this world cease and the love increase. Thank you in advance for the fulfillment of this prayer. In the name of the Christ, Yeshua ben Joseph (Hebrew name) Jesus (Greek name)

AMEN

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword by Reverend James L. Bevel ................................................ 1 Litany of Cain and Abel ....................................................................... 3 Introduction .......................................................................................... 4

VIOLENCE: The Pathology of Mankind African Enslavement Timeline ............................................................. 8 Remember Who You Are ..................................................................... 9 The Great Enemy: Ignorance .............................................................. 14 Slavery the Untold Story .................................................................... 15 Legalized Rape ................................................................................... 19 Lynchings ........................................................................................... 20 The Sexual Ramifications of Slavery.................................................. 22 The Twenty Seven Findings ............................................................... 24 The American Slave Codes................................................................. 26 All Things Slave ................................................................................. 32 The Universal Law of Ten Fold Retuern ............................................ 33 The Six Nations .................................................................................. 34 Thirteen Things To End Racism ......................................................... 37 Slave Rantings and Pearls of Wisdom ................................................ 41 The Rise of the Pseudo Intellectual..................................................... 45 Movies On Slavery ............................................................................. 47 The Abolitionist .................................................................................. 50 Benjamin Franklin, Anthony Benezet, David Rice, Thomas "Tom" Paine, James Wilson, John Jay, Benjamin Rush, President James Madison, Gouverneur Morris, Bishop Richard Allen, President John Quincy Adams, Elizabeth Heyrick, Arthur & Lewis Tappan, Josiah Henson, Lucretia Mott, Reverend John Rankin, Samuel J. May, Sojourner Truth, Gerrit Smith, Levi & Catherine Coffin, Reverend Nat Turner, John Brown, William H. Seward, Lydia Maria Child, Maria W. Stewart, Theodore & Angelina Weld, William Lloyd Garrison, Gamaliel Bailey, President Abraham Lincoln, Cassius M. Clay, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Jonathan Blanchard, Wendell Phllips, Dr. Martin Robinson Delany, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Henry Highland Garnet, Pardee Butler, Frederick Douglas, Harriet Tubman, Ida B. Wells, Frances Ellen Harper

FREEDOM BOUND W. E. B. DuBois ................................................................................. 94 Booker T. Washington ........................................................................ 95 Tuskegee Institute............................................................................... 96 Dr. George W. Carver......................................................................... 97 Freedom.............................................................................................. 98 Before the Voting Rights Act ........................................................... 100 Quakers ............................................................................................ 104 Highlander Folk School .................................................................... 105 Myles Horton .................................................................................... 106 Septima Clark ................................................................................... 107 Daisy Bates & The Little Rock Nine ................................................ 108 Thurgood Marshall ........................................................................... 109 NAACP Legal Defense Fund ........................................................... 110 Voting Timeline ............................................................................... 112 Mary Louise Smith, Aurelia Browder, Claudette Colvin .................. 116 Montgomery, AL ............................................................................. 117 Rosa Parks ........................................................................................ 118 The Montgomery Bus Boycott ......................................................... 120 Dr. Martin Luther King, JR. ............................................................. 122 SCLC ............................................................................................... 135 Dr. Ralph Abernathy......................................................................... 136 Reverend Joseph Lowery .................................................................. 137 Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth............................................................ 138 Charles Steele ................................................................................... 139 Dr. Dorothy Cotton ........................................................................... 140 Reverend C. T. Vivian ...................................................................... 141 Bayard Rustin ................................................................................... 142

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Ambassador Andrew Young............................................................. 143 Reverend Hosea Williams ................................................................ 144 CORE—Congress of Racial Equality ............................................... 145 The Nashville Student Movement .................................................... 146 The American Baptist Theological Seminary ................................... 147 Reverend James Lawson .................................................................. 148 Representative John Lewis ............................................................... 149 The Freedom Rides........................................................................... 150 Mayor Marion Barry......................................................................... 152 Ella Baker ......................................................................................... 153 SNCC– Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee...................... 154 Mississippi........................................................................................ 161 Medgar Evers ................................................................................... 166 President John F. Kennedy ............................................................... 168 Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party ............................................ 169 Robert “Bob” Moses......................................................................... 170 Lawrence Guyot ............................................................................... 171 Charles McDew ................................................................................ 172 James Meredith................................................................................. 173 Fannie Lou Hamer ............................................................................ 174 Annelle Ponder ................................................................................. 175 Music & Culture ............................................................................... 176 The Struggle For Voting Rights In Mississippi ................................ 178 COFO– Council of Federated Organizations .................................... 182 The Freedom School......................................................................... 184 Dr. El Zulu ....................................................................................... 190 Judicial Rulings ................................................................................ 191 Forbidden In Slavery ........................................................................ 192 Ku Klux Klan ................................................................................... 193 The Democratic Party ....................................................................... 196 The White Citizens Council.............................................................. 197 Crime & Terrorism ........................................................................... 199 Willie Ricks ...................................................................................... 204 Stokely Carmichael .......................................................................... 205 African American Civil Rights Women............................................ 206 Statements of Discipline of Nonviolent Movements......................... 207 Representative Adam Clayton Powell .............................................. 209 The Constitution, Bill of Rights, Declaration of Independence ........ 210 U.S. Constitution—Amendment 13 .................................................. 212 The Federal Constitution .................................................................. 213 Dr. Virgil Wood ............................................................................... 214 Dr. Dorothy Height ........................................................................... 215 Alabama ........................................................................................... 216 The 1901 Illegal Constitution of the State of Alabama .................... 217 Booker T. Washington Seeks Representation ................................... 218 Alabama Typical Voting .................................................................. 224 Prelude To Birmingham ................................................................... 226 Birmingham, AL .............................................................................. 228 Boming-ham, AL.............................................................................. 229 Dick Gregory .................................................................................... 230 Dorothy Tillman ............................................................................... 231 The March on Washington ............................................................... 232 Monument To A People ................................................................... 235 The Civil Rights Act of 1964............................................................ 236 Coretta Scott King ............................................................................ 238 Selma, AL The Birthplace of Democracy ......................................... 240 Courageous Eight ............................................................................. 243 Sam & Amelia Boynton ................................................................... 244 Reverend F. D. Reese ....................................................................... 245 The Nonviolent Vanguard, Dr. Bernard Lafayette ............................ 246


Colia Lafayette ................................................................................. 247 James Forman ................................................................................... 248 Tabernacle Baptist Church .......................................................................... 249 Reverend L. L. Anderson............................................................................. 250 First Baptist Church ..................................................................................... 251 Brown Chapel A.M.E. Church & Reverend P. H. Lewis ............................. 252 Questions To Determine If Something Is Worth Knowing .......................... 253 Father of the Nonviolent Right-To-Vote-Movement—James L. Bevel ....... 254 Mother of the Nonviolent Right-To-Vote-Movement—Diane Nash ........... 255 Who Is James Luther Bevel? ....................................................................... 256 James Bevel Brief Biological Sketch ........................................................... 258 Timeline of James L. Bevel ......................................................................... 260 No Choice But To Write .............................................................................. 262 Proposal for the Right To Vote ................................................................... 263 Staff of Reverend James L. Bevel................................................................ 268 Reverend James Orange .............................................................................. 269 Reverend Richard Boone ............................................................................. 270 James Bevel, the Nonviolent Right To Vote Movement .............................. 271 Beyond the Visual ....................................................................................... 279 Jimmie Lee Jackson ..................................................................................... 281 Zion United Methodist Church .................................................................... 285 Charles Fager ............................................................................................... 286 Viola Liuzzo ................................................................................................ 287 Reverend James Reeb .................................................................................. 288 J. L. Chestnut ............................................................................................... 289 President Lyndon B. Johnson, The Right To Vote Act ................................ 291 Signing of the Voting Rights Act................................................................. 292 Lucy Foster .................................................................................................. 293 Marie Foster ................................................................................................ 294 Local Heroes & Sheroes .............................................................................. 295 Annie Cooper, Mayor John Jackson, Charles Mauldin, Barbara Howard, Princella Howard, Charles Bonner, L. L. Anderson, JoAnne Bland, Bennie Ruth Johnson Crenshaw, Veronica Smith, Mattie Atkins, Willie Neal Avery, P. H. Lewis, Albert Turner, The Black Belt 8, John Hewlett, Bessie Mc Means, Sheyanne Web & Rachael West, Bruce Carver Boynton, Margaret Moore, Mayor James Perkins Attorney Hank Sanders, The Power of One Standing .................................. 303 Attorney Faya Rose Sanders ....................................................................... 306 The National Voting Rights Museum & Institute ........................................ 307 The Annual Bridge Crossing Re-enactment Jubilee .................................... 308 Churches & Organizations........................................................................... 309 What Is the Voting Rights Act? ................................................................... 310 United States Voting Timeline .................................................................... 311 The Effect of the Voting Rights Act ............................................................ 309 Voting Rights Act of 1965 ........................................................................... 315 Effectively Voting ....................................................................................... 317 The Power of the Vote ................................................................................. 318 Young Voters .............................................................................................. 319 Shirley Chislom ........................................................................................... 321 Reverend Jesse Jackson ............................................................................... 322 Legacy of a Movement President Barack H. Obama ................................... 323 First Lady Michelle Obama ......................................................................... 324 Partial List of Accomplishments ................................................................. 326

THE HEALING Of A NATION Spiritual Parasites, The Plague of Slavery ................................................... 330 Healing Or Punishment ............................................................................... 331 The Nonviolent Clinical Process ................................................................. 323 Violence/Slavery/Hate Chart ....................................................................... 334 Freedom Awaits Healing ............................................................................. 337 Emotional Mastery ...................................................................................... 339 Self-healing Techniques for Healing Your Emotions .................................. 340

NONVIOLENCE 480

Why Violence? ............................................................................................ 360 Declaration of Freedom................................................................................ 362 The Nonviolent Movement Chart................................................................. 363 Man As Government .................................................................................... 364 Freedom & Responsibility ........................................................................... 365 The Laws Governing A Nonviolent Meeting ............................................... 366 Precinct Council the New Frontier ............................................................... 367 Nonviolent Precinct Councils....................................................................... 369 What Is A Precinct Council? ........................................................................ 371 Self-knowledge vs Self-Concept .................................................................. 372 Knowledge of Self ....................................................................................... 373 It’s Never About The Other ......................................................................... 374 Freedom In Nonviolence .............................................................................. 375 Nonviolence: The Time Has Come .............................................................. 377 The Golden Rule .......................................................................................... 379 Sermon on the Mount - Yeshua ben Joseph (Jesus)..................................... 380 Nonviolence As A Christian Principle ......................................................... 383 Nonviolence ................................................................................................. 384 Gandhi’s Contribution.................................................................................. 385 Nonviolent Method of Action ...................................................................... 387 Four Principles of Nonviolence .................................................................... 388 Some General Methods For Changing Society............................................ 389 Steps In A Nonviolent Campaign ................................................................. 390 System of Relationships Based On Justice ................................................... 391 Nonviolent Ecological Consciousness.......................................................... 392 Daily Principles To Live By......................................................................... 393

FEMININE CHOICE VIOLENCE OR NONVIOLENCE The Enerme .................................................................................................. 396 Education For Change .................................................................................. 397 Mis-education of Females Is the Mis-education of A Nation ....................... 398 Twelve Laws of Natural Education .............................................................. 401 Violent & Nonviolent Based Education ....................................................... 402 Pre-conception Choice Education ................................................................ 403 From Lunatic To LunaQueen ....................................................................... 404 Lunatic-LunaQueen Chart ............................................................................ 407 Fertility Literacy Quiz .................................................................................. 408 Motherhood Key To Civilization ................................................................. 409 Why 21st Century Early America Is Not A Civilization .............................. 410 Mother Models ............................................................................................. 411 Self-awareness Study ................................................................................... 413 Home Development For Nonviolent Conscious Living................................ 415 Fertility Literacy .......................................................................................... 417 The Development of A SHE Culture............................................................ 418 Our Birth Choices ........................................................................................ 421 Seven Systems of Prayerful Living .............................................................. 422 From Co-dependency—Co-creativity .......................................................... 423 Voices of the Sisterhood .............................................................................. 425 Questionaire ................................................................................................. 433

MASCULINE RESPONSIBILITY WHICH SIDE ARE YOU ON? Declaration of African American Male, An Endangered Species................. 434 Voices of the Brotherhood ........................................................................... 444 Youth Bill of Rights ..................................................................................... 459 An Appeal For Human Rights One .............................................................. 461 An Appeal For Human Rights Two.............................................................. 462 15 Ways To Create A Slave ......................................................................... 467 35 Ways To Eradicate Slavery ..................................................................... 468 I Am Chart ................................................................................................... 470 The Who vs The What Chart........................................................................ 471 Native American 10 Commandments........................................................... 472 Study Section ............................................................................................... 473


It is better to lead from behind and to put others in front, especially when you celebrate victory when nice things occur. You take the front line when there is danger. Then people will appreciate your leadership. —Nelson Mandela

FOREWORD In the 1960’s, a social method in keeping with America’s constitution emerged, but no one took the time to give people the principles and processes by which the movements of the 60’s worked, so that people facing problems can use these same methods. It was ‘the science of nonviolence applied to constitutional problems and issues that was unbeatable in solving social problems. If young people, or any group of people really studied nonviolence they could heal themselves of the ills of slavery, establish justice, get all children properly educated, end genocide, banish nuclear weapons, stop pollution and other environmental violations, end poverty, disease and ignorance and create the beloved community. The human mind could thus be freed up for full-time conscious usage and exploration. Nonviolence as a science is unlimited in terms of its potential, and will eventually be found effective in solving personal and family problems. One of the most important things is the fact that the public perception and the historical projection of the Civil Rights Movement has left out the true essence of the movement. This is because people sought an easy way to explain things and got caught up in the awe and worship of a personality, one of the practitioners of nonviolence named, Martin Luther King, Jr. This is a crisis. The media, the government, the old guard of the movement and the people who don’t know how nonviolence works created a false image of Dr. King as someone to be worshipped. As a result the real truth and dynamics that took place in the 60’s is unknown and a man has been propelled to larger than life proportion. Why has Dr. King been portrayed as a magnificent personality born to save people? Nonviolence learned and accepted by thousands of young people in Birmingham, AL was the factor that ended segregation. College students from across the south staged sit-ins, open theater movements and freedom rides. They freed Mississippi, and then obtained the right-to-vote. Many people working with the ‘science of nonviolence’ in Chicago, IL brought about open housing. Average people did this. They are all but forgotten. We are told that it was a “Dr. King Movement,” and when he died, we gave him a national holiday and froze the movement in the amber of a Georgia tomb. As a result of this, instead of knowing the real story of how young people and nonviolence changed the world, most people sit around feeling inferior and reinforcing the ills of slavery on themselves and their children. Instead of healing their emotions, bodies and mind so that they can solve problems, they look in awe at the picture of a man, worshipping him as a god, rather than as a functional, loving man, that any man can become. This causes people to go into a greater state of inferiority and dejection as they contemplate his murder and believe that if they become like him, that they too will be killed. Young people need to understand that it was not some great hero, Martin Luther King, Jr. or some great philosophical strategist, James Luther Bevel, that freed us, but it was the principle of truth and nonviolence applied by average people that brought freedom and that changed the conditions in the 60’s. It was children age eight to seventeen that ended segregation. In addition, if the changes of the 60’s are to be upheld, it must be done with the same method that was used to gain them, nonviolence. Once people understand this, they can stop sitting around longing and waiting for some great leader to emerge and save them. They can study the works of Gandhi, they can read and meditate on Yeshua’s (Jesus) Sermon on the Mount. They can read some of Leo Tolstoy’s and Wilhelm Reich’s writings, and also old and new data from many cultures. They can then do what needs to be done to bring the nonviolent movement back to life to finish its work, the creation of the beloved community.

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Gandhi’s words, the Sermon on the Mount and many other writings are not religion, they are science, and when this science is understood and applied, as it was in India, throughout the southern United States and in Chicago, it allowed people to negotiate a new social contract in every instance and it solved problems. The science of non-violence, taught openly and freely will be able to change the world, because if you teach people to see problems and not the illusion of an enemy, and you teach people to reason, then they mature as loving responsible people. People may ask why James L. Bevel is not a household name. This is so and this will allow you to understand the power of the nonviolent movement even more. James L. Bevel, is not a household name, because while I was involved in most of the movements as the strategist, chief organizer and teacher of non-violence, it was without me seeking credit for my actions. The science applied needs to receive the credit. The people who didn’t understand this gave the credit for my work and that of others to the preacher and public spokesperson, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. The movement was not Martin Luther King, Jr. or James Luther Bevel, or any individual. The movement is the application of the ‘science of nonviolence’ applied to constitutional and worldwide violations. Nonviolence must be advanced in-order for peace on earth to become a reality. Nonviolence is the science of freedom. As nuclear technology continues to develop we must all become nonviolent because, “It’s either nonviolence or nonexistence,” in the words of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. —Reverend James L. Bevel, Co-author of The Selma Right To Vote Movement Proposal and Director of The Selma Right To Vote Movement

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LITANY OF CAIN AND ABEL And when they were in the field, Cain killed Abel. And Moses came from the mountain, and found the people engaged in idol worship, and Cain killed Abel. And Joshua marched around the wall of Jericho, and Cain killed Abel. And Sampson met the Phillistines, and Cain killed Abel. And David met Goliath, and Cain killed Abel. And John the Baptist met Herod, and Cain killed Abel. And Jesus met Pilate, and Cain killed Abel. And Paul met Stephen, and Cain killed Abel. And the Pilgrims met the Native Americans, and Cain killed Abel. And the colonist disagreed with the King of England, and Cain killed Abel. And the kidnapped Africans rebelled against enslavement, and Cain killed Abel. And the North and the South disagreed, and Cain killed Abel. And Mexico and America disagreed, and Cain killed Abel. And Hitler thought Germans were superior to Jews, and Cain killed Abel. And North Korea and South Korea disagreed, and Cain killed Abel. And the French wanted to extend dominance over Vietnam, and Cain killed Abel. And Gandhi was in a prayer meeting, and Cain killed Abel. And Kennedy went to Dallas, and Cain killed Abel. And the four little girls sat in Sunday school, and Cain killed Abel. And Chaney, Goodman and Schwerner worked for Civil Rights, and Cain killed Abel. And Malcolm X was in New York, and Cain killed Abel. And Emmett Till was in Alabama, and Cain killed Abel. And Jimmy Lee Jackson was killed by the state trooper And Martin Luther King, Jr. was in Memphis, and Cain killed Abel. And Sadat was at a parade, and Cain killed Abel. And Mrs. Gandhi was on her way to work, and Cain killed Abel. And the gas chamber, electric chair and lethal injection became fashionable, and Cain killed Abel. And atomic bombs, germ warfare and nuclear bombs became national defensive moves, and Cain killed Abel. And the midwives were killed as witches, and Cain killed Abel And abortions became respectable, and Cain killed Abel. And gangs began to kill other gangs, and Cain killed Abel. And, and, and, and……………………………

And the question is WHY? Why do people imagine that the elimination of another person can solve a problem, bring justice, eliminate pain or give protection? WHY? 3


“There is no way to peace. Peace is the way.” —A. J. Muste:

INTRODUCTION Slavery in the Americas has been a 400+ years experience. The enslavement of females has lasted for over 12,000+ years and is the prelude for all subsequent enslavement of people. Within any enslaved people their are the females who are the purveyors of the slave culture. Melanin rich people (Blacks) were kidnapped from Africa to be forced labor on the plantations throughout the Americas under the whip, lash and hangman's noose of melanin deficient people (Whites). Whereas Black people labored in the fields, in the plantation houses as slaves, the White woman upheld the tradition of slavery in the houses and continued to perpetuate slavery through her male and female offspring as did the Black woman. White males who were referred to as masters were as much slaves as the Black person in the fields, for only a slave would perpetuate, reinforce and engage in slavery. If you cannot see the humanity, goodness, purpose and equality of another then you will fail to recognize it fully in yourself. Thus you will operate as a partial being not able to comprehend the totality of yourself, for in essence there is only the Oneness and Unity of Life. One body with different parts. The right arm is just as valuable as the left arm, the heart is of equal value as the liver, the blood as the lymph. To deny either is to deny the self. Slavery is violence and freedom is non-violence. Slavery is the result of believing that you can own another, a thing or a moment in time. Life in actuality is like a puzzle whereby you have to determine where each piece fits to create the big picture. All pieces are of equal value and needed to complete the puzzle. Violence is when one discards pieces of the puzzle because they can't readily see where the piece fits and thus they can never see the big picture. Man (male/female) is a four fold being consisting of spirit, mind, emotion and a body. Each person consists of these four elements. When an individual looks out and concludes that someone else is just a body to be used for labor and sex, then they loose the capacity to know themselves and thus get stuck in the physical reality without a mind to control the body, a heart to give direction and a spirit to create a synthesis of the whole of self for the purpose of liberation and transcendence of the physical realm. And so it was in the Americas that a people determined that another people were of no value except as a labor force and as sexual objects, and they setout to build a nation on this false belief. Four hundred years later that nation is crumbling as the foundation was rotten to the core, and cannot live up to the creed of “A Nation Under God.” A tenet of nonviolence is that your means and your ends must be congruent. If you plant tomatoes you will get tomatoes and not turnip greens. Likewise if you sow violence then you will reap violence. Americans sowed the seeds of violence that they brought from their respective motherlands. White people brought a legacy of violence from Britain and Europe and Black people from Africa. They met on the shores of America and continued to perpetuate their heritage of violence. Violence begets violence and an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth will leave everyone blind and toothless. Violence is a disease that like all disease needs to be healed. Without healing, violence just continues to perpetrate itself. There is the violence of the body, the mind, the emotions and the spirit and each must be healed. There are many obstacles to overcome to achieve the state of non-violence. There are religious fears, false beliefs, authority figures, selfabnegation or the feeling of unworthiness, a defeatist attitude, depression, laziness, fear of change, peer pressure, hopelessness, the comfort zone of the status quo or don't rock the boat, and the guilt and shame of the past. Getting past all of these can be a challenging task, however once a person realizes that they need a tune-up just like a car, a guitar or piano or a trimming like a tree, a detoxification of the emotions, mind and spirit or just an emotional/mental enema to relive the clogged memories, images and DNA programming of the past then they are half way through. Many believe that education is the passport to freedom. Education is the passport to freedom when the educational process is built on the foundation of self-healing. Otherwise you build new knowledge onto low self-esteem, depression, hopelessness, shame and guilt, and in the end it all comes crashing down as dark secrets come to the light, unknown 4


shadows surface or sexual aberrations find expression. These should all be eliminated so that ones advancement in life is built on a solid foundation. American history is filled with the lives of leaders whose public and private life were incongruent, and their fall from grace. Such a waste of talent and ability because they did not know how to clear their past, remold their character and purge themselves of the toxins of slavery. “You can’t put new wine in old skins.” Why? Because the old skins have already been stretched to their limits and would burst. Slavery lingers on in the United States of America as she attempts to hold onto outdated, changeless, violent based institutions that stifle the creative goodwill of people. People are birth into life with gifts, skills and talents that are unique for their era and these institutions are designed to impose a rigid system of relationships on people that leaves these gifts, skills and talents dormant. The question must be asked, “are people made for institutions or are institutions made for people?” The latter being so, the institutions must change to receive the treasures of the people in each succeeding generation. Presently, jails and prisons are filled to overflowing because the schools are incapable of educating children to know, love and be themselves so that they can express civility and bring forth their unique gifts, skills and talents. Houses have yet to become homes as homelessness looms out of control because people are not at home with themselves as homo sapiens and are lost in a identity crisis maze. War rages on and continues to strip our nation of her brightest sons and daughters and our treasures are depleted of resources needed to heal and educate our citizens. Monsanto and other giant corporations are destroying our soil, air and water by planting genetically modified seeds under the guise of improving agriculture by protecting plants from pests, while all the while establishing a food monopoly with patented seeds. The masses are so caught up in survival that they believe this hype as they only tune into urban affairs and are ill-informed about rural affairs that determine whether they will eat or not. And yet it is the control of a peoples agriculture and food base that leads to mass enslavement of a people. Children are having children and mothers have long since abandoned the homes for the supposed glory of corporate America only to find a system collapsing under the weight of imitation and assimilation. All the while creating latch-key children who raise themselves or children who are raised by strangers in daycare centers during the formative years of their life and thus inheriting character deformities, bad eating habits and ill health. A once great people have been relegated to rock and rap stars with their pants hanging off their butts, suggesting an easy sexual lay. Health deteriorates as people rely solely on the medical establishment whose wealth comes from people being sick (a clear conflict of interest) and refuse to learn and utilize natural self-healing techniques to assume personal responsibility for their health. Women use as a hallmark of achievement the Supreme Court Ruling of Roe vs Wade, legalizing abortion as birth control, wasting tax payers time energy and money, rather than support the initiation and development of an educational system that would teach all females to know themselves and their bodily cycles, so that they can consciously plan to have or not have children. It is clear that non-violence was used to open the doorway to freedom during the Civil Rights Movement of the 50’s and 60’s. Yet because people have lingered in the wilderness and held onto the ways of Egypt (capitalism, racism, sexism, genderism, ageism, exploitation of nature and violence) that the gains have been slowly lost. It stands to reason that to walk through the door one must purge themselves of violence. Violence cannot free a people because violence is the foundation of slavery. Violence sees us and them, master and slave, big I and little you whereas non-violence sees I and Thou, brother and sister. Violence sees an enemy in people. Non-violence sees an enemy in ignorance and the illness it creates. This book is designed to provide an inside view and understanding of the profundity, relevance and necessity of nonviolence as the weapon of choice for true liberation for the spiritual warrior, who would be victorious in all battles. Be strong in the Lord, and in the power of his might. Put on the whole armor of God, that ye may be able to stand against the wiles of the devil. For we wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against principalities, against powers, against the rulers of the darkness of this world, against spiritual wickedness in high places. Wherefore take unto you the whole armor of God, that ye may be able to withstand in the evil day, and having done all, to stand. Stand therefore, having your loins girt about with truth, and having on the breastplate of righteousness; And your feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace (nonviolence); Above all, taking the shield of faith, 5


wherewith ye shall be able to quench all the fiery darts of the wicked. And take the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God: Ephesians 6:10-17

A new day is upon us and the dayspring from on high shines the light of consciousness for all who would be awakened at this time to go forth to walk into the Promised Land. A land flowing with milk and honey, where freedom is a reality, justice a way of life, love an ever present force, truth forever on the throne and where peace reigns eternal. May you choose the weapon of choice, so that your victory will be assured. May you follow the path of least resistance. May your weapon and path be that of the courageous, victorious warriors of antiquity, nonviolence.

I have come to fight the good fight. The battle that leads to Heavens door. Which opens wide on my approach. As I am welcomed in by the door keeper. He who gave his life to show me the way to eternal life. I enter the kingdom and my eyes behold the beauty, majesty, limitlessness, and magnificence of G_D’s splendor. Many mansions set before me. Treasures from on high and my cup runneth over. Fountains flowing with goodness and mercy forever. This is my inheritance as I enjoy life evermore. As I hear the most melodious voice say, “Well done my good and faithful servant, well done.” And I smile, a smile of delight, glee and joy, for I have no burdens, no fear, no desires and no enemies. I am Peace. Amen —Myeka, February 13, 2011

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VIOLENCE The Pathology of Mankind “In a nuclear age we can no longer afford to embrace the pathology of violence.” The Enslavement of Females The Enslavement of Nations The Enslavement of Africans In the Americas The Enslavement of Children

Violence = Slavery 7


AFRICAN ENSLAVEMENT TIMELINE 1441 1444 1444 - 5 1471 1482 1500 1502 1510 1516 1532 1592 1780's 1600 1619 1652 1776 -1783 1787 1791 1804 1807 1808 1814 1823 1831 1834 1839 1848 1849 1851 1852 1859 1860 - 65 1862 1865 1866 1869 1886 1888 1873 1948 1964 1965 2011 -

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Start of European slave trading in Africa. First slaves brought to Portugal from northern Mauritania Portuguese make contract with Sub-Saharan Africa Portuguese arrive in the Gold Coast Portuguese begin building Elmina Castle on the Gold Coast Sugar plantations established on island of Sao Tome two hundred miles from coast of West Africa Juan de C贸rdoba of Seville becomes the first merchant to send an African slave to the New World. first slaves shipped to Spanish colonies in South America via Spain Benin ceases to export male slaves, fearing loss of manpower first direct shipment of slaves from Africa to the Americas Bernard Ericks becomes the first Dutch slave trader. Slave trade at its peak King Philip III of Spain outlaws the use of Native American slaves in Spanish colonies. The first African slaves arrive in Virginia. Dutch establish colony at Cape of Good Hope, South Africa American War of Independence Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery by Quobna Cugoano published foundation of the Society for the Abolition of Slave Trade Slavery is made illegal in the Northwest Territory. The U.S Constitution states that Congress may not ban the slave trade until 1808 slave uprising in Haiti (Saint Domingue) led by Toussaint L'Ouverture Danes pass law against slave trade Haitian independence British law passed declaring buying, selling and transporting slaves illegal (ownership continues) North America abolish slave trade Dutch outlaw slave trade founding of Anti-slavery Committee London Nat Turner, an enslaved African American preacher, leads the most significant slave uprising in America. William Lloyd Garrison begins publishing the Liberator, a weekly paper that advocates the complete abolition of slavery. British law passed declaring ownership of slaves illegal Amistad slave ship rebellion French abolish slavery Harriet Tubman escapes from slavery and becomes one of the most effective and celebrated leaders of the Underground Railroad. Freedwoman Sojourner Truth, a compelling speaker for abolitionism, gives her famous "Ain't I a Woman" speech in Akron, Ohio. Harriet Beecher Stowe publishes her anti-slavery novel Uncle Tom's Cabin. John Brown and 21 followers capture the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry, Va. (now West Virginia.), in an attempt to launch a slave revolt. American Civil War Emancipation Proclamation issued by US President Abraham Lincoln. 13th Amendment abolishes slavery in America Black Codes passed re-enslaving African Americans Portugal abolishes slavery slavery abolished in Cuba slavery abolished in Brazil slave market in Zanzibar closed General Assembly of the United Nations adopts Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Article 4 states: 'No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Civil Rights Act signed July 2nd President Lyndon Baines Johnson. Voting Rights Act signed into law on August 6th by President Lyndon Johnson The last United States colony still stands Washington D.C.


“History is a light that illuminates the past, and a key that unlocks the door to the future.” —Runoko Rashidi, www.travelwith runoko.com

REMEMBER WHO YOU ARE The Birth Place of Humanity Human history began in Africa. The oldest evidence of human existence and that of our immediate ancestors has been found in Africa. In July 2002 evidence of the existence of early hominids in Africa was found with the discovery of the fossilised remains of what has been called Sahelanthropus tchadensis, thought to be between 6-7 million years old, in Chad. The latest scientific research points to the fact that all human beings have African ancestors.. Trade, Cultures and Civilisations in Africa African civilizations made an immense contributions to the world. The early monarchy of Ta Seti was founded in Nubia, in what is today the Sudan. Egypt of the pharaohs is best known for its great monuments and feats of engineering (such as the Pyramids), but it also made great advances in many other fields too. Ancient Egypt (Kemet) is one of the first monarchies anywhere in the world. The Egyptians produced early forms of paper and a written script. They developed the calendar and made important contributions in various branches of mathematics, such as geometry and algebra, and they understood and may have invented the use of zero. They made important contributions in mechanics, philosophy, irrigation and architecture. In medicine, the Egyptians understood the body’s dependence on the brain over 1000 years before the Greek scholar Democritus. Ancient Egypt had an important influence on ancient Greece, and Greek scholars such as Pythagoras and Archimedes studied in Egypt, and the work of Aristotle and Plato was largely based on earlier scholarship in Egypt. For example, what is commonly known as Pythagoras’ theorem, was known to the ancient Egyptians hundreds of years before Pythagoras’ birth. Kush, Axum, Ghana, Mali, and Great Zimbabwe, also flourished in Africa. Towards the middle of the 12th century, the north African scientist, Al Idrisi, wrote, ‘What results from the opinion of philosophers, learned men and those skilled in observation of the heavenly bodies, is that the world is as round as a sphere, of which the waters are adherent and maintained upon its surface by natural equilibrium.’ Africans were involved in trans-oceanic travel long before Europeans and there is evidence suggesting that Africans crossed the Atlantic and reached the American continent, as early as 500 BC. In the 14th century, the Syrian writer, al-Umari, wrote about the voyage of the Emperor of Mali who crossed the Atlantic with 2000 ships but failed to return. Africans in east and south-eastern Africa also set up great civilizations that established important trading links with the kingdoms and empires of India and China long before Europeans had learned how to navigate the Atlantic ocean. When Europeans first sailed to Africa in the 15th century, African pilots and navigators shared with them their knowledge of trans-oceanic travel. Gold from the great empires of West Africa, Ghana, Mali and Songhay, which provided the means for the economic take off of Europe in the 13th and 14th centuries and aroused the interest of Europeans in western Africa. The king of Ghana was said to have an army of 200,000 men and to rule over an extremely wealthy trading empire. In the 14th century, the west African empire of Mali was larger than western Europe and reputed to be one of the largest, richest and most powerful states in the world. The Moroccan traveller Ibn Batuta wrote about his very favourable impressions of this empire and said that he found ‘complete and general safety’ there. When the famous emperor of Mali, Mansa Musa visited Cairo in 1324, it was said that he brought so much gold with him that its price fell dramatically and had not recovered its value even 12 years later. The empire of Songhay was known, amongst other things, for the famous university of Sankore based in Timbuctu. Aristotle was studied at Sankore and also subjects such as law, various branches of philosophy, dialectic, grammar, rhetoric and astronomy. In the 16th century one of its most famous scholars, Ahmed Baba, is said to have written more than 40 major books on subjects such 9


as astronomy, history and theology and he had his own private library that held over 1500 volumes. One of the first reports of Timbuctu to reach Europe was by Leo Africanus. In his book, published in 1550, he says of the town: ‘There you will find many judges, professors and devout men, all handsomely maintained by the king, who holds scholars in much honour. There too they sell many handwritten north African books, and more profit is to be made there from the sale of books than from any other branch of trade. African knowledge and that of the ancient world, was transmitted to Europe as a result of the North African or Moorish conquest of the Iberian peninsular in the 8th century. Before the devastation of the Transatlantic Slave Trade important diplomatic and trading partnerships had developed between the rulers of European countries and those of Africa who saw each other as equals. Some of the earliest European visitors to Africa recognised that many African societies were as advanced or even more advanced than their own. In the early 16th century, the Portuguese trader Duarte Barboosa said of the east African city Kilwa: There were many fair houses of stone and mortar, well arranged in streets. Around it were streams and orchards with many channels of sweet water.’ Of the inhabitants of Kilwa he reported, ‘They were finely clad in many rich garments of gold and silk, and cotton, and the women as well; also with much gold and silver in chains and bracelets, which they wore on their legs and arms, and many jewelled earrings in their ears.’ A Dutch traveller to the kingdom of Benin in the early 17th century sent home this report of the capital. ‘It looks very big when you enter it for you go into a great broad street, which, though not paved, seems to be seven or eight times broader than the Warmoes Street in Amsterdam. This street continues for about four miles and has no bend in it. At the gate where I went in on horseback, I saw a big wall, very thick and made of earth, with a deep ditch outside. Outside the gate there is a large suburb. Inside as you go along the main street, you can see other broad streets on either side, and these are also straight. The houses in this town stand in good order, one close to the other and evenly placed beside the next, like our houses in Holland.’ Africans and the African continent have made enormous contributions to human history just as other peoples and continents have. It is the development of Eurocentric and racist views in Europe that have denied this fact and sought to negate the history of Africa and its peoples.

THE MAAFA HOLOCAUST The continent of Africa was ripped apart with the arrival of Europeans and the enslavement of its peoples, and the harm done both to people and to their communities by the trade runs so deep that it is impossible to calculate. The trade in Africans was about plunder and brutality and a complete lack of respect for the human rights of Africans who were enslaved. The trade was a 'reign of terror' that was imposed first on West and Central Africa, and then on the continent's south-eastern coasts at the end of the 18th century. The slave trade forced people to move away from their families, their homes, their communities, their farmlands and from any kind of economic stability they had. It affected whole populations and political systems. It impacted massively upon agricultural production and severely disrupted the social and psychological well being of inhabitants. Reactions across the continent of Africa were different, but it is clear that the slave trade altered the way these societies 'developed'. The effects of African enslavement were deep and long lasting and its legacies can be seen and felt in countries 10


and societies across the continent today.

Stolen, robbed of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

The Middle Passage is the infamous route of the ships that carried bonded slaves from West Africa to the Americas. After the arrival in the Americas, slaves were sold or exchanged for the goods. At first, African leaders traded their enemies and disabled people to Europeans in exchange for gifts such as guns, tobacco, iron bars and etc. Once Europeans got a taste of the profits and rewards of a free work force, they began to kidnap Africans from the coastal area of Western Africa.

The Middle Passage was a ninety day journey. Africans were treated terribly on the ships. They were crammed like sardines and chained together. During this journey many Africans died, some commit suicide while others just went completely insane. Africans had to endure extreme heat, and there was little or no food provided. They contracted diseases that spread quickly. Many died due to unsanitary conditions. Sometimes the sick were thrown overboard to avoid the spread of disease. Sharks followed the ships from the coast of Africa to the Americas to feast on those Africans thrown overboard who died from dysentery, smallpox, or suffocation. Africans were often whipped, and raped by crew members. Some Africans resisted and tried to escape from the ship. The ships, contained people from many different African tribes. These tribes included the Congo, the Edo and the Yoruba/Nago. As the greed of Europeans greed grew so did the demand for more and more African slaves. To fulfill this demand, the European kidnappers went deeper and deeper into Africa to capture Africans. They then marched the Captured Africans all the way to the Atlantic coast a journey that was over hundreds of miles long. Those who were too weak to keep up were mostly murdered. The brutality of this march is well told in the picture below. Note the hanging African, who was probably murdered because he could not keep up or he tried to escape. The work on plantations was very intense. Africans had to work from early morning until dawn with few breaks. Most Africans picked cotton, which meant bending down toward the land all day long. Men had to perform harder tasks, such as cutting sugar cane and working in the mill. Most Africans on the plantation worked in the fields; others were craft workers, messengers, and servants. In the book The Biography of a Runaway Slave, Miguel Barnet recorded the narrative story of 105-year-old Esteban Montejo. Montejo was a runaway slave who fled from his master. Montejo describes the life of slaves “life was hard, and bodies wore out quick. If you didn’t escape early on into the forest to be Cimarron, you had to be slave.” In order to provide with more evident mistreatment of Africans, Montejo describes the cruel and inhuman treatment toward bonded people, “the most common type of punishment was whipping…whips were also made of hemp from any old branch in the woods…it sung like the dickens and tore skin into little strips.” In order to escape from the difficult lives they had to bear as the slaves, many African people turned to religion. During the years of African enslavement more then ten million of African people were sold into slavery. Among these people there were Africans who were from different tribal groups. Each ethnic group had their own values and traditions. However, when many of them were brought to the Americas they were united by the common name as African slaves and this somehow affected their perception of themselves. In the Americas they were faced with a common dilemma, of greater extend then intertribal differences that were so important in Africa. During the Middle Passage, African people were united by a common problem enslavement. The fact that ethnic borders were erased is due to the reaction of African slaves to the new way of life that they were forced to lead. They had to work from early morning until the sun went down. For little misconduct African slaves were harshly punished. However, slaves found the way to relive their physical and emotional stress, through the religious practices and melodious songs. In general, the unity 11


that developed between different African people allowed them to survive harsh life as slaves. To justify the enslavement of Africans, it was necessary to believe, that Africans were inherently and naturally less than human and somehow sub-human, non-human, by nature and less than an animal. The Constitution of the United States originally stated that Africans were 'three-fifths' a man (by law). This devaluation was used to dehumanize and to ensure the value of slaves. The word nigger was created, and the meaning it implied was of a debased, ignorant, or very low person. African-Americans dropped the 'ER' and added an 'A' forming a new word NIGGA. This word has been accepted and approved because 'the word now has a new meaning, as a term of endearment. This is the same word that was used against our ancestors who shed blood. Now it is accepted and used (daily) by the same people it was used against! The word is used to perpetuate the negative stereotypes of Africans worldwide. This is a form of internalized self hatred, the end result of enslavement in the Americas. Today African Americans still linger with the scars, bruises and trauma of slavery as no healing or therapeutic process has ever been applied to restore their natural manhood and womanhood. They have simply from a state of low and no self-esteem attempted to assimilate and be accepted by former slave holders, within the same unjust system that allowed slavery to exist. The new slavery is best seen in the prison industrial complex as mothers, the purveyors of culture continue to stamp their children with a slave indoctrination.

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SWEET PEACE AT LAST Slave ships do not a slave make Nor whips or chains or hangman’s noose Slaves make slaves Slaves are born in the mother’s womb Enslaved to sin and shame Who can endure the stifling cry, the pain, sorrow and suffering of a fellow kind Slaves are freed when light doeth shine And awaken the truth that is in the heart May no man know the sting of freedom lost Let no woman birth a slave For ignorance has its own dark path May slavery live not again Let slavery die a certain death That God who lives on high May walk on earth with man in Peace and Grace And Wisdom be a friend It is a day desired of men And long sought The day that Peace shall reign Let the bells ring out That man no longer grieves That day when all are free Let freedom ring May peace doves fly Peace, peace sweet peace At last!

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THE GREAT ENEMY OF You, Me, Freedom, Justice, Equality, Health and Democracy

IGNORANCE And the

ILLNESS It creates

So we must

HEAL & EDUCATE

EDUCATION Ignorance breeds ● Mental illness ● Emotional toxicity (fear, guilt, shame, anger) and trauma ● Physical disease ● Spiritual disconnect ● Ignorance conditions a person to live and be a lie.

HEALTH Legislate health as a constitutional right. Illness creates the illusion of a flesh and blood enemy. Illness creates a warped psychology of us and them, master and slave, big I and little you, racism, classism, capitalism, white supremacy, exploitation of nature and war. Kill Ignorance Kill ignorance in the nutsack and womb and it won’t show up on the battlefield. Kill ignorance on the battlefield, and it won’t show up at the victory party. Long live war, G_D bless the dead, Kill ignorance. —Bologun Ajanaku

Help make education a constitutional right. Vote for H.J RES. 29 14


"True humanity consists not In a SQUEAMISH EAR, but in listening to the story of human suffering and endeavoring to relieve it." —Charles James Fox

SLAVERY THE UNTOLD STORY Slavery was a time when devils ran rampant on the earth and engaged in all manner of heinous crimes against suffering humanity without any laws to protect the weak and the helpless. Persons formerly inhabiting the jails and asylums of Europe flooded the North American Continent. The European oligarchy was intent on developing colonies to expand their land base and their coffers. The institution of slavery was and is a heinous system of abuse and violence perpetrated against a people (Africans, Native Americans and females) here in the United States of America, however the enslavement of females began 12,000+ years ago. Slavery is the conscious and deliberate act of separating a person from their Source (GOD) and imposing on them a false authority rooted in violent actions which include murder, rape, physical abuse, emotional and mental abuse, punishment, starvation, deprivation, and ignorance, thus rendering the person or people helpless, defenseless and dependent. This process leaves the person or people ill, as they do not have the capacity to create from Source, having only the ability to remember and regurgitate facts and information obtained from other sources (books, lectures, sermons and brain washing, etc.) Slavery leaves a person trapped in the past, remembering rules and regulations, isisms and schisms, and do’s and don’ts, that will allow them to gain favor, prestige, accolades and rewards from a false authority that is outside of self. The slave system consists of superiors, inferiors, and institutions that hold the system of slavery in place. The goal of the inferior is to become a superior, and the goal of the superior is to remain such. The goal of the institutions is perpetuation beyond the life span of the superiors and inferiors as an inheritance for descendants. Superiors fall into two main classes upper and middle class. Inferiors are always on the bottom and are called low class. In the system of enslavement of females all were considered low class and inferior. Status could only be gained via marriage. The class of the man determined the class of the wife, thus females schemed to marry the richest, most powerful, famous, attractive males and thus prostituted themselves. The institutions that uphold slavery are the church (mosque, temple, synagogue), government, industry/business, prisons, homes, schools and the medical establishment, which are built on a foundation of violence. As long as the institutions built to uphold slavery exist the system exists in that the principalities and powers of slavery are subtle and pervasive. Even when laws are changed to protect the rights of people, if the institutions remain intact the slave tenets are subtly passed on to the people, crippling and injuring them at an emotional level. Slave tendencies are not something that go away with time. Slave tendencies must be uprooted and replaced with humility and understanding. Slavery exists at four levels physical, mental, emotional and spiritual. African descendants here in America and the Caribbean's received a triple dose of slavery. First the slavery of the female is deeply entrenched within the DNA of all females, thus females continuously reproduce themselves in their children. Next the separation from the Motherland (weather patterns, foods, herbs, animals and land mass) rendered them extremely vulnerable and helpless even if they did escape. (Note that enslaved Native American who escaped knew the terrain and water sources, the wild foods, the animals and how to hunt them and the weather patterns.) Finally the abdication to a false authority left them totally dependent and ensured their assimilation into whatever system was created for them. Even after laws granted females and people of color their freedom, they have yet to release the mental shackles and the emotional scars. All people know is slavery and the slave system. Outside of slavery is the unknown. After the Emancipation Proclamation of 1865 many slaves were reluctant to leave their plantations, because they didn’t know where to go. They had a comfort zone in the plantation. Outside of the plantation were unknown perils, what would they eat, where would they sleep, where was the closest water source, and more than anything what was there destination. Many did leave the plantations and migrated to the plants of the cities, but the mental shackles and the emotional scars still remained. The institutions of slavery still existed and freedom was nowhere visible to be found. The American institution of slavery consisted of the following characters. The slave owner, the slave owner’s wife, the 15


overseer (all the above are of European Ancestry). Of African Ancestry are the house slave, the field slave (male and female), the stud, the liberator (Frederick Douglas’s, Harriet Tubman, Sojourner Truth types). Within the above characters were also found the Snitch (who would sell out his brothers and sisters for some bread crumbs), the nanny (who breastfed the slave owners children), the slave seller, the breeder, the capturer, the slave trainer and the nigger loving white women. We could also add the slave preachers whose job it was to make slaves content with a goal of going to heaven when they died, while they endured hell on earth. Now slavery as an institution includes all of these characters and the environment in which it takes place is the plantations (country estates) and the plants (city factories and industrial complexes). Slavery as a system was upheld and reinforced by schools that were set-up for the purpose of giving advantages to some so that they could lord it over others. Advantage meant the ability to look down at someone else, who appeared to be less fortunate, regardless of where one is in the slave system. It’s like being in a system where every thing smells foul and the characters in it boost about how there shit smells better than someone else’s. The reality is that all shit stinks. Outside of stink is a sweet smell that no one who exists in the system gets to experience, because stink is all they know and sweet smells are what historical accounts are made of as well as the legendary heaven, that all sufferers eventually go to for redemption. Initially, the schools were set-up for the White Anglo-Saxon Protestant male. He was the crown prince of slavery with the most advantages. He went to school so that he would be astute at managing the slaves underneath him. In addition his schooling would give him the ability to be competitive and possibly replace another who was higher up in the class system. That person would then become subservient to him. Females vied and competed to snag the most eligible bachelors, or to become the mistress of those who were married. This is how females attained status and a sense of power. Sexual favors given in or out of marriage, caused males to be obligated to the females they put sperm into. So females are then able to manipulate and direct their mates to extract revenge on those who did not honor their wishes. Thus many Negro male slaves were put to death because they did not succumb to the wishes and desires of the white woman. Among the Negro slaves the most enviable position was that of the stud. Now here was someone that all the males wanted to be, and all the women wanted to give birth to. The stud had the fortune of being given the best food, the best sleeping quarters, and most of all, he got to have sex with all the females (his mother, his sister, his daughter, aunts, cousins and those from other plantations). The stud was the envy of all slaves, for not only did he go around creating babies, but he didn’t have to take any responsibility for the care of them (this indoctrination still exists, as it has never been healed.) The stud breeding system was an extensive system that rivaled the breeding of horses, cows, chickens, dogs and pigs. In slavery people are looked at as things to be owned and sold. The physical perspective is thus the only one that matters. In some cases animals were treated better than slaves. (Please note that this author refers to all participants as slaves, but for language sake we will use the term masters and slaves). Consider the fact, that the slave master nor his sons would not look at a prize winning cow and want to rape her. The slave woman however was always ripe for the taking. She had nobody to protect her. She was property, and could be treated any way the master pleased. It was a curse to be beautiful, because this would assure daily raping by white males who desired the beautiful little Negro girls, young adults or women. Who could stop them, who would dare? Negro females did not go willingly to these stud, rape sessions. They were violated, over and over again, and the pain of their violations continues to live in their DNA today. Negro males had to lie to live during slavery. If a white male saw a Negro father with his daughter and asked if he would mind if his daughter became part of his flesh pot (rape), the Negro would have to say, “no suh, have fun master.” And thus began the art of the lying Negro male, who continues to perpetuate lies to this day. In 1865 the Emancipation Proclamation granted slaves their freedom. Slaves however of both persuasions (masters and slaves), only knew slavery, so they just rearranged the way the slave game would be played, as they did after the passage of The Civil Rights Act of 1964. Slavery itself was never done away with, because the mind-set of slavery and the emotional resonance of slavery was never healed. After the so-called freeing of the slaves, the slave masters knowing what they had created in the male slaves began to 16


pass unrighteous laws to protect their holdings and this included primarily the white female. Having created a race of sexually perverted slave males who only wanted to be studs, they made it unlawful for a Negro male to look in the face of a white woman, or walk on the street with one. They started lynching, donned, dummy cone hats and masks as the Ku Klux Klan, engaged in cross burnings, erected laws to deny the right to vote and other cruel and unusual means to keep Negro males in check. White males reached out to the Negro women as their protectors and providers and persuaded them to keep a leash on their sons, so that they would stay on the plantations and work their fields. They put fear and horror into the minds of the Negroes to keep them in check. After the death of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., they used a different tactic. They flooded the Negro with guilt money, positions, fame, power and notoriety. They in essence bought the Negro leadership. Those they could not buy, they killed, set-up to be caught in a criminal act, assassinated their character or blackmailed them to do their bidding. Others carrying the aberrations of slavery were self-destructive as they acted out womanizing, incest, homosexuality, lying and other unhealed aspects of slavery. Slavery as a system and its institutions had to remain in tact. For the white slave masters, the system of slavery represents security and achievement over others. Being a very physically weak race, white people had to maintain a position of dominance, where they could make the laws, pull the strings and punish or kill those who threatened their survival. Negro males remained a threat to white males, as they fear reprisal, and this is why after the passage of the Emancipation Proclamation, the State of Mississippi, they revised their constitution, and wrote as the purpose for revision the following. “The purpose for the revision of this constitution is to destroy the manhood of the Negro citizen through to success.� The Negro male being full of rage, anger, violence and often acting like a rabid dog had to be controlled, killed or incarcerated. Negro males unconsciously threaten the survival of white males, just by their presence, so the white male has had to strike first and be deliberate in his attack so as to maim, or destroy the Negro male. The Negro males refusal to be Christ like, with a spirit of forgiveness and healing, causes them to project an enemy. They often believe that there is value in being angry and having a violent edge, so they refuse all forms of therapy. It is this fact that has led to the destruction of so many Negro males as they don’t believe in the power of Divine Mind. In the white males hierarchy of spiritual power is the Black Christ and the Madonna. This fact is kept hidden from the masses of African American people. The truly nonviolent man is the only one who can squelch the fear in white males, because in their character they will only see oneness, and recognize the divine role that white people play here on earth and give thanks for them, and acknowledge the ancestral blood flowing thorough their veins, even gained from the rape of their ancestral great, great grandmother.. We are family with all our problems; beyond race we are the Soul of God on the Earth. The slave master conditioned Negro males to live in the shadow realms, and to always vie for recognition and power by any means necessary. The Negro male thus acts this out via their sexuality. Boasting about their sexual prowess and making that the definition of manhood, they fling their penises from one female to the next, just as the white slave master taught them to do, taking no responsibility for their offspring by-and-large, and disrespecting their mothers and all women in the process. Sexual predators they have become, not knowing love or how to love, creating a hell on earth for all they encounter. In order to get in a position to wreck havoc in the lives of females and males of all ages via sexual exploitation, they take on the persona of teacher, doctor, lawyer, politician, sports star, movie star, preachers, gurus and priests. They create an aura of greatness to confuse people about their intentions until they are in a position to strike with their penis to obtain the prize, another victim to add to their collection. This sickness is genetically embedded within the cells of Negro males, and has yet to be eradicated. These are generally males born to mothers who were unconscious at conception (ignorant, raped, drugged, intoxicated, or physically and emotionally abused), and filled with lust during gestation. So the sons and daughter inherit the lust, fear, pain, grief, inferiority complex, emotional instability and slave tendencies, via their mothers who are the purveyors of culture. The Negro males aggressively takes revenge for their mothers suffering by their expression of anger and hateful actions. The white male aggressively acts out their mother fears by creating the biggest weapons to subdue any 17


threats to their way of life. What differentiates the two is that the white mother seeks protection and the Negro mother seeks revenge. The Negro female and all females pass on their slave tendencies to their offspring, both male and female, thus perpetuating the slave system. Living in the shadow realms, the light of day has yet to dawn on the masses of suffering humanity, as they continue to reduplicate the past. Unwilling to drop out of this system into the Light of Truth, people continue to seek the top of an invisible pyramid that offers them fame, prestige, money and power over others and perpetuates sickness and disease in the wake of their mother’s ignorance and illness. And so the violence that is slavery continues on. Even though nonviolence as a science of liberation has been offered, demonstrated and proven successful, slaves continue to chose violence as their way of life. “There is a way that seemth right to man, but the end is death.” The question is asked every day in the closed hearts of the masses, “Which side are you on?” Chose ye this day. —Myeka

“History, as nearly no one seems to know, is not merely something to be read. And it does not refer merely, or even principally, to the past. On the contrary, we carry it within us, are unconsciously controlled by it in many ways, and history is literally present in all that we do since it is to history that we owe our frames of reference, our identities, and our aspirations.” —James Baldwin

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Most of us are not afraid of failure. Failure is what we know. We are afraid of strangers, and success is a stranger. We must learn to embrace the stranger at the gate. —Yusuf Ali El,

LEGALIZED RAPE Colonial laws regarding statutory rape were not applied to Blacks and Indians. Indians and Blacks, as well as their children, were prohibited by law from defending themselves against abuse, sexual and otherwise, at the hands of Whites. A slave who defended herself against the attack of a White person was subject to cruel beatings by either the master or mistress. Liaisons between Whites and Blacks or Indians were illegal. The females of color received the harshest punishment if discovered in a liaison with a White male. Females of color, regardless of their young age, were viewed as seducers of White men. Pregnancy became the evidence of the illegal liaison. A mulatto baby the indicator of the race of the father - White male. The child, by statute took the status of the mother and is thus born into slavery. The full benefit of the relationship and the off-spring enured to the White male. Under English precedent, the status of children was determined by the father. The colonists changed the law to increase the wealth and domination of the White master who had eliminated certain costs of purchasing human labor by becoming "a breeder of slaves." The Black female, woman or child, was forced into sexual relationships for the White slave master’s pleasure and profit. —excerpted from: Gloria J. Browne-Marshall, Failing Our Black Children: Statutory Rape Laws, Moral Reform and the Hypocrisy of Denial (2002)

"Relative to white men all women were powerless and exploited," says Deborah Gray White. "The powerlessness and exploitation of black women was an extreme form of what all women experienced, because racism, although just as pervasive as sexism, was more virulent. Slave women suffered from the malevolence that flowed from both racism and sexism." —Tom Sanders http://www.socialistaction.org/news/200103/double.html

African American women had to endure the threat and the practice of sexual exploitation. There were no safeguards to protect them from being sexually stalked, harassed, or raped, or to be used as long-term concubines by masters and overseers. The abuse was widespread, as the men with authority took advantage of their situation. Even if a woman seemed agreeable to the situation, in reality she had no choice. Slave men, for their part, were often powerless to protect the women they loved. —Conditions of antebellum slavery , 1830 - 1860

CHILD LABOR Research shows that most slave children began work in the fields by the age of 11 and many began work there at the age of six. They were usually placed in the "trash gang" that pulled weeds, cleaned up, hoed, or picked cotton. This means that the ex-slave who helped raise me as a very young child was not as old as I've long thought she was. Thus, much of the United States wealth was built by child labor-a fact that few people are willing to acknowledge.

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LYNCHINGS: BY STATE AND RACE, 1882-1968 STATE ALABAMA ARIZONA ARKANSAS CALIFORNIA COLORADO DELAWARE FLORIDA GEORGIA IDAHO ILLINOIS INDIANA IOWA KANSAS KENTUCKY LOUISIANA MAINE MARYLAND MICHIGAN MINNESOTA MISSISSIPPI MISSOURI MONTANA NEBRASKA NEVADA NEW JERSEY NEW MEXICO NEW YORK NORTH CAROLINA NORTH DAKOTA OHIO OKLAHOMA OREGON PENNSYLVANIA SOUTH CAROLINA SOUTH DAKOTA TENNESSEE TEXAS UTAH VERMONT VIRGINIA WASHINGTON WEST VIRGINIA WISCONSIN

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Black

White

Total

299 0 226 2 3 1 257 492 0 19 14 2 19 142 335 0 27 1 4 539 69 2 5 0 1 3 1 86 3 16 40 1 6 156 0 204 352 2 0 83 1 28 0 5 3,446

48 31 58 41 65 0 25 39 20 15 33 17 35 63 56 1 2 7 5 42 53 82 52 6 1 33 1 15 13 10 82 20 2 4 27 47 141 6 1 17 25 20 6 30 1,297

347 31 284 43 68 1 282 531 20 34 47 19 54 205 391 1 29 8 9 581 122 84 57 6 2 36 2 101 16 26 122 21 8 160 27 251 493 8 1 100 26 48 6 35 4,743

Lynchings By Offense Homicides 1,937 Felonious Assault Rape 912 Attempted Rape Robbery and Theft Insult to White Person All Other Causes Total 4,743 *Statistics provided by the Archives at Tuskegee Institute.

2054 288 232 85 1,084


QUOTES ON LYNCHING As another has well said, to handicap a student by teaching him that his black face is a curse and that his struggle to change his condition is hopeless is the worst sort of lynching. This crusade is much more important than the anti- lynching movement, because there would be no lynching if it did not start in the schoolroom. —Carter G. Woodson Every argument on lynching in the South gets back sooner or later to the question of rape. —Ray Stannard Baker I rise today to offer a formal and heartfelt apology to all the victims of lynching in our history, and for the failure of the United States Senate to take action when action was most needed. —George Allen It may be true that the law cannot make a man love me, but it can keep him from lynching me, and I think that's pretty important. —Martin Luther King, Jr. Although lynchings have steadily increased in number and barbarity during the last twenty years, there has been no single effort put forth by the many moral and philanthropic forces of the country to put a stop to this wholesale slaughter. Brave men do not gather by thousands to torture and murder a single individual, so gagged and bound he cannot make even feeble resistance or defense. Our country's national crime is lynching. It is not the creature of an hour, the sudden outburst of uncontrolled fury, or the unspeakable brutality of an insane mob. If this work can contribute in any way toward proving this, and at the same time arouse the conscience of the American people to a demand for justice to every citizen, and punishment by law for the lawless, I shall feel I have done my race a service. The alleged menace of universal suffrage having been avoided by the absolute suppression of the negro vote, the spirit of mob murder should have been satisfied and the butchery of negroes should have ceased. The nineteenth century lynching mob cuts off ears, toes, and fingers, strips off flesh, and distributes portions of the body as souvenirs among the crowd. —Ida B. Wells

Strange Fruit Southern trees bear strange fruit, Blood on the leaves and blood at the root, Black body swinging in the Southern breeze, Strange fruit hanging from the poplar trees. Pastoral scene of the gallant South, The bulging eyes and the twisted mouth, Scent of magnolia sweet and fresh, Then the sudden smell of burning flesh! Here is fruit for the crows to pluck, For the rain to gather, for the wind to suck, For the sun to rot, for the tree to drop, Here is a strange and bitter crop. —Written by the teacher Abel Meeropol as a poem, it condemned American racism, particularly the lynching of African Americans. Sung by Billie Holliday and Nina Simone

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Until the great mass of the people shall be filled with the sense of responsibility for each other's welfare, social justice can never be attained. —Helen Keller

THE SEXUAL RAMIFICATIONS OF SLAVERY Slavery directed the most potent energy in the universe, sexual energy into labor and sexual escapades that included every form of sexual perversity. The most valued slave in the “slave hierarchy of value” was the stud. He was the envy of all men. In many cases he got the best food, the best clothes, he didn’t have to labor in the fields and he could have sex with all the women with out the threat of punishment. Consequently, he was what all black males wanted to be and after the Emancipation Proclamation many black males sought to live out there cherished dream of being the top slave. To this day the irresponsibility promoted by the stud exists in the African American world as men create babies without any sense of fatherhood responsibility. Slavery destroyed the natural affection and love that can exist between a male and a female and replaced it with lust. Stud farms were common throughout the south and this was a different condition for Black males than the slave stud who travelled from plantation to plantation like a prized race horse to impregnate girls and women. The stud farm was a place where black males were kept in pens like animals. They were illiterate, wild like animals and constantly fed young virgins for impregnation. Young girls and women taken to stud farms for impregnation were violently raped, mutilated and beaten by these savage black males made into beasts by the system of slavery that defined them as property. With the passage of the Emancipation Proclamation these black male beasts had to be set free and it is the fact of this that led to a lot of lynching's, the formation of the Klu Klux Klan, White Citizens Council and rules and laws to curtail the exploitation of White women by these creatures of lust. The reality of the mis-direction of sex energy can also be seen in the high level of incest that was an acceptable aspect of slavery and whose carry over still exists to this day. On small plantations which were the majority, slaves did not have the luxury of going from one plantation to another plantation to secure a mate, lover, wife. Only the stud could travel from plantation to plantation and he was always under the auspices of a white male. Slaves on the small plantation thus found release from sexual build-up with any female who was available regardless of age. Thus slaves had sex with their mothers, daughters, sisters, cousins and it became the unspoken activity, incest was an acceptable reality of slave life. Incest flourished during slavery and the remnant of this are still prevalent throughout the South and in African American families. This incestuous tendency passed on from generation to generation created shame and secrets. When incestuous male family members showed up for large family gatherings the women would just remind each other to keep an eye on the young girls so that Uncle Matt didn’t get with them. It became an acceptable practice for their was no understanding of how it came to be and how to eradicate it. The sex demon became an inheritance in African American families and still exists given the fact that no healing therapy has been applied to uproot it or any of the lingering invisible scars of slavery. Great leaders have fallen because of this sex demon inherited from generations of exploitative sex on the plantations. Today the sex demon has transferred to the industrial plants, and office buildings of the corporate and blue collar world. 22


Alive and well the sex demon seeks to exploit young women and men and make sex the foundation of all relationships. Who you sleep with thus determines the job you get, not what your qualifications are. Sexual energy dominates the minds of the multitudes as they seek to release this energy to no avail, as there is always more to release and the build up can be immediate right after orgasm. Why is this so? This is so, because sexual energy is really life force energy. Life force energy has many outlets, however slavery corralled and directed this energy to be expiated in labor and sex only. Even after laboring and having sex other aspects of this life force energy seeks release and no avenues for its release have been developed. Life force energy is designed to be used for initiating, developing, administrating and maintaining institutions. This is a lost art and science for African American people. Institutions are those constructs that allow a people to form families, communities, and nations and that maintain the health, foster the interest, protect the rights and secure the needs of all. Life force energy is creative energy and its avenues of expression go beyond, sexual expression, sports, entertainment and jobs. Man (male/female) is spirit, mind, emotion and body and so life force energy must find expression through each aspect of their being. When this is not done the backed-up energy appears to be sexual and thus people seek sexual release, but it can never be fully released physically when it is mental, emotional or spiritual. Slavery relegated everyone to just having a body, so 3/4ths of the person was never developed, and this is the cause of so many sexual perversions and diseases. African American people since the Civil Rights Act of 1964 have been attempting to be accepted in the archaic, slave based institutions of the past. They have yet to take serious nonviolence as a science by which to initiate new forms of institutions that are violence free. Slaves only know slavery, and must seek a new way, less they just drift into the known or their comfort zone. In this case the violent, slave based institutions of Europeans (who were incapable of creating a democratic/republican form of government predicated on the reality of the equality of all homo sapiens). Thus the perpetuation of slavery has been continuous and persistent. Life force energy is thus used by people to express toxic emotions, sexual lust, engage in sports, entertainment and job activities. Its highest creative expression of institutional development is never considered and certainly not engaged in. More than anything African American people need institutions build on principals if they are to ever experience the Promised Land. We cannot take the old ways of slavery into the Promised Land. We must “anoint ourselves with the Balm of Gilead, wash ourselves, make ourselves pure, receive clean hands and a clean heart and a renewed spirit before we can enter the door that Yeshua ben Joseph (Jesus) holds open for us to the Kingdom of God, else the angel with the flaming sword will continue to block our path. We must heal ourselves of the traumas of slavery that made us feel and act unworthy of life and its many blessings, so that we can receive our inheritance as children of the living God. We African American people have overcome insurmountable odds to arrive at a place where we can even project this need. We have fought a good fight and achieved outstanding victories and yet the greatest victory is still out of reach. It is the mastery of self.

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THE TWENTY SEVEN FINDINGS Reflections of Dr. Nkosi Ajanaku’s findings and observations from his basic research. (1) That American local, public and private education systems, colleges and universities leave their graduates totally inadequate in the face of solving America’s psychological problems of slavery and the affects of racism and poverty that leave students totally lacking in their ability to understand the nature of the American Civil Rights Movement or to gather America’s real facts of history and government. (2) That there are no white, black, red, yellow, or brown people listed on the maps of the world and that the color of the skin of people makes no essential difference, when it is considered, that all people in the world are factually of the same species, Homo sapiens sapiens, although they are born and raised in different and various cultures of the world. They all have the inherent capacity to imagine, to think, to create ideas and concepts, to create new things not in being at the time of their birth, to improve on the past and to create new languages and civilizations. (3) That European or European Americans did not and do not have the capacity nor the ability to enslave the minds of individuals in Africa or anywhere else because the capacity to decide is inherently encased on the inside of every individual. (4) That Europeans have not evolved to become a superior or a new species and Europeans have not developed two or three heads or a different head altogether. (5) That the European and European American did have the physical power to imprison the bodies of African Americans but were dependent upon the cooperation of the African American to plant, harvest and cure tobacco, pick cotton, and raise rice because all the psycho-social systems depend upon cooperation of humans. (6) That the power to be free resides in each person in every generation of African and European Americans, and that power exists today in every person who makes up the American Family. (7) That America slavery is a plantation mentality that has engulfed the whole American system since 1619, and it had spread to embrace the whole country from north to south and east and west by 1861 and the American Civil War. (8) That President Hayes put the federal cap on African American development after the presidential election of 1876 and gave the south (freed slaves) back to the southern plantation owners to continue slavery in another form. (9) That the American slave plantation included the European male and female; the African American male and female; and EuroAfrican American children that were born out of the mixture of the group from Africa and the group from Europe. (10) That European Americans talk about American slavery in the past tense and African Americans talk about it in the past tense and third person and that neither African or European Americans talk about American slavery in the present tense and that neither African or European Americans talk about American slavery in the present tense or the first person. (11) That to be free in America each person must recognize the slavery that is in his or herself, speak about it in the present tense and speak about it in the first person or the “I”, and shed her or himself of the inherited slave names master’s names, slave culture, behaviors and habits. (12) That each person has the human responsibility to be the model in teaching the children of the human family how to be free and to live the Human Creed of the 1776 Declaration of Independence. (13) That nouns are not adjectives; that nouns name people, places and things and that people are not things or places; and that black, white, red, yellow and brown are adjectives; that African American, European American, Asian American, Australian American and Jewish American, etc., are nouns that define both ethnic heritage on the one hand and civic heritage in the United States on the other. (14) That ethnic means group heritage, American means civic heritage and esnicity represents the concept of the human individual that is not limited to anything in the past and represents the possibility to create a new drama for a new future. Esnicity encapsulates the fact that people are both ordinary and unique. (15) That the sun, moon, stars, the earth and its atmosphere, the animals, plants, fauna and flora, are still with us and that the children need to know these facts of life at birth and all along the way to maturity. (16) That to find answers, one must seek them and be humble to receive the answers, no matter how strange or different from the 24


past memories or experiences those answers may initially appear to be. (17) That I was a slave five years out of Law School and had been one all of my life and that I needed to assume responsibility and create and re-create myself through the ideal of a free person. (18) That meaning and reason were forced out of the communication system on slave plantation’s of America and that the people who make up that plantation operate and function without any principles, facts, and truth between them and among them. (19) I had to be primary and assume the responsibility of creating the concept and the ideal context through which the American Family could grow into and participate in creating the American Dream and learn to live by the legacy of the American Creed. (20) That I need to understand the difference between how I perceive myself and the African part of the American Family and how I and African Americans are perceived by the European American Family, and how African Americans perceive Africans in Africa and Africans from Africa in the United States. (21) That the total American experience in human slavery, from 1619 to the present day, produced a new social entity in the world: the American Family, the nucleus of which consists of the African American female and male; the European American female and male, and the Euro-African American female and male, the so-called Mulatto, which is the reproductive product of the African and the European. (22) That this group of six people making up the core of the American Family has not created and institutionalized a human system of communication between or among them that has its roots in the creed of the 1776 Declaration of Independence. (23) That because of this human aberration, the whole American family consists of six slaves in its nucleus. (24) That since all of the three mothers of the American Family are ignorant of these facts, then the three men of the American Family are ignorant of these facts. (25) That today, there is no academic course in the American home, school, college or university system that teaches the three females in the American Family how to develop a proposal that would be the basis for the meeting of the minds in social interacting with the three males in the American Family; (26) That there is no course in the American home, school, college or university system that teaches the three females in the American Family how to create a human proposal for a new freedom civilization—a proposal that would be the basis for the meeting of the human mind with the three males in the ethnic American family for the purpose of social interaction in every phase in the life of the new society. (27) No two people can have a principled relationship without an objective (public) standard—measurement of equality in principle, fact, and truth. —Dr. Nkosi Ajanaku Future America Basic Research Institute, www.futureamericatoday.com

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Where is the justice of political power if it executes the murderer and jails the plunderer, and then itself marches upon neighboring lands, killing thousands and pillaging the very hills? —Khalil Gibran

THE AMERICAN SLAVE CODE IN THEORY AND PRACTICE: ITS DISTINCTIVE FEATURES SHOWN BY ITS STATUTES, JUDICIAL DECISIONS, AND ILLUSTRATIVE FACTS. —Goodell, William

THE RELATION OF MASTER AND SLAVE CHAPTER I. SLAVE OWNERSHIP. Fundamental Idea of modern Slaveholding; namely, the assumed principle of Human Chattelhood, or Property in Man; constituting the relation of Owner and Property—of Master and Slave. SOUTH CAROLINA.—“Slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed and adjudged in law to be chattels personal, in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators and assigns, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever.” (2 Brevard’s Digest, 229; Prince’s Digest, 446, &c., &c.) LOUISIANA.—“A slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs. The master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry and his labor. He can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire any thing, but what must belong; to his master.” (Civil Code, Art. 35.) “The slave is entirely subject to the will of his master, who may correct and chastise him, though not with unusual rigor, or so as to maim and mutilate him, or expose him to the danger of loss of life, or to cause his death.” (Art. 173.) It will be found, as we proceed, that this attempted or pretended limitation of power has no real existence, and affords no protection to the slave. An exception, in Louisiana, to the general tenure of “chattels personal,” is expressed as follows: “Slaves, though movable by their nature, are considered as immovable by the operation of law.” (Civil Code, Art. 461.) “Slaves shall always be reputed and considered real estate; shall, as such, be subject to be mortgaged, according to the rules prescribed by law, and they shall be seized and sold as real estate.” (Statute of June 7, 1806; 1 Martin’s Digest, 612.) This provision, if literally carried into effect, would prevent the sale of slaves from off the plantations of their masters. More of this in its proper place. KENTUCKY.—By the law of descents, slaves are considered real estate, and pass in consequence to heirs, and not to executors. (2 Littell & Swigert’s Digest, 1155.) From the following it appears, however, that special care was taken in Kentucky, that the slaves should derive no benefit from the distinction between real estate and chattels personal: They are, however, liable, as chattels, to be sold by the master at his pleasure, and may be taken in execution for the payment of his debts. (Ib.; see also 1247.) VIRGINIA.—In 1705 a law similar to that of Kentucky was enacted, but was soon after repealed. (Note to Revised Code, 432.) Slaves are therefore held as chattels personal in Virginia, as in most of the slave States, where, in the absence of entire written codes, or such general enunciations as those of South Carolina and Louisiana, the chattel principle has, nevertheless, been affirmed and maintained by the courts, and involved in legislative acts. A specimen of the latter description we have in the following: HENRY CLAY, in his celebrated speech in the U. S. Senate, in 1839, based his argument against the abolition of slavery on the value of the slaves, AS PROPERTY. This was his language: “The third impediment to immediate abolition is to be found in the immense amount of capital which is invested in slave property.” “The total value of slave property then, by estimate, is twelve hundred millions of dollars. And now it is rashly proposed, by a single fiat of legislation, to annihilate this immense amount of property! To annihilate it without indemnity, and without compensation to THE OWNERS.” “I know that there is a visionary dogma which holds that negro slaves cannot be the subject of property. I shall not dwell on the speculative abstraction. That IS property which the law declares TO BE property. Two hundred years of legislation have sanctified and sanctioned negro slaves as property.” By claiming their slaves as “property,” the “owners” of this property are naturally led to forget and even to deny that they are human beings. For proof of this we cite the speech of Mr. SUMMERS of Virginia, in the Legislature of that State, January 26, 1832, as published in the Richmond Whig: “When in the sublime lessons of Christianity, he (the slaveholder) is taught to ‘do unto others as he would have others do unto him,’ he never dreams that the degraded negro is within the pale of that holy canon.” 26


Mr. WISE, in the United States House of Representatives, said: “The right of petition belongs to the people of the United Staves. Slaves are not people in the eye of the law. They have no legal personality.” When a slave is accidentally killed, the Southern newspapers speak of it merely as a loss of property to the owner. Nothing is said of the bereaved widow, children, or parents of the deceased. It would be easy to present numerous instances in proof. The Natchez (Miss.) Free Trader of February 12, 1838, contained the following advertisement: “FOUND:—A NEGRO’S HEAD Was picked up on the railroad, yesterday, which THE OWNER can have by calling at this office and paying for this advertisement.” (Ib., 169.) This, in the United States of America, in this nineteenth century, is “the legal relation of master and slave”—a relation that challenges as “goods” and “chattels personal, to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever,” the immortal soul of man, the image of the invisible Creator, the temple of the Holy Spirit, the purchase of a Redeemer’s blood. The statement is no rhetorical flourish. It is no mere logical inference. It is no metaphysical subtlety. It is no empty abstraction. It is no obsolete or inoperative fiction of the law. It is veritable matter-of-fact reality, acted out every day wherever and whenever a negro or any one else is claimed as an American slave. If any slaveholder denies it, let him be challenged to put the denial in writing, duly attested, and in such a shape that the courts of law can take cognizance of it. Whenever he does this, and puts the paper in the hands of his slave or trusty friend, his slave is set free. Every intelligent slaveholder knows this.

THE RELATION HEREDITARY AND PERPETUAL. Slaves being held as Property, like other domestic animals, their Offspring are held as Property, in perpetuity, in the same manner. “THE law of South Carolina says of slaves, ‘All their issue and their offspring, born or to be born, shall be, and are hereby declared to be, and remain FOR EVER HEREAFTER, absolute slaves, and shall follow the condition of the mother.” (Jay’s Inquiry, p. 129. See Act of 1740. 2 Brevard’s Digest, 229.) In Maryland, “All negroes and other slaves, already imported or hereafter to be imported into this province, and all children, now born or hereafter to be born of such negroes and slaves, shall be slaves during their natural lives.” (Act of 1715, chap. 44, sect. 22. Stroud’s Sketch, p. 11.)

USES OF SLAVE PROPERTY. Slaves, as Property, may be used, absolutely by their owners at will, for their own profit or pleasure. PROPERTY is that which may be used by the owner. “The slave is one who is in the power of a master, to whom he belongs.” “Goods they are, and as goods they are esteemed.” This is the law of the relation. “As goods,” therefore, they may be used, while, like other goods, they “perish with the using.” ‘Have I not a right to do what I will with mine own?’ is a question affirming a prerogative universally claimed. Admit the validity of the ownership, and the right of use follows of course. If the “legal relation” be an innocent one, the right of use and the exercise of that right are innocent likewise, provided the use be a legitimate one. We shall see what uses are deemed legitimate by those who have shaped, defined, and administered “the relation.” It is true that the use of property by the owner is limited by the rights of other persons. But slaves are not persons in the view of the law, for any purposes of benefit to them; as will hereafter be more fully shown. The rights of a slave are not recognized, and no limitation of the master’s use of him can come from that quarter. “The slave” (says the law) “is entirely subject to the will of his master.” Nothing, therefore, can prevent the master from putting him to any use he pleases. It is also true, that the use of property by the owner is limited by the nature of that property. Thus, a living horse, or other domestic animal, may not lawfully be backed and hewed to pieces, as a block of wood may be. The barbarity may be punished. The most that can be claimed for the Slave Code; on this point, is, that by placing slaves upon a level with other live cattle, it entitles them to the same kind and degree of protection. Beyond this, the Slave Code, so far as we know, never attempts or pretends to protect them. It knows them only as mere animals. Their rational and moral natures, not being recognized by the laws, can claim no legal protection. Sufficient evidence of this has already been adduced, but it will accumulate as we proceed. And it will be seen that as a mere animal, the slave has not equal protection, in some respects, with other animals. We will specify some of the uses of slave property. 1. A prominent use of slave property is unrequited slave labor. The hired laborer is employed. The slave laborer is used as a horse or an ox is used. His labor is held to be the property of his owner. At this point he is degraded to the level of a brute, whether moderately or excessively worked. The use of a slave as a brute laborer is an injury and an insult. It is a denial of his nature as a man, and of his rights as a free moral agent. “The end of slavery,” said Judge Ruffin, “is the profit of the master.” The slave “is doomed to toil, that others may reap the fruits.” STATE vs. MANN. (N. Carolina Reports, p. 263. Wheeler’s Law of Slavery, p. 246.) This honest judicial decision should shame the pretense that slaves are held for their own benefit. In a separate chapter, we shall look more directly into the particulars of slave labor, and in another, shall consider the withholding of wages. Additional light will then be thrown upon this use of slave property. In the mean time, it will be easy to show that in this use of slave property, in some of the slave States, it is systematically and deliberately so used as to be used up, and destroyed in a manner that would be shameful and wicked, even if brute beasts were the victims. Dr. Deming, a gentleman of high respectability, residing in Ashland, Richland county, Ohio, stated to Prof. Wright, at New-York City: “That during a recent tour at the South, while ascending the Ohio river on the steamboat Fame, he had an opportunity of conversing with a Mr. Dickinson, a resident of Pittsburg, in company with a number of cotton-planters and slave-dealers from Louisiana, Alabama, and Mississippi. Mr. Dickinson stated as a fact, that the sugar-planters upon the sugar coast in Louisiana had ascertained that, as it was usually necessary to employ about twice the amount of labor during the boiling season that was required during the season of raising, they could by excessive driving, day and night, during the boiling season, accomplish the whole labor 27


with one set of hands. By pursuing this plan they could afford to sacrifice one set of hands once in seven years! He further stated, that this horrible system was now practiced to a considerable extent. The correctness of this statement was substantially admitted by the slaveholders then on board.” (Weld’s “Slavery as it is,” p. 39.) ”The late Mr. Samuel Blackwell, a highly respected citizen of Jersey City, opposite the city of New-York, and a member of the Presbyterian Church, visited many of the sugar plantations in Louisiana, and says: “That the planters generally declared to him that they were obliged so to overwork their slaves, during the sugar-making season, (from eight to ten weeks,) as to USE THEM UP in seven or eight years. For, said they, after the process is commenced, it must be pushed without cessation, night and day, and we cannot afford to keep a sufficient number of slaves to do the extra work at the time of sugar-making, as we could not profitably employ them the rest of the year.” (Ib.) Rev. Dr. Reed, of London, who went through Kentucky, Virginia, and Maryland, in the summer of 1834, gives the following testimony: “I was told, confidently, from excellent authority, that recently, at a meeting of planters in South Carolina, the question was seriously discussed whether the slave is more profitable to the owner, if well fed, well clothed, and worked lightly; or, if made the most of at once, and exhausted in some eight years. The decision was in favor of the last alternative. That decision will, perhaps, make many shudder. But to my mind, this is not the chief evil. The greater and principal evil is considering the slave as property. If he is only property, and my property, then I seem to have some right to ask how I may make that property most available.” (“Visit to the American Churches,” by Drs. Reed and Matthesou, vol. II., p. 173.) Other testimony might be added. Southern newspapers have published the proceedings of Agricultural Societies, in which, after discussion, it had been agreed that the more profitable method was to “use up” a gang of negroes once in seven or eight years, and then purchase a fresh supply of the dealers. A terrible sacrifice of life arises from a change of climate. A writer in the New-Orleans Argus, of 1830, says: “The loss by death, in bringing slaves from a northern climate, which our planters are under the necessity of doing, is not less than twenty-five per cent.” Advertisements like the following are not uncommon: “I offer my plantation for sale. Also twenty fine acclimated negroes. O. B. COBB.” (Vicksburg Reg., Dec. 27th, 1838.) “I will sell my Old River Plantation, near Columbia, in Arkansas; also one hundred and thirty acclimated negroes. BEN. HUGHES.—Port Gibson, 14th Jan.” ”PROBATE SALE.—Will be offered for sale, at public auction, to the highest bidder, one hundred and thirty acclimated slaves. G. W. KEETON, Judge of the Parish of Concordia, La., March 22d, 1837.” General Felix Houston advertises in the Natchez Courier, April 6th, 1838, “Thirty very fine acclimated negroes.” (See Jay’s View, pp. 98, 99.) Dr. Reed was correct in charging the murderous use of slave property to the principle or law of slave ownership, which constitutes what is called “the legal relation.” Such treatment maybe called an “abuse,” but is a result which will be almost certain to follow, where laborers can be owned and used, instead of being bargained with and hired. Even on the low ground of “consequences,” such a “relation” is to be condemned. 2. Another prominent use of slave property, in the case of females capable of being mothers, is that of breeders of slaves. And if the tenure of slave property be legitimate, and the ownership valid, by what rule of law or of logic shall this use of slave property be condemned? The argument of Mr. Gholson, of Virginia, on that assumption, holds good. If the owners of lands, of orchards, and of brood mares had a right to their products, why had he not a right to the products of the slave women he had purchased? Had not the Slave Code, the legislatures and the courts secured to him his claim upon them as “chattels personal, to all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever?” Might he not, with other great statesmen,* affirm that “that is property which the law declares to be property,” and that “two hundred years of legislation have sanctified and sanctioned negro slaves as property”? Did he not sustain to those women the relation of owner? And had not Doctors of Divinity, Northern and Southern, attested the lawfulness and the inno cency of sustaining the relation? And how could there be a relation without its implied rights? Thus fortified, was not his inference warranted by his premises, when he spoke as follows? (we quote again from his speech:) “The legal maxim of ‘Partus sequitur ventrem’ is coeval with the existence of the rights of property, and is founded in wisdom and justice. It is on the justice and inviolability of this maxim that the master foregoes the service of his female slave; has her nursed and tended during the period of her gestation, and raises the helpless and infant offspring. The value of the property justifies the expense, and I do not hesitate to say that in its increase consists much of our wealth.” (Speech in Leg. of Va.) The closing sentence indicates the extent and importance of this use of slave property. According to the estimate of Henry Clay as before cited, this use (to “raise slaves” for the “Southern market”) is of more pecuniary value to “the farming portion A terrible sacrifice of life arises from a change of climate. A writer in the New-Orleans Argus, of 1830, says: “The loss by death, in bringing slaves from a northern climate, which our planters are under the necessity of doing, is not less than twenty-five per cent.” Advertisements like the following are not uncommon: “I offer my plantation for sale. Also twenty fine acclimated negroes. O. B. COBB.” (Vicksburg Reg., Dec. 27th, 1838.) “I will sell my Old River Plantation, near Columbia, in Arkansas; also one hundred and thirty acclimated negroes. BEN. HUGHES.—Port Gibson, 14th Jan.” ”PROBATE SALE.—Will be offered for sale, at public auction, to the highest bidder, one hundred and thirty acclimated slaves. G. W. KEETON, Judge of the Parish of Concordia, La., 2. Another prominent use of slave property, in the case of females capable of being mothers, is that of breeders of slaves. And if the tenure of slave property be legitimate, and the ownership valid, by what rule of law or of logic shall this use of slave property be condemned? The argument of Mr. Gholson, of Virginia, on that assumption, holds good. (See Chapter II.) If the owners of lands, of 28


orchards, and of brood mares had a right to their products, why had of the slave States” than all their agricultural operations! CHAPTER VII. SLAVES CANNOT MARRY. Being held as Property, and incapable of making any Contract, they cannot contract Marriage recognized by Law. MEN may forget or disregard the rules of logic in their reasonings about slavery, but the genius that presides over American slavery never forgets or disregards them. From its well-defined principle of human chattelhood it never departs, for a single moment. If any thing founded on falsehood might be called a science, we might add the system of American slavery to the list of the strict sciences. From a single fundamental axiom, all the parts of the system are logically and scientifically educed. And no man fully understands the system, who does not study it in the light of that axiom. The slave has no rights. Of course he, or she, cannot have the rights of a husband, a wife. The slave is a chattel, and chattels do not marry. “The slave is not ranked among sentient beings, but among things,” and things are not married. “Slaves are not people, in the eye of the law. They have no legal personality.” So said Mr. Wise. So, by their votes, said the Federal Congress. But none except “people” and “persons” ever marry. “The slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs.” How, then, can the slave marry? “The legal relation of master and slave,” with all the vestal robes of its spotless innocency, and saintly Biblical paternity, has never, in this country, been held to be compatible with marriage. So early as in colonial times, when parish ministers, all over NewEngland, owned slaves, it was held by learned civilians, in good old Connecticut, that when a slave master, though inadvertently, gave verbal license to a female slave to marry, the license made her free. Being married, she was not a slave, and the husband bore off his prize in triumph, before her master! The same doctrine has always been held (though differently enunciated) at the South. Slave mothers are there licensed by their masters to be “breeders,” not wives, and thus they are retained as slaves. “A slave cannot even contract matrimony, the association which takes place among slaves, and is called marriage, being properly designated by the word contubernium, a relation which has no sanctity, and to which no civil rights are attached.” (Stroud's “Sketch of the Slave Laws,” p. 61.) “A slave has never maintained an action against the violator of his bed. A slave is not admonished for incontinence, or punished for fornication or adultery; never prosecuted for bigamy, or petty treason for killing a husband being a slave, any more than admitted to an appeal for murder.” (Opinion of Daniel Dulaney, Esq., Attorney General of Maryland. 1 Maryland Reports, pp. 561, 563.) “Slaves were not entitled to the conditions of matrimony, and therefore they had no relief in cases of adultery; nor were they the proper objects of cognition or affinity, but of quasi-cognition only.” (Dr. Taylor's “Elements of the Civil Law,” p. 429.) “It is clear that slaves have no legal capacity to assent to any contract. With the consent of their master they may marry, and their moral power to agree to such a contract or connection cannot be doubted; but while in a state of slavery it cannot produce any civil effect, because slaves are deprived of all civil rights. Emancipation gives to the slave his civil rights, and a contract of marriage, legal and valid by the consent of the master, and moral assent of the slave, from the moment of freedom, ALTHOUGH DORMANT DURING SLAVERY, produces all the effects which result from such contract among free persons.” (Opinion of Judge Matthews, case of Girod vs. Lewis, May Term, 1819; 6 Martin's “Louisiana Reports,” p. 559. Wheeler's “Law of Slavery,” p. 199.) The most favorable inference from this ingenious decision is, that the joint action of master and slave can legalize a slave's marriage when he ceases to be a slave! The obligations of marriage are evidently inconsistent with the conditions of slavery, and cannot be performed by a slave. The husband promises to protect his wife and provide for her. The wife promises to be the help-meet of her husband. They mutually promise to live with and cherish each other, till parted by death. But what can such promises by slaves mean? The “legal relation of master and slave” renders them void! It forbids the slave to protect even himself. It clothes his master with authority to bid him inflict deadly blows on the woman he has sworn to protect. It prohibits his possession of any property wherewith to sustain her. His labor and his hands it takes from him. It bids the woman assist, not her husband, but her owner! Nay! it gives him unlimited control and full possession of her own person, and forbids her, on pain of death, (as will be shown,) to resist him, if he drags her to his bed! It severs the plighted pair, at the will of their masters, occasionally, or for ever! The innocent “legal relation” of slave-ownership does or permits all this, and without forfeiting clerical favor, or a high seat in the Church, or in the Senate, or Presidential chair. What, then, can the marriage vows of slaves mean? The laws annulling slave marriage are explicit, as has been seen. The corresponding position of the judiciary, as attested by the 29


Maryland Reports, has been adduced. Will any one inquire whether or no, in this particular, the Code be a “dead letter”? or whether the institution of marriage among slaves may not have survived the annulling action of the legislatures and the courts? As a recognized “legal relation,” most assuredly the marriage relation among slaves does not and cannot exist. The petted ”legal relation” of owner and slaves crowds it off from the platform of human society. The two “legal relations” cannot coexist. A choice must be made between the two. And those who will still persist in affirming the innocency and the validity of the “relation” of slave owner, are bound, if sincere and truthful men, to repudiate the “relation” of slave marriage. The Savannah River Baptist Association had the nerve and the consistency to do this. “In 1835, the following query relating to slaves was propounded to the Savannah River Baptist Association of ministers: Whether, in case of involuntary separation of such a character as to preclude all future intercourse, the parties may be allowed to marry again?” “ANSWER.—That such separation, among persons situated as our slaves are, is, civilly, a separation by death, and they believe that, in the sight of God, it would be so viewed. To forbid second marriages in such cases, would be to expose the parties not only to greater hardships and stronger temptations, but to church censure for acting in obedience to their masters, who cannot be expected to acquiesce in a regulation at variance with justice to the slaves, and to the spirit of that command which regulates marriage between Christians. The slaves are not free agents, and a dissolution by death is not more entirely without their consent and beyond their control than by such separation.” The Church is here seen submitting, with complacency, to that feature of the Slave Code that annuls marriage! What the Southern Baptists have avowed, the other religious sects there practice. Some of the facts stated concerning the “uses of slave property” illustrate the absence of slave marriage. And so do the statistics of the domestic slave-trade. The restored institution and sanctity of marriage would cut off the supplies that gorge the slave markets. The Presbyterian Synod of Kentucky, in their address, have given us their testimony to the general fact and its effects. They say: The system “produces general licentiousness among the slaves. Marriage, as a civil ordinance, they cannot enjoy. Our laws do not recognize this relation as existing among them, and, of course, do not enforce, by any sanction, the observance of its duties. Indeed, until slavery waxeth old, and tendeth to decay, there CANNOT BE any legal recognition of the marriage rite, or the enforcement of its consequent duties. For, all the regulations on this subject would limit the master's absolute RIGHT OF PROPERTY in the slaves. In his disposal of them he could no longer be at liberty to consult merely his own interest. He could no longer separate the wife and the husband to suit the convenience or interest of the purchaser; no matter how advantageous might be the terms offered.” “Hence; all the marriages that could ever be allowed them, would be a mere contract, violable at the master's pleasure. Their present quasi marriages are continually thus voided. They are, in this way, brought to consider their matrimonial alliances as a thing not binding, and they act accordingly. We are then assured by the most unquestionable testimony that licentiousness is the necessary result of our system.” (Address, pp. 15, 16.) “Chastity is no virtue among them; its violation neither injures female character in their own estimation, nor in that of their master or mistress. No instruction is ever given—no censure pronounced. I speak not of the world. I speak of Christian families generally.” (Lexington, Ky., Luminary.) Even in Puritan New-England, seventy years ago, female slaves, in ministers' and magistrates' families, bore children, black or yellow, without marriage. No one inquired who their fathers were, and nothing more was thought of it than of the breeding of sheep or swine. We had the facts from those who well remembered them. The universal testimony concerning “slave quarters” connected with plantations is, that “the sexes are herded together, promiscuously, like beasts.” Said a sister of President Madison to the late Rev. George Bourne, then a Presbyterian minister in Virginia: “We Southern ladies are complimented with the name of wives; but we are only the mistresses of seraglios.” The report of the Presbyterian Synod of Georgia, December, 1833, sustains, on this general subject, the testimony of the Synod of Kentucky. We have seen a well-authenticated account of a respectable Christian lady at the South, who kept a handsome mulatto female for the use of her genteel son, as a method of deterring him, as she said, from more indiscriminate and vulgar indulgences. Undoubtedly he passed current in the first circles of respectable young ladies. In our chapter on the uses of slave property, this item would have been in place.

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The rapid and constant bleaching of colors, at the South, assures us that there is no exaggeration in these pictures. And if the Synod of Kentucky were not mistaken, the innocent “legal relation” of slave ownership is to be held responsible for it all. Where the laws annul marriage, we may be certain that “the people are not better than their laws.” CHAPTER VIII.

SLAVES CANNOT CONSTITUTE FAMILIES. Being Property, “Goods” and “Chattels Personal,” to all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever, they have no claim on each other—no security from Separation—no Marital Rights—no Parental Rights—no Family Government—no Family Education—no Family Protection. The family relation originates in the institution of marriage, and exists not without it. We have already proved that slaves cannot have families or be members of families, by proving that they cannot be married. To this latter point, in its connection with the former, we cite the words of Judge Jay: “A necessary consequence of slavery is the absence of the marriage relation. No slave can commit bigamy, because the law knows no more of the marriage of slaves than of the marriage of brutes. A slave may, indeed, be formally married, but so far as legal rights and obligations are concerned, it is an idle ceremony.” “Of course, these laws do not recognize the parental relation, as belonging to slaves. A slave has no more legal authority over his child than a cow has over her calf.” (Jay’s Inquiry, p. 132.) The fact that the slave, as a chattel personal, may be bought, sold, transported from one place to another, mortgaged, attached, leased, inherited, and “distributed” in the settlement of estates shows plainly that slaves cannot constitute families. “In the slaveholding States, except in Louisiana, no law exists to prevent the violent separation of parents from their children, or even from each other.” (Stroud’s Sketch, p. 50.) From the above one can easily see the insanity of slavery and the mindset of slave owners. This is the legacy of America and the offspring we have inherited. This offspring includes: rape, murder, incest, child abuse, the stud mentality, sexual abuse, genocide, suicide, lying, thievery, imitation, swindling, insecurity, fear, hate, guilt, shame, ignorance, superstition, manipulation, mob action, brutality, self promotion, conspiracy, and other inhumane acts. Our jails are full to capacity and our history is a constant re-enactment of our slave heritage. To be free is to rise above these acts and actions through the purification of our emotions, the unshackling of our minds and the reclaiming of our Spiritual Heritage.

May all be free Now.

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ALL THINGS SLAVE “Know free person would ever think to own another person. Free people advance freedom and only slaves advance slavery.” —Myeka

Facts To Ponder 1. Mothers are the purveyors of slavery, as they are everyone’s first teacher and the state of her soul is imbued in the fetus while in the womb. 2. Females were the first slaves. 3. Slavery is a system of relationship whereby one person deems themselves better than another and therefore has the right to exploit, abuse, misuse, and deny another free agency. 4. Slave owners were and are slaves. 5. Slavery was a carryover from the system of relationships that existed in Europe. 6. Slavery was a carryover from the system of relationships that existed in Africa. 7. Slaves produce slave institutions built on a violent foundations: churches (mosque, temples, etc.), government, industry/business, healthcare systems/prisons, homes (marriage) and schools (pre-school, elementary, junior high, high school, college, university, and private schools modeled after the above). Nearly 99.9% of all present day institutions are built on violence which is the foundation of slavery 8. Slaves have a limited perspective and people trapped at this level ascertain value from skin color, age, gender, size of a bank account, car driven, house size and location, and other physical markers. Therefore scarcity or lack is a basic tenet of slavery. 9. Slaves perpetuate racism, classism, sexism, genderism, ageism, studism and capitalism. 10. Slavery begins with a shackled mind, toxic emotions, a polluted body and a religion that does not promote heaven on earth. 11. Slaves operate as 1/4th man, seeing life only from the perspective of the physical reality or the five senses. 12. So-called freed slaves are not free if someone else freed them. 13. Freedom is a personal achievement. 14. Free people build nonviolent institutions together. 15. The first thing a free person or people engage in is the creation of an agricultural system that feeds them healthy, nutritious food so as the most essential need is under their control. 16. The second thing a free person or people do is develop other relationships with nature to secure transportation, communication, construction, energy, tools and textiles directly from the Source (GOD), thus developing a system of relationship rooted in nature. 17. Man is spirit, mind, emotion and body which allows s/he to interact with space, energy, elements and motion to create whatever is needed. 18. Freedom provides one with the liberty to pursue and fulfill ones purpose for being created on earth.

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"If mankind minus one, were of one opinion, and only one person were of the contrary opinion, mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one person, than he, if he had the power, would be justified in silencing mankind." —John Stuart Mill, On Liberty

THE UNIVERSAL LAW OF TEN-FOLD RETURN AS IT RELATES TO SLAVERY The universal law of ten-fold return states that whatever you initiate will come back to you ten fold. Generally, it is used to sow and harvest monetary returns. The law works for the positive benefit of a person or the negative benefit of a person. If we look at the sowing of seeds by white people as it relates to the destruction of free agency among African American people, then we will be able to see the law of ten-fold return as this nation and its people experience the harsh returns on their investment of hate, racism, injustice, white supremacy and crimes against humanity. When white males determined that they would “destroy the manhood of the Negro citizen through to success,” in Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Georgia, Virginia, and throughout the states, they did not take into account the universal law of ten-fold return. The return on this investment has been the wholesale destruction of manhood regardless of color. Males populate the jails, are denied access and parenting rights with their children. Homosexuality is on the up rise and female head of households do a great job of demasculating male children. Estrogen dominance is a worldwide phenomenon. When white males sowed the seeds of manhood destruction they sowed the seeds of their own manhood being destroyed. What are we to do now that the investment in the destruction of manhood has been enacted? Awareness of what has been done is of utmost importance. By being conscious of the seeds that were sown and how they are constantly being harvested today, and ceasing the actions that lead to the destruction of manhood, we can eradicate the effect. Racism has to end. White supremacy must be done away with. Capitalism must cease. Prisons must become clinics offering therapeutic healing of emotions and bodies. The toxic emotions of hate, fear, revenge, guilt, shame, blame and depression have to be healed and replaced with love, justice, joy, understanding, goodwill and peaceful co-existence. The truth is, you can’t hurt someone else without hurting yourself. We are ONE and we must begin to act as one body, one mind and one earth. We have no choice but to become nonviolent. It is the only way left to us as the violent society has outlived its usefulness. Come now let us reason together. We will either walk together as brothers and sisters or we will perish together as fools. The choice is ours. Let’s overcome the curse. NOW!

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O Great Spirit, grant me the strength of eagles wings, the faith and courage to fly to new heights, and the wisdom to rely on his spirit to carry me there —Indian Serenity Prayer

THE SIX NATIONS: OLDEST LIVING PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY ON EARTH “Savagery to Civilization” We, the women of the Iroquois Own the Land, the Lodge, the Children Ours is the right to adoption, life or death; Ours is the right to raise up and depose chiefs; Ours is the right to representation in all councils; Ours is the right to make and abrogate treaties; Ours is the supervision over domestic and foreign poliThe people of the Six Nations, also known by the French term, Iroquois. Confederacy, call themselves the Hau de no sau nee (ho dee noe sho nee) meaning People Building a Long House. Located in the northeastern region of North America, originally the Six Nations was five and included the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas. The sixth nation, the Tuscaroras, migrated into Iroquois country in the early eighteenth century. Together these peoples comprise the oldest living participatory democracy on earth. Their story, and governance truly based on the consent of the governed, contains a great deal of life-promoting intelligence for those of us not familiar with this area of American history. The original United States representative democracy, fashioned by such central authors as Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, drew much inspiration from this confederacy of nations. In our present day, we can benefit immensely, in our quest to establish anew a government truly dedicated to all life's liberty and happiness much as has been practiced by the Six Nations for over 800 hundred years. —http://www.ratical.org/many_worlds/6Nations/ The Iroquois' extension of liberty and political participation to women surprised some eighteenth-century EuroAmerican observers. An unsigned contemporary manuscript in the New York State Library reported that when Iroquois men returned from hunting, they turned everything they had caught over to the women. "Indeed, every possession of the man except his horse & his rifle belong to the woman after marriage; she takes care of their Money and Gives it to her husband as she thinks his necessities require it," the unnamed observer wrote. The writer sought to refute assumptions that Iroquois women were "slaves of their husbands." "The truth is that Women are treated in a much more respectful manner than in England & that they possess a very superior power; this is to be attributed in a very great measure to their system of Education." The women, in addition to their political power and control of allocation from the communal stores, acted as communicators of culture between generations. It was they who educated the young. 34


Another matter that surprised many contemporary observers was the Iroquois' sophisticated use of oratory. Their excellence with the spoken word, among other attributes, often caused Colden and others to compare the Iroquois to the Romans and Greeks. Prior to European colonization the Iroquois exercised active dominion over most of what is now New York State. Of the 49,576 square miles of the state the Iroquois held title to about 4/5 of the total area (approximately 39,000 square miles). . . . All together the Iroquois Confederacy held as its own 24,894,080 acres of some of the most beautiful and resource wealthy lands in all of North America. Yet traditional Iroquois were careful custodians of the earth for nowhere in this broad expanse of territory was there a single polluted stream, hazardous waste site or open landfill. —Doug George-Kanentiio, p. 60

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THIRTEEN THINGS YOU CAN DO TO END RACISM Be honest: Examine your own prejudices, biases, and values. Discuss your own experiences of being hurt by prejudice as well as the ways discrimination has benefited you. Be secure: Explore and find realistic value in your own group identity, which will help reduce defensiveness and anxiety in relation to others. Be a partner: Work on projects with members of groups different from your own. Be a loving parent: Expose your children to diversity at a young age. Invest in racist free projects: Providing and sustaining quality programming requires adequate funding. Make a financial contribution. Be a role model: Be vocal in opposing racist views and practices. And don't just criticize, but help educate others about issues and about your own experiences. Be an ally: Support victims of discrimination and prejudice. Offer support on whatever level you can. For example, be a mentor for someone in your field of work. Be an activist: Challenge "top-down" or institutional racism. Work to reduce institutional discrimination and prejudice in all institutions. Be a member: Support organizations that work to end racist, or start your own. Be a teacher: Teach tolerance. Fight prejudice and racism by proactively teaching understanding, openness, and conflict resolution skills. Be a student: Educate yourself and others. Read books, see movies, go to hear speakers about the experiences of other groups to increase understanding and empathy. Be a volunteer: Volunteer to support projects begun by people of different groups. Learn patience and tolerance of others way of doing things, without attempting to take over or criticize. Be a self-healer: Learn self-applied healing techniques that are effective in eliminating stress and emotional trauma, the precursors to physical ailments (cancer, AIDS, foul disease, etc) via a weak immune system.

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I’m better than you.

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RACISM DEFINITION The projection and acceptance of any feelings, thoughts, words and actions that are based on a belief that a person or group can be judged by the color of their skin (gender, age, economic status, religion, etc) rather than the content of their character, in an attempt to create a false sense of inferiority and superiority in order to sanction mistreatment, inequality, injustice, mis-education, discrimination, ill-health, disenfranchisement, violence, economic disparity and the destruction of people, families, countries, ideas and institutions. — Myeka

The Affects of Racism Racism affects our health by causing chronic stress among its victims. Researchers have found that people who experience discrimination are far more likely than others to develop high blood pressure and other stressinduced health effects. —American Journal of Public Health 2001;91(6):927–932. Racism poses a threat to financial viability and thus, impacts a person’s well-being. Racism causes anger and rage which lead to increased crime and violence and thus higher crime rates and prison populations among those experiencing the effects. Racism damages community cohesion, leaving broken families and homelessness.

Spiritual Growth Requires That We: 1. Discover and conquer our limiting programs, destructive impulses and toxic emotions. 2. Listen to the yearnings of our soul and value its expression more than any external distraction or superficial gimmick. 3. Find nourishment in truth, and satisfaction in discovery. 4. Maintain a positive attitude, seeking the good in all situations. 5. Strive to think, feel, speak, and act as our Highest Self would think, feel, speak, and act.. 6. Give up attachment to any particular outcome.

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RACISM Racism is one of the most pressing issues in the world today. Although, every nationality in American has been through some form of racism, we still seem incapable of understanding the damage it can and does do. Racism is a phenomenon that has been going on since Biblical times. One race or group of people believing that they are better than another. Any one with common sense can see that we are all humans and that color doesn’t make us who we are. Our bodies are just vehicles for our minds and our spirit. When we set stereotypes based on color or other physical attributes, we only limit our self. It is a blessing when a person can be racist, see their error and correct themselves. When this happens their mind can expand to greater heights and they can mature. It is a shame that children are being raised in a society where racism still exists after so many years of war and pain. Racism stops harmony and joy, and as long as it exist in the world, we can never have peace. “Racism is the belief that God created more than one race. God created Man (male and female).” —James Luther Bevel

Jokes You know you are a racist when your house is on fire and you turn away the Black Fire Department. You know you are a racist when you are drowning and you’d rather drown than be saved by a Black lifeguard. You know you are a racist when you lock out a Black Angel and welcome a White devil.

See the butterfly likes me better than you.

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“It is critically important to realize that you will never allow yourself to have what you don’t feel worthy of.” —Dick Supten

SLAVE RANTINGS AND PEARLS OF WISDOM Like everyone born in the United States of America I was raised by slaves and programmed to be a slave. This is the legacy our parents left us. At a young age I rejected slavery, control, conformity, assimilation and questioned everything. I put myself under observation, abhorred those ugly slave traits I saw in myself, decided not to judge myself, forgave myself, eradicated those traits, continued to look for more and made freedom my highest value. Many having assimilated into the very society that enslaved them, see things from a very definite and knowable perspective, that of a slave. Following is what I identified as my slave orientation, and the free persons perspective I adopted. —Myeka 1. Problems have no solutions. From a mathematical perspective all problems have solutions. Life being mathematical the same is true. Solutions always lead to another set of problems, thus it is said, “mathematicians love problems.” 2. Cause can only be ascertained by those up top or academia. Cause can be ascertained by anyone who takes the time to understand how an effect came into being. 3. Anger has relevancy in decision making or communication. Anger is an immature emotion, displayed by adults who have grown physically, but continue to exhibit childish reactions to life happening. Anger is a short-circuiting of a person’s ability to breath, relax, interpret and respond to life. Anger as an emotional reaction can be uprooted. EFT, TAT, RET, Hypnotherapy and other effective therapies can be useful to attain this goal. Anger blocks communications. 4. Punishment and reward are acceptable practices. Societies, families and individuals erect punishment/reward models when they are inept at understanding cause, problem solving, conflict resolution, healing and education. 5. Saying that something is incorrect makes it so. Example: I’m offended. So that means you have been offended. This is usually used to detour, uproot or eliminate the examination or discussion of facts. It derives from cowardly people as a sort of sympathy mechanism. In the human development model all things can be discussed, examined and understood. Offense should never be ascribed to a discussion, only actions that violate the sanctity, dignity, self-worth and spirit, mind, emotion or body of an individual or group. 6. Your attitude, disposition, likes or dislikes are mature expressions. Attitudes, dispositions, likes and dislikes are infantile reactions to people, situations and conditions that cause one to feel uncomfortable. These are childhood learned behavior patterns that do not aid in the process of human and community development. 7. Nonviolence is only relevant as a tactic. Martin Luther King, Jr. said “Its either nonviolence or non-existence.” Nonviolence has application in the human development model as a way of personal and social interactions that enhance, protect and support individual growth and development. A nonviolent societal structure is the foundation for civil living and the advancement and development of a civilization. Nonviolence is the way to peace, justice and prosperity. Nonviolent institutional development is the pathway mankind must tread to avoid extinction through the proliferation of global nuclear warfare. 8. Past achievements give you some type of entitlement that makes you right and others wrong. Past achievement have a bearing on the present when a continuity of events are built on that foster freedom, justice, equality and the beloved community. Achievements in the present must be examined within the human development model from the perspective of relevancy. Thus a hit song writer or actress would not be expected to have the final say about the curriculum to be taught in a school. Their achievements are irrelevant as it relates to this issue. Thus they have no entitlement to be right over those with less achievements or popularity. 41


9. Fear is a great motivator. Fear is a poor motivator. Fear by its very nature paralyses people. It does not allow one free mobility and keeps one stuck in a cycle of indecisiveness. Fear has been used systematically to control people by people who themselves are fearful. One advocates ones highest ideals and imposes them on others by virtue of a cycle of ignorance and illness. True self-interest is the best motivator, as people are able to see how overcoming fear and the inertia it brings will lead to a better way of living, being and doing. This is what caused the young people in Birmingham to risk their lives to bring about the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Their self-interest was aroused and it motivated them to take up a cause that was bigger than themselves, their family situation, their nations understanding and the status quo. At the same time, their parents were stuck in a cycle of fear that immobilized them. Their fear of retaliation, of losing their jobs, status and the possibility of failure did not allow them to take a stand that was needed and in keeping with the time. 10. The majority is always right. The majority may be right, but the majority may also be wrong. The majority may be made up of a bunch of ill-informed, cowardly, greedy individuals. One person may be right and 10,000 or more others could be wrong. Right or wrong are not based on the size of a group, it is based on truth ascertained, known, understood and applied. 11. Don’t rock the boat. Don't rock the boat is a cliche used to mean, don't seek change. Change is always appropriate in that it is the only constant in creation. One should always seek a better way of being, doing, behaving, thinking, feeling and creating. The creative process is an active dynamic process that is harmonious with the laws that govern life. Change should not be feared, abhorred or repressed. Change will happen regardless. “Resist change, suffer pain.” 12. Hurt feelings should be skirted around. Hurt feeling are cursors of mental, emotional or physical trauma. Thus one should take the time to heal trauma and not use it to mask or avoid looking at situations, conditions and problems fully. Heal your hurt feelings because they obscure the truth. Like rose colored glasses they can paint a picture that is distorted, unreal, exaggerated and unhealthy. 13. If you talk loud enough and long enough you will somehow drown out the truth. Bullies, big mouths, instigators, and agitators are known to talk loud and long. These characteristics are the reflection of mental and emotional illness. 14. Thinking is not allowed. This society is inundated with pseudo-intellects, who don’t create, produce or respect thought. Pseudointellectuals operate from imagination and opinion. They always have the latest memory of what they heard someone else say via reading or listening. The ability to produce a thought however is far from them. Even more so these people abhor thinkers. The ability to think is learned. Thinkers are not afraid of the status quo, being liked, being accepted nor do they seek to be acknowledged. Thinking is its own reward. 15. Individual scholarship is of no value. The society of violence does not honor or reward individual scholarship. You must go to this school, that college, that university, receive xyz degree in order to be valued. This is baloney. George Washington Carver the imminent scientist put all books out of his laboratory when he sought to discover the usage of the peanut, was called crazy, said to disrespect books, etc. etc. etc. His simple position was that what he was after was not known and thus not in any book. He had to go into himself to discover the value of the peanut because the world had no value for him as a man of African descent or the peanut. Individual scholarship is available for all. Once a person learns how to do math, read and write anything is possible. 16. All African Americans and females have to have a European or male to vouch for them to be legitimate. The tradition of white masters and black servants (slaves) is dead, yet there are those who still prescribe to this tradition. As a result when an African American develops, advances or produces something there are those who ask, “and by whose authority (white) did you do this?” The same is true for a female who takes a stand or develops, advances or produces something. The question becomes what male vouches for you? The generation that promotes this illogic is passing into the dead past, and along with them will go this tradition. Hallelujah 17. Females, girls, women only have physical value and should be seen and not heard. 42


18.

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For the past 5,000 + years females have lived in a subservient position. Incapable of thinking thoughts, creating a path to freedom or feeling love, females have suffered a fate of obscurity. The only value placed on us has been that as bearers of children, prostitutes, and sex slaves. As a result the vocalization of a female has been denied. Females have a right to speak. But oh what a huge fire a little tongue can kindle. When females speak from toxic emotions they are destructive spreading gossip, lies, hate, venom and ill repute. When a female speaks from love oh what a joyous vibration she strikes. May all females find vocalization of the principles that govern life and usher in that day of rejoicing when all are free. Every man for himself. I am not my brothers keeper. I am my brother and my sister’s keeper, because I am all things. We all comprise the wholeness that is life. My life is inexplicably woven in a tapestry of oneness with yours. Thus I want for my brother and my sister what I want for myself. There is only one family and that is the human family. Slaves can never be free. Slavery like a curse is not forever. These only exist as long as one abdicates personal responsibility for ones state and condition. Once a person accepts responsibility power is gained to change. A person must not fear change. It is the fear of change that enslaves people, leaving them wretched creatures of the lowest desires of sin filled beings. One’s freedom is dependent on ones willingness to face the truth about the self. Freedom is not free, it exacts a heavy toll, one few are willing to pay. Freedom means standing alone with G_D until one is forged in the oven of self-love. Self-love empowers one to be a creative spark in the world that is capable of instigating meaningful change. Herein lies freedom, liberation and peace of mind. Freedom is being free from the fear of death, ostracism, ridicule, and obscurity as one stands in love, and on truth forever ad infinitum. Opinions are of value. In the halls of the wise, opinion has no place. Opinions are as fleeting as the morning dew. Anyone can have one, but its relevance is of no bearing on the creation of anything. The value of education is that it allows you to secure a good paying job. Education is the elimination of ignorance. Ignorance is evil and causes one pain and suffering. “Deliver me from evil” is rightfully, “Deliver me from ignorance, not knowing, opinions, superstition, here-say, and false teachings.” Education allows a person to; know the self, be true to self, and produce and create from that knowing, for what is inside is outside of the self and it can only be activated from within. Healing is not possible. All illness is a result of injury that comes from ignorance. Thus all illness can be healed when right knowledge is applied. Right knowledge allows a person to correct the wrong whether it be in the spiritual, mental, emotional or physical realm. Thus healing is possible and there are no dead-end illnesses that cannot be healed. Might is right. Might is often very wrong. Might is often the result of the acquisition of money and power in the physical realm which may have come through murder, the selling of drugs, the exploitation of nature or the kidnapping and sexual abuse of others. How could any of this be right? When one aligns and invests in the universal rather than the personal one acquires the immensity of all of nature to overcome any illusionary might of frail human capacity. Only slaves and low class people engage in food growing. All free people take serious the art and science of food production. This is so because freedom is inherent in ones ability to provide one’s self and family with the most basic need food. Food producers need never abdicate to another because they control their food source. Slavery was able to spread so rapidly because indigenous people agreed to grow export crops and were thus left with no natural food crops for consumption. Ownership gives one the right to be unjust, unloving, unkind, unforgiving and to go on power trips. Ownership is really a misnomer. One can not own anything even one’s body. Mankind was given stewardship over the earth, not ownership of any part of it, in that it is shared equally among the sons and daughters of G_D. Greed, avarice, egotism, selfishness and sickness has caused some to instill fear in others and thus handicap their ability to exercise stewardship responsibility, but even in this they don’t own anything. Here we have a false belief that people adhere to and give credence to. It has no relevance in the world of truth.

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“There can be no compromise with war; it cannot be reformed or controlled; cannot be disciplined into decency or codified into common sense; for war is the slaughter of human beings, temporarily regarded as enemies, on as large a scale as possible.” —Congresswoman Jeanette Rankin

"There is, however, a somber point in the social outlook of Americans. Their sense of equality and human dignity is mainly limited to men of white skins. Even among these there are prejudices of which I as a Jew am clearly conscious; but they are unimportant in comparison with the attitude of the 'Whites' toward their fellow-citizens of darker complexion, particularly toward Negroes. The more I feel an American, the more this situation pains me. I can escape the feeling of complicity in it only by speaking out. "Many a sincere person will answer: 'Our attitude towards Negroes is the result of unfavorable experiences which we have had by living side by side with Negroes in this country. They are not our equals in intelligence, sense of responsibility, reliability.' "I am firmly convinced that whoever believes this suffers from a fatal misconception. Your ancestors dragged these black people from their homes by force; and in the white man's quest for wealth and an easy life they have been ruthlessly suppressed and exploited, degraded into slavery. The modern prejudice against Negroes is the result of the desire to maintain this unworthy condition." —Albert Einstein

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"I know not what course others may take but as for me: give me liberty or give me death." — Patrick Henry

THE RISE OF THE PSEUDO INTELLECTUAL This archaic, primitive society that was built on the principalities and powers of slavery, punishment and injustice, has successfully implanted itself into the minds of present day people. It has spawned a generation of pseudo intellectuals who have matriculated in the institutions of so-called higher learning. Also among these are those who voraciously devour books to gain facts and information. The pseudo intellectual is a great gatherer of facts and information and a great exponent of all they have read and heard, putting their particular spin or interpretation upon it from an ego centric perspective. The ego-generated perspective gives them a particular edge that may and can get them attention. This is done in the hopes of filling the void left vacant as a result of growing up in a slave society, postulating as a free society and even as a civilization. As replicas of this society that are void of authentic life giving principles, the pseudo-intellectual attempts to pawn themselves off as being in the know. Yeshua in the Aquarian Gospel of Jesus the Christ says, “Man knows nothing by being told, if you would know then you must be.” Totally incapable of arriving at solutions, pseudo-intellectuals simply spout off facts, statistics, quotes, and philosophies. Having no authentic self to purify and filter the conglomeration of information they consume, they are incapable of operating in the now (present tense), and miss every opportunity and experience that would be in their best interest as it relates to forming dynamic principled relationships and solving problems. In fact the pseudo-intellectual does not even want to use the word problem they say, “I would rather say challenge.” This is done because for them problems have no solutions, whereas in truth all problems have solutions. The problem of the pseudo-intellectual is that they authenticate themselves based on degrees and book learning. Both are attained via institutions and people who have perpetuated the slave system with its inherent violence, capitalism, classism, sexism, ageism, and racism. These institutions are inherently flawed in that their very foundations are corrupt and rotten to the core. The pseudo intellectual however, not being creative is afraid to start from scratch, so they offer band-aid adjustments that only mask the problems, thus never arriving at solutions. The pseudo-intellectual is thus rendered an empty vessel, a non-entity attempting to live a disjunctive life at the expense of nature, children and the world-at-large. In actuality the pseudo -intellectual is a perversion of the original creation of man (male/female), created in the image and likeness of God to exercise dominion of the earth. This aberration has stripped him/herself of the right to self-determination, freedom, justice and equality. Pseudo-intellectuals do not know themselves and thus do not have the capacity to know anyone or anything else, they can only approximate. All knowledge begins with self-knowledge, and pseudo-intellectuals have none.

Above all else know thyself. By and large pseudo-intellectuals will not acknowledge that because of a lack of self-knowledge they have suffered numerous emotional, mental and physical illness, traumas and abuse and thus need healing. This is so because the pseudo-intellectual is completely void of emotional response in the now. Instead the pseudo-intellectual remembers sets 45


of rules, precedence’s, regulations and do’s and don’ts, and imposes them on self and others. Any apparent deviation or new violations are cause for coming up with a new law, or rule. Thus everything for the pseudo-intellectual is regimented and mechanical, which is their comfort zone. This dis-junctiveness is cause for much suffering, because only effects are addressed, and cause never understood, therefore

solutions are not attained. So the pseudo-intellectual lives a life of blaming others, pointing fingers, judging self and others, punishment and reward, one-upmanship, ego boosting, threatening, angry outbursts, violent attacks and fear. Caught in a web of ineffectual jargon. The pseudo-intellectual therefore never takes personal responsibility for anything. Wilhelm Reich, the eminent scientist, coined this phenomenon the “Emotional Plague”. Void of healing institutions and therapies to release the trauma from the bones. the tension for the muscles, the fear from the heart, and the anger from the mind, the condition unchecked will lead to the annihilation of the human species on earth. We have little time left to effect a change in this condition as nature is gathering her forces to eliminate the perpetuation of the pseudo-intellectual and his/her mechanical world. Nature a living entity will protect itself from the onslaught of the pseudo-intellectual who has separated himself or herself from Source Origin and instead live lives of disconnectiveness, basing everything upon the physical with disregard for the spiritual essence and the principles that govern life. —Myeka

“The term esnicity gives each individual a social content and a social context to be able to start with an equal biological foundation upon which to be responsible and accountable for her or his acts…” —Dr. Nkosi Ajanaku, 1936-Present

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MOVIES ON SLAVERY Amazing Grace (2007): This film is based on the life of antislavery pioneer William Wilberforce. Wilberforce was elected to the British House of Commons at the age of 21. On his way to a successful political career, Wilberforce took on the English establishment and persuaded those in power to end the inhumane trade of slavery in the British Empire. 111 min Anamika: Documentary (2005): Exposing the issues of child commercial sexual exploitation in India, this documentary delves into the very real product of the sex trade, including both physical and mental destruction. 26 min Angel's Ladies (2000): A documentary about the inner workings of a Nevada brothel. 80 min Anonymously Yours (2002): Four women's stories are woven together in this documentary about Burma's sex trafficking trade. 90 min Bangkok Girl (2005): 19-year-old Pla tells of her experience managing to avoid prostitution while working in a bar in Thailand since the age of 13, and how with time she will inevitably be forced into the trade. 42 min Born into Brothels (2004): Taking on a very different vantage point than most films on the subject, this documentary focuses not on prostitutes in India, but on their children. 85 min Bought and Sold (1999): Produced and directed by WITNESS director Gillian Caldwell, this documentary investigates the illegal traffic of women in the former Soviet Union, as well as the groups that are helping them. 42 min Bucharest Express (2003): Enticed falsely by offers of job opportunities as dancers and models, women are trafficked from the Balkans to become sex slaves in Turkey. 15 min Cargo: Innocence Lost (2008): This documentary includes interviews from the nation's leading authorities on trafficking and from victims of modern day slavery themselves. 75 min Carissa (2008): A documentary about a woman who was abandoned as a child. She became a prostitute at 12 and eventually was able to turn her life around. 23 min Children For Sale (2005): Dateline NBC exposes sex tourism and child sex trafficking in Cambodia. The Children We Sacrifice (2003): Grace Poore’s documentary delves into the many aspects of incest, ranging from cultural attitudes to effective treatments for survivors, and focuses on social and cultural resistance in South Asia. 61 min The Day My God Died (2003): The Day My God Died

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tells the story of the countless girls sold into the sex trade in Bombay and the brave souls working to defend them. 55 min Demand (2007): This documentary exposes the men who buy commercial sex, the vulnerable women and children sold as commodities, and the facilitators of the sale within the marketplace of exploitation. 45 min Diary of a Sex Addict (2001): A middle-aged chef in a luxurious restaurant reveals to his shrink his double personality: He is an impeccable family man who loves his wife and son and at the same time a sexually hungry person who seeks pleasure at any time with any woman. 93 min Dreamworlds 3 (1995): This film analyzes the stories behind contemporary music videos and discusses how they affect the public's view of femininity, masculinity, sexuality, and race. 54 min The Dutch Showcase: This documentary is about the legalized prostitution in Holland and shows that prostitution is slavery whether it is legal or not. Dying to Leave (2004): This two-part documentary explores the issue of human trafficking and tells the story of a girl trafficked to Australia then sold into prostitution for three years. 104 min The Dark Business of Human Trafficking (2004): This Wide Angle documentary explores the worldwide boom in illicit migration and human trafficking, recording the stories of those who pull up their roots and risk all and putting a human face on an issue too often reduced to statistics. It examines the circumstances that drive these migrants from their homes, highlights the difficulties involved in their epic journeys, and reveals what awaits them in their new world. 57 min Fields of Mudan (2004): A young girl is forced into sex slavery in this moving short film. She befriends another girl in the brothel and dreams of freedom with her mother in America. 23 min Ghosts (2006): A documentary that follows the story of victims of the 2004 Morecambe Bay cockling disaster, in which smuggled immigrants are forced into hard labor. 100 min Girls from Chaka Street (1997): This short documentary tells the tragic story of Eva, a prostitute in Latvia, and many other underage girls like her. 15 min Girl Trafficking (1994): Trafficked from the rural areas of Nepal into India for commercial sexual exploitation, this documentary-drama outlines the very real ordeal of many young girls, as well as the social ostracization they face with their resulting HIV/AIDS infection. 45 min


**Goodbye Uncle Tom (1971): Filmmakers go back in time and visit antebellum America, using period documents to examine, in graphic detail, the racist ideology and degrading conditions faced by Africans under slavery. Highway to Hell (2000): Exploring the sex trafficking trade between Nepal and India, this documentary also takes on the unique perspectives of male clients in addition to those of the trafficked girls and their families. 38 min Holly (2007): An American stolen artifacts dealer comes across a 12-year-old Vietnamese girl sold by her family into prostitution. The film focuses on the attempt to bring the girl to safety. It brings to light the effort to raise awareness about child trafficking and the K11 Project. 114 min Human Trafficking (2005): This two-part mini-series starring Mira Sorvino and Donald Sutherland depicts the sex trafficking trade in Eastern Europe. 180 min I am a Sex Addict (2005): An autobiographical comedy about a recovering sex addict, his obsession with prostitutes, and how it affected his relationships and his life altogether. 98 min I am Elena: A short graphic clip that depicts the horrors of human trafficking .The Johns (1997): A film about a homeless man who earns money by prostituting himself and robbing people. 96 min Lady Zee (Leydi Zi) (2006): Zlatina has grown up in an institution for abandoned children. When she is 12, a group of boys plans to rape her. Zlatina manages to avert the rape by offering herself to the boarding house supervisor. As she seeks to start life anew, Zlatina keys Lechko, her devoted shadow, into robbing Nayden. She then decides to pass the Greek border pretending to be a prostitute... and ends up in a brothel where her worst nightmare becomes reality. 96 min Lana’s Rain (2004): Lana and her brother Darko escape the war torn country of Balkans to achieve the American dream. But her illusions are shattered as she is forced to survive by any means possible on the mean streets of Chicago. As she gets pulled deeper and deeper into her brother’s criminal world while a steely determination grows in her heart, Lana must risk her own life to overcome Darko and his pursuers if she hopes to finally realize her dream. 105 min Lilya 4-Ever (2002): At 16 in the former Soviet Union, Lilya is left by her mother, penniless, turning to prostitution and the horrifying life it entails. 109 min Lives for Sale (2007): A one-hour investigative documentary exposes the painful, rarely seen human side of illegal immigration, including the growing black market trade in human beings. 58 min Making of a Girl (2006): A five-minute clip, narrated by Rachel Lloyd, about a hypothetical girl facing a life of 48

sexual exploitation. 5 min MTV Exit: End Exploitation and Trafficking (2004): Includes Inhuman Traffic, a documentary about women being sexual exploited in Europe, and Parallel Lives, a series of short films about human trafficking. The Price of Pleasure (2008): A documentary about the pornography industry. Includes the perspectives of scholars, performers, and producers. 55 min The Price of Sugar (2007): A documentary following a Dominican Priest as he exposes the abuse of Haitian slave laborers on a sugar plantation in the Dominican Republic. Ignoring warnings not to go on the sugar plantations, where the majority of his parishioners are, Father Hartley finds himself in utter dismay over the conditions of the workers. He fights to educate the parishioners on their rights and fight for justice. 90 min Promised Land (2004): A film shown at the 2004 Venice International Film Festival about human trafficking from Eastern Europe to Israel. 88 min Prostitution: Beyond the Myths (2007): This film depicts three women who have lived the life of prostitution, escaped the lifestyle, and are now living successful lives. The prospectives of various other people such as counselors, judges, and police officers are offered as well. 28 min Respect Me Don’t Media Me: This film looks at the way women are portrayed in the media and examines what this portrayal means to young women. 30 min Remote Sensing (2001): This feature-length film explores the impact of US military presence in Southeast Asia and European migration politics on the global sex trade. 53 min Roots (1977): An American television miniseries based on Alex Haley’s work Roots: The Saga of an American Family. Sacrifice: The Story of Child Prostitution in Burma (1998): This documentary explores the economic, social, and cultural forces behind the sex trafficking of girls for debt bondage from Burma to Thailand. 50 min The Selling of Innocence (2005): A young girl agrees to take photos for a modeling company that turns out to be a pornography company. The film follows her as she tries to shut the company down and get her images removed from the company's Web site. 88 min The Shanghai Hotel (2006): Twenty-two-year-old Yin Yin came to the US under the impression that she would be trained for a computer job. After a harrowing journey on a crowded and disease-infested cargo ship, she arrives at the Shanghai Hotel, a rundown brothel in New York City, where she is forced into slave labor and sexual exploitation. 110 mi Sex Slaves (PBS Frontline) (2006): How five women from the struggling countries of Eastern Europe were tricked into sexual slavery, beaten by traffickers and pimps, forced to work to turn a profit--and finally


escaped. Plus, a convicted Ukrainian sex trafficker talks about the multibillion dollar sex trade business, and why he sold an acquaintance for $1,000. 60 min Sisters and Daughters Betrayed (1996): Focusing on Thailand, Nepal, and the Philippines, this documentary delves into the social and economic factors driving sex trafficking, as well as the consequences for those women affected. 28 min So Great a Violence: Prostitution, Trafficking & the Global Sex Industry (2000): This inspirational film calls on those with a voice to use their power to create political demand for the ending of sexual exploitation. 29 min Spartan (2004): This film centers on the hunt for the daughter of a high ranking US official who has been kidnapped by an international sex slavery ring. 106 min The Spot (2006): Based on the novel by Grigorii Riazhskii, this film is about the lives of three Russian prostitutes. 92 min Stolen Lives (1999): This film looks at the child prostitution through the eyes of the children who are being exploited. Those who are working to help children escape the sex trade are also profiled. 46 min Stop the Traffick (2001): Set in Cambodia, Emily Marlow’s documentary explores the aftereffects of the Khmer Rouge’s brutal rule and how it has impacted the vulnerability of children in the region to the sex trade. 27 min The Sugar Babies (2007): A documentary that highlights the plight of Haitian victims of human trafficking in the Dominican Republic. 95 min Svetlana's Journey (2008): Based on a true story, this documentary/drama describes the experience of a young Bulgarian girl sold by her adopted parents for only 10,000 euros to another family for sexual exploitation. 40 min Taken (2008): A film about girls who are trafficked with the purpose of being forced into prostitution. 93 min Tijuana Makes Me Happy (2007): A young boy named Indio, who is growing up in Mexico, asks his father for a rooster for his fifteenth birthday. Since he cannot afford a rooster, Indio's father buys him a night with a prostitute. Indio falls in love with the prostitute and does whatever he can in order to win her love. 79 min Trade (2007): A girl from Mexico City is abducted into modern-day slavery; her brother goes on a quest to rescue her. 119 min Trading Women (2003): Trading Women documents the sex trafficking trade in China, Thailand, and Burma, depicted as a local and international problem. Narrated by Angelina Jolie. 77 min Trafficked (2005): Luigi Acquisto’s documentary explores the sex trafficking trade in Southeast Asia and Australia through former Australian Federal Police Officer Chris Payne. 60 min Trafficking Cinderella (1999): Since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, there has been a marked increase 49

in sex trafficking from the former Soviet Union to Western Europe and North America, as explored in this film. 48 min Turning a Corner (2006): A documentary that tells the stories of those affected by the sex trade in Chicago; their efforts to raise awareness for necessary policy reforms are revealed. 60 min Very Young Girls (2007): This film follows 13- and 14year-old girls in New York and the mistreatment and abuse that they endure as young prostitutes. Rachel Lloyd, a survivor herself, runs GEMS, a recovery center that is also discussed in the film. 84 min The Virgin Harvest (2006): After decades of civil war, Cambodia's proud ancient culture has been shattered and the family base has been broken. In this gap, a flourishing child trafficking industry has evolved. Undercover equipment reveals the warped reality in which children are sold and smuggled across borders in order to entertain pedophiles from around the world. The girls tell their intimate and chilling stories with the sensitive help of two women who have risked their lives in order to fight the sex trade. 112 min The Virgin Trade: Sex Lies and Trafficking (2006): A documentary that focuses on Thailand's red light districts and international sex tourism. 54 min Your name is Justine (Masz na imie Justine) (2006): A young woman from Poland travels around Europe with her boyfriend. When they arrive in Germany, he sells her into prostitution. The film follows the woman's attempt to free herself. 97 min


THE ABOLITIONIST The Spirit of Motherhood and Fatherhood Abolitionists correctly understood this. Slavers did not: God is the God of Liberty, ONLY, meaning NO slavery allowed.

Anti-Slavery Society Convention 50


“Not only do I pray for it, on the score of human dignity, but I can clearly foresee that nothing but the rooting out of slavery can perpetuate the existence of our union, by consolidating it in a common bond of principle.” —President George Washington

THE TIMELINE OF THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY 1619 : George Fox, generally called the founder of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers), influences agitation among Quakers against slaveholding by Society members when he speaks against slavery on his visit to North America. 1676: Nathaniel Bacon (Bacon's Rebellion) appeals to enslaved blacks to join in his cause. Slavery is prohibited in West New Jersey, a Quaker settlement in current day South New Jersey. 1693: An Exhortation & Caution to Friends Concerning the Buying or Keeping of Negroes by the Philadelphia Monthly Meeting is published in Philadelphia. 11750: Georgia is the last of the British North American colonies to legalize slavery. 1754:The first anti-slavery tract is written by John Woolman, a Quaker from New Jersey. 1758: The Quakers of England held their annual meeting and for the first time, denounced England's role in the Slave Trade. 1759: Publication in Germantown (PA) of Anthony Benezet's pamphlet, Observations on the Inslaving [sic], Importing and Purchasing of Negroes, the first of many anti-slavery works by the most influential antislavery writer of 18th century America. 1766: Granville Sharp becomes a prominent lawman for slaves in court. The Quakers of England and America exchange letters and England's Quakers are urged to start the fight against slavery. Letters, essays and other forms of inspirational messages are released amongst the public. An example is Thomas Clarkson's "Is it lawful to make slaves of others against their wills?" essay. 1767: The Strong case established that slaves from the Americas and other colonies would remain slaves in England only, if they had signed a contract agreeing to leave the country and be a slave. Else their master had no rights over them. 1772 : The Somersett case took place, ruling in favor of abducted slave James Somersett and setting him free. With this case, English law had set a stand that slavery does not legally exist in England. 1774: Ignatius Sancho, "the extraordinary Negro" votes in England's parliamentary elections. He is of African origin and was a symbol of inspiration for the abolition movement. The same year, Scottish law officially states that slavery is not a recognized practice. 1775: The Society for the Relief of Free Negroes Unlawfully Held in Bondage was formed. It was the first formal abolitionist group that was American in nationality. During America's fight for independence from colonial rule, runaway slaves were promised freedom if they aided the British. 1783: Sir Cecil Wray submitted a petition to the English parliament, to recognize the unfairness of slavery and asking for its abolishment. On the other side of the Atlantic, the American states of Massachusetts and New Hampshire began to free slaves. Connecticut and Rhode Island would follow suit in a year. 1787: William Wilberforce, the MP of Hull, joined the abolitionists and he would soon become the most influential and indeed, the leader of England's movement against slavery. 1789: Using his parliamentary seat, Wilberforce first brought up the issue of slavery in parliament and would continue to repeat and urge English law to change its pro-slavery attitude for 26 years, until the Slave Trade Act was passed. 1807: An anti-slavery supporter, Lord Grenville became the Prime Minister of England in 1806. One year later, he introduced the Slave Trade Abolition Bill and a month later, the Abolition of the Slave Trade Act is passed. Carrying slaves on ships to and fro from colonies, selling and buying of slaves was banned by law. This act was passed after nearly 200 years, since the first ship carried slaves from Africa to America. But the practice of slavery existed in British colonies, where one could have slaves as property. 1808: America abolished trading of slaves. Like England, owning and controlling slaves was still legal. England ended its slave trade and began to urge other European nations to follow through. In 1810, it started negotiations with Portugal. In 1815, at the Congress of Vienna, it urged Spain, France and the Netherlands to stop their slave trading. 1817: In a smart step to counter illegal trading, Wilberforce introduces and passes a slave registration act, where slave owners must create a bi-yearly account of the laves they own. The central registry was set up in London. 1818: France abolished the slave trade from its shores. 51


1822: Most South American nations had abolished slavery by this time. Exceptions were Puerto Rico, Cuba and Brazil. 1831: William Lloyd Garrison publishes The Liberator. Nat Turner Slave Rebellion. 1833: The American Anti-Slavery Society formed. The Slavery Abolition Act was passed, banning slavery in totality, in any British state or colony. Slaves were not freed immediately, they had to remain apprentices for 6 years, under their masters. In 1838, even this system is abolished and so slaves were now free people. 1844: John Quincy Adams finally wins repeal of the Gag Rule in Congress. 1847: Frederick Douglass begins publishing The North Star. 1848: The nations of France and Denmark banned slavery in totality, trading and owning. Holland would follow suit in 1863, Spain in 1870. 1853: Argentina bans slavery. 1857: Dred Scott Court Decision which stated that the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional, and that slaves were not citizens but the property of their owners 1858: Lincoln-Douglas Debates. 1859: Abolitionist John Brown’s raid at the federal arsenal in Harper’s Ferry, Virginia. 1863: The Emancipation Proclamation is passed, freeing slaves who live in the Confederate states. 1865: The Thirteenth Amendment is added to the U.S Constitution and legitimately bans slavery and bonded or forced labor, throughout the American nation. 1886: Cuba bans slavery. 1888: Brazil finally bans slavery.

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BENJAMIN FRANKLIN January 17, 1706 – April 17, 1790 One of the Founding Fathers of the United States.

“Attention to emancipate black people, it is therefore to be hoped will become a branch of our national police; but, as far as we contribute to promote this emancipation, so far that attention is evidently a serious duty incumbent on us, and which we mean to discharge to “To instruct, to advise, to qualify those who have been restored to freedom, for the exercised and enjoyment of civil liberty; to promote in them habits of industry; to furnish them with employments suited to their age, sex, talents, and other circumstances; and to procure their children an education calculated for their future situation in life, these are the great outlines of the annexed plan, which we have adopted, and which we conceive will essentially promote the public good, and the happiness of these our hitherto too much neglected fellow creatures.”

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ANTHONY BENEZET January 31, 1713 – May 3, 1784 Considered the “Father of Atlantic Abolitionism.” A Pennsylvania Quaker who turned his whole church against slavery. He founded the Pennsylvania Abolition Society and produced a constant stream of influential free tracts. They sent the first anti-slavery petition to the British parliament, and persuaded London Quakers to form the first abolition society there. “Liberty is the right of every human creature, as soon as he breathes the vital air. And no human law can deprive him of the right which he derives from the law of nature.” “The races are equal and the claim of racial inequality is a “vulgar prejudice” founded on the pride and ignorance of the lordly masters, who keep their slaves at such a distance, as to be unable to form a right judgment of them?”

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DAVID RICE 1733 – 1816 He made the provision of low-cost or free education an important aspect of his mission and was instrumental in founding Hampden-Sydney College, in Virginia, and Transylvania University, in Kentucky. “From our definition it will follow, that a slave is a free moral agent legally deprived of free agency, and obliged to act according to the will of another free agent of the same species; and yet he is accountable to his Creator for the use he makes of his own free agency.” “When we plead for slavery, we plead for the disgrace and ruin “Slavery naturally tends to destroy all sense of justice and equity. It puffs up the mind with pride: teaches youth a habit of looking down upon their fellow creatures with contempt, esteeming them as dogs or devils, and imagining themselves beings of superior dignity and importance, to whom all are indebted. This banishes the idea, and un-qualifies the mind for the practice of common justice.”

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THOMAS "TOM" PAINE February 9, 1737 – June 8, 1809 One of the Founding Fathers of the United States. An author, pamphleteer, radical inventor, intellectual and revolutionary. He wanted to abolish slavery at the same time that American independence was won, but the pressure from slave owners was too great to overcome. “He that would make his own liberty secure, must guard even his enemy from oppression; for if he violates this duty, he establishes a precedent that will reach to himself.” “The World is my country, all mankind are my brethren and to do good is my religion.” “Those who expect to reap the blessings of freedom must, like men, undergo the fatigue of supporting it.” “An army of principles can penetrate where an army of soldiers cannot.” “If there must be trouble, let it be in my day, that my child may have peace.”

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JAMES WILSON September 14, 1742 – August 21, 1798 One of the Founding Fathers of the United States and a signer of the United States Declaration of Independence. He was a major force in drafting the United States Constitution. A leading legal theoretician, he was one of the six original justices appointed by George Washington to the Supreme Court of the United States. “Slavery, or an absolute and unlimited power in the master over the life and fortune of the slave, is unauthorized by the common law.... The reasons which we sometimes see assigned for the origin and the continuance of slavery appear, when examined to the bottom, to be built upon a false foundation. In the enjoyment of their persons and of their property, the common law protects all.” “The happiness of society is the first law of every government. This rule is founded on the law of nature: it must control every political maxim: it must regulate the legislature itself. The people have a right to insist that this rule be observed; and are entitled to demand a moral security that the legislature will observe it. If they have not the first [that right], they are slaves; if they have not the second [that moral security], they are, every moment, exposed to slavery.”

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JOHN JAY December 12, 1745—May 17, 1829 President of the Continental Congress, 1st Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court. Served as Governor of New York. He was a leading opponent of slavery. He co-wrote the Federalist Papers with “It is much to be wished that slavery may be abolished. The honor of the States, as well as justice and humanity, in my opinion, loudly call upon them to emancipate these unhappy people. To contend for our own liberty, and to deny that blessing to others, involves an inconsistency not to be excused.” “That men should pray and fight for their own freedom and yet keep others in slavery is certainly acting a very inconsistent as well as unjust and perhaps impious part.”

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DR. BENJAMIN RUSH January 4, 1746—April 19, 1813 One of the Founding Fathers of the United States. a physician, writer, educator, humanitarian and a Universalist, as well as the founder of Dickinson College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. “Freedom can exist only in the society of knowledge. Without learning, men are incapable of knowing their rights.” “I need say hardly anything in favor of the Intellects of the Negroes, or of their capacities for virtue and happiness, although these have been supposed by some to be inferior to those of the inhabitants of Europe. The accounts which travelers give of their ingenuity, humanity and strong attachments to their parents, relations, friends and country, show us that they are equal to the Europeans.… All the vices which are charged upon the Negroes in the southern colonies, and the West Indies, such as idleness, treachery, theft and the like, are the genuine offspring of slavery, and serve as an argument to prove, that they were not intended, by Providence, for it.”

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PRESIDENT JAMES MADISON March 16, 1751—June 28, 1836 Political philosopher who served as the fourth President of the United States and is one of the Founding Fathers of the United States of America. “If slavery, as a national evil, is to be abolished, and it be just that it be done at the national expense, the amount of the expense is not a paramount consideration.” “American citizens are instrumental in carrying on a traffic in enslaved Africans, equally in violation of the laws of humanity and in defiance of those of their own country. The same just and benevolent motives which produced interdiction in force against this criminal conduct will doubtless be felt by Congress in devising further means of suppressing evil.” “We have seen the mere distinction of color made in the most enlightened period of time, a ground of the most oppressive dominion ever exercised by man over man.”

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GOUVERNEUR MORRIS January 31, 1752—November 6, 1816 American statesman and diplomat, was one of the important authors of the U.S. Constitution. He was one of the only delegates at the Philadelphia Convention who spoke openly against domestic slavery. “Slavery is the curse of heaven on the states where it prevails. ...with the misery and poverty which overspread the barren wastes of Virginia, Maryland, and the other states having slaves.... Proceed southwardly, and every step you take, through the great regions of slaves, presents a desert increasing with the increasing proportion of these wretched beings. Upon what principle is it that the slaves shall be computed in the representation? Are they men? Then make them citizens, and let them vote. Are they property? Why, then, is no other property included?”

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BISHOP RICHARD ALLEN February 14, 1760 – March 26, 1831 A minister, educator, writer, and the founder in 1816 of the African Methodist Episcopal (AME), the first independent black denomination in the United States.

“If you love your children, if you love your country, if you love the God of love, clear your hands from slaves, burden not your children or country with them.” “We deemed it expedient to have a form of discipline, whereby we may guide our people in the fear of God, in the unity of the Spirit, and in the bonds of peace, and preserve us from that spiritual despotism which we have so recently experienced-remembering that we are not to lord it over God's heritage, as greedy dogs that can never have enough. But with long suffering, and bowels of compassion to bear each other's burdens, and so fulfill the Law of Christ, praying that our mutual striving together for the promulgation of the Gospel may be crowned with abundant success.”

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PRESIDENT JOHN QUINCY ADAMS July 11, 1767 – February 23, 18488 The sixth President of the United States. Pro-slavery members of congress, in 1836, brought about the passage of the first ``Gag Rule,'' whereby all petitions relating to slavery would be laid on the table without being referred to committee or printed; it was re-adopted at the beginning of each succeeding session of congress. Adams contended that these ``Gag Rules'' were a direct violation of the First Amendment to the Federal Constitution, and refused to be silenced on the question, fighting for repeal with indomitable courage, in spite of the bitter denunciation by his opponents. Each year the number of anti-slavery petitions received and presented by him increased; in 1844 his motion to repeal the twentyfirst Gag Rule was carried by a vote of 108 to 80 and his battle was won. “Always vote for principle, though you may vote alone, and you may cherish the sweetest reflection that your vote is never lost.” “If your actions inspire others to dream more, learn more, do more and become more, you are a leader.” “Human bondage establishes false estimates of virtue and vice for what can be more false and heartless than this doctrine which makes the first and holiest rights of humanity to depend upon the color of the skin.”

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ELIZABETH HEYRICK December 4, 1769—October 18, 1831 A radical abolitionist and social reformer, who wrote Immediate, Not Gradual Abolition in 1824, the publication that convincingly launched women’s intellection in the Abolitionist movement. She argued that the so-called vices of the slaves are really a product of slavery, not intrinsic to the people enslaved. “Give the slave his liberty—in the sound name of justice, give it him at once. Whilst you hold him in bondage, he will profit little from your plans of amelioration. He has not, by all his complicated injuries and debasements, been disinherited of his sagacity;—this will teach him to give no credit to your admonitory lessons—your Christian instructions will be lost upon him, so long as he both knows and feels that his instructors are grossly violating their own lessons.” “It is high time to resort to other measures…too much time has already been lost in declamation and argument…the cause for emancipation calls for something more decisive, more efficient than words.”

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ARTHUR & LEWIS TAPPAN 1788 — 1873 Wealthy merchants from a strong Calvinist family. Lewis is best known for his role in organizing the defense of Joseph Cinque in the Amistad trial. They funded anti-slavery journals and helped to form the American Anti-Slavery Society. They and other disaffected former members of the American Anti-Slavery Society formed the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, which employed political abolitionism. After the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, they supported the Underground Railroad, and fought for black civil rights in the North. There abolitionist deeds were often met with hostility, which extended as far as the destruction of a church they built. “Judge not of virtue by the name, or think to read it on the skin. Honor in white and black the same—the stamp of glory is within.” “They are entitled to their freedom here.”

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JOSIAH HENSON 1789 – 1883 Author, abolitionist, and minister.

“My brother and sisters were bid off first...my mother, paralyzed with grief, held me by the hand. Her turn came and she was bought. Then I was offered...My mother, half distracted with the thought of parting forever from all her children, pushed through the crowd while the bidding for me was going on, to the spot where Riley was standing. She fell at his feet, and clung to his knees, entreating him in tones that a mother could only command, to buy her baby as well as herself, and spare to her one, of her little ones. This man disengaged himself from her with violent blows and kicks.” “We lodged in huts and on the bare ground. Wooden floors were an unknown luxury. In a single room were huddled, like cattle, ten or a dozen persons, men, women, and children. All ides of refinement and decency were of course out of the question.”

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LUCRETIA MOTT January 3, 1793—November 11, 1880 “A Quaker and a “non-resistant” pacifist who was committed to black emancipation and women’s rights. As a woman, her role in official abolitionist movements was fraught with difficulties. In 1840, she and six other American female delegates to the World Anti-Slavery Convention in England were refused seats. Because of her opposition to violence of any kind, Mott did not support the Civil War as a means of liberating slaves. She did, however, “I have no idea, because I am a non-resistant, of submitting tamely to injustice inflicted either on me or on the slave. I will oppose it with all the moral powers with which I am endowed. I am no advocate of passivity.” “The world has never yet seen a truly great and virtuous nation because in the degradation of woman the very fountains of life are poisoned at their source.”

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REVEREND JOHN RANKIN February 5, 1793 – March 18, 1886 Presbyterian minister, educator and abolitionist. He became known as one of the first and most active "conductors" on the Underground Railroad. Prominent pre-Civil War abolitionists William Lloyd Garrison, Henry Ward Beecher and Harriet Beecher Stowe were influenced by Rankin's writings and work in the anti-slavery movement. When Beecher was asked after the end of the Civil War, "Who abolished slavery?," he answered, “Let all the friends of justice and suffering humanity, do what little they can, in their several circles, and according to their various stations, capacities and opportunities; and their little streams of exertion will, in process of time, flow together, and constitute a mighty river that shall sweep away the yoke oppression, and purge our nation from the abominations of slavery.” “We feel the hand of oppression not only upon the slave, but upon ourselves. Where I live, my soul is harrowed continually with the cruelties committed in sight of my house, where slavery exists in its mildest form. I rejoice in the triumph of principles of immediate emancipation because I know, from long observation, that it is the only thing that can relieve both master and slave from inevitable ruin.”

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SAMUEL J. MAY September 12, 1797—July 1, 1871 His life was forever changed when he heard William Lloyd Garrison lecture about immediate, unconditional emancipation without expatriation in 1830. May wrote of that experience, “my soul was baptized in his spirit, and ever since I have a disciple and fellow-laborer of Wm. Lloyd Garrison.” He called for the “rights of humanity” to be respected more than “the rights of property.” A Unitarian minister, who was a pacifist and practiced non-violent resistance by lecturing, acting as a general agent of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, and sheltering slaves on the Underground Railroad. In one notable case, May helped to liberate William “Jerry” Henry, who had been taken into custody in Syracuse under the Fugitive Slave Law, and was to be returned to slavery. After the “Jerry Rescue,” a pro-slavery mob attacked May and other rescuers and burned the unwavering May in effigy. “It is our own prejudice against the color of these poor people that makes us consent to the tremendous wrongs they are suffering.”

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SOJOURNER TRUTH c. 1797—November 26, 1883 She was the self-given name, from 1843, of Isabella Baumfree, an African-American abolitionist and women's rights activist. Truth was born into slavery in Swartekill, New York. Her bestknown speech, Ain't I A Woman?, was delivered in 1851 at the Ohio Women's Rights Convention in Akron, OH. “If women want any rights more than they's got, why don't they just take them, and not be talking about it.” “Truth is powerful and it prevails.” “Religion without humanity is very poor human stuff.”

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GERRIT SMITH March 6, 1797—December 28, 1874 A wealthy abolitionist from Utica, New York. His conversion to abolitionism occurred in 1835, when he attended an abolitionist conference. The meeting was disrupted by a violent mob of antiabolitionists. Consequently, he offered his Peterboro, New York estate to house the conference and, there, made a powerful speech on behalf of the cause. He became the president of the New York Anti-Slavery Society for three years. He served as Station Master of the Underground railroad and sold portions of his land to fugitive slaves for the nominal fee of one dollar. He was also one of the Secret Six, a group of supporters who gave financial assistance to John Brown for his “God cannot approve of a system of servitude, in which the master is guilty of assuming absolute power—of assuming God’s place and relation toward his fellow-men.” “Our concern, is with slavery as it is, and not with any theory of it.” “True, permanent peace can never be restored until slavery,

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LEVI & CATHERINE COFFIN October 28, 1798 –September 16, 1877 A famous Quaker abolitionist. Known as President of the Underground Railroad. He got money for slaves, as quickly as they needed? Levi traveled up and down the Underground Railroad, encouraging workers and seeing for himself, that runaways were being treated well. In, New Garden, North Carolina, he opened a Sunday Quaker school for slaves. Levi was a model for the book Uncle Tom’s Cabin. After that he met up with Harriet Tubman and he began rescuing slaves with her. He and his wife

"I had already risked everything in the work - life, property and reputation - and did not feel bound to respect human laws that came in direct contact with the law of God." “Today, man's law commands us to not interfere with child-sacrifice. This does not cancel God's command to rescue the weak and needy.” (Ps. 82:4). “May God bless all of you with faith that manifests into courageous obedience.”

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REVEREND NAT TURNER October 2, 1800—November 11, 1831 The leader of a slave insurrection in Virginia, known as the "Nat Turner's Rebellion," on August 21, 1831, as a result of the exploitative conditions of the Southern slave system Unlike most blacks of the time, Turner was literate. He and his companions were caught and he was hanged. “Being at play with other children, when three or four years old, I was telling them something, which my mother overhearing, said it had happened before I was born... others being called on were greatly astonished...and caused them to say in my “Having soon discovered to be great, I must appear so, and therefore studiously avoided mixing in society, and wrapped myself in mystery, devoting my time to fasting and prayer.” “What right did white men have to treat me like an ox simply because I am black when an indomitable soul within is as good as they.”

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JOHN BROWN May 9, 1800 – December 2, 1859 Abolitionist who advocated and practiced armed insurrection as a means to end slavery. John Brown would stand in the back and suddenly at the age of 37 publicly consecrate his life to the destruction of human enslavement, by any means necessary (he raised his right hand as if taking a vow and spoke a single sentence: “Here before God, in the presence of these witnesses, I consecrate my life to the destruction of slavery”. At his trial in reference to the Holy Bible. “It teaches me to "remember them that are in bonds, as bound with them." I endeavored to act up to that instruction. I am too young to understand that God is any respecter of persons. I believe that to have interfered as I have done -- as I have always freely admitted I have done -- in behalf of His despised poor, was not wrong, but right. Now if it is deemed necessary that I should forfeit my life for the furtherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood further with the blood of my children and with the blood of millions in this slave country whose rights are disregarded by wicked, cruel, and unjust enactments. -- I submit; so let it be done.”

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WILLIAM H. SEWARD May 16, 1801—October 10, 1872 Abolitionist, humanitarian, liberator and Union spy during the American Civil War. From Auburn, New York, he served as governor of New York from 1838 to 1842. He was elected to the U.S. Senate as a Whig party member in 1847, primarily because of his anti-slavery stance. He fought a hard political battle against the Missouri Compromise of 1850 and in favor of the admission of California as a free state.

“But you answer, that the Constitution recognizes property in slaves. It would be sufficient, then, to reply, that this constitutional recognition must be void, because it is repugnant to the law of nation and of nations.” “The color of the prisoners skin, and the form of his features, are not impressed upon the spiritual immortal mind which works beneath. In spite of human pride, he is still your brother, and mine, in form and color accepted and approved by his Father, and yours, and mine, and bears equally with us the proudest inheritance of our race the image of our Maker. Hold him then to be a Man.”

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LYDIA MARIA CHILD February 11, 1802-October Novelist, scholar, and activist for women’s rights She wrote “An Appeal to that Class of Americans Called Africans,” an anti-slavery tract in which she declared her willingness to battle for emancipation. “The cure for all the ills and wrongs, the cares, the sorrows, and the crimes of humanity, all lie in the one word 'love'. It is the divine vitality that everywhere produces and restores life.” “While we bestow our earnest disapprobation on the system of slavery, let us not flatter ourselves that we are in reality any better than our brethren of the South. Thanks to our soul and climate, and the early exertions of the Quakers, the form of slavery does not exist among us; but the very spirit of the hateful and mischievous thing is here in all its strength. The manner in which we use what power we have, gives us ample reason to be grateful that the nature of our institutions does not entrust us with more. Our prejudice against colored people is even more inveterate than it is at the south.”

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MARIA W. STEWART 1803—1879 A public speaker, abolitionist, writer, and feminist, in the 1830’s. She was the first American born woman to deliver a political speech to a mixed gender audience.

“O, ye daughters of Africa, awake! arise! no longer sleep nor slumber, but distinguish yourselves. Show forth to the world that ye are endowed with noble and exalted faculties.” “Look at our young men, smart, active, and energetic, with souls filled with ambitious fire; if they look forward, alas! What are their prospects? They can be nothing but the humblest laborers, on account of their dark complexions; hence many of them lose their ambition, and become worthless.” “Had the men amongst us, who have had an opportunity, turned their attention as assiduously to mental and moral improvement as they have to gambling and dancing, I might have remained quietly at home, and they would have stood contending in my place.”

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THEODORE & ANGELINA WELD November 23, 1803 – February 3, 1895 ▪ February 20, 1805 – October 25, 1879 Leading architects of the American abolitionist movement during its formative years, from 1830 through 1844.

“The Society is based on that great law of human right, that nothing but crime can forfeit liberty. That no condition of birth, no shade of color, no mere misfortune of circumstances, can annul that birthright charter, which God has bequeathed to every being upon whom he has stamped his own image, by making him a free moral agent, and that he who robs his fellow man of this tramples upon right, subverts justice, outrages humanity, unsettles the foundation of human safety, and sacrilegiously assumes the prerogative of God.” “Human beings may be inconsistent, but human nature is true to herself. She has uttered her testimony against slavery with a shriek ever since the monster was begotten; and till it perishes amidst the execrations of the universe, she will traverse the world on its track, dealing her bolts upon its head, and dashing against it her condemning brand.”

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WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON December 13, 1805 - May 24, 1879 The lightning rod of the abolitionist movement, promoted nonviolent and non-political resistance, to achieve emancipation. In 1831, he began publishing The Liberator, the single most important abolitionist publication, and later led the American Anti-Slavery Society. His vociferous language and his very presence outraged antiabolitionist Northerners who attacked him, sometimes physically, with mob-driven violence. His avid support for a woman’s right to participate in the movement and his attack on the American Constitution as a proslavery document created irretrievable divisions in the abolitionist movement. However, his unflagging conviction and his influence in promoting “immediatism” shaped the course of abolitionism in America.. “Enslave the liberty of but one human being and the liberties of the world are put in peril.” “That which is not just is not law.” “Wherever there is a human being, I see God-given rights inherent in that being, whatever may be the sex or complexion.” “You can not possibly have a broader basis for government than that which includes

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GAMALIEL BAILEY December 3, 1807—June 5, 1859 An American journalist and abolitionist. He edited a daily paper, the Herald, and in 1847 assumed control of the new abolitionist publication, the National Era. "Never respect men merely for their riches, but rather for their philanthropy; we do not value the sun for its height, but for its use.� Oppression! I have seen thee, face to face, And met thy cruel eye and cloudy brow; But thy soul-withering glance I fear not now For dread to prouder feelings doth give place Of deep abhorrence! Scorning the disgrace Of slavish knees that at thy footstool bow, I also kneel -- but with far other vow Do hail thee and thy hord of hirelings base: I swear, while life-blood warms my throbbing veins, Still to oppose and thwart, with heart and hand, Thy brutalising sway -- till Africa's chains Are burst, and Freedom rules the rescued land, -Trampling Oppression and his iron rod: Such is the vow I take -- SO HELP ME GOD!

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PRESIDENT ABRAHAM LINCOLN February 12, 1809 – April 15, 1865 Served as the 16th President of the United States from March 1861 until his assassination in April 1865. He successfully led his country through its greatest internal crisis, the American Civil War, preserving the Union and ending slavery. “This is a world of compensations; and he who would be no slave, must consent to have no slave. Those who deny freedom to others, deserve it not for themselves; and, under a just God, can not long retain it.” “Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.” “The slave-breeders and slave-traders, are a small, odious and detested class, among you; and yet in politics, they dictate the course of all of you, and are as completely your masters, as you are the master of your own negroes.” “I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I can not remember when I did not so think, and feel.”

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CASSIUS MARCELLUS CLAY October 19, 1810 – July 22, 1903 Cassius Clay was a paradox - a southern aristocrat who became a prominent anti-slavery crusader. He was a son of Green Clay, one of the wealthiest landowners and slaveholders in Kentucky. Clay worked toward emancipation, both as a Kentucky state representative and as an early member of the Republican Party. “I felt all the horrors of slavery; but my parents were slave-holders ; all my known kindred in Kentucky were slave-holders; and I regarded it as I did other evils of humanity, as the fixed law of Nature or of God, and submitted as best I might.” “Liberty and,Slavery can not co-exist ! One or the other must triumph utterly.” “If there was such a thing as evil in the world, slavery was an evil. If there was such a thing as justice among men, then justice required the liberation of the slave; and, as to rights: "The greatest of all rights, was the right of a man to himself.” “I will never use the sword while slavery is proteected in rebel states. When I draw a sword, it shall be for the liberation and not the enslavement of mankind.” “Russia liberated her slaves not by war and gave them lands, America did neither.”

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HARRIET BEECHER STOWE June 14, 1811—July 1, 1896 An American abolitionist and author. She wrote Uncle Tom’s Cabin an epic of 19th-century life, which depicted life for African Americans under slavery. Uncle Tom’s Cabin was the most powerful attack on slavery written in the 1850s. After Harriet Beecher Stowe’s book was published, more people helped slaves escape North to freedom. When President Abraham Lincoln met Harriet Beecher Stowe he said, “So you’re the little lady who started the Civil War!”

“A woman's health is her capital.” “In all ranks of life the human heart yearns for the beautiful; and the beautiful things that God makes are his gift to all alike.” “So much has been said and sung of beautiful young girls, why doesn't somebody wake up to the beauty of old women.” “To be really great in little things, to be truly noble and heroic in the insipid details of everyday life, is a virtue so rare as to be worthy of canonization.” “In all ranks of life the human heart yearns for the beautiful; and the beautiful things that God makes are his gift to all alike.”

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JONATHAN BLANCHARD January 19, 1811 - 1892 Pastor, Educator, Abolitionist, Social Reformer. He was the first president of Wheaton College in Illinois, which was founded in 1869.

“The slave-holder's rule contradicts this fundamental truth of God's word, that "God has made of one blood all the nations of men," and if of one blood, they are of equal blood.” “God hath created all men free and equal, and hath endowed them with certain inalienable rights, which may not lay down, and which no man or body of men called a Legislature can take away without sin. This is why we may not make men slaves.”

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WENDELL PHLLIPS November 29, 1811-February 2, 1884 One of the movement’s most powerful orators. He came from a wealthy and influential family, that was appalled by his activism in support of the abolitionist cause. He was undaunted in his work and was thrust into prominence when he gave a riveting speech in Boston’s Faneuil Hall in defense of Elijah Lovejoy in 1837. He also gave generously to abolitionists in need of financial assistance. “Truth is one forever absolute, but opinion is truth filtered through the moods, the blood, the disposition of the spectator.” “Write on my gravestone: "Infidel, Traitor.", infidel to every church that compromises with wrong; traitor to every government that oppresses the people.” “To suppress minority thinking and minority expression would tend to freeze society and prevent progress. Now more than ever, we must keep in the forefront of our minds the fact that whenever we take away the liberties of those we hate, we are opening….” “Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty; power is ever stealing from the many to the few.”

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DR. MARTIN ROBINSON DELANY May 6, 1812– January 24, 1885 Physician, abolitionist, editor, Niger Valley Explorer, trial justice, freemason, author, scientist, highest ranking black officer during the Civil War. He had the qualities of a president watching over the lives of his people. “We must make an issue, create an event, and establish a national position for ourselves, and never may expect to be respected as men and women, until we have undertaken some fearless, bold and adventurous deeds of daring…” “Every people should be originators of their own destiny.” “Our elevation must be the result of self-efforts and work of our own hands. No other human power can accomplish it. If we but decide it shall be, it will be so.”

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ELIZABETH CADY STANTON November 12, 1815—October 26, 1902 She was an American social activist, abolitionist, and leading figure of the early woman's movement. Her Declaration of Sentiments, presented at the first women's rights convention held in 1848 in Seneca Falls, New York, is often credited with initiating the first organized woman's rights and woman's suffrage movements in the United States. She was the cousin of abolitionist Gerrit Smith. “The black man, as a slave, was compelled to lie and cheat and steal. All he got was by his wits; he had no rights which any one was bound to respect. He had nothing to hope for, nothing to gain; hence food and clothes were more to him than principles.” “Virtue and independence go hand in hand. If you would have the future men of this nation do justice and walk uprightly, remove every barrier in the way of woman's elevation, that she, too, with honor and dignity on her brow, may stand self-poised, above fear, want or temptation.” “When woman understands the momentous interests that depend on the ballot, she will make it her first duty to educate every American boy and girl into the idea that to vote is the most sacred act of citizenship—a religious duty not to be discharged thoughtlessly, selfishly or corruptly; but conscientiously, remembering that, in a republican government, to every citizen is entrusted the interests of the nation.”

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HENRY HIGHLAND GARNET December 23, 1815 – February 13, 1882 Abolitionist and orator. An advocate of militant abolitionism, Garnet was a prominent member of the abolition movement. Renowned for his skills as a public speaker, he urged blacks to take action and claim their own destinies. Garnet was the first black minister to preach to the United States House of Representatives. “In every man’s mind, the good seeds of liberty are planted, and he who brings his fellow down so low, as to make him contented with a condition of slavery, commits the highest crime against God and man.” “The orators and statesmen of our land, whether they belong to the past, or to the present, will live and shine in the annals of history, in proportion as they have dedicated their genius and talents to the defense of Justice and man's God-given rights.” “Rather die freemen than live to be slaves.” “The humblest peasant is as free in the sight of God as the proudest monarch that ever swayed a sceptre. Liberty is a spirit sent from God and like its great Author is no respecter of persons.”

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PARDEE BUTLER March 9, 1816 - October 20, 1888 A farmer and preacher who arrived in Kansas in 1855 and was involved there in the run-up to the American Civil War. He is remembered in Kansas history for being set adrift on the Missouri River on a raft by pro-slavery men for his abolitionist beliefs. “As respects slavery, the whole power of the master and the obligation of the servant is found in the proper meaning of the words of such precepts as these "Masters, render unto your servants that which is just and equal;" "servants, obey your masters," etc. All within such limits is the doctrine which is according to godliness--all beyond, whether on the part of the master or the slave, and which is attempted to be foisted into the church as a part of the apostolic doctrine, is schismatical, and essentially fills up the picture drawn by Paul: "If any man teach otherwise, and consent not to wholesome words, even the words of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the doctrine which is according to godliness; he is proud, knowing nothing'--from such withdraw thyself." In these precepts no right is given to the masters to buy and sell, to traffic in slaves; no right to enslave the children, and the children's children of his servants; no right to hold them in a relentless bondage which knows no limit but the grave, and in which the heritage transmitted by the slave to his children, is a heritage of bondage to all generations.�

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FREDERICK DOUGLAS c. 1818—February 20, 1895 Abolitionist, women's suffragist, editor, orator, author, statesman and reformer.

“It is easier to build strong children than to repair broken men.” “I prefer to be true to myself, even at the hazard of incurring the ridicule of others, rather than to be false, and to incur my own abhorrence.” “The soul that is within me no man can degrade.” “I would unite with anybody to do right and with nobody to do wrong.” “America is false to the past, false to the present, and solemnly binds herself to be false to the future.” “No man can put a chain about the ankle of his fellow man without at last finding the other end fastened about his own neck.” “Without a struggle there can be no progress.” “The life of a nation is secure only while the nation is honest, truthful and virtuous.”

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HARRIET TUBMAN c. 1822—March 10, 1933 Abolitionist, humanitarian, liberator and Union spy during the American Civil War. During the 1850s, she made 19 trips back to Maryland and helped more than 300 slaves escape to freedom.Harriet made 19 trips back to Maryland and helped more than 300 slaves escape to freedom. “I had reasoned this out in my mind, there was one of two things I had a right to, liberty or death; if I could not have one, I would have the other.” “Every great dream begins with a dreamer. Always remember, you have within you the strength, the patience, and the passion to reach for the stars to change the world.” “I freed a thousand slaves I could have freed a thousand more if only they knew they were slaves.”

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IDA B. WELLS July 16, 1862—March 25, 1931 An early leader in the civil rights movement, she documented the extent of lynching in the United States, and was also active in the women's rights and suffrage movements.

“One had better die fighting against injustice than die like a dog or a rat in a trap.” “Brave men do not gather by thousands to torture and murder a single individual, so gagged and bound he cannot make even feeble resistance or defense.” “The white man’s victory soon became complete by fraud, violence, intimidation and murder.”

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FRANCES ELLEN HARPER September 24, 1862—February 22, 1931 Abolitionist, fearless champion of human rights, lecturer, writer, activist and poet.

“No race can afford to neglect the enlightenment of its mothers.” “The important lesson we should learn and be able to teach, is how to make every gift, whether gold or talent, fortune or genius, sub serve the cause of crushed humanity and carry out the greatest idea of the present age, the glorious idea of human brotherhood.” “We are all bound together in one great bundle of humanity, and society cannot trample on the weakest and feeblest of its members without receiving the curse in its own soul.” “The work of the mothers of our race is grandly constructive. ... Some races have been overthrown, dashed in pieces, and destroyed; but to-day the world is needing, fainting, for something better than the results of arrogance, aggressiveness, and indomitable power. We need mothers who are capable of being character builders,

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"Spread love everywhere you go: first of all in your own house. Give love to your children, to your wife or husband, to a next door neighbor... Let no one ever come to you without leaving better and happier. Be the living expression of God's kindness; kindness in your face, kindness in your eyes, kindness in your smile, kindness in your warm greeting." -Mother Theresa

WILLIAM EDWARD BURGHARDT DU BOIS February 23, 1868 – August 27, 1963 Born in Massachusetts, Du Bois graduated from Harvard, where he earned his Ph.D in History, the first African American to earn a doctorate at Harvard. Later he became a professor of history and economics at Atlanta University. As head of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1910, he was founder and editor of the NAACP's journal The Crisis. Du Bois wrote many books, including three major autobiographies. Among his most significant works are The Philadelphia Negro (1899), The Souls of Black Folk (1903), John Brown (1909), Black Reconstruction (1935), and Black Folk, Then and Now (1939). His book The Negro (1915) influenced the work of several pioneer Africanist scholars, such as Drusilla Dunjee Houston. and William Leo Hansberry. Du Bois (1899) set forth three significant parts of a criminology theory. The first was that Negro crime was caused by the strain of the "social revolution" experienced by black Americans as they began to adapt to their new-found freedom and position in the nation. This theory was similar to Durkheim's (1893) Anomie theory, but it applied specifically to the newly freed Negro. Du Bois (1900a, p. 3) credited Emancipation with causing the boom in crime in the black population. He explained, "The appearance of crime among the southern Negroes is a symptom of wrong social conditions--of a stress of life greater than a large part of the community can bear." (Du Bois, 1901b, p. 745). He distinguished between the strains on southern Negroes and those on northern Negroes because the problems of city life in the North were different from those of the Southern rural sharecroppers. Du Bois was the most prominent intellectual leader and political activist on behalf of African Americans in the first half of the twentieth century. A contemporary of Booker T. Washington, he carried on a dialogue with the educator about segregation, political disfranchisement, and ways to improve African American life. He was labeled “The Father of PanAfricanism.” Du Bois thought blacks should seek higher education, preferably liberal arts. He also believed blacks should challenge and question whites on all grounds. Du Bois was an outspoken opponent of scientific racism. Along with cultural anthropologist Franz Boas, and in the pages of Crisis magazine, and in debates with advocates of a biological basis for white superiority Du Bois opposed the notion that African-Americans are biologically inferior to whites. Du Bois was invited to Ghana in 1961 by President Kwame Nkrumah to direct the Encyclopedia Africana, a government production, and a long-held dream of his. When, in 1963, he was refused a new U.S. passport, he and his wife, Shirley Graham Du Bois, became citizens of Ghana. Du Bois was married twice: first to Nina Gomer Du Bois (m. 1896, d. 1950) with whom he had two children, Burghardt (who died as a baby) and Yolande; then to the author, playwright, composer, and activist Shirley Graham Du Bois (m. 1951, d. 1977) .

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Education is a progressive discovery of our own ignorance. —Will Durant

BOOKER T. WASHINGTON April 5, 1856—November 14, 1915 He was the dominant figure in the African American community in the United States from 1890 to 1915. Representative of the last generation of black leaders born in slavery, he spoke on behalf of the large majority of blacks who lived in the South but had lost their right to vote. While his opponents called his powerful network of supporters the "Tuskegee Machine," Washington maintained his power because of the sponsorship of powerful whites, widespread support within the black business, educational and religious communities nationwide, his ability to raise large amounts of money from philanthropists, and his accommodation to the political realities of the age of Jim Crow segregation. Washington attained national prominence for his Atlanta Address of 1895, which attracted the attention of politicians and the public, making him a popular spokesperson for African-American citizens. He built a nationwide network of supporters in many black communities, with black ministers, educators and businessmen composing his core supporters. Washington played a dominant role in black politics, winning wide support in the black community and among more liberal whites (especially rich Northern whites). He gained access to top national leaders in politics, philanthropy and education. Washington's efforts included cooperating with white people and enlisting the support of wealthy philanthropists, helping to raise funds to establish and operate thousands of small community schools and institutions of higher education for the betterment of blacks throughout the South. This work continued for many years after his death. Washington argued that the surest way for blacks to gain equal social rights was to demonstrate "industry, thrift, intelligence and property." Northern critics called Washington's followers the "Tuskegee Machine". After 1909, Washington was criticized by the leaders of the new NAACP, especially W. E. B. Du Bois, who demanded a stronger tone of protest for advancement of civil rights needs. Washington replied that confrontation would lead to disaster for the outnumbered blacks, and that cooperation with supportive whites was the only way to overcome pervasive racism in the long run. At the same time, he secretly funded litigation for civil rights cases, such as challenges to southern constitutions and laws that disenfranchised blacks. Washington's work on education issues helped him enlist both the moral and substantial financial support of many major white philanthropists. He became friends with such self-made men as Standard Oil magnate Henry Huttleston Rogers; Sears, Roebuck and Company President Julius Rosenwald; and George Eastman, inventor and founder of Kodak. These individuals and many other wealthy men and women funded his causes, including Hampton and Tuskegee institutes. In addition to his contributions in education, Washington wrote 14 books; his autobiography, Up From Slavery, first published in 1901, is still widely read today. During a difficult period of transition, he did much to improve the working relationship between the races. His work greatly helped blacks to achieve higher education, financial power and understanding of the U.S. legal system. This led to a foundation of the skill set needed to support the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s and further adoption of important federal civil rights laws. — Excerpted from Wikipedia

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Freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE The school was founded on July 4, 1881 as the Tuskegee Normal School for Colored Teachers. It was part of the expansion of institutions of higher education for blacks in the South following the American Civil War, many founded by the northern American Missionary Association. a teachers school was the dream of Lewis Adams, a former slave, and George W. Campbell, a former slaveholder, who shared a commitment to education of blacks. Despite lacking formal education, Adams could read, write and speak several languages. He was an experienced tinsmith, harness-maker and shoemaker and Prince Hall Freemason, an acknowledged leader of the African-American community in Macon County, Alabama. Adams and Campbell had secured $2,000 from the State of Alabama for teachers' salaries but nothing for land, buildings, or equipment. Adams, Thomas Dyer, and M.B. Swanson formed Tuskegee's first board of commissioners. They wrote to the Hampton Institute, a historically black college in Virginia, asking the school for a recommendation for their new school. Samuel C. Armstrong, the Hampton Principal and a former Union general, recommended the 25 yearold Booker T. Washington, an alumnus and teacher at Hampton. The young principal began classes for his new school in a run-down church and shanty. The following year in 1882, Washington bought a plantation, and over the years, the new campus buildings were constructed there, usually by students as part of their work-study. Based on his experience at the Hampton Institute, Washington intended to train students in skills, morals and religious life. Washington urged the teachers he trained "to return to the plantation districts and show the people there how to put new energy and new ideas into farming as well as into the intellectual and moral and religious life of the people." Gradually he developed a rural extension program, to take progressive ideas and training to those who could not come to the campus. Tuskegee alumni founded smaller schools and colleges throughout the South, and continued to stress teacher training. Tuskegee University offers 34 bachelor's degree programs, 12 master's degree programs, a 5-year accredited professional degree program in architecture, 2 doctoral degree programs, and the Doctor of Veterinary Medicine. Masters and doctoral degrees include engineering. Tuskegee University is the only historically black college or university to offer the Doctor of Veterinary Medicine (D.V.M.); its School of Veterinary Medicine was founded in 1944. The school is fully accredited by the Council on Education of the American Veterinary Medical Association (AVMA). —Excerpted from Wikipedia

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“He could have added fortune to fame, but caring for neither, he found happiness and honor in being helpful to the world.” —Epitaph on the grave of George Washington Carver.

DR. GEORGE WASHINGTON CARVER January 1864 – January 5, 1943 George Washington Carver was born in 1864 near Diamond Grove, Missouri on the farm of Moses Carver. He was born into difficult and changing times near the end of the Civil War. The infant George and his mother kidnapped by Confederate night-raiders and possibly sent away to Arkansas. Moses Carver found and reclaimed George after the war but his mother had disappeared forever. The identity of Carver's father remains unknown, although he believed his father was a slave from a neighboring farm. Moses and Susan Carver reared George and his brother as their own children. It was on the Moses' farm where George first fell in love with nature, where he earned the nickname 'The Plant Doctor' and collected in earnest all manner of rocks and plants. In early 1888, Carver obtained a $300 loan at the Bank of Ness City for education. By June he left the area. In 1890, Carver started studying art and piano at Simpson College in Indianola, Iowa. His art teacher, Etta Budd, recognized Carver's talent for painting flowers and plants; she encouraged him to study botany at Iowa State Agricultural College in Ames. When he began in 1891, he was the first black student, and later taught as the first black faculty member. In 1897, Booker T. Washington, founder of the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute for Negroes, convinced Carver to come south and serve as the school's Director of Agriculture. While there he conducted agricultural research and taught students until his death. Carver’s research and instruction helped poor southern farmers, both white and black, change their farming practices and improve their diets. He stressed the importance of planting peanuts to upgrade the quality of the soil, which had been depleted from years of planting cotton. Carver found many practical uses for peanuts, sweet potatoes, and other agricultural products. He also created and tested many recipes in his laboratory. Carver’s ideas and discoveries helped farmers improve their lives. His work also helped revitalize the depressed southern economy. As an agricultural chemist, Carver discovered three hundred uses for peanuts and hundreds more uses for soybeans, pecans and sweet potatoes. Among the listed items that he suggested to southern farmers to help them economically were his recipes and improvements to/for: adhesives, axle grease, bleach, buttermilk, chili sauce, fuel briquettes, ink, instant coffee, linoleum, mayonnaise, meat tenderizer, metal polish, paper, plastic, pavement, shaving cream, shoe polish, synthetic rubber, talcum powder and wood stain. Dr. Carver, was born a slave and thus valued only as labor. He defined himself as a servant of G_D and lived a life of honor, service, virtue and faith. At a time when African Americans had no value he proved our worth. He took a lowly weed considered worthless and transformed it into an agricultural crop of immense value. He proved what education combined with a deep abiding faith in G_D could produce, and showed how creativity properly used could benefit a people, a nation and the world. Dr. Carver is considered a saint by many.

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“Every human has four endowments- self awareness, conscience, independent will and creative imagination. These give us the ultimate human freedom... The power to choose, to respond, to change.” —Steven R. Covey

Freedom is the most valuable quality to possess, because without it the only worthwhile goal is its acquisition.

FREEDOM This is the book of the generations of Adam. When God created Man, he made him in the likeness of God. Male and female He created them, and blessed them and named them Man when they were created. Genesis 5:1, Annotated Oxford Study Bible, Revised Standard Version

Definition of Man Man is a living body of knowledge who constitutionally and democratically serves the health, interest, rights and needs of all through lawfully establishing institutions. “We hold these truths to be self-evident that all Men are created equal, and are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights among which are the right to have appropriate relationships, the right to have scientific knowledge for development, the right to be healthy and live in a healthy environment, the right to self and collective government, the right to an education that prepares one to generate and create legitimate wealth, life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among Man, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.“ —Declaration of Independence by James L. Bevel

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FREEDOM Self-ownership (individual sovereignty) the condition where an individual has the exclusive moral right to control his/her own body and life. Sovereign, n. 1. A person, body, or state vested with independent and supreme authority; Sovereignty. 1. Supreme dominion, authority, or rule. 2. The supreme political authority of an independent state. 3. The state itself.

“To develop collective sovereignty, a return to the basics of individual sovereignty is necessary. Self-determination begins with the individual, and builds to collective action" Individual Rights and Individual Sovereignty go hand-in-hand. You can not have individual rights without individual sovereignty, because freedom from external control is the basis for all individual human rights.

I think, therefore I am, so I declare, my Individual Sovereignty. The balancing mechanism that establishes justice for all, is individual freedom and responsibility. Individual freedom without individual responsibility is Anarchism survival of the fittest. Individual freedom with individual responsibility is individualism - means peace and tranquility to all. Extremism is on both ends, only individualism is moderation and morally right. All people have the rights of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.

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"Bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will, to be rightful, must be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal laws must protect, and to violate would be oppression." —Thomas Jefferson: 1st Inaugural, 1801

BEFORE THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT

Reconstruction and the Civil War Amendments Before the Civil War the United States Constitution did not provide specific protections for voting. Qualifications for voting were matters which neither the Constitution nor federal laws governed. At that time, although a few northern states permitted a small number of free black men to register and vote, slavery and restrictive state laws and practices led the franchise to be exercised almost exclusively by white males. Shortly after the end of the Civil War Congress enacted the Military Reconstruction Act of 1867, which allowed former Confederate States to be readmitted to the Union if they adopted new state constitutions that permitted universal male suffrage. The 14th Amendment, which conferred citizenship to all persons born or naturalized in the United States, was ratified in 1868. In 1870 the 15th Amendment was ratified, which provided specifically that the right to vote shall not be denied or abridged on the basis of race, color or previous condition of servitude. This superseded state laws that had directly prohibited black voting. Congress then enacted the Enforcement Act of 1870, which contained criminal penalties for interference with the right to vote, and the Force Act of 1871, which provided for federal election oversight. As a result, in the former Confederate States, where new black citizens in some cases comprised outright or near majorities of the eligible voting population, hundreds of thousands -- perhaps one million -- recently-freed slaves registered to vote. Black candidates began for the first time to be elected to state, local and federal offices and to play a meaningful role in their governments. Disfranchisement The extension of the franchise to black citizens was strongly resisted. Among others, the Ku Klux Klan, the Knights of the White Camellia, and other terrorist organizations attempted to prevent the 15th Amendment from being enforced by violence and intimidation. Two decisions in 1876 by the Supreme Court narrowed the scope of enforcement under the Enforcement Act and the Force Act, and, together with the end of Reconstruction marked by the removal of federal troops after the Hayes-Tilden Compromise of 1877, resulted in a climate in which violence could be used to depress black voter turnout and fraud could be used to undo the effect of lawfully cast votes. Once whites regained control of the state legislatures using these tactics, a process known as "Redemption," they used gerrymandering of election districts to further reduce black voting strength and minimize the number of black elected officials. In the 1890s, these states began to amend their constitutions and to enact a series of laws intended to reestablish and entrench white political supremacy. Such disfranchising laws included poll taxes, literacy tests, vouchers of "good character," and disqualification for 100


"crimes of moral turpitude." These laws were "color-blind" on their face, but were designed to exclude black citizens disproportionately by allowing white election officials to apply the procedures selectively. Other laws and practices, such as the "white primary,", attempted to evade the 15th Amendment by allowing "private" political parties to conduct elections and establish qualifications for their members. As a result of these efforts, in the former Confederate states nearly all black citizens were disenfranchised and removed from by 1910. The process of restoring the rights stolen by these tactics would take many decades. Attacks on Disfranchisement Before the Voting Rights Act In Guinn v. United States, 238 U.S. 347 (1915), the Supreme Court held that voter registration requirements containing "grandfather clauses,", which made voter registration in part dependent upon whether the applicant was descended from men enfranchised before enactment of the 15th Amendment violated that amendment. The Supreme Court found the Oklahoma law was adopted in order to give whites, who might otherwise have been disfranchised by the state's literacy test, a way of qualifying to vote that was not available to blacks. In 1944, the Supreme Court held that the Texas "white primary" violated the 15th Amendment. Smith v. Allwright, 321 U.S. 649 (1944). The Southern states experimented with numerous additional restrictions to limit black participation in politics, many of which were struck down by federal courts over the next decade. Congress passed legislation in 1957, 1960, and 1964 that contained voting-related provisions. The 1957 Act created the Civil Rights Division within the Department of Justice and the Commission on Civil Rights; the Attorney General was given authority to intervene in and institute lawsuits seeking injunctive relief against violations of the 15th Amendment. The 1960 Act permitted federal courts to appoint voting referees to conduct voter registration following a judicial finding of voting discrimination. The 1964 Act also contained several relatively minor voting-related provisions. Although court decisions and these laws made it more difficult, at least in theory, for states to keep all of their black citizens disenfranchised, the strategy of litigation on a case-by-case basis proved to be of very limited success in the jurisdictions that were sued and it did not prompt voluntary compliance among jurisdictions that had not been sued. Literacy tests, poll taxes, and other formal and informal practices combined to keep black registration rates minimal in Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi, and well below white registration rates in the others. Faced with the prospect that black voter registration could not be suppressed forever, however, some states began to change political boundaries and election structures so as to minimize the impact of black re-enfranchisement. In 1960, the Supreme Court struck down one such effort, in which the state legislature had gerrymandered the city boundaries of Tuskegee, Alabama, so as to remove all but a handful of the city's black registered voters. The Supreme Court ruled that by doing so Alabama had violated the 15th Amendment. Gomillion v. Lightfoot, 364 U.S. 339 (1960). The "Reapportionment Revolution" In the early 1960s, the Supreme Court also overcame its reluctance to apply the Constitution to unfair redistricting practices. Prior to 1962, the United States Supreme Court had declined to decide constitutional challenges to legislative apportionment schemes, on the grounds that such "political questions" were not within the federal courts' jurisdiction. In Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186 (1962), however, the Supreme Court recognized that grossly mal-apportioned state legislative districts could seriously undervalue -- or dilute -- the voting strength of the residents of overpopulated districts while overvaluing the voting strength of residents of under populated districts. The Supreme Court found that such malapportionment could be challenged in federal court under the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment. In later cases including Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S. 533 (1964), and Wesberry v. Sanders, 376 U.S. 1 (1964), the Supreme Court established the one-person, one-vote principle. Because in many states mal-apportioned legislative districts had resulted in sparsely-populated rural counties having a much greater share of their state's political power than their state's population, correcting this imbalance led to dramatic realignments of political power in several states. In Fortson v. Dorsey, 379 U.S. 433 (1965), the Supreme Court suggested, but did not hold, that certain types of apportionment might unconstitutionally dilute the voting strength of racial minorities. Voting During Reconstruction After the Civil War, Congress acted to prevent Southerners from re-establishing white supremacy. In 1867, the Radical Republicans in Congress imposed federal military rule over most of the South. Under U.S. Army occupation, the former Confederate states wrote new constitutions and were readmitted to the Union, but only after ratifying the 14th 101


Amendment. This Reconstruction amendment prohibited states from denying "the equal protection of the laws" to U.S. citizens, which included the former slaves. In 1870, the 15th Amendment was ratified. It stated that, "The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude." More than a half-million black men became voters in the South during the 1870s (women did not secure the right to vote in the United States until 1920). For the most part, these new black voters cast their ballots solidly for the Republican Party, the party of the Great Emancipator, Abraham Lincoln. When Mississippi rejoined the Union in 1870, former slaves made up more than half of that state's population. During the next decade, Mississippi sent two black U.S. senators to Washington and elected a number of black state officials, including a lieutenant governor. But even though the new black citizens voted freely and in large numbers, whites were still elected to a large majority of state and local offices. This was the pattern in most of the Southern states during Reconstruction. The Republican-controlled state governments in the South were hardly perfect. Many citizens complained about over taxation and outright corruption. But these governments brought about significant improvements in the lives of the former slaves. For the first time, black men and women enjoyed freedom of speech and movement, the right of a fair trial, education for their children, and all the other privileges and protections of American citizenship. But all this changed when Reconstruction ended in 1877 and federal troops withdrew from the old Confederacy. Voting in Mississippi With federal troops no longer present to protect the rights of black citizens, white supremacy quickly returned to the old Confederate states. Black voting fell off sharply in most areas because of threats by white employers and violence from the Ku Klux Klan, a ruthless secret organization bent on preserving white supremacy at all costs. White majorities began to vote out the Republicans and replace them with Democratic governors, legislators, and local officials. Laws were soon passed banning interracial marriages and racially segregating railroad cars along with the public schools. Laws and practices were also put in place to make sure blacks would never again freely participate in elections. But one problem stood in the way of denying African Americans the right to vote: the 15th Amendment, which guaranteed them this right. To a great extent, Mississippi led the way in overcoming the barrier presented by the 15th Amendment. In 1890, Mississippi held a convention to write a new state constitution to replace the one in force since Reconstruction. The white leaders of the convention were clear about their intentions. "We came here to exclude the Negro," declared the convention president. Because of the 15th Amendment, they could not ban blacks from voting. Instead, they wrote into the state constitution a number of voter restrictions making it difficult for most blacks to register to vote. First, the new constitution required an annual poll tax, which voters had to pay for two years before the election. This was a difficult economic burden to place on black Mississippians, who made up the poorest part of the state's population. Many simply couldn't pay it. But the most formidable voting barrier put into the state constitution was the literacy test. It required a person seeking to register to vote to read a section of the state constitution and explain it to the county clerk who processed voter registrations. This clerk, who was always white, decided whether a citizen was literate or not. The literacy test did not just exclude the 60 percent of voting-age black men (most of them ex-slaves) who could not read. It excluded almost all black men, because the clerk would select complicated technical passages for them to interpret. By contrast, the clerk would pass whites by picking simple sentences in the state constitution for them to explain. Mississippi also enacted a "grandfather clause" that permitted registering anyone whose grandfather was qualified to vote before the Civil War. Obviously, this benefited only white citizens. The "grandfather clause" as well as the other legal barriers to black voter registration worked. Mississippi cut the percentage of black voting-age men registered to vote from over 90 percent during Reconstruction to less than 6 percent in 1892. These measures were copied by most of the other states in the South. 102


Other Forms of Voter Discrimination By the turn of the century, the white Southern Democratic Party held nearly all elected offices in the former Confederate states. The Southern Republican Party, mostly made up of blacks, barely existed and rarely even ran candidates against the Democrats. As a result, the real political contests took place within the Democratic Party primary elections. Whoever won the Democratic primary was just about guaranteed victory in the general election. In 1902, Mississippi passed a law that declared political parties to be private organizations outside the authority of the 15th Amendment. This permitted the Mississippi Democratic Party to exclude black citizens from membership and participation in its primaries. The "white primary," which was soon imitated in most other Southern states, effectively prevented the small number of blacks registered to vote from having any say in who got elected to partisan offices--from the local sheriff to the governor and members of Congress. When poll taxes, literacy tests, "grandfather clauses," and "white primaries" did not stop blacks from registering and voting, intimidation often did the job. An African-American citizen attempting to exercise his right to vote would often be threatened with losing his job. Denial of credit, threats of eviction, and verbal abuse by white voting clerks which also prevented black Southerners from voting. When all else failed, mob violence and even lynching kept black people away from the ballot box.

I look forward confidently to the day when all who work for a living will be one with no thought to their separateness as Negroes, Jews, Italians or any other distinctions. This will be the day when we bring into full realization the American dream -- a dream yet unfulfilled. A dream of equality of opportunity, of privilege and property widely distributed; a dream of a land where men will not take necessities from the many to give luxuries to the few; a dream of a land where men will not argue that the color of a man's skin determines the content of his character; a dream of a nation where all our gifts and resources are held not for ourselves alone, but as instruments of service for the rest of humanity; the dream of a country where every man will respect the dignity and worth of the human personality. Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

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The Presidency is more than an administrative office: it is a power for leadership bringing coordination of the forces of business and cultural life in every city, town and countryside. The Presidency is more than executive responsibility. It is the symbol of America's highest purpose. The President must represent the nation's ideals and he must also represent them to the nations of the world. —Herbert Hoover, 1932

QUAKERS THE Religious Society of Friends as a whole has sought new, creative ways to carry forward their concerns. Public forums, petitions, social and political lobbying and reform movements became the chosen methods for Quakers to continue their political ideals. Throughout the 19th century, these had coalesced around five main concerns which moved Friends to effect reforms first within their religion and then in the wider arena of American politics: • Ending Slavery • Fair Treatment of Native Americans Germantown Friends' Protest against Slavery, 1688 (Excerpted) • Women's Rights These are the reasons why we are against the traffick of men• Conflict Resolution body, as followeth. ... There is a saying, that we shall doe to • Relief for All Who Suffer all men like as will be done ourselves; making no difference Friends expanded their efforts in the 20th century to include Civil Rights and Environmental Concerns. Work on these issues continues into the 21st century. Many of these efforts are being coordinated by the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), the Quaker United Nations Office, and the Friends Committee on National Legislation (FCNL), the earliest religious lobbying organization in Washington, DC. From non-coercive actions abroad to the stemming of individual violence in families and communities, Quakers continue to press for peaceful measures to accomplish common goals.

of what generation, descent or colour they are. And those who steal or robb men, and those who buy or purchase them, are they not all alike? Here is liberty of conscience, wch is right and reasonable; here ought to be likewise liberty of ye body... . But to bring men hither, or to rob and sell them against their will, we stand against. ... Ah! doe consider well this thing, you who doe it, if you would be done at this manner? and if it is done according to Christianity?... Pray, what thing in the world can be done worse towards us, than if men should rob or steal us away, and sell us for slaves to strange countries; separating housbands from their wives and children. Being now this is not done in the manner we would be done at therefore we contradict and are against this traffic of men-body. And we who profess that it is not lawful to steal, must, likewise, avoid to purchase such things as are stolen, but rather help to stop this robbing and stealing if possible.

Quaker women held equal rights within the Religious Society of Friends from its founding. Quaker lawmakers had granted Signed by: some equity in property and personal rights. The long campaign for women's rights in America is highlighted by the 1848 Seneca Falls Declaration (written by 5 women, 4 of whom were Quakers: Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Lucretia Mott, Martha C. Wright, Mary Ann McClintock, and Jane C. Hunt, respectively). It continued through the campaign to vote led by Rochester Friend, Susan B. Anthony, and to the ERA Amendment written by New Jersey Quaker, Alice Paul. Native Americans consider Nixon (a Quaker) to be one of America's finest Presidents because he designed measures that supported tribal preservation rather than acculturation and implemented complete religious freedom for Indians, many of whose rituals had been banned and whose sacred sites had been abused.

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"Freedom is not something that anybody can be given; freedom is something people take and people are as free as they want to be." — James Baldwin, Nobody Knows My Name

HIGHLANDER FOLK SCHOOL Highlander was created in 1932 by Myles Horton and Don West in Grundy County, Tennessee. Theologian Reinhold Neibuhr wrote the first fundraising appeal for Highlander, and Lillian Johnson, a Tennessee educator and suffragist, donated her farm outside of the town of Monteagle where the founders established what was then known as the Highlander Folk School. Highlander's original mission, which has since been adapted and expanded, was to educate "rural and industrial leaders for a new social order." In 1937, Highlander joined the southern organizing drive of the Committee for Industrial Organization (renamed the Congress of Industrial Workers in 1938). Highlander became an integral part of the labor movement in the region and conducted labor education programs with workers from 11 southern states. During this period, Highlander developed a residential educational program designed to help build a broad-based, racially integrated, and politically active labor movement in the South. While the first black speaker at a workshop at Highlander arrived in 1934, the decision to fully integrate the workshops did not come until 1942, mainly because of fears of reprisal from the local community, and the resistance of labor unions. Until 1942, only field extension projects held outside of Highlander were integrated. In 1944, leaders of United Auto Workers locals attended the first integrated workshop at Highlander. The integrated workshops defied the conventions of Southern society and labor unions of the time. Highlander's racial policy reflected the staff's belief that the success of the labor movement required confronting racism and the evils of segregation. These integrated workshops caused great controversy among segregationists and union leaders. Opposition leaders equated Highlander's racial policies with communism and began a campaign to shut Highlander down that culminated in 1961. Part of the school's mission was to help prepare civil rights workers to challenge unjust laws and racist policies that discriminated against African Americans. Rosa Parks spent ten days at the Highlander Folk School at the end of August, 1955. This was one of the most important experiences of her life. It transformed her. She had never attended an integrated workshop. Parks had never met a white man who was just until her encounter with Myles Horton. He helped to renew her confidence and set a higher standard for her relationship with white males. On December 1, 1955, when told to get up and give her seat to a white man, she had to reflect on Myles Horton who she knew would never demand such from her. She refused and the rest is history.

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FATHER OF THE NONVIOLENT CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT Thank you for claiming your children of melanin rich hue.

MYLES HORTON Born July 5, 1905, in Savannah, Tennessee. Myles Horton entered Cumberland College in Tennessee in 1924 and almost immediately led a student revolt against the hazing of freshmen by fraternities. But it was a summer job in 1927, when he was teaching Bible school classes to poor mountain people in Ozone, Tennessee, for the Presbyterian Church, that led him in his lifelong work: to build a school that would help people learn to transform the impoverished and oppressed conditions of mountain life. In his senior year at Cumberland and after graduation in 1928, he began organizing interracial meetings of the YMCA. Myles began many years of searching for a plan of action. At the urging of a minister and friend, he attended Union Theological Seminary in Manhattan under the mentorship of Reinhold Niebuhr. His searching took him to the University of Chicago and eventually to the folk school movement in Denmark before he was ready to return to Tennessee and start his own school. Myles founded the Highlander Folk School in 1932 in Monteagle, Tennessee. Highlander was a controversial school in the South that for years taught leadership skills to blacks and whites in defiance of segregation laws. Over those years Myles taught thousands of blacks and whites to challenge entrenched social, economic and political strictures of a segregated society. He worked closely with labor unions, antipoverty organizations and civil rights leaders and is often credited with being one of the sparks that ignited the civil rights movement in the United States. Rosa Parks, the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., former Mayor Andrew Young of Atlanta, Fanny Lou Hamer, James Bevel and Stokeley Carmichael were among those who attended classes or taught at the school. The school's integrated classes and its theories brought it to the attention of law-enforcement officials. In 1957 Senator James Eastland, a Mississippi Democrat who served as chairman of the Senate Internal Security subcommittee, investigated Highlander for reported Communist ties. Myles repeatedly denied that he was a Communist or that the school had links with the Communist Party. But in 1960 the Highlander Folk School was ordered closed by the Tennessee courts on the grounds that it had violated its charter by "permitting integration in its school work," that it had operated for Mr. Horton's personal benefit and that it had sold beer in violation of Tennessee law. Myles immediately reopened the school and called it the Highlander Research and Education Center in Knoxville. In 1971 the center moved to its current site, a 100-acre, mountainside farm in New Market, Tennessee. Myles' first wife, Zilphia Horton, is often credited with joining Pete Seeger, Frank Hamilton and Guy Carawan in writing new lyrics to an old religious folk tune that became the anthem of the civil rights movement, "We Shall Overcome." "We believe that education leads to action," Myles said at the school's fortieth anniversary celebration in 1972. "If you advocate just one action, you're an organizer. We teach leadership here. Then people go out and do what they want." —Source Wikepedia

“Only people with hope will struggle. If people are in trouble, if people are suffering and exploited and want to get out from under the heel of oppression, if they have hope that it can be done, if they can see a path that leads to a solution, a path that makes sense to them and is consistent with their beliefs and their experience, then they'll move. But it must be a path that they've started clearing. They've got to know the direction in which they are going and have a general idea of the kind of society they'd like to have. If they don't have hope, they don't even look for a path. They look for somebody else to do it for them.” “If you only try to do the things where you win, then you'll never try to do anything worth doing.” "The way to do something was to start doing it and learn from it."

—Myles Horton 106


“I am one dedicated person working for freedom.” —Septima Clark

SEPTIMA POINSETTE CLARK Long before sit-in demonstrations and bus boycotts, she waged a personal war against racism. Referred to as the "queen mother of the civil rights movement”, she became Director of Workshops at the Highlander Folk School in TN. She later accepted Dr. King’s request that she work with SCLC. Septima traveled throughout the South, going into communities and recruiting teachers for citizenship schools. In 1962, the Voter Education Project was formed, and over the next four years, they prepared 10,000 teachers for citizenship schools, and nearly 700,000 African-Americans registered to vote in the South. In 1965, Dr. Martin Luther King insisted that Mrs. Clark accompany him to Sweden when he received the Nobel Peace Prize. He said that she deserved as much credit for the achievements of the Civil Rights Movement as did he. Born in Charleston, South Carolina, in 1898, Clark was the daughter of a former slave. She was trained to be a teacher at Charleston’s Avery Normal Institute, receiving a teaching license in 1916. Because the laws of the time did not allow her to teach in the city’s public schools, Clark took a job on nearby Johns Island. On Johns Island Clark became active in promoting literacy. She taught islanders to read the Bible and started an adult education program. She also became involved with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). She returned to Charleston in 1919 to teach at the Avery Normal School. She also campaigned for a law that would allow black teachers to work in the Charleston schools. In 1920 such a law was finally passed. Clark spent the next decade assisting many social and civic organizations. She worked with Thurgood Marshall, then an attorney for the NAACP, to achieve equal pay for black teachers. In South Carolina, the state legislature viewed the NAACP as controversial and banned state employees from being associated with the group. Clark refused to give up her membership and in 1956 she moved to Tennessee. In Tennessee Clark accepted a job at the Highlander Folk School teaching adult education classes. She led workshops to combat segregation and discrimination. In 1955 Rosa Parks was one of her students. Not long afterward, Parks refused to give her seat on a segregated city bus to a white person. This spark ignited the Montgomery Bus Boycott. Clark also developed a citizenship education program to help Africa Americans pass the literacy test required for voter registration. Clark viewed literacy as the key to political change.

“I have a great belief in the fact that whenever there is chaos, it creates wonderful thinking. I consider chaos a gift. Chaos is a good thing. God created the whole world out of it. Change is what comes of it.”

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"When evil people rule, everybody suffers without discrimination, good and bad alike. “ — I Ching, Hexagram 36

DAISY BATES & THE LITTLE ROCK NINE It was as president of the Arkansas state conference of the NAACP that Bates coordinated the efforts to integrate Little Rock's public schools after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision outlawed segregated public schools in 1954. Nine African-American students, the "Little Rock Nine," were admitted to Little Rock's Central High School for the 1957-1958 school year. Violent white reaction against integration forced President Dwight D. Eisenhower to order 1000 army paratroopers to Little Rock to restore order and protect the children. Bates was the students' leading advocate, escorting them safely to school until the crisis was resolved. She continued to serve the children, intervening with school officials during conflicts, and accompanying parents to school meetings. In 1962, Bates published her memoir of the Little Rock crisis, "The Long Shadow of Little Rock." The nicknamed "Little Rock Nine" consisted of Ernest Green (b. 1941), Elizabeth Eckford (b. 1941), Jefferson Thomas (1942–2010), Terrence Roberts (b. 1941), Carlotta Walls LaNier (b. 1942), Minnijean Brown (b. 1941), Gloria Ray Karlmark (b. 1942), Thelma Mothershed (b. 1940), and Melba Pattillo Beals (b. 1941). Ernest Green was the first African American to graduate from Central High School.

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"The nation which reposes on the pillow of political confidence will sooner or later end its political existence in a deadly lethargy." —–James Madison

THURGOOD MARSHALL He was born in Baltimore, Maryland on July 2, 1908, the grandson of a slave. His father, William Marshall, instilled in him from youth an appreciation for the United States Constitution and the rule of law. He attened the historically black Lincoln University in Chester County, Pennsylvania. His classmates at Lincoln included the poet and author Langston Hughes, the future President of Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah, and musician Cab Calloway. Just before graduation, he married his first wife, Vivian "Buster" Burey. Their twenty-five year marriage ended with her death from cancer in 1955. In 1930, he applied to the University of Maryland Law School, but was denied admission because he was Black. This was an event that was to haunt him and direct his future professional life. He sought admission and was accepted at the Howard University Law School. That same year and came under the immediate influence of the new dean, Charles Hamilton Houston, who instilled in all of his students the desire to apply the tenets of the Constitution to all Americans. Paramount in Houston's outlook was the need to overturn the 1898 Supreme Court ruling, Plessy v. Ferguson which established the legal doctrine called, "separate but equal." Marshall's first major court case came in 1933 when he successfully sued the University of Maryland to admit a young African American Amherst University graduate named Donald Gaines Murray. He followed his Howard University mentor, Charles Hamilton Houston to New York and later became Chief Counsel for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). During this period, he was asked by the United Nations and the United Kingdom to help draft the constitutions of the emerging African nations of Ghana and what is now Tanzania. It was felt that the person who so successfully fought for the rights of America's oppressed minority would be the perfect person to ensure the rights of the White citizens in these two former European colonies. After amassing an impressive record of Supreme Court challenges to state-sponsored discrimination, including the landmark Brown v. Board decision in 1954, President John F. Kennedy appointed him to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. In this capacity, he wrote over 150 decisions including support for the rights of immigrants, limiting government intrusion in cases involving illegal search and seizure, double jeopardy, and right to privacy issues. Biographers Michael Davis and Hunter Clark note that, "none of his (Marshall's) 98 majority decisions was ever reversed by the Supreme Court." In 1965 President Lyndon Johnson appointed Judge Marshall to the office of U.S. Solicitor General. Before his subsequent nomination to the United States Supreme Court in 1967, he won 14 of the 19 cases he argued before the Supreme Court on behalf of the government. Indeed, he represented and won more cases before the United States Supreme Court than any other American. Until his retirement from the highest court in the land, Justice Marshall established a record for supporting the voiceless American. Having honed his skills since the case against the University of Maryland, he developed a profound sensitivity to injustice by way of the crucible of racial discrimination in this country. As an Associate Supreme Court Justice, Thurgood Marshall leaves a legacy that expands that early sensitivity to include all of America's voiceless. Justice Marshall died on January 24, 1993. —Thurgood Marshall College

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THE NAACP LEGAL DEFENSE FUND The NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc. (NAACP LDF, the Inc. Fund, or simply LDF) is a leading United States civil rights organization and law firm based in New York City. The organization can trace its origins to the legal department of the NAACP that was created by Charles Hamilton Houston in the 1930s. However, in 1939, LDF was spun off from the NAACP and, by 1957, Thurgood Marshall, Houston's student and the future U.S. Supreme Court Justice, had established LDF as a new organization totally independent of the NAACP. The Defenders of Segregation In defense of segregation, South Carolina gathered a team of lawyers that included the state’s top legal officers, headed by one of the most respected constitutional lawyers in the country. Kansas sent a lone reluctant young assistant attorney general. Citing Plessy v. Ferguson, the defenders claimed that the equal protection clause of the Constitution did not require integration and that the states had already begun a good faith effort to make their facilities equal. Inequality between the races persisted, they explained, because African Americans still needed time to overcome the effects of slavery. The Segregationists’ Arguments The case for the defenders of segregation rested on four arguments: • The Constitution did not require white and African American children to attend the same schools. • Social separation of blacks and whites was a regional custom; the states should be left free to regulate their own social affairs. • Segregation was not harmful to black people. • Whites were making a good faith effort to equalize the two educational systems. But because black children were still living with the effects of slavery, it would take some time before they were able to compete with white children in the same classroom. The Challengers of Segregation The civil rights lawyers of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund were younger than The Legal Defense Fund team their adversaries and had far fewer resources to prepare their cases. Much of The Legal Defense Fund team of the NAACP their work was done at the law schools of Howard and Columbia universities. The Plessy v. Ferguson decision, they argued, had misinterpreted the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment—the authors of this amendment had not intended to allow segregated schools. Nor did existing law consider the harmful social and psychological effects of segregation. Integrated schools, they asserted, were a fundamental right for all Americans.

(left to right): Louis Redding, Robert Carter, Oliver Hill, Thurgood Marshall, and Spottswood W. Robinson (Courtesy of Associated Press, NAACP)

Thurgood Marshall coordinated all of the plaintiff attorneys and presented arguments in the South Carolina case. Robert Carter presented the arguments in the Kansas case. He attended Howard University School of Law and completed graduate studies at Columbia University. Spottswood W. Robinson III argued the Virginia case. A graduate of Howard University School of Law, Robinson entered private practice with his partner, Oliver W. Hill, in 1939. Louis L. Redding presented a portion of the arguments in the Delaware cases. He graduated from Harvard Law School in 1929 and became Delaware’s first African American attorney. Jack Greenberg presented part of the arguments in the Delaware cases. He graduated from Columbia Law School in 1948. George E. C. Hayes argued the first portion of the Washington, D.C., case. A graduate of Howard University’s law school in 1918. James Nabrit Jr. argued the second part of the Washington, D.C., case. A graduate of Northwestern University Law School, he joined Howard’s law faculty in 1936 and helped establish the school’s coursework in civil rights law.

The Integrationists’ Arguments Lawyers for the plaintiffs relied on legal arguments, historical evidence, and psychological studies: 110


In Plessy v. Ferguson, the Supreme Court had misinterpreted the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Equal protection of the laws did not allow for racial segregation. • The Fourteenth Amendment allowed the government to prohibit any discriminatory state action based on race, including segregation in public schools. • The Fourteenth Amendment did not specify whether the states would be allowed to establish segregated education. Psychological testing demonstrated the harmful effects of segregation on the minds of African American children.

The Justices: Coming to a Decision The Supreme Court agreed to hear Brown v. Board of Education in June 1952. Deciding the case was difficult from the start. Differing social philosophies and temperaments divided the nine justices. Chief Justice Fred Vinson and several others doubted the constitutional authority of the Court to end school segregation. And the justices worried that a decision to integrate schools might be unenforceable. The Supreme Court agreed to hear Brown v. Board of Education in June 1952. Deciding the case was difficult from the start. Differing social philosophies and temperaments divided the nine justices. Chief Justice Fred Vinson and several others doubted the constitutional authority of the Court to end school segregation. And the justices worried that a decision to integrate schools might be unenforceable. In September 1953 Vinson died, and President Dwight Eisenhower appointed Earl Warren as chief justice. His leadership in producing a unanimous decision to overturn Plessy changed the course of American history. The Court’s Decision Earl Warren wrote the decision for the Court. He agreed with the civil rights attorneys that it was not clear whether the framers of the Fourteenth Amendment intended to permit segregated public education. The doctrine of separate but equal did not appear until 1896, he noted, and it pertained to transportation, not education.

Earl Warren

More importantly, he said, the present was at issue, not the past. Education was perhaps the most vital function of state and local governments, and racial segregation of any kind deprived African Americans of equal protection under the Fourteenth Amendment and due process under the Fifth Amendment.

“Segregation of white and colored children in public schools has a detrimental effect upon the colored children. The impact is greater when it has the sanction of the law, for the policy of separating the races is usually interpreted as denoting the inferiority of the Negro group...Any language in contrary to this finding is rejected. We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of ‘separate but equal’ has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal.” —Earl Warren, Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court 111


“All of us arrive on earth with souls in perfect form, but from the moment of birth we are assailed by deforming forces from within and without We are assailed by racism, sexism, economic injustice and other social cancers and from within by jealousy, resentment, self-doubt, fear, and other demons of the inner life. We don’t have to collaborate with the things that can damage our souls.” —Parker Palmer

VOTING TIMELINE 1776 Only people who own land can vote: The Declaration of Independence signed. Right to vote during the Colonial and Revolutionary periods is restricted to property owners—most of whom are white male Protestants over the age of 21. 1780's Free black men can vote in New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Connecticut. 1787 No federal voting standard—states decide who can vote. The U.S. Constitution adopted. Because there is no agreement on a national standard for voting rights, states are given the power to regulate their own voting laws. In most cases, voting remains in the hands of white male landowners. February 4, 1789 The first presidential election. There is only one candidate, George Washington. Each state has one electoral vote. 1810 Last religious prerequisite for voting is eliminated. 1820 Owning property is no longer a requirement to vote. For the next 20 years white men must still pay a poll tax or be able to read and, in some places, they must pass religious tests before they can vote. 1848 Activists for ending slavery and women’s rights join together. Women’s rights convention held in Seneca Falls, NY. Frederick Douglass, a newspaper editor and former slave, attends the event and gives a speech supporting universal voting rights. His speech helps convince the convention to adopt a resolution calling for voting rights for women. The Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo ends the Mexican-American War. The treaty guarantees citizenship to Mexicans living in the newly acquired territories of Arizona, California, New Mexico, Texas and Nevada, but their voting rights are denied. Property laws, language and literacy requirements are used to keep them from voting. 1866 The Civil War ends in 1865. Civil Rights Act of 1866 grants citizenship to all native-born Americans but excludes Native Americans. (by now African American men had the right to vote in some states.) Two women’s rights activists, Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, form an organization for white and black women and men dedicated to the goal of universal voting rights. The organization later divides and regroups over disagreements in strategies to gain the vote for women and African Americans. 1868 Former slaves granted citizenship. The14th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution passed. Citizenship is defined and granted to former slaves. Voters, however, are explicitly defined as male. Although the amendment forbids states from denying any rights of citizenship, voting regulation is still left in the hands of the states. February 1869 Fifteenth Amendment is ratified, giving African-American men the right to vote in all states. 15th Amendment passed. It states that the right to vote cannot be denied by the federal or state governments based on race. However, soon after, some states begin to enact measures such as voting taxes and literacy tests that restrict the actual ability of African Americans to register to vote. Violence and other intimidation tactics are also used. 1872 Women attempt to vote: Susan B. Anthony is arrested and brought to trial in Rochester, New York, for attempting to vote in the presidential election. At the same time, Sojourner Truth, a former slave and advocate for justice and equality, appears at a polling booth in Grand Rapids, Michigan, demanding a ballot but she is turned away. 1876 Indigenous people cannot vote. The Supreme Court rules that Native Americans are not citizens as defined by the 14th Amendment and, thus, cannot vote. August 18, 1879 Nineteenth Amendment ratified, extending the vote to women. 1882 The Chinese Exclusion Act bars people of Chinese ancestry from becoming citizens. They cannot vote. 1886 The first voting machine is invented by Thomas Edison. Congress complained that it works too fast and refuses to use it. A new machine is invented in 1892 and used in Lockport, NY. 1887 Assimilation=Right to Vote. The Dawes Act passed. It grants citizenship to Native Americans who give up their tribal affiliations 112


1890 The Indian Naturalization Act grants citizenship to Native Americans through an application process similar to immigrant naturalization. Wyoming admitted to statehood and becomes first state to legislate voting for women in its constitution. 1901 The new Alabama Constitution Expands Criminal Disenfranchisement in Effort to Maintain White Supremacy. "Between 1890 and 1910 many states adopted new laws or reconfigured preexisting laws to handicap newly enfranchised black citizens whose rights had been expanded by both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments...The purpose of these various measures, as the President of Alabama's all-white 1901 constitutional convention explained, was 'within the limits imposed by the Federal Constitution to establish white supremacy as law.'" The 1901 Constitution stated the following: "The following persons shall be disqualified both from registering, and from voting, namely: All idiots and insane persons; those who shall by reason of conviction of crime be disqualified from voting at the time of the ratification of this Constitution; those who shall be convicted of treason, murder, arson, embezzlement, malfeasance in office, larceny, receiving stolen property, obtaining property or money under false pretenses, perjury, subornation of perjury, robbery, assault with intent to rob, burglary, forgery, bribery, assault and battery on the wife, bigamy, living in adultery, sodomy, incest, rape, miscegenation, crime against nature, or any crime punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary, or of any infamous crime or crime involving moral turpitude; also, any person who shall be convicted as a vagrant or tramp, or of selling or offering to sell his vote or the vote of another, or of buying or offering to buy the vote of another, or of making or offering to make a false return in any election by the people or in any primary election to procure the nomination or election of any person to any office, or of suborning any witness or registrar to secure the registration of any person as an elector." 1919 Military Service=Citizenship for Native Americans. Native Americans who served in the military during World War I are granted U.S. citizenship. 1920 Right to vote extended to women. The 19th Amendment passed, giving women right to vote in both state and federal elections. 1924 Congress extends U.S. citizenship to all Native Americans but not the right to vote. 1926 State violence used to prevent people from exercising their right to vote. While attempting to register to vote in Birmingham, Alabama, a group of African American women are beaten by election officials. Early1940's The saying: "If they're old enough to fight for their country, they're old enough to vote for their country," becomes popular. 1947 Legal barriers to Native American voting removed. Miguel Trujillo, a Native American and former Marine, sues New Mexico for not allowing him to vote. He wins and New Mexico and Arizona are required to give the vote to all Native Americans. 1949 U.S. Sen. Jennings Randolph proposes legislation to amend the Constitution to lower the voting age, but it is voted down. 1946-1956 The NAACP launches a massive effort to register African-Americans, causing a 400% rise in the number of blacks voting. 1952 Puerto Rico becomes a "free associated state" – a special constitutional status unique to Puerto Rico and everyone on the island receives the vote. 1960's The majority of soldiers in Vietnam are 19-years-old, and the slogan "Old enough to fight, old enough to vote" returns. 1961 23rd amendment passed. It gives citizens of Washington, D.C. the right to vote for U.S. president. But to this day, the district’s residents—most of whom are African American—still do not have voting representation in Congress. 1963—64 Voting rights as civil rights: Large-scale efforts in the South to register African Americans to vote are intensified. However, state officials refuse to allow African Americans to register by using voting taxes, literacy tests and violent intimidation. Among the efforts launched is Freedom Summer in Mississippi, where close to a thousand civil rights workers of all races and backgrounds converge on the South to support voting rights. The Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party seeks to represent the state of Mississippi at the Democratic National Convention. Thousands of young people go to jail in Birmingham, AL, leading to the signing of the Civil Rights Act. 113


Four little girls are killed in a church bombing in Birmingham, AL, precipitating Reverend James L. Bevel and Mrs. Diane Nash-Bevel to write The Alabama Project which becomes The Movement for the Right To Vote. 1965 A grassroots movement begins in Selma, AL, to secure the right to vote. Jimmie Lee Jackson is murdered in Marion, AL. At his first memorial service, Reverend James L. Bevel calls for a march from Marion to Montgomery (the state capital) AL, to talk to Governor George Wallace, which becomes the historic march from Selma to Montgomery. The Voting Rights Act is passed. It forbids states from imposing discriminatory restrictions on who can vote, and provides mechanisms for the federal government to enforce its provisions. The legislation is passed largely under pressure from protests and marches earlier that year challenging Alabama officials who injured and killed people during African American voter registration efforts. 1966 Civil rights activist James Meredith is wounded by a sniper during a solo “Walk Against Fear� voter registration march between Tennessee and Mississippi. The next day, nearly 4,000 African Americans register to vote. And other civil rights leaders such as Martin Luther King, Jr. and Stokely Carmichael continue the march while Meredith heals. Meredith rejoins March at its conclusion in Mississippi. 1968 Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., a leading nonviolent and civil rights activist is killed by an assassins bullet in Memphis, TN on April 4th. 1969 Large anti-war protests of over 250, 000 protestors are led by young people in Washington, D.C. 1970 The 10th proposal for an amendment lowering the voting age from 21 to 18 is put forth by Sen. Jennings Randolph. The Bill passes unanimously in the Senate. 1971 President Nixon formally certifies the 26th Amendment to the Constitution which reads: "The right of citizens of the United States, who are eighteen years of age or older, to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of age." Voting age lowered to 18 1972 Because of the 26th Amendment eleven million more people are eligible to vote - 50% of these young people vote in the 1972 election. 1973 Congress enacted the District of Columbia Home Rule Act, providing for an elected mayor and the 13-member Council of the District of Columbia. 1975 Voting materials in various languages: Amendments to Voting Rights Act require that certain voting materials be printed in languages besides English so that people who do not read English can participate in the voting process. 1993 National Voter Registration Act makes registration more uniform and accessible ("Motor Voter"), allowing people to register to vote in at while they get their drivers licenses. 1997 23 states amend their policies to expand voter eligibility to felons. 2000 Voters across the country are shocked, outraged or simply confused when a sample recount in Florida sets off a 36-day political and legal wrestling match over who's president. In the closest presidential election in U.S. history, the Supreme Court eventually rules George W. Bush the winner. Residents of U.S. colonies are citizens, but cannot vote: A month prior to the presidential election, a federal court decides that Puerto Ricans living in Puerto Rico, though U.S. citizens, cannot vote for U.S. president. Residents of U.S. territories including Puerto Rico, Guam, American Samoa and the U.S. Virgin 2001 Debate—Should voting rights be taken away from felons? For how long? The National Commission on Federal Election Reform recommends that all states allow felons to regain their right to vote after completing their criminal sentences. Nearly 4 million US citizens cannot vote because of past felony convictions. In California, felons are prohibited from voting while they are in prison or on parole. But, in other states, especially in the South, a person with a felony conviction is forever prohibited from voting in that state. These laws are a legacy of post-Civil War attempts to prevent African Americans from voting. Ex-felons are largely poor and of color. 2002 The Help America Vote Act (HAVA) is signed into law, creating mandates for state and local governments to improve every part of the voting process, including voting machines, ballots, voter registration and poll worker training. 114


2003 Alabama Passes Bill Allowing Most Felons to Register to Vote: "In 2003, [Alabama] Governor Riley signed into law a bill [Section 15-22-36.1] that permits most people with felony convictions [in the state of Alabama] to apply for a certificate of eligibility to register to vote after completing their sentence." 2007 Barack Obama Supports Felon Re-Enfranchisement: Presidential candidate Barack Obama made a statement supporting the re-enfranchisement of felons in a Dec. 7, 2007 questionnaire for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP): "I support restoration of voting rights for ex-offenders. I am a cosponsor of the Count Every Vote Act, and would sign that legislation into law as president." 2009 Barack H. Obama, an African American is elected as the 44th president of the United States of America. 2010 US citizens residing overseas are eligible to vote in the November 2, 2010 US Midterm Elections by mail-in absentee ballot. Voting from overseas has never been easier. In the past, it was necessary to obtain the official paper form from a US Embassy or consulate and then consult the Federal Voting Assistance Guide for instructions on filling out the form. Your absentee ballot is available by request through a Federal Post Card Application (FPCA).

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"The righteous CONSIDERETH the cause of the poor but the wicked regardeth not to know it." —Proverbs 29.7.

MARY LOUISE SMITH AURELIA SHINES BROWDER CLAUDETTE COLVIN In April 1955, some seven months before Rosa Parks’ historic arrest, these three females refused to give up their seat to white people on a Montgomery bus, in three separate events. Browder filed suit against the city and Mayor W.A. "Tacky" Gayle. It was on her case, known as Browder v. Gayle, that the Supreme Court ruled in 1956 that segregated busing was unconstitutional. Smith and Colvin were included in the suit, but Browder was the lead plaintiff. Claudette Colvin, is a pioneer of the African-American civil rights movement. She was the first person to resist bus segregation in Montgomery, Alabama, preceding the better known Rosa Parks incident by nine months. The court case stemming from her refusal to give up her seat on the bus, decided by the U.S. District Court, ended bus segregation in Alabama.

Colvin

Montgomery's black leaders did not publicize Colvin's pioneering effort for long because she was a teenager and became pregnant while unmarried. The NAACP leaders worried about using her to represent their movement, given the social mores of the time. Mary l. Smith is a civil rights protester. She is famous as one of the pre-Rosa Parks women who refused to give up their seat in the "whites only" section of Montgomery, Alabama city buses. She was 18 years old when she was arrested. Born Jan. 29, 1919, Aurelia Browder learned quickly of the color wall that separated blacks from whites. But like so many other African Americans during that time, she refused to let that division squash her desire for equal rights and equal treatment. The law said otherwise. The law in Montgomery said blacks and whites did not sit together on the buses, nor did they dine together or go to the movies together. Mary L. Smith

But she was an educated woman, educated enough to know the law was wrong. She received a bachelor's degree in science with honors from Alabama State University. Smith was 18 years old when she was arrested. Claudette Colvin was only 15 years old at the time. She was a member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Youth Council. The Browder v. Gayle case "changed the laws that applied to bus segregation.

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Aurelia Browder


MONTGOMERY, AL

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"Power resides in character and not in outward display. The higher the ideal the greater the potential power.� — I Ching, Hexagram 34

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“Zut Alors, No More War.�

THE MONTGOMERY BUS BOYCOTT The Montgomery Bus Boycott was a political and social protest campaign that started in 1955 in Montgomery, Alabama, USA, intended to oppose the city's policy of racial segregation on its public transit system. Many important figures in the civil rights movement were involved in the boycott, including Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., Ralph Abernathy, and others, as listed below. The boycott caused crippling financial deficit for the Montgomery public transit system, because the city's black population who were the principal boycotters were also the bulk of the system's paying customers. The campaign lasted from December 1, 1955, when Rosa Parks, an African American woman, was arrested for refusing to surrender her seat to a white person, to December 20, 1956, when a federal ruling, Browder v. Gayle, took effect, and led to a United States Supreme Court decision that declared the Alabama and Montgomery laws requiring segregated buses to be unconstitutional. Under the system of segregation used on Montgomery buses, white people who boarded the bus took seats in the front rows, filling the bus toward the back. Black people who boarded the bus took seats in the back rows, filling the bus toward the front. Eventually, the two sections would meet, and the bus would be full. If other black people boarded the bus, they were required to stand. If another white person boarded the bus, then everyone in the black row nearest the front had to get up and stand, so that a new row for white people could be created. Often when boarding the buses, black people were required to pay at the front, get off, and reenter the bus through a separate door at the back. On some occasions bus drivers would drive away before black passengers were able to reboard. National City Lines owned the Montgomery Bus Line at the time of the Montgomery Bus Boycott. On the night of Rosa Parks' arrest, Jo Ann Robinson, head of the Women's Political Council, printed and circulated a flyer throughout Montgomery's black community which read as follows: "Another woman has been arrested and thrown in jail because she refused to get up out of her seat on the bus for a white person to sit down. It is the second time since the Claudette Colvin case that a Negro woman has been arrested for the same thing. This has to be stopped. Negroes have rights too, for if Negroes did not ride the buses, they could not operate. Three-fourths of the riders are Negro, yet we are arrested, or have to stand over empty seats. If we do not do something to stop these arrests, they will continue. The next time it may be you, or your daughter, or mother. This woman's case will come up on Monday. We are, therefore, asking every Negro to stay off the buses Monday in protest of the arrest and trial. Don't ride the buses to work, to town, to school, or anywhere on Monday. You can afford to stay out of school for one day if you have no other way to go except by bus. You can also afford to stay out of town for one day. If you work, take a cab, or walk. But please, children and grown-ups, don't ride the bus at all on Monday. Please stay off all buses Monday."

The next morning at a church meeting led by the new MIA head, King, a citywide boycott of public transit was proposed to demand a fixed dividing line for the segregated sections of the buses. Such a line would have meant that if the white section of the bus was oversubscribed, whites would have to stand; blacks would not be forced to remit their seats to whites. This demand was a compromise for the leaders of the boycott who believed that the city of Montgomery would be more likely to accept it rather than a demand for a full integration of the buses. In this respect, the MIA leadership followed the pattern of earlier boycott campaigns in the Deep South during the 1950s. A prime example was the successful boycott a few years earlier of service stations in Mississippi for refusing to provide restrooms for blacks. The organizer of that campaign, T. R. M. Howard of the Regional Council of Negro Leadership, had spoken on the brutal slaying of Emmett Till as King's guest at the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church only four days before Parks's arrest. Parks was in the audience and later said that Emmett Till was on her mind when she refused to give up her seat. The MIA's demand for a fixed dividing line was to be supplemented by a requirement that all bus passengers receive courteous treatment by bus operators, be seated on a first-come, first-served basis, and blacks be employed as bus drivers. The proposal was passed, and the boycott was to commence the following Monday. To publicize the impending boycott it was advertised at black churches throughout Montgomery the following Sunday. 120


On Saturday, December 3, it was evident that the black community would support the boycott, and very few blacks rode the buses that day. That night a mass meeting was held to determine if the protest would continue, and attendees enthusiastically agreed. The boycott proved extremely effective, with enough riders lost to the city transit system to cause serious economic distress. Martin Luther King later wrote "[a] miracle had taken place." Instead of riding buses, boycotters organized a system of carpools, with car owners volunteering their vehicles or themselves driving people to various destinations. Some white housewives also drove their black domestic servants to work, although it is unclear to what extent this was based on sympathy with the boycott, or the desire to have their staff present and working. When the city pressured local insurance companies to stop insuring cars used in the carpools, the boycott leaders arranged policies with Lloyd's of London. Black taxi drivers charged ten cents per ride, a fare equal to the cost to ride the bus, in support of the boycott. When word of this reached city officials on December 8, 1955, the order went out to fine any cab driver who charged a rider less than 45 cents. In addition to using private motor vehicles, some people used non-motorized means to get around, such as cycling, walking, or even riding mules or driving horse-drawn buggies. Some people also hitchhiked. During rush hours, sidewalks were often crowded. As the buses received extremely few, if any, passengers, their officials asked the City Commission to allow stopping service to black communities. Across the nation, black churches raised money to support the boycott and collected new and slightly used shoes to replace the tattered footwear of Montgomery's black citizens, many of whom walked everywhere rather than ride the buses and submit to Jim Crow laws. In response, opposing whites swelled the ranks of the White Citizens' Council, the membership of which doubled during the course of the boycott. The councils sometimes resorted to violence: Martin Luther King's and Ralph Abernathy's houses were firebombed, as were four black Baptist churches. Boycotters were often physically attacked. Under a 1921 ordinance, 156 protesters were arrested for "hindering" a bus, including King. He was ordered to pay a $500 fine or serve 386 days in jail. He ended up spending two weeks in jail. The move backfired by bringing national attention to the protest. King commented on the arrest by saying: “I was proud of my crime. It was the crime of joining my people in a nonviolent protest against injustice.� Pressure increased across the country and on June 4, 1956, the federal district court ruled that Alabama's racial segregation laws for buses were unconstitutional. However, an appeal kept the segregation intact, and the boycott continued until, finally, on November 13, 1956, the Supreme Court upheld the district court's ruling. This victory led to a city ordinance that allowed black bus passengers to sit virtually anywhere they wanted, and the boycott officially ended December 20, 1956. The boycott of the buses had lasted for 381 days. Martin Luther King, Jr. capped off the victory with a magnanimous speech to encourage acceptance of the decision. The Montgomery Bus Boycott also had ramifications that reached far beyond the desegregation of public buses and provided more than just a positive answer to the Supreme Court's action against racial segregation. The Montgomery Bus Boycott reverberated throughout the United States and stimulated the national Civil Rights Movement. The boycott resulted in the U.S. civil rights movement receiving one of its first victories and gave Martin Luther King, Jr. the national attention that made him one of the prime leaders of the cause. — Source, Wikipedia

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Men make history and not the other way around. In periods where there is no leadership, society stands still. Progress occurs when courageous, skillful leaders seize the opportunity to change things for the better. —Harry S. Truman

DR. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. January 15, 1929—April 4, 1968 “If the Negro is to be free he must move down into the inner resources of his own soul and sign with the pen and ink of self asserted manhood, his own Emancipation Proclamation.” “Hate destroys a man's sense of values and his objectivity. It causes him to describe the beautiful as ugly and the ugly as beautiful, and to confuse the true with the false and the false with the true.” “We have flown the air like birds and swum the sea like fish, but we have yet to learn the simple act of walking the earth like brothers.” The Negro needs the white man to free him from his fears. The white man needs the Negro to free him from his guilt.”

"Cowardice asks the question - is it safe? Expediency asks the question - is it polite? Vanity asks the question - is it popular? But conscience asks the question - is it right? And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe, nor polite, nor popular but one must take it because it is right."

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DR. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. Timeline 1929 1948 1953 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968

1983

Born January 15th Graduated from Morehouse College. Enters Crozer Theological Seminary. Ordained to the Baptist ministry, February 25, 1948, at the age 19. Marries Coretta Scott and settles in Montgomery, Alabama. Joins the bus boycott after Rosa Parks was arrested on December 1. On December 5, he is elected president of the Montgomery Improvement Association, making him the official spokesman for the boycott. November 13, the Supreme Court rules that bus segregation is illegal, victory for the boycott. King co-founds the SCLC to fight segregation and achieve civil rights. First Civil Rights Act since reconstruction passed by US Congress. King's first book, Stride Toward Freedom, is published. On a speaking tour, M. L. King, Jr. is nearly killed when stabbed by an assailant in Harlem. Visited India to study Mohandas Gandhi's philosophy of nonviolence. Becomes co-pastor with his father at the Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta, Georgia. Lunch counter sit-ins began in Greensboro, N. C. In Atlanta, King arrested during a restaurant sit-in. SNCC founded to coordinate protests at Shaw University Raleigh, NC In November, the Interstate Commerce Commission bans segregation in interstate travel. April 13, the Birmingham campaign is launched. May 10, the Birmingham agreement is announced. July 2, Civil Rights Act, signed into law. June 23, King leads 125,000 people on a Freedom Walk in Detroit. August 28 The March On Washington held is the largest civil rights demonstration in history with nearly 250,000 people. At the march, King makes his famous “I Have a Dream” speech. November 22, President Kennedy is assassinated. December 10, King awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. February 2, King arrested in Selma, AL during a voting rights demonstration. After President Johnson signs the Voting Rights Act into law. King turns to socioeconomic problems. January 22, King moves into a Chicago, IL slum tenement to attract attention to the living conditions of the poor. In June, King and others begin the March Against Fear through the South. July 10, King initiates a campaign to end discrimination in housing, employment, and schools in Chicago, The Chicago Open Housing Movement. April 4 delivers most public and comprehensive speech “Beyond Vietnam” to 3,000 people denouncing the war in Vietnam, Riverside Baptist church, New York City. November 27, King announces the inception of the Poor People's Campaign . King announces that the Poor People's Campaign will culminate in a March on Washington demanding a $12 billion dollar, Economic Bill of Rights guaranteeing employment to the able-bodied, incomes to those unable to work, and an end to housing discrimination. Dr. King marches in support of sanitation workers on strike in Memphis, Tennessee. March 28, King leads a march that turns violent, for the first. Delivered “I've Been to the Mountaintop” speech. April 4, assassinated while standing on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel in Memphis, TN. Riots and disturbances in 130 American cities. There were twenty thousand arrests. April 19th King's funeral is an international event. Within a week of the assassination, the Open Housing Act is passed by Congress. November 2, a National Holiday, January 16th is proclaimed in King's honor. 123


One of the most noticeable things about SCLC during the life of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. was a little sign in the window at 334 Auburn Avenue in Atlanta, GA.

“Redeeming the Soul of America.” I suppose the racist, militant, socialist and communist never ever forgave him for that because he never stopped being the evangelist. He never let people or circumstances give him a reason for not loving. At least he never lost his capacity to forgive. And he never became afraid enough to think that the solution to man’s problems could be found outside of the framework of love, truth and non-violence. Even though the mood and the rhetoric changed, his fundamental belief in redemption and reconciliation never changed. And for this reason I’m forced to put him along with Jesus and Socrates as a man of faith. The nonviolent movement that he led died essentially because it did not have, nor presently has within it men or women of faith. The nonviolent movement had an option to forgive James Earl Ray, and then give him a fair and impartial trial so that the facts and truth could be brought out and presented to the American people. Instead there was not to be found in the ranks, two or more men/women of faith and love who could forgive. Practically everyone in his organization thought that the killing of King was a sufficient enough reason for not loving. So loving stopped. Forgiving stopped. And when loving and forgiving stops – the mind then creates a false reason for being afraid. And when there is no loving, no forgiving, and fear, there can be no redemption and reconciliation. So SCLC, that was redeeming the soul of America, dies when King died and that was a greater loss to America than the losing of King. —Reverend James L. Bevel

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Ode To Martin Luther King, Jr. Oh, he carried the cross for me, he carried the cross for me, When I was just a boy playing with a toy, he was concerned about my liberty. When I stood telling tales, he spend many days in jail to restore to me my lost humanity. When I was a hate-filled man. He made me understand. He told me truths that set my poor heart free. When I could only cuss, He rode the Freedom Bus, and introduced me to responsibility. When I didn’t have a friend, nonviolently he sat in and made the nation honor my dignity. When I didn’t have a coat and my mama couldn’t even vote, he made the Congress set my people free. When my sister didn’t have a blouse, and my dad couldn’t buy a house, he made open housing a reality. We were dying in Vietnam and he stopped Old Uncle Sam, and made him respect all humanity. When I was but a slave, he gladly went to his grave to set my mind and body free. He never was afraid, ‘cause this is what he said: “No matter what my son, you must forgive, If you haven’t found a cause to die for then you’re not fit to live!” And this is the challenge he left you and me. When Martin Luther King dies, I sat down and cried, ‘cause I had lost my best friend don’t you see… He taught me to forgive, and now I’m fit to live.. And now I too can face the tree ‘cause He Carried the Cross for Me. —Reverend James L. Bevel Copyright 1978 Helen L. Bevel

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“Nonviolence is a powerful and just weapon. It is a weapon unique in history, which cuts without wounding, and ennobles the man who wields it. It is a sword that heals”. —Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

IN HONOR OF DR. MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR.’S LIFE AND WORK, I pledge to do everything that I can to make America and the world a place where equality and justice, freedom and peace will grow and flourish. I PLEDGE TO MAKE NONVIOLENCE A WAY OF LIFE in my dealings with all people. I WILL REJECT all forms of hatred, bigotry and prejudice, and I will embrace the values of unconditional, universal love, truthfulness, courage, compassion, and dedication that empowered Dr. King. I WILL DEDICATE my life to creating the Beloved Community of Dr. King’s dream, where all people can live together as sisters and brothers.

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“It’s either nonviolence or non-existence.”

MARTIN LUTHER KING BEYOND VIETNAM [WAR] A TIME TO BREAK SILENCE "True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. It comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring." Delivered 4 April 1967 at a meeting of Clergy and Laity Concerned at Riverside Church in New York City I come to this magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization which has brought us together: Clergy and Laymen Concerned about Vietnam. The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: "A time comes when silence is betrayal." And that time has come for us in relation to Vietnam. The truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexed as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty; but we must move on. And some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. If it is, let us trace its movements and pray that our own inner being may be sensitive to its guidance, for we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us. Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. At the heart of their concerns this query has often loomed large and loud: "Why are you speaking about the war, Dr. King?" "Why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "Peace and civil rights don't mix," they say. "Aren't you hurting the cause of your people," they ask? And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment or my calling. Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live. In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance to try to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter Avenue Baptist Church -- the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate -- leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight. I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front. It is not addressed to China or to Russia. Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam. Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. While they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful 127


give and take on both sides. Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellow Americans, who, with me, bear the greatest responsibility in ending a conflict that has exacted a heavy price on both continents. Since I am a preacher by trade, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision. There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I, and others, have been waging in America. A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor -- both black and white -- through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated, as if it were some idle political plaything of a society gone mad on war, and I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic destructive suction tube. So, I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such. Perhaps the more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. And so we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. And so we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago. I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor. My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettoes of the North over the last three years -- especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. I have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. But they ask -- and rightly so -- what about Vietnam? They ask if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today -- my own government. For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent. For those who ask the question, "Aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, I have this further answer. In 1957 when a group of us formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto: "To save the soul of America." We were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, that black bard of Harlem, who had written earlier: O, yes, I say it plain, America never was America to me, And yet I swear this oath -America will be! Now, it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of America today can ignore the present war. If America's soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read: Vietnam. It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. So it is that those of us who are yet determined that America will be are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land. As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954; and I cannot forget that the Nobel Prize for Peace was also a commission -- a commission to 128


work harder than I had ever worked before for "the brotherhood of man." This is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances, but even if it were not present I would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ. To me the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I'm speaking against the war. Could it be that they do not know that the good news was meant for all men - for Communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the One who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? What then can I say to the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this One? Can I threaten them with death or must I not share with them my life? And finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place I would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men the calling to be a son of the living God. Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood, and because I believe that the Father is deeply concerned especially for his suffering and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them. This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self- defined goals and positions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation and for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers. And as I ponder the madness of Vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the Liberation Front, not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. I think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries. They must see Americans as strange liberators. The Vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence in 1954 -- in 1945 rather -- after a combined French and Japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in China. They were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in its reconquest of her former colony. Our government felt then that the Vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China -- for whom the Vietnamese have no great love -- but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives. For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence. For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to recolonize Vietnam. before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at re-colonization. After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva Agreement. But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed as Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the North. The peasants watched as all this was presided over by United States' influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem's methods had aroused. When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace. The only change came from America, as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into 129


concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs. So they go, primarily women and children and the aged. They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers. What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones? We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified Buddhist Church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men. Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. *Soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these. Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. These, too, are our brothers. Perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies. What of the National Liberation Front, that strangely anonymous group we call "VC" or "communists"? What must they think of the United States of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the North" as if there were nothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts. How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of Vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. And they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only party in real touch with the peasants. They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. Their questions are frighteningly relevant. Is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of new violence? Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition. So, too, with Hanoi. In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western words, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi are the men who led the nation to independence against the Japanese and the French, the men who sought membership in the French Commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. It was they who led a second struggle against French 130


domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at Geneva. After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a united Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be remembered. Also, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops. They remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands. Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the North. He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than *eight hundred, or rather,* eight thousand miles away from its shores. At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried in these last few minutes to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," I am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor. Somehow this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroyed, whose culture is being subverted. I speak for the poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: The great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours. This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam. Recently one of them wrote these words, and I quote: “Each day the war goes on the hatred increases in the heart of the Vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. The Americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. The image of America will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism.� If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam. If we do not stop our war against the people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit that we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people. The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war. I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do immediately to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict: Number One: End all bombing in North and South Vietnam. Number Two: Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation. 131


Number Three: Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asia by curtailing our military buildup in Thailand and our interference in Laos. Number Four: Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front has substantial support in South Vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future Vietnam government. Number Five: Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement. Part of our ongoing...part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any Vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the Liberation Front. Then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. We must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country, if necessary. Meanwhile... meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. We must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam. We must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible. As we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. I am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and I recommend it to all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. Moreover, I would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors.* These are the times for real choices and not false ones. We are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest. Now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam. I say we must enter that struggle, but I wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing. The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality...and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing "clergy and laymen concerned" committees for the next generation. They will be concerned about Guatemala and Peru. They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia. They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa. We will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end, unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy. And so, such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living God. In 1957, a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. During the past ten years, we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of U.S. military advisors in Venezuela. This need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala. It tells why American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in Cambodia and why American napalm and Green Beret forces have already been active against rebels in Peru. It is with such activity in mind that the words of the late John F. Kennedy come back to haunt us. Five years ago he said, "Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable." Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. I am convinced that if we are to get on the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin...we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.

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A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. On the one hand, we are called to play the Good Samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho Road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway. True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. It comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring. A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa, and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "This is not just." It will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of South America and say, "This is not just." The Western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just. A true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "This way of settling differences is not just." This business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death. America, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. There is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. There is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood. *This kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism. War is not the answer. Communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. Let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urgethe United States to relinquish its participation in the United Nations.* These are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. *We must not engage in a negative anticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy, realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice. We must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops.* These are revolutionary times. All over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. The shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before. The people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. We in the West must support these revolutions. It is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch anti-revolutionaries. This has driven many to feel that only Marxism has a revolutionary spirit. Therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. With this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low, and the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain." A genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional. Every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies. This call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. This oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily dismissed by the Nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for the survival of man. When I speak of love I am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response. I am not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. I am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have 133


seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. Love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality. This Hindu-Muslim-Christian- Jewish-Buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of Saint John: "Let us love one another, for love is God. And every one that loveth is born of God and knoweth God. He that loveth not knoweth not God, for God is love." "If we love one another, God dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us." Let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day. We can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. The oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. And history is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate. As Arnold Toynbee says: "Love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. Therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word" (unquote). We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late. Procrastination is still the thief of time. Life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. The tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood -- it ebbs. We may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. Over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, "Too late." There is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect. Omar Khayyam is right: "The moving finger writes, and having writ moves on." We still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent co-annihilation. We must move past indecision to action. We must find new ways to speak for peace in Vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. If we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight. Now let us begin. Now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. This is the calling of the sons of God, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response. Shall we say the odds are too great? Shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? Will our message be that the forces of American life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets? Or will there be another message -- of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the cost? The choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history. As that noble bard of yesterday, James Russell Lowell, eloquently stated: Once to every man and nation comes a moment to decide, In the strife of Truth and Falsehood, for the good or evil side; Some great cause, God's new Messiah offering each the bloom or blight, And the choice goes by forever 'twixt that darkness and that light. Though the cause of evil prosper, yet 'tis truth alone is strong Though her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrong Yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown Standeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above his own. And if we will only make the right choice, we will be able to transform this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of peace, If we will make the right choice, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our world into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. If we will but make the right choice, we will be able to speed up the day, all over America and all over the world, when justice will roll down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.

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"If you are stifled, know you are not living in Truth. If you are in pain, know you are not living in Love and let go.” —St. Michael

SCLC THE SOUTHERN CHRISTIAN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE The very beginnings of the SCLC can be traced back to the Montgomery Bus Boycott. The Montgomery Bus Boycott began on December 5, 1955 after Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat to a white man on the bus. The boycott lasted for 381 days and ended on December 21, 1956, with the desegregation of the Montgomery bus system. The boycott was carried out by the newly established Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA). Martin Luther King, Jr. served as President and Ralph David Abernathy served as Program Director. It was one of history’s most dramatic and massive nonviolent protests, stunning the nation and the world. The boycott was also a signal to Black America to begin a new phase of the long struggle, a phase that came to be known as the modern civil rights movement. As bus boycotts spread across the South, leaders of the MIA and other protest groups met in Atlanta on January 10 – 11, 1957, to form a regional organization and coordinate protest activities across the South. Despite a bombing of the home and church of Ralph David Abernathy during the Atlanta meeting, 60 persons from 10 states assembled and announced the founding of the Southern Leadership Conference on Transportation and Nonviolent Integration. They issued a document declaring that civil rights are essential to democracy, that segregation must end, and that all Black people should reject segregation absolutely and nonviolently. Further organizing was done at a meeting in New Orleans, Louisiana on February 14, 1957. The organization shortened its name to Southern Leadership Conference, established an Executive Board of Directors, and elected officers, including Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. as President, Dr. Ralph David Abernathy as Financial Secretary-Treasurer, Rev. C. K. Steele of Tallahassee, Florida as Vice President, Rev. T. J. Jemison of Baton Rouge, Louisiana as Secretary, and Attorney I. M. Augustine of New Orleans, Louisiana as General Counsel. At its first convention in Montgomery in August 1957, the Southern Leadership Conference adopted the current name, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Basic decisions made by the founders at these early meeting included the adoption of nonviolent mass action as the cornerstone of strategy, the affiliation of local community organizations with SCLC across the South, and a determination to make the SCLC movement open to all, regardless of race, religion, or background. SCLC is a now a nation wide organization made up of chapters and affiliates with programs that affect the lives of all Americans: north, south, east and west. Its sphere of influence and interests has become international in scope because the human rights movement transcends national boundaries. Presidents • Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.: 1957 to 1968 • Rev. Ralph D. Abernathy: 1968 to 1977 • Rev. Joseph E. Lowery: 1977 to 1997 • Mr. Martin L. King, III: 1997 to 2004 • Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth: February 2004 to November 2004 • Mr. Charles Steele, Jr.: November 2004 to 2008 • Dr. Byron C. Clay: January 2009 to January 2010 • Rev. Dr. Howard Creecy Jr. 2011—Present

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“By amending our mistakes we get wisdom. By defending our faults, we betray an unsound mind. —The Sutra of Hui Neng

DR. RALPH DAVID ABERNATHY March 11, 1926—April 17, 1990 Born in Linden, Ala. He was a pastor and civil rights leader. He was educated at Alabama State University and Atlanta University. Ordained a Baptist minister in 1948, he became pastor of the First Baptist Church in Montgomery, Ala., in 1951. He met Martin Luther King, Jr., a few years later when the latter became pastor of another Baptist church in Montgomery. In 1955 – 56 the two men organized a nonviolent boycott of the city bus system, marking the beginning of the U.S. civil rights movement. In 1957 they founded the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Abernathy became its president on King's assassination in 1968; in 1977 he resigned to resume work as a pastor in Atlanta. His autobiography, And the Walls Came Tumbling Down, appeared in 1989. Ordained Baptist minister, 1948; radio disc jockey, Montgomery, AL, 1950; Alabama State College, Montgomery, dean of men, 1951; First Baptist Church, Montgomery, pastor, 1951-61; West Hunter Street Baptist Church, Atlanta, GA, pastor, beginning 1961; Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), Atlanta, president, 1968-77, president emeritus, 1977--. Founder, Montgomery Improvement Association, 1955; co-founder, SCLC, 1957; leader, Poor People's Campaign, Resurrection City, Washington, DC, 1968; organizer and chairman, Operation Breadbasket, Atlanta; founder, Foundation for Economic Enterprises Development (FEED). Advisory committee member of the Congress on Racial Equality (CORE); participant in World Peace Council presidential committee meeting, Santiago, Chile, 1972.

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"THE human mind, revolts at a serious discussion of the subject of slavery. Every individual, whatever be his country or complexion, is entitled to freedom." —Professor Miller, of Glasgow,

REVEREND JOSEPH LOWERY October 6, 1921– Present He was born in Huntsville, Alabama. He attended Knoxville College, Payne College and Theological Seminary, and the Chicago Ecumenical Institute. Lowery earned his doctorate of divinity as well. In the early 1950’s in Mobile, AL, he began his work in civil right. He headed the Alabama Civic Affairs Association, an organization devoted to desegregation of buses and public places. In 1957, Lowery along with Dr. M.L.King, Jr., and Ralph Abernathy formed SCLC. In 1965, Lowery was named chairman of the delegation to take demand of the Selma to Montgomery March to Alabama governor George Wallace. As president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference from 1977 to 1997, Lowery protested apartheid policies in South Africa and co chaired the 1990 Nelson Mandela visit to Atlanta following Mandela’s release from prison. He led a peace delegation to the Middle East and met with the president of Lebanon and Yasser Arafat to seek justice in the Middle East by nonviolent means. Lowery also led protests and was arrested twice in a campaign against the dumping of toxic waste in Warren County, N.C. Lowery is a co-founder and former president of the Black Leadership Forum, a consortium of black advocacy groups. The Forum began protesting apartheid in South Africa in the mid-1970s and continued until the election of Nelson Mandela. After becoming president of the SCLC in February of 1977, Lowery negotiated covenants with major corporations for employment advances, opportunities and business contracts with minority companies. He has led peace delegations to the Middle East and Central America. In addition to serving as pastor to several churches over the years, Lowery’s efforts to combat injustice and promote equal opportunities has led to the extension of provisions to the Voting Rights Act to 2007, the desegregation of public accommodations in Nashville, Tennessee and the hiring of Birmingham, Alabama’s first black police officers.

“Rosa Parks was known as the queen mother of the movement. She sat down so that her people could stand up,” “The Mothers in Iraq Call Us the Terrorists” “If you don’t know where you come from, it’s difficult to assess where you are. It’s even more difficult to plan where you are going “

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"Government is not reason, and it is not eloquence; it is force! Like fire, it is a dangerous servant and a fearful master: never for a moment should it be left to irresponsible action." -- A popular Americanism

REVEREND FRED SHUTTLESWORTH Born in March 18, 1922, Fred L. Shuttlesworth grew up in difficult times in rural Alabama. He began his ministry shortly after graduating from high school in Oxmoor, Alabama. He continued his education at Selma University and Alabama State College, eventually ending up as pastor at Birmingham Bethel Baptist Church. Shuttlesworth began a very active ministry by fighting for civil rights. He organized lunchroom sit-ins, bus boycotts and encouraged African Americans to apply for civil service jobs in Birmingham. His activism earned him frequent beatings and arrests, threats of violence to his family and a house bombing on Christmas Day in 1956. He formed the Alabama Christian Rights Movement, and went on to help form the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, of which he was secretary for many years.

“Fred Shuttlesworth was fearless and courageous to the point of being almost insane; miraculously surviving a bombing of his home. Had taking his wife and two children trying to integrate a school with a mob of five or six hundred folks with chains and stuff like that; just an incredible human being in my view.” —Wyatt T. Walker

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"Personal responsibility is the price of liberty.” —Michael Cloud

CHARLES. K. STEELE February 17, 1914 - August 19, 1980

Steele decided he wanted to become a preacher at an early age. In 1938 he began attending Morehouse College, a wellknown all-black college in Atlanta. He then served as minister at churches in Montgomery, Ala., and Augusta, Ga. In 1952, at age 38, he moved to the Bethel Baptist Church in Tallahassee, Fla., where he served as minister until his death in 1980. In 1956, after two black college students were arrested for sitting in the “whites only” section of a city bus in Tallahassee, he organized a bus boycott. Following the famous example of the 1955 bus boycott in Montgomery. Ala., the black community of Tallahassee's act of civil disobedience remained a nonviolent one. Steele remarked of the hostility and violence the boycotters faced at the hands of angry whites: “They have thrown rocks, they have smashed car windows, they have burned crosses. Well, I am happy to state here tonight that I have no fear of them and, praise God, I have no hate for them.” Former Florida governor LeRoy Collins commented years later that “the boycott hurt black people more than it did white people, in the sense that they needed that service more than white people did. But it showed the people of this community that they were very determined to right this wrong.” Two years later, the bus boycott ended triumphantly. Bus service in Tallahassee was finally integrated. Steele also worked to integrate Tallahassee's schools, restaurants, theaters, and other public facilities. At the same time, he became a national figure in the civil rights movement. In 1957, he helped Martin Luther King organize the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. He served as its vice president, and participated in many national civil rights protests, including the famous march in Selma, Ala. His quest to improve the black community continued for the rest of his life. Two years before his death in 1980, he announced what he still hoped to accomplish: “I'd like to leave Bethel an educational program that will give young people strong character for living,” to make “some kind of impact against economic deprivation,” and to “convince one person in my lifetime that war does not fit into Christian faith.”

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"Rather than allow political power luster’s to destroy the remnants of individual rights that still protect us, we should be eternally vigilant in protecting and restoring our inalienable rights." — Glenn Woiceshyn

DR. DOROTHY COTTON Dorothy Cotton was the Education Director for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for twelve years under the direct supervision of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Working closely with Dr. King, Dorothy served on his executive staff and was part of his entourage to Oslo, Norway, where he received the Nobel Peace Prize. She served as the Vice President for Field Operations for the Dr. M.L.K. Jr. Center for Nonviolent Social Change in Atlanta. . She directed the Citizenship Education Program and many of the voter registration campaigns of SCLC. Currently she lectures and leads workshops on women’s development issues, race relations, nonviolence and civic participation. Dr. Cotton was the Director of Student Activities at Cornell University for nine years, and served as the Southeastern Regional Director of ACTION, the Federal Government's Agency for volunteer programs for three years. She holds a Masters Degree from Boston University in the area of Special Education. Currently she is involved in the expansion of the National Citizenship School in conjunction with Civic Organizing, Inc. of Minnesota. Dorothy's upcoming book will focus on lessons from the historic citizenship education program and her work with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

“Change comes from individuals.” "We need a leadership that teaches and models from a place of integrity ... so we don't grow another generation of people who only know how to solve problems with violence, we must see ourselves as active, obligated members of society."

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“Loyalty and allegiance should only be shown to people who demonstrate a willingness to be guided by higher principles.” —Guy Damian-Knight

REVEREND C. T. VIVIAN July 30, 1924—Present A Baptist minister, his first use of non-violent direct action was in 1947, to end Peoria's segregated lunch counters. Later he founded the Nashville Christian Leadership Conference, organizing the first sit-ins there in 1960 and the first civil rights march in 1961. Rev. Vivian was a rider on the first "Freedom Bus" into Jackson, Mississippi, and went on to work along-side Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. on his Executive Staff in Birmingham, Selma, Chicago, Nashville. the March on Washington; Danville, Virginia; and St. Augustine, Florida. During the summer following the Selma Movement, Rev. Vivian conceived and directed an educational program, Vision, and put 702 Alabama students in college with scholarships. The program later became Upward Bound. He serves as Chairman of the board of The National Voting Rights Museum & Institute.

“I know there is no other individual that has been quoted more than Martin Luther King in America. He taught us that in the action, we find out who we are.” “Every struggle makes another struggle necessary.”

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“Love is the glue that holds together everything in the world.”

BAYARD RUSTIN March 17, 1912 – August 24, 1987

Rustin was born in West Chester, Pennsylvania. He was raised by his maternal grandparents, Janifer and Julia Rustin. Julia Rustin was a Quaker, although she attended her husband's African Methodist Episcopal Church. She was also a member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). NAACP leaders such as W.E.B. Du Bois and James Weldon Johnson were frequent guests in the Rustin home. With these influences in his early life, in his youth Rustin campaigned against racially discriminatory Jim Crow laws. In 1932, Rustin entered Wilberforce University, a historically black college (HBCU) in Ohio operated by the AME Church. As a student at Wilberforce, Rustin was active in a number of campus organizations, including the Omega Psi Phi Fraternity. He left Wilberforce in 1936 before taking his final exams, and later attended Cheyney State Teachers College (now Cheyney University of Pennsylvania). After completing an activist training program conducted by the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), Rustin moved to Harlem in 1937 and began studying at City College of New York. There he became involved in efforts to defend and free the Scottsboro Boys, nine young black men in Alabama who were accused of raping two white women. He joined the Young Communist League in 1936. Soon after coming to New York City, he became a member of Fifteenth Street Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers). Rustin and Houser organized the Journey of Reconciliation in 1947. This was the first of the Freedom Rides to test the ruling of the Supreme Court of the United States that banned racial discrimination in interstate travel (Irene Morgan v. Commonwealth of Virginia). The NAACP opposed CORE's Gandhian tactics. Participants in the Journey of Reconciliation were arrested several times. Arrested with Jewish activist Igal Roodenko, Rustin served twenty-two days on a chain gang in North Carolina for violating Jim Crow laws regarding segregated seating on public transportation. Rustin took leave from the War Resisters League in 1956 to advise Martin Luther King Jr. on Gandhian tactics. King was organizing the public transportation boycott in Montgomery, Alabama known as the Montgomery Bus Boycott. According to Rustin, "I think it's fair to say that Dr. King's view of non-violent tactics was almost non-existent when the boycott began. In other words, Dr. King was permitting himself and his children and his home to be protected by guns." Rustin convinced King to abandon the armed protection.[ The following year, Rustin and King began organizing the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). Many AfricanAmerican leaders were concerned that Rustin's sexual orientation and past Communist membership would undermine support for the civil rights movement. U.S. Representative Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., who was a member of the SCLC's board, forced Rustin's resignation from the SCLC in 1960 by threatening to discuss Rustin's morals charge in Congress. Although Rustin was open about his sexual orientation and his conviction was a matter of public record, the events had not been discussed widely outside the civil rights leadership. After passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and 1965 Voting Rights Act, Rustin advocated closer ties between the civil rights movement and the Democratic Party and its base among the working class.

“When an individual is protesting society's refusal to acknowledge his dignity as a human being, his very act of protest confers dignity on him.”

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"LOVE JUSTICE, you rulers of the earth…” —Wisdom of Solomon

AMBASSADOR ANDREW YOUNG Born in New Orleans, Orleans Parish, LA., March 12, 1932; educated in public schools of New Orleans at Gilbert Academy, and Dillard University. He received a B.S., Howard University, 1951; B.D., Hartford Theological Seminary, 1955; ordained by the United Church of Christ; served as pastor in Marion, Ala., and in Thomasville and Beachton, Ga.; Associate Director, Department of Youth Work, National Council of Churches, 1957-1961; Executive Director, Southern Christian Leadership Conference, 1964; executive vice president, Southern Christian Leadership Conference, 1967; chairman, Atlanta Community Relations Commission, 1970-1972; elected as a Democrat to the Ninety-third and to the two succeeding Congresses and served from January 3, 1973, until his resignation January 29, 1977, to become United States representative to the United Nations as an Ambassador until his resignation September 23, 1979; elected mayor of Atlanta, Ga., October 27, 1981; reelected in 1985 and served from January 4, 1982, to January 2, 1990; Currently is Chairman of Good Works International and resides in Atlanta, Ga.

“It is a blessing to die for a cause, because you can so easily die for nothing.” “My hope for my children must be that they respond to the still, small voice of God in their own hearts.” “Look at those they call unfortunate and at a closer view, you'll find many of them are unwise.” “The purpose of the civil rights struggle was "to seek the human dignity and respect that allows us to live together as brothers and sisters and not perish together as fools."

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“Freedom is a constant, never-ending struggle.” —Diane Nash

REVEREND HOSEA WILLIAMS Born to blind parents, he was born in Attapulgus, Georgia, on January 5, 1926. After the death of his mother, Williams was raised by his grandparents. At the age of 13 he was nearly lynched by a white mob after becoming friendly with a local white girl. Williams joined the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and in 1963 was recruited to the staff of Martin Luther King. He was active in the Freedom Summer voting registration campaign and was arrested on 124 occasions. King once described Williams as "My wild man, my Castro. With John Lewis, Williams led the Selma to Montgomery protest march on 7th March, 1965, that was attacked by mounted police. The sight of state troopers using nightsticks and tear gas was filmed by television cameras and the event became known as Bloody Sunday. Williams was with Martin Luther King when he was assassinated on 4th April, 1968. Williams was elected to Georgia General Council in 1974 and controversially endorsed Ronald Reagan for president in 1980. After becoming a member of the Atlanta City Council, he led a march in Forsyth County, which resulted in a violent confrontation with the Ku Klux Klan in 1987. Two years later, Williams failed in his bid to be elected mayor of Atlanta. Hosea Williams died in Atlanta on 16th November, 2000.

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THE CONGRESS OF RACIAL EQUALITY CORE is a U.S. civil rights organization that played a pivotal role for African-Americans in the Civil Rights Movement. Membership is still stated to be open to "anyone who believes that 'all people are created equal' and is willing to work towards the ultimate goal of true equality throughout the world." CORE was founded in Chicago in 1941 by James L. Farmer, Jr., George Houser, James R. Robinson, and Bernice Fisher. The group evolved out of the pacifist Fellowship of Reconciliation, and sought to apply the principles of nonviolence as a tactic against segregation. The group's inspiration was Krishnalal Shridharani's book War Without Violence (1939, Harcourt Brace), which outlined Gandhi's step-by-step procedures for organizing people and mounting a nonviolent campaign. Shridharani, a popular writer and journalist as well as a vibrant and theatrical speaker, had been a protege of Gandhi and had been jailed in the Salt March. Gandhi had, in turn, been influenced by the writings of Henry David Thoreau. At the time of CORE's founding Gandhi was still engaged in non-violent resistance against British rule in India; CORE believed that nonviolent civil disobedience could also be used by African-Americans to challenge racial segregation in the United States. In accordance with CORE's constitution and bylaws, in the early and mid-1960s, chapters were organized on a model similar to that of a democratic trade union, with monthly membership meetings, elected and usually unpaid officers, and numerous committees of volunteers. In the South, CORE's nonviolent direct action campaigns opposed "Jim Crow" segregation and job discrimination, and fought for voting rights. Outside the South, CORE focused on discrimination in employment and housing, and also in de facto school segregation. Some CORE main leadership had strong disagreements with the Deacons for Defense and Justice over the Deacons' public threat to racist Southerners that they would use armed self-defense to protect CORE workers from racist organizations, such as the Ku Klux Klan, in Louisiana during the 1960s. By the mid-1960s, Farmer was growing disenchanted with the emerging black nationalist sentiments within CORE — sentiments that, among other things, would quickly lead to the Black Panther Party — and he resigned in 1966, to be replaced by Floyd McKissick. CORE, SNCC and the NAACP organized the Freedom Summer campaign. Its main objective was to attempt to end the political disenfranchisement of African Americans in the Deep South. They concentrate efforts in Mississippi. In 1962 only 6.7 percent of African Americans in the state were registered to vote, the lowest percentage in the country. This involved the formation of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP). Over 80,000 people joined the party and 68 delegates attended the Democratic Party Convention in Atlantic City and challenged the attendance of the all-white Mississippi representation. CORE, SNCC and NAACP also established 30 Freedom Schools in towns throughout Mississippi. Volunteers taught in the schools and the curriculum now included black history, the philosophy of the civil rights movement. During the summer of 1964 over 3,000 students attended these schools and the experiment provided a model for future educational programs such as Head Start. Recently, on same sex marriage and black health in the U.S.: "When you say to society at large that you have to accept, not only accept our lifestyle, but promote it and put it on the same plane and equate it with traditional marriage, that's where we draw the line and we say 'no.' That's not something that is a civil right. That is not something that is a human right," said Niger Innis, national spokesman for CORE, and son of Roy Innis. —Source, Wikipedia

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THE NASHVILLE STUDENT MOVEMENT The Nashville Student Movement began as a result of seminars on nonviolence led by James Lawson. Lawson arrived in Nashville, Tennessee, in 1958 as the first southern secretary of the Fellowship of Reconciliation, a pacifist organization devoted to social change. In 1959, the nonviolent group put its training into practice with test sit-ins against segregation. But it was the news of the Greensboro, North Carolina, sit-ins in early February 1960 and the cascading wave of supportive demonstrations elsewhere in the South that spurred Nashville activists to launch a bold campaign against Jim Crow practices in their city. On February 12, 1960, over five hundred supporters packed the First Baptist Church for the first mass meeting of the sit-in project. There they received instruction from Lawson and other veterans of the nonviolent workshops. The next morning Lawson led over one hundred demonstrators, many of whom were recruited from Nashville’s four black colleges—Fisk, Tennessee State, Meharry Medical, and the American Baptist Theological Seminary—to stage sit-ins at lunch counters in downtown department stores. At the end of the second week of the sit-ins, word spread that future demonstrators would be arrested by the police. The Nashville activists prepared themselves for the new consequences. John Lewis composed a list of instructions that concluded with the admonition, “Remember the teachings of Jesus, Gandhi, Thoreau, and Martin Luther King, Jr.” The next day the police arrested the demonstrators, many of whom were also beaten by angry whites. Once in court, Diane Nash, John Lewis, and fourteen others refused to pay fines, and their example inspired another sixty students to follow them to jail. The courage of the students’ nonviolent witness heartened Nashville’s black community. Unlike in other southern cities such as Birmingham, Alabama, there was little public criticism of the demonstrators by local black leaders. The Nashville Christian Leadership Council, an affiliate of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, in particular, supported the students. The Reverend Kelly Miller Smith opened his First Baptist Church to the movement and threw his substantial influence behind the cause. When the home of Z.Alexander Looby, a prominent black attorney, was dynamited on April 19, the movement reached an even higher level of intensity. The next day, thousands of demonstrators marched on city hall, where Diane Nash and C.T.Vivian, a minister and an adviser to the students, confronted Mayor West, who publicly spoke about the immorality of segregation. The fate of Jim Crow in downtown Nashville was sealed. After the success of this early movement action, James Bevel strategized and directed the 1961 Nashville Open Theater Movement. This was the first movement credited to SNCC which desegregated the city's theaters. The influence of the Nashville activists extended well beyond their city. Their firm theoretical and lived commitment to nonviolence shaped the founding of a new regional organization, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), in April 1960. James Lawson helped give SNCC its original vision, and Lewis, Nash, Marion Barry, James Bevel, and Bernard LaFayette, all Nashville students, numbered among SNCC’s early members. In May 1961, the Nashville students again influenced the national scene when they rallied to rescue the Freedom Ride campaign. The Freedom Riders, who had left Washington, D.C., by bus bound for New Orleans, had been forced to end their ride when they met with violence in Alabama. Nash arranged for Nashville students to continue the stalled Freedom Ride out of Birmingham, Alabama. Ultimately, Lewis, Bevel, LaFayette, and other Nashville insurgents ended up in jail in Mississippi, but the Freedom Riders succeeded in spotlighting the injustice and brutality of the segregationist South. —Source, Wikepedia

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THE AMERICAN BAPTIST THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY The American Baptist Theological Seminary, is a small, predominantly African American liberal arts college located in Nashville, Tennessee. Founded in 1924, its predecessor was Roger Williams University, a black college begun in the late -19th century and closed in the early 20th century (Its campus is now occupied by Peabody College of Vanderbilt University). Primarily a school designed to train African American Baptist ministers, its student body was highly influential in the civil rights movement The College has educated Civil Rights champions, national leaders and outstanding Christian ministers. The school’s history during the 1960s and 1970s was lively with cultivating civil rights champions, national leaders and outstanding Christian ministers. Students from American Baptist College, such as Julius Scruggs, Bernard Lafayette, Jim Bevel, William Barbee and John Lewis served on the front line of the Nashville Student Sit-In movement for justice and change. Under the tutelage of then Professor J.F Grimmett, the late the Rev. Kelly Miller Smith, and Rev Dr. C.T. Vivian, many students dared to sit down at lunch counters dramatically altering the quality of life for Americans living in the South. They sat, marched, and persevered through arrests and beatings before they were victorious in pursuit of justice and human rights. The campus itself was a popular command post for organizing and training students for social justice causes throughout the city at the time. American Baptist College can boast that a number of its students from that period have gone on to become major names in civil rights history and American politics (e.g., Congressman John Lewis, Dr. Bernard Lafayette, Dr. Julius Scruggs).

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"The World is not dangerous because of those who do harm but because of those who look at it without doing anything." —Albert Einstein

REVEREND JAMES LAWSON James Lawson is one of the great American civil rights leaders in the achievement of desegregation and racial equality. He differs from all the others such as King and Farmer, in several respects. He is the only one for whom nonviolence did not have to be learned; he learned it as a small boy from his mother. His father was a Methodist minister in Ohio. As a young conscientious objector he refused to register for the military draft and spent a year in federal prison. After his release he spent three years as a missionary in India, where he learned much from and about Gandhi, his movement and its successes in the use of nonviolence. Lawson has been a life-long member of the Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR), a group which is not only one of the nation's leading nonviolent advocacy organizations, but which was already involved in civil rights work when he was in college. While enrolled at Baldwin Wallace College he met A.J. Muste, a long-time executive of the Fellowship, who put him in touch with Glenn Smiley, the field secretary of FOR, who had already assisted Martin Luther King in becoming committed to nonviolence. In 1958 Smiley recruited Lawson to work in Nashville, where he could also study at Vanderbilt University theological school. In 1959 the leading black minister in Nashville, Kelly Miller Smith, offered Lawson his church basement to hold workshops on nonviolence to end segregation. The students who came to his workshops had to be convinced that, though their numbers were few and the forces against them huge, their power was in the righteousness of their ideas and eventually their numbers would grow. That was both Ghandian and a Christian idea.

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True leadership lies in guiding others to success. In ensuring that everyone is performing at their best, doing the work they are pledged to do and doing it well. —Bill Owens

CONGRESSMAN JOHN LEWIS He was born the son of sharecroppers in 1940. John Lewis was first elected to the House of Representatives (D-GA) in 1986 after serving for four years on the Atlanta city council. His work in the early and mid '60s as a civil rights leader and Chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) nearly cost him his life at the hands of angry white mobs and club wielding state troopers. At the age of 23, he was recognized as one the six primary leaders of the Civil Rights Movement and was an organizer and a keynote speaker at the 1963 March on Washington, D.C. The following year he coordinated voter registration efforts during the Mississippi Summer Project. In 1965, he drew straws with other to determine who would lead the march called by Reverend James L. Bevel across the Edmund Pettus Bridge. This march became known as "Bloody Sunday," one of the most dramatic nonviolent protests of the Movement and propelled him into national and international prominence.

“We were determined not to let any act of violence keep us from our goal. We knew our lives could be threatened, but we had made up our minds not to turn back.”

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“Accepting personal responsibility is the first step towareds liberation.� —Dr. Joseph M. Levry

THE FREEDOM RIDES On April 10, 1947, CORE sent a group of eight white and eight black men on what was to be a two-week Journey of Reconciliation through Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Kentucky in an effort to end segregation in interstate travel. The members of this group were arrested and jailed several times, and they received a great deal of publicity. By the early 1960s, James Farmer, who had taken a hiatus from leading the group, returned as its executive secretary and sought to repeat the 1947 journey, coining a new name for it: the Freedom Ride. On May 4, 1961, participants journeyed to the deep South and were scheduled to attend a rally in New Orleans.. The group included women and men and they tested segregated bus terminals as well. The riders were met with severe violence. On May 14, Mother's Day, in Anniston, Alabama, a mob of Ku Klux Klansmen, some still in church attire, attacked the first of the two buses (the Greyhound) and slashed its tires. They forced the crippled bus to stop several miles outside of town, and it was firebombed shortly afterwards by the mob chasing it in cars. As the bus burned, the mob held the doors shut, intent on burning the riders to death. Sources disagree, but either an exploding fuel tank or an undercover state investigator brandishing a revolver caused the mob to retreat, allowing the riders to escape the bus. The riders were viciously beaten as they fled the burning bus, and only warning shots fired into the air by highway patrolmen prevented the riders from being lynched. When the Trailways bus reached Anniston and pulled in at the terminal an hour after the Greyhound bus was burned, it was boarded by eight Klansmen, who proceeded to beat the Freedom Riders and afterwards left them semi-conscious in the back of the bus When the bus arrived in Birmingham, it too was attacked by a mob of Ku Klux Klan members, aided and abetted by the police under the orders of Commissioner Bull Connor. As the riders exited the bus, they were mercilessly beaten by the mob with baseball bats, iron pipes and bicycle chains. Among the Klansmen attacking the riders was FBI informant Gary Thomas Rowe. White Freedom Riders were particularly singled out for frenzied beatings; James Peck required more than 50 stitches to the wounds in his head. Peck was taken to Carraway Methodist Medical Center, which refused to treat him; he was later treated at Jefferson Hillman Hospital. When reports of the bus burning and beatings reached US Attorney General Robert Kennedy, he urged restraint on the part of Freedom Riders and sent an assistant, John Seigenthaler, to Alabama to try to calm the situation. Despite the violence they suffered already and the threat of more to come, the Freedom Riders desired to continue their journey. Kennedy had arranged an escort for the Riders in order to get them to Montgomery safely. However, radio reports told of the mob awaiting the riders at the bus terminal, as well as on the route to Montgomery. The Greyhound clerks also informed them that their drivers were refusing to drive any Freedom Riders anywhere. The Riders agreed that their efforts had already called great attention to the civil rights cause and that if they encountered any more delays, then they would miss the rally in New Orleans. Taking all this into consideration, the Riders decided that their best option was to abandon the rest of the Ride and fly directly to New Orleans from Birmingham. The Nashville Student Movement leaders Diane Nash, John Lewis, James Bevel and others felt that if violence were allowed to halt the Freedom Rides, the movement would be set back years. They pushed to find replacements to resume the ride, and, on May 17, a new set of riders, 10 students from Nashville, took a bus to Birmingham, where they were arrested by Bull Connor and jailed. These students kept their spirits up in jail by singing freedom songs. Out of frustration, Connor drove them back up to the Tennessee line and dropped them off, stating, "I just couldn't stand their singing." They immediately returned to Birmingham. The Freedom Riders who had answered SNCC's call from across the Eastern US joined John Lewis and Hank Thomas, the two young SNCC members of the original Ride who had remained in Birmingham. On May 19, they attempted to resume the ride, but, terrified by the howling mob surrounding the bus depot, the drivers refused. Harassed and besieged by the KKK mob, the riders waited all night for a bus. Under intense public pressure from the Kennedy administration, Greyhound was forced to provide a driver, and Alabama Governor John Patterson reluctantly promised to protect the bus from KKK mobs and snipers on the road between 150


Birmingham and Montgomery after direct intervention from Attorney General's office employee Byron White. On the morning of May 20, the Freedom Ride resumed, with the bus carrying the riders traveling toward Montgomery at 90 miles an hour protected by a contingent of the Alabama State Highway Patrol. However, when they reached the Montgomery city limits, the Highway Patrol abandoned them. At the bus station on South Court Street, a white mob awaited and beat the Freedom Riders with baseball bats and iron pipes. The local police allowed the beatings to go on uninterrupted. Again, white Freedom Riders were singled out for particularly brutal beatings. Reporters and news photographers were attacked first and their cameras destroyed, but there is a famous picture taken later of Jim Zwerg in the hospital, beaten and bruised. Justice Department official Seigenthaler was beaten and left unconscious lying in the street. Ambulances refused to take the wounded to the hospital. Local blacks rescued them, and a number of the Freedom Riders were hospitalized. On the following night, Sunday, May 21, more than 1500 people packed Reverend Ralph Abernathy's First Baptist Church to honor the Freedom Riders. Among the speakers were Martin Luther King, Jr., Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth, and James Farmer. Outside, a mob of more than 3,000 whites attacked blacks, with a handful of the United States Marshals Service protecting the church from assault and fire bombs. With city and state police making no effort to restore order, President Kennedy threatened to commit federal troops, but Governor Patterson forestalled that by ordering the Alabama National Guard to disperse the mob. On the next day, Monday, May 22, more Freedom Riders from CORE and SNCC arrived in Montgomery to continue the rides and replace the wounded riders still in the hospital. Behind the scenes, the Kennedy administration arranged a deal with the governors of Alabama and Mississippi. The governors agreed that state police and the National Guard would protect the Riders from mob violence (thereby ending embarrassing media coverage of bloody lawlessness), and, in return, the federal government would not intervene to stop local police from arresting Freedom Riders for violating segregation ordinances when the buses arrived at the depots (even though such arrests violated the Supreme Court's Boynton decision). On Wednesday morning, May 24, Freedom Riders boarded buses for the journey to Jackson, Mississippi. Surrounded by Highway Patrol and the National Guard, the buses arrived in Jackson without incident, and the riders were immediately arrested when they tried to use the white-only facilities at the depot. In Montgomery, Freedom Riders including Yale University chaplain William Sloane Coffin, Gaylord Brewster Noyce, Shuttlesworth, Abernathy, Wyatt Tee Walker, and others were similarly arrested for violating local segregation ordinances. This established a pattern followed by subsequent Freedom Rides, most of which traveled to Jackson, where they were arrested and jailed. The strategy became one of trying to fill the jails. Once the Jackson and Hinds County jails were filled to overflowing, Freedom Riders were transferred to the infamous Mississippi State Penitentiary ("Parchman Farm"). Their abusive treatment included placement in the Maximum Security Unit (Death Row), issuance of only underwear, no exercise, no mail, and, when Freedom Riders refused to stop singing freedom songs, they took away mattresses, sheets, and toothbrushes and removed the screens from the windows. When the cell block became filled with mosquitoes, they hosed everyone down with DDT at 2 AM. In September 1961, bowing to pressure from the Attorney General and the civil rights movement, the ICC issued the necessary orders, and the new policies went into effect on November 1, 1961, a full six years after the ruling in Sarah Keys v. Carolina Coach Company. After the new ICC rule took effect, passengers were permitted to sit wherever they pleased on interstate buses and trains, "white" and "colored" signs came down in the terminals, separate drinking fountains, toilets, and waiting rooms were consolidated, and the lunch counters began serving people regardless of race. —Source, Wikepedia

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In a democratic society, the only treason is silence. —Anna Quindlin

MAYOR MARION BARRY In the 1960s he was involved in the Civil Rights Movement, serving as the first president of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Marion Barry was born in Leflore County, Mississippi, the third of ten children. His father died when he was four years old, and a year later his mother moved the family to Memphis, Tennessee. He had a number of jobs as a child, including picking cotton, delivering and selling newspapers, and bagging groceries. While in high school, Barry worked as a waiter at the American Legion post and at the Boy Scouts earned the rank of Eagle Scout. Barry attended LeMoyne College (now LeMoyne-Owen College), graduating in 1958. After graduating from Fisk, Barry joined the American civil rights movement, focusing on the elimination of the racial segregation of bus passengers. He was elected the first chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Barry began a doctoral program at the University of Kansas, but he quit the program when white parents opposed him tutoring their children. He began doctoral chemistry studies at the University of Tennessee in Knoxville, the only African American in the class. There too he was prohibited from tutoring white children, and his wife was not allowed to work at the school. He quit the program in favor of his new duties at SNCC. During his time leading SNCC, Barry led protests against racial segregation and discrimination. In 1965, Barry moved to Washington, D.C. to open a local chapter of SNCC, where he was heavily involved in coordinating peaceful street demonstrations as well as a boycott to protest bus fare increases. He also served as the leader of the Free D.C. Movement, strongly supporting increased home rule for the District. Barry quit SNCC in 1967, when H. Rap Brown became chairman of the group. Two years later, Barry and Mary Treadwell co-founded Pride, Inc., a federally funded program to provide job training to unemployed black men. Barry and Treadwell married in 1972, and separated five years later. Barry served as the second elected mayor of the District of Columbia from 1979 to 1991, and again as the fourth mayor from 1995 to 1999. In addition to his current term, Barry also served two other tenures on the D.C. Council, as an AtLarge member from 1975–79, and as Ward 8 representative from 1992–95. He is currently serving as a member of the Council of the District of Columbia, representing DC's Ward 8.

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"He that always gives way to others will end in having no principles of his own." —Aesop

ELLA BAKER Ella Baker was born on December 13, 1903, in Norfolk, Virginia. She worked as a field secretary and then served as director of NAACP branches from 1943 until 1946 when she resigned. In 1957, Baker moved to Atlanta to organize Martin Luther King's new organization, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). " Baker left the SCLC after the Greensboro sit-ins. She wanted to help the new student activists and organized a meeting at Shaw University for the student leaders of the sit-ins in April 1960. From that meeting SNCC was born. Baker continued to take part in SNCC mostly as a quiet leader who listened and encouraged the young activists. She was widely respected by the students who referred to her as "Miss Baker." Ella Baker died on December 13, 1986, in New York City.

“In order for poor and oppressed people to become part of a society that is meaningful, the system under which we now exist has to be radically changed.” “Give light and people will find the way.” “The struggle is eternal. The tribe increases. Somebody else carries on.” “Most of the youngsters had been trained to believe in or to follow adults if they could. I felt they ought to have a chance to learn to think things through and to make decisions.” “We who believe in freedom can’t rest.” —Ella Baker

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"Freedom is not something that anybody can be given; freedom is something people take and people are as free as they want to be." —James Baldwin, Nobody Knows My Name

SNCC STUDENTS NONVIOLENT COORDINATING COMMITTEE The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) (pronounced (snick) was one of the principal organizations of the American Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s. It emerged from a series of student meetings led by Ella Baker held at Shaw University in Raleigh, North Carolina in April 1960. SNCC grew into a large organization with many supporters in the North who helped raise funds to support SNCC's work in the South, allowing full-time SNCC workers to have a $10 a week salary. Many unpaid volunteers also worked with SNCC on projects in Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Arkansas and Maryland. SNCC played a major role in the sit-ins and freedom rides, a leading role in the 1963 March on Washington, Mississippi Freedom Summer, and the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party over the next few years. SNCC's major contribution was in its field work, organizing voter registration drives all over the South, especially in Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. Founding and early years Inspired by the Greensboro sit-ins, independent student-led groups began direct-action protests against segregation in dozens of southern communities. The most common action of these groups was organizing sit-ins at racially segregated lunch counters to protest the pervasiveness of Jim Crow and other forms of racism. In addition to sitting in at lunch counters, the groups also organized and carried out protests at segregated public libraries, public parks, and public swimming pools. At that time, all those public facilities financed by taxes were closed to blacks. The white response was often to close the facility, rather than integrate it. SNCC, as an organization, began with an $800 grant from the SCLC (Southern Christian Leadership Conference) for a conference where student activists could share experiences and coordinate activities. Held at Shaw University the conference was attended by 126 student delegates from 58 sit-in centers in 12 states, along with delegates from 19 northern colleges, SCLC, Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), Fellowship of Reconciliation (FOR), National Student Association (NSA), and Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). Out of this conference the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) was formed. Ella Baker, organized the Shaw conference. Among important SNCC leaders attending the conference were Stokely Carmichael from Howard University; Charles F. McDew, who led student protests at South Carolina State University; J. Charles Jones, who organized 200 students to participate in sit-ins at department stores throughout Charlotte, N.C.; Julian Bond from Atlanta, Diane Nash; James Bevel; James Lawson; John Lewis; Bernard LaFayette and Marion Barry from the Nashville Student Movement. SNCC's first chairman was Marion Barry, who later became the mayor of Washington DC. Barry served as chairman for one year. The second chairman was Charles F. McDew, who served as the chairman from 1961 to 1963, when he was succeeded by John Lewis SNCC's executive secretary, James Forman, played a major role in running the organization. In the years that followed, SNCC members were referred to as “shock troops of the revolution." SNCC took on greater risks in 1961, after a mob of Ku Klux Klan members and other whites attacked integrated groups of bus passengers who defied local segregation laws as part of the Freedom Rides organized by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE). Rather than allowing mob violence to stop them, CORE and SNCC "Freedom Riders," including Diane Nash, James Bevel, Marion Barry, Angelina Butler and John Lewis, put themselves at great personal risk by traveling in raciallyintegrated groups through the deep South. At least 436 people took part in these Freedom Rides during the spring and summer of 1961.

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This poster is available for $19.99 + $2 s/h from Helen L. Edmond, www.helenedmond.angelfire.com/posters. 155


Robert Parris Moses (also known as Bob Moses) played a central role in transforming SNCC from a coordinating committee of student protest groups to an organization of organizers dedicated to building community-based political organizations of the rural poor. The voter registration project he initiated in McComb, Mississippi in 1961 became the seed for most of SNCC's activities from 1962-1966. After the Freedom Rides, SNCC worked primarily on voter registration, along with local protests about segregated public facilities. Registering to vote was extremely difficult and dangerous, as blacks who attempted to register often lost their jobs and their homes. SNCC workers lived with local families and often the homes providing such hospitality were firebombed. The actions of SNCC, CORE, and SCLC forced the Kennedy Administration to briefly provide federal protection to temporarily abate mob violence. Local FBI offices were usually staffed by Southern whites (there were no black FBI agents at that time) who refused to intervene to protect civil rights workers or local blacks who were attempting to register to vote. One of the ways in which SNCC was unusual among civil rights groups was the way in which decisions were made. Instead of "top down" control, as was the case with most organizations at that time, decisions in SNCC were made by consensus. Group meetings would be convened in which every participant could speak for as long as they wanted and the meeting would continue until everyone was in agreement with the decision. Because activities were often very dangerous and could lead to prison or death, SNCC wanted all participants to support each activity. By 1965, SNCC fielded the largest staff of any civil rights organization in the South. It had organized nonviolent direct action against segregated facilities, as well as voter-registration projects, in Alabama, Arkansas, Maryland, Missouri, Louisiana, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Illinois, North and South Carolina, Georgia, and Mississippi; built two independent political parties and organized labor unions and agricultural cooperatives; and given the movement for women's liberation new energy. It inspired and trained the activists who began the "New Left." It helped expand the limits of political debate within black America, and broadened the focus of the civil rights movement. Unlike mainstream civil rights groups, which merely sought integration of blacks into the existing order, SNCC sought structural changes in American society itself. —Julian Bond

Excerpt from Wikepedia , Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee

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SNCC Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee FOUNDING STATEMENT OF PURPOSE ‘‘We affirm the philosophical or religious ideal of nonviolence as the foundation of our purpose, the presupposition of our faith, and the manner of our action. Nonviolence as it grows from Judaic-Christian traditions seeks a social order of justice permeated by love.’’ PARTIAL SNCC ROSTER Alan Matusow Angeline Butler Ann Braden Ann Cook Anne Moody Anne Romaine Annie Pearl Avery Amzie Moore Archie Allen Arvenna Hall Avon Rollins Ben Brown Bernard LaFayette Bernard Lee Bernice Reagan Bertha Gober Bettie Mae Fikes Betty Poole Bill Hansen Blanton Hall Bob Feinglass Bob Fletcher Bob Mants Bob Moses Bob Smith Bob Zellner Bobbie Yancy Brenda Travis Candy Anderson Casey Hayden Charles Neblett Charles McDew Charles Payne 159

Charles Sherrod Charlie Cobb Cleveland Sellers Clyde Kennard Colia Lidell Connie Curry Cordell Reagan Courtland Cox Curtis Muhammad Cynthia Washington Daniel A. Foss Danny Lyon David Richmond Dennis Gregory Foote Diane Nash Dion Diamond Donald Cox Don Jelinek Donna Richards Dorie Ladner Doris Derby Dorothy Miller Ed Hamlett Edward King Eleanor Holmes Norton Ella Baker El Senzengakulu Zulu Emma Bell Emory Harris Eric Morton Ethel Sawyer Euvester Simpson Evelyn Pierce

Ezell Blair, Jr. Faith Holsaert Fannie Lou Hamer Faye Bellamy Frank Smith, Jr. Franklin McCain George Green Geri Augusto Gloria House Gloria Richardson Gwen Patton Gwen Robinson Hasan Kwame Jeffries H. Rap Brown Hardy Frye Harold Robinson Helen O'Neal Helen Singleton Herb Mack Hollis Watkins Howard Romaine Ida Mae Holland Ike Lewis Ira Grupper Ivanhoe Donaldson Ivory Diggs Izell Blair James L. Bevel James Bond James Chaney James Forman James Wells James West

Jane Stembridge Jane Wynona Fleming Janie Campbell Janice Jackson Jean Wheeler-Smith Jean Wiley Jean Wynona Fleming Jim "Arkansas" Benston Jim Forman Jim Zweig Jimmy Lytle Joan Browning Joan Trumpauer Joanne Grant John Davis John Due John Hardy John Hulett John Lewis Johnny Jackson Joseph McNeil Joyce Ladner Judy Richardson Julian Bond Julius Lester June Johnson Karen Spellman Kathie S. Amatriek Kathleen Cleaver Ken Shilman Kimberly Johnson Lana Taylor Larry Platt


Larry Rubin Lawrence Guyot Lee Chester Vick Lee Jack Morton Leo Lillard Leotus Eubanks Lester McKinne Lonny King MacArthur Cotton Maria Varela Marion Barry Marshall Jones Martha Precod Mary King Mary Sue Short Marzette Watts Matt Herron Matthew A. Jones Jr. Matthew A. Jones Sr. Matthew Walker McArthur Cotton Mendy Samstein

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Michael Thelwell Mike Bibler Mike Sayer Mildred Page Forman Miriam C. Glickman Muriel Tillinghast Myrtis Bennett Norma Collins O.D. Hunt Paul Brooks Paul Lauter Peggy Alexander Penny Patch Per Laurson Prathia Hall Ralph Allen Ralph Featherstone Reggie Robinson Rita Walker Robert Parris Moses Robert Singleton Robert Talbert

Roberta Galler Rosemary Freeman Ruby Smith Robinson Ruby Sales Ruth Harris Sam Anderson Sam Block Sam Shirah Sandra Cason Sandra Hayden Sandra Nixon Sandy Leigh Scott B. Smith Sharlene Kranz Sid Walker Silas McGee Silas Norman Sparky Rucker Stanley Hemphill Stanley Wise Stephen Ashley Stokely Carmichael

Stu House Theresa Del Pozzo Thomas Armstrong Tim Black Tom Hayden Travis Britt Unita Blackwell Victoria Gray Adams Victoria Jackson Gray Wally Roberts William Hansen William Porter Willie Kinkaid Willie Peacock Willie Ricks Worth Long The Unnamed Hero The Unnamed Heroine ___________________


Violent means will give violent freedom. That would be a menace to the world and to India herself. —Mohandas Gandhi

MISSISSIPPI To the Negroes of the state was issued a warning that the Democrats were preparing, through means of the constitutional convention, to shape the election to their law own needs and then" the policy crushing out the manhood the Negro citizens to be carried to success." J. S. McNeilly, "History of the Measures Submitted to the Committee on Elective Franchise, Apportionment, and Elections in the Constitutional

Convention of 1890," in Mississippi Historical Society, Publications, VI (1902), 132.

Birthplace of James Luther Bevel 161


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Although pregnant with her first child, Nash was convicted of teaching nonviolent direct action to high school students in Mississippi, in 1962 and was convicted and sentenced to two years in prison. She opted to serve her sentence.

“I believe if I go to jail now it may help hasten the day when my child and all children will be free not only on the day of there birth but for all of their lives.” —Diane Nash

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“Peace is not a relationship of nations. It is a condition of mind brought about by a serenity of soul. Peace is not merely the absence of war. It is also a state of mind. Lasting peace can come only to peaceful people.” —Jawaharlal Nehru

MEDGAR EVERS July 19, 1925 - June 12, 1963

Evers was born in 1925 in Decatur, Mississippi. He was the third of four children of a small farm owner who also worked at a nearby sawmill. Young Medgar grew up fast in Mississippi. His social standing was impressed upon him every day. In The Martyrs: Sixteen Who Gave Their Lives for Racial Justice, Jack Mendelsohn quoted Evers at length about his childhood. "I was born in Decatur here in Mississippi, and when we were walking to school in the first grade white kids in their school buses would throw things at us and yell filthy things," the civil rights leader recollected. "This was a mild start. If you're a kid in Mississippi this is the elementary course. "I graduated pretty quickly. When I was eleven or twelve a close friend of the family got lynched. I guess he was about forty years old, married, and we used to play with his kids. I remember the Saturday night a bunch of white men beat him to death at the Decatur fairgrounds because he sassed back a white woman. They just left him dead on the ground. Everyone in town knew it but never [said] a word in public. I went down and saw his bloody clothes. They left those clothes on a fence for about a year. Every Negro in town was supposed to get the message from those clothes and I can see those clothes now in my mind's eye.... But nothing was said in public. No sermons in church. No news. No protest. It was as though this man just dissolved except for the bloody clothes.... Just before I went into the Army I began wondering how long I could stand it. I used to watch the Saturday night sport of white men trying to run down a Negro with their car, or white gangs coming through town to beat up a Negro." Evers was determined not to cave in under such pressure. He walked twelve miles each way to earn his high school diploma, and then he joined the Army during the Second World War. Perhaps it was during the years of fighting in both France and Germany for his and other countries' freedom that convinced Evers to fight on his own shores for the freedom of blacks. After serving honorably in the war he was discharged in 1946. Evers returned to Decatur where he was reunited with his brother Charlie, who had also fought in the war. The young men decided they wanted to vote in the next election. They registered to vote without incident, but as the election drew near, whites in the area began to warn and threaten Evers's father. When election day came, the Evers brothers found their polling place blocked by an armed crowd of white Mississippians, estimated by Evers to be 200 strong. "All we wanted to be was ordinary citizens," he declared in Martyrs. "We fought during the war for America and Mississippi was included. Now after the Germans and the Japanese hadn't killed us, it looked as though the white Mississippians would." Evers and his brother did not vote that day. What they did instead was join the NAACP and become active in its ranks. Evers was already busy with NAACP projects when he was a student at Alcorn A & M College in Lorman, Mississippi. He entered college in 1948, majored in business administration, and graduated in 1952. During his senior year he married a fellow student, Myrlie Beasley. After graduation the young couple moved near Evers's hometown and were able to live comfortably on his earnings as an insurance salesman. Evers quit the insurance business and went to work for the NAACP full-time as a chapter organizer. He applied to the University of Mississippi law school but was denied admission and did not press his case. Within two years he was named state field secretary of the NAACP. Still in his early thirties, he was one of the most vocal and recognizable NAACP members in his state. In his dealings with whites and blacks alike, Evers spoke constantly of the need to overcome hatred, to promote understanding and equality between the races. It was not a message that everyone in Mississippi wanted to hear. The Evers family--Medgar, Myrlie and their children--moved to the state capital of Jackson, where Evers worked closely with black church leaders and other civil rights activists. Telephone threats were a constant source of anxiety in the 166


home, and at one point Evers taught his children to fall on the floor whenever they heard a strange noise outside. "We lived with death as a constant companion 24 hours a day," Myrlie Evers remembered in Ebony magazine. "Medgar knew what he was doing, and he knew what the risks were. He just decided that he had to do what he had to do. But I knew at some point in time that he would be taken from me." Evers must have also had a sense that his life would be cut short when what had begun as threats turned increasingly to violence. A few weeks prior to his death, someone threw a firebomb at his home. Afraid that snipers were waiting for her outside, Mrs. Evers put the fire out with the garden hose. The incident did not deter Evers from his rounds of voter registration nor from his strident plea for a biracial committee to address social concerns in Jackson. His days were filled with meetings, economic boycotts, marches, prayer vigils, and picket lines--and with bailing out demonstrators arrested by the all-white police force. It was not uncommon for Evers to work twenty hours a day. Some weeks before his death, Evers delivered a radio address about the NAACP and its aims in Mississippi. "The NAACP believes that Jackson can change if it wills to do so," he stated, as quoted in Martyrs. "If there should be resistance, how much better to have turbulence to effect improvement, rather than turbulence to maintain a stand-pat policy. We believe that there are white Mississippians who want to go forward on the race question. Their religion tells them there is something wrong with the old system. Their sense of justice and fair play sends them the same message. But whether Jackson and the State choose to change or not, the years of change are upon us. In the racial picture, things will never be as they once were." Evers was featured on a nine-man death list in the deep South as early as 1955. He and his family endured many threats and other violent acts, making them well aware of the danger surrounding Evers because of his activities. Still he persisted in his efforts to end segregation (separating people based solely on their race) in public facilities, schools, and restaurants. He organized voter-registration drives and demonstrations. His days were filled with meetings, economic boycotts (to make a stand against a person or a business by refusing to buy their goods, products, or businesses), marches, prayer services, picket lines, and bailing other demonstrators out of jail. When the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) looked into Evers's murder, a suspect was uncovered, Byron de la Beckwith (1920–2001), who was an outspoken opponent of integration and a member of a group called the Mississippi's White Citizens Council. A gun found 150 feet from the site of the shooting had Beckwith's fingerprint on it. Several witnesses placed Beckwith in Evers's neighborhood that night. However, he denied shooting Evers and claimed his gun had been stolen days before the incident. Beckwith, too, produced witnesses who swore that he was some sixty miles from Evers's home on the night of the murder. Beckwith was tried twice in Mississippi for Evers's murder during the 1960s, once in 1964 and again the following year. Both trials ended in hung juries. After the second trial, Myrlie Evers took her children and moved to California. However, her strong belief that justice was never served in her husband's case kept Mrs. Evers involved in the search for new evidence. In 1991, Byron de la Beckwith was arrested a third time on charges of murdering Medgar Evers. He was finally convicted of the crime in 1994.

“Our only hope is to control the vote.�

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“I want to be thoroughly used up when I die, for the harder I work, the more I live. I rejoice in life for its own sake. Life is no “brief candle” to me. It is a sort of splendid torch which I have got hold of for the moment, and I want to make it burn as brightly as possible before handing it on to future generations.” —Geroge Bernard Shaw

PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY May 29, 1917.—November 22, 1963

Of Irish descent, back from the war, he became a Democratic Congressman from the Boston area, advancing in 1953 to the Senate. He married Jacqueline Bouvier on September 12, 1953. In 1955, while recuperating from a back operation, he wrote Profiles in Courage, which won the Pulitzer Prize in history. In 1960 Kennedy was a first-ballot nominee for President. Millions watched his television debates with the Republican candidate, Richard M. Nixon. Kennedy became the first Roman Catholic President. John F. Kennedy was sworn in as the 35th President at noon on January 20, 1961. His Inaugural Address offered the memorable injunction: "Ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country." Kennedy verbally supported racial integration and civil rights; during the 1960 campaign he telephoned Coretta Scott King, wife of the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., who had been jailed while demonstrating for equal access of African Americans; Kennedy secured the early release of King, which drew additional black support to his candidacy. Kennedy assigned federal marshals to protect the Freedom Riders as an alternative to using federal troops or uncooperative FBI agents. Robert Kennedy, speaking for the president, urged the Freedom Riders to "get off the buses and leave the matter to peaceful settlement in the courts." In September 1962, James Meredith enrolled at the University of Mississippi, but was prevented from entering. Attorney General Robert Kennedy responded by sending some 400 U.S. Marshals, while President Kennedy reluctantly federalized and sent 3,000 troops after the situation on campus turned violent. Campus Riots left two dead and dozens injured, but Meredith did finally enroll in his first class. On November 20, 1962, Kennedy signed Executive Order 11063, prohibiting racial discrimination in federally supported housing or "related facilities". On June 11, 1963, President Kennedy intervened when Alabama Governor George Wallace blocked the doorway to the University of Alabama to stop two African American students, Vivian Malone and James Hood, from attending. Wallace moved aside only after being confronted by Deputy Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach and the Alabama National Guard, which had just been federalized by order of the President. That evening Kennedy gave his famous civil rights address on national television and radio, launching his initiative for civil rights legislation - to provide equal access to public schools and other facilities, and greater protection of voting rights. His proposals became part of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The day ended with the murder of a N.A.A.C.P. leader, Medgar Evers, at his home in Mississippi. On November 22, 1963, when he was hardly past his first thousand days in office, John Fitzgerald Kennedy was killed by an assassin's bullets as his motorcade wound through Dallas, Texas. Kennedy was the youngest man elected President; he was the youngest to die.

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“Is life so dear or peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!” —Patrick Henry

MISSISSIPPI FREEDOM DEMOCRATIC PARTY Members of SNCC found the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) to challenge the state’s regular (segregationist) Democratic Party which for decades had denied African Americans the opportunity to participate in the electoral process. The 1964 Democratic National Convention took place in Atlantic City, New Jersey from August 24—27, 1964. Incumbent President Lyndon B. Johnson, who had been Vice President under President John F. Kennedy since 1961, and who had become President following Kennedy’s assassination in November 1963, was nominated for President. Senator Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota was nominated for Vice President. At the convention the integrated Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party claimed the seats for delegates for Mississippi, on the grounds that the official Mississippi delegation had been elected in violation of the party’s rules because African Americans had been systematically excluded from voting in the primaries, and participating in the precinct and county caucuses and the state convention; whereas the MFDP had all been elected in strict compliance with party rules. “If the Freedom party is not seated now, I question America. Is this America, the land of the free and the home of the brave, where we have to sleep with our telephones off the hooks because our lives be threatened daily, because we want to live as decent human beings, in America?” —Fannie Lou Hamer

“I believe that the Atlantic City challenge directly led to what happened in Selma, as cause and effect. ..To me, Atlantic City is the, —what do they call it, ‘the tipping point?’ The crucial watershed between an appeal-to-conscience type movement, and a movement that says: ‘We are going to apply political power and pressure [to force change] through disruptive non-violence. To me, the direct connection between the betrayal in Atlantic City and Selma goes back one year earlier to the Birmingham church bombing in September of 1963. After the bombing, Diane Nash and Jim Bevel came up with the ‘Alabama Project’. The way I heard it was that when they first proposed this plan to Dr. King a couple of weeks after the Birmingham church bombing he wouldn’t go for it. In the Fall of ’63 he was not ready to shift from moral-witness/appeal-to-conscience type nonviolence to a disruption-pressure-force type of non-violence. Also he knew that bringing that kind of non-violent direct action into the “Heart of Dixie” was going to be incredibly dangerous. He was simply not willing to risk deaths, maimings and mass jailings on that kind of scale. ” —Bruce Hartford PARTIAL LIST OF THE 68 DELEGATES TO THE 1964 DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL CONVENTION Chair, Lawrence Guyot Aaron Henry Alyenne Quin Annie Devine Charles Darden Charles Sherrod Dr. A. D. Biettell Dr. Aaron Shirley

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Dr. Aaron Shirley E. W. Stepton Ella Baker Fannie Lou Hamer Harriet Turnbow Harymon Turnbow Jackson Gray James M. Houston

James W. Wright Joseph Breadwater L. C. Dorsey Mrs. Charles Bryant Prentiss Walker R.E. I. Smith Reverend Clint Collier Reverend Ed King

Reverend John Cameron Reverend Kirkland Robert Blow Robert Moses Unita Blackwell Victoria Gray Walter Bruce


“We must not believe the many, who say that only free people ought to be educated, but we should rather believe the philosophers who say that only the educated are free” —Epictetus

ROBERT “BOB” MOSES January 23, 1935—Present He was born in Harlem, New York. He studied philosophy at Harvard University and then taught mathematics at the Horace Mann School in New York (1958-1961). Moses left teaching to work full-time in the civil rights movement. He was field secretary for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and was director of SNCC's Mississippi Project. In Mississippi, Moses met Amzie Moore, a local NAACP chairman. Together they planned a campaign to begin registering African-Americans in Mississippi to vote. . Moses spent four years in Mississippi working on voter registration. In 1961 Moses became a member of the Freedom Riders. After training in non-violent techniques, black and white volunteers sat next to each other as they travelled through the Deep South. Local police were unwilling to protect these passengers and in several places they were beaten up by white mobs and Moses endured numerous beatings and jailings. Moses emerged as one of the leading figures in SNCC and in 1964 was the main organizer of the Freedom Summer Project. Its main objective was to end the political enfranchisement of African Americans in the Deep South. He also co -organized the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, which challenged the Mississippi regulars at the 1964 Democratic Party Convention in Atlantic City. After Stokely Carmichael was elected chairman of the SNCC in 1966, the organization became a supporter of black power. Moses then temporarily changed his name to Bob Parris and moved to Canada to avoid the Vietnam-war era draft. After getting remarried, Moses moved to Eastern Africa. From 1969-1975, Moses worked as a math teacher in Tanzania. In 1976 he returned to the United States when President Jimmy Carter granted amnesty to draft resisters. Soon after, he started working on a different formula for breaking down racial and economic barriers: teaching inner-city kids math-algebra, to be precise. As Moses explains it, the connection between civil rights and the right to math literacy is logical. The civil rights movement ensured that minorities had a voice; now they needed economic access-and that started with education, specifically the math and science skills essential to succeeding in a tech-dependent society. In 1982 he received a MacArthur Fellowship, and used the money to create the Algebra Project, a foundation devoted to improving minority education in math. The Algebra Project, at its peak, has provided help for some 40,000 minority students annually, in the form of kindergarten-through-high-school curricula guides, teacher training, and peer coaching. "I've been in the classroom and watched these students ... soar and grow," says actor Danny Glover, an Algebra Project board member.

“The most important movement now is for education rights.”

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Human progress is neither automatic nor inevitable... Every step toward the goal of justice requires sacrifice, suffering, and struggle; the tireless exertions and passionate concern of dedicated individuals. —Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

LAWRENCE GUYOT Lawrence Guyot was born in Pass Christian, Mississippi July 17, 1939. He went to Tougaloo College on a scholarship at age 17, and there he learned that black citizens in most of Mississippi could not register to vote. While in school, he became a SNCC field secretary working throughout Mississippi on voter education and registration. He and other SNCC workers taught local people about voting, its importance, and about election law. He was jailed numerous times, beaten nearly to death, and sent to Parchman Penitentiary with other Civil Rights workers. Guyot joined the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in 1962 and was an active member, particularly in Hattiesburg, Mississippi. He helped organize and develop voter registration drives throughout Mississippi. He was arrested twice during his time with SNCC, both times after he asked local police to intervene on behalf of African-Americans who were being discriminated against. He directed the 1964 Freedom Summer Project in Hattiesburg and was the founding chairman of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party. Guyot was an elected delegate to the 1964 Democratic National Convention but attending would have caused forfeiture of a property bond posted to secure his release from jail. However, the delegates who went to the convention were prepared to make their case as to why they represented the ideals of the Democratic Party. Though the MFDP didnt unseat the regulars in 1964, never again was a delegation segregated by either race or sex seated at the Democratic National Convention. Guyot also worked on the 1965 Congressional Challenge to unseat the Mississippi Congressional Delegation. The case made by MFDPs Congressional Challenge was key to the passage of a strong Voting Rights Act. After serving as a delegate of Mississippi’s first integrated delegation to the Democratic National Convention in 1968, he moved to Washington, D.C., graduated from Rutgers Law School, and worked for Washington D.C. where he worked for the city, served as an ANC Commissioner, and has remained a Civil Rights Activist working tirelessly to educate young people about empowerment.

“I believe it's our responsibility when we find young, creative people to make their projects our project.”

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"If I am not for myself, who will be for me? If I am for myself only, what am I? If not now, when?" —The Talmud

CHARLES MCDEW Charles McDew was a student leader from South Carolina State College in Orangeburg, SC. One of the few students in SNCC who came from the North, he was a native of Ohio. His personal experiences with segregation when he went South to attend his father's alma mater had a profound effect on him. In his first semester at South Carolina State College, he was arrested for trying to attend the YMCA (of which he was a member) with a white friend to play ball. He was arrested for refusing to ride in the "Jim Crow" car of the train. He was arrested for refusing to say "sir" to a white police officer. The insults to which blacks were routinely subjected in the south radicalized him and pushed him into "the movement" to challenge the system which demeaned blacks at every step of their lives. Under McDew's direction, SNCC hired organizers called field secretaries (who were paid $10 per week before taxes) who went into small towns all over the South to develop local leadership in civil rights activities. Most of SNCC's money went to rent store front offices in small towns and for legal expenses, which were very high, due to the fact that SNCC organizers got arrested over and over again for civil rights activities. An organizer who was beaten by white supremacists could be arrested for disturbing the peace and jailed. Demonstrations were usually forbidden by local white law enforcement agencies and holding a march usually resulted in arrests accompanied by violence directed against the marchers or demonstrators by white bystanders and by white police officers. Students who rode interstate busses (desegregated by federal interstate commerce law but not in reality) were called Freedom Riders. They were often beaten violently when they stepped off the busses and the busses burned. The students would then be arrested for violating local "Jim Crow" laws which forbid mixed race seating on public transportation. —Beri Gilfix

Bob Moses described McDew as, “black by birth, a Jew by choice and a revolutionary by necessity.

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“Liberty without learning is always in peril and learning without liberty is always in vain.” —John F. Kennedy

JAMES MEREDITH 1933—Present

James Meredith was one of the pioneers of the civil rights movement. In 1962 he became the first black student to successfully enroll at the University of Mississippi. The state's governor, Ross Barnett, vociferously opposed his enrollment, and the violence and rioting surrounding the incident caused President Kennedy to send 5,000 federal troops to restore the peace. Meredith graduated from the University of Mississippi in 1963 (he had entered the university as a transfer student from an all-black college). For a number of years, Meredith continued to work as a civil rights activist, most notably by leading the March Against Fear in 1966, a protest against voter registration intimidation. During the march, which began in Memphis, Tenn., and ended in Jackson, Miss., Meredith was shot and wounded, hospitalized, and then rejoined the march in its last days. He enrolled in Columbia University, where he received a law degree in 1968, and worked as a stock broker. The same year, Meredith published an autobiographical account entitled Three Years in Mississippi. After graduating, he became a businessman in New York City and maintained his involvement in the civil rights movement. From 1989 to 1991, Meredith served as a policy advisor to conservative Republican Senator Jesse Helms, who only ten years earlier had opposed the establishment of Martin Luther King, Jr. Day.

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“The oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. History is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate.” —Martin Luther King, Jr.

FANNIE LOU HAMER On a night in August of 1962, Fannie Lou Hamer attended a mass meeting at the Williams Chapel Church in Ruleville, Mississippi. A handful of civil rights workers from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) were in Sunflower County spreading the news of voter registration. Sunflower County, in the heart of that "most southern place on earth," the Mississippi Delta, was perhaps the most solid core of the iceberg of southern segregation. Appropriately, SNCC had recently selected the Delta as one of the strategic points of its voter registration initiative. If the movement could crack the Delta, the reasoning went, it would send unsettling reverberations through the state's recalcitrant white majority. There was great excitement in the chapel as James Bevel, one of Martin Luther King, Jr., young colleagues in the SCLC, stood to address the people. His short sermon was taken from the sixteenth chapter of the Gospel of Matthew. He asked the congregation--mainly black men and women who worked on the nearby cotton plantations--to consider the words of the Lord when he rebuked the Pharisees and Sadducees. He read the Scripture: "Jesus answered and said unto them, When it is evening, ye say, It will be fair weather, for the sky is red. And in the morning, It will be foul weather today; for the sky is red and lowering. O ye hypocrites, ye can discern the face of the sky; but can ye not discern the signs of the times?" How can we discern the signs of the times, Bevel asked. How can we not recognize that the hour has arrived for black men and women to claim what is rightfully their own--indeed the right to vote? To be sure, most folk are not trained to discern the weather nor to forecast the future. But that is not our demand, Bevel told the people. Our demand is that we not ignore the clear signs before our eyes. God's time is upon us; let us not back down from the challenge. She learned that the Constitution gave her the right to vote. Bevel implored listeners to register to vote. Hamer was the first to sign up. Later she said, “I guess if I’d had any sense, I’d have been scared—but what was the point of being scared? The only thing they could do was kill me, and it seemed they’d been trying to do that a little at a time since I could remember.” Bevel's words stirred Mrs. Hamer's tired spirit. She had endured the burdens of white racism for forty-four years, living the hard life of a field hand on the Marlowe cotton plantation near Ruleville, a small town in the Delta. The youngest child born to Ella and Jim Townsend, by the age of seven Fannie Lou Hamer was in the fields picking cotton with her fourteen brothers and five sisters, the family working long days together and still not making "enough money to live on." "My parents moved to Sunflower County when I was two years old," Mrs. Hamer recalled. "I will never forget, one day [when I] was six years old and I was playing beside the road and this plantation owner drove up to me and stopped and asked me, `could I pick cotton.' I told him I didn't know and he said, `Yes, you can. I will give you things that you want from the commissary store,' and he named things like crackerjacks and sardines--and it was a huge list that he called off. So I picked the 30 pounds of cotton that week, but I found out what actually happened was he was trapping me into beginning the work I was to keep doing and I never did get out of his debt again. My parents tried so hard to do what they could to keep us in school, but school didn't last four months out of the year and most of the time we didn't have clothes to wear." “...The only thing [the whites] could do was kill me and it seemed like they'd been trying to do that a little bit at a time since I could remember." She heard the call of Jesus--and James Bevel--a call demanding sacrifice, but a call also promising freedom and empowerment. She was excited by the speakers' description of the power of the vote. "It made so much sense to me," she said." These very women and men gathered at Williams Chapel Church--dirt-poor sharecroppers, field hands, and domestics-could force out of office the hateful politicians and sheriffs who had controlled the social oppressive order for as long as anyone could remember. “ —Excerpt is from God's Long Summer: Stories of Faith and Civil Rights, Charles Marsh, Princeton University Press

As a field secretary for SNCC, Hamer traveled throughout the South, speaking and registering people to vote. In 1963 in Winona, MS police arrested her, Annelle Ponder and another colleagues. While in custody, on the order of the guards, other prisoners brutally beat them, causing permanent injury. News of this caused an outcry and several people were arrested. An all-white jury acquitted those accused.

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At the 1964 Democratic National Convention, Hamer used her own life and the Winona beatings in particular as an abject lesson in the importance of the franchise. In a televised speech that reached millions, she challenged the credentials of the all-white Mississippi Democratic delegation and sought to have the integrated Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) seated. The Democratic Party leadership proposed that the Convention, as a whole, choose two MFDP members to be seated as delegates at-large, and that the Mississippi Democrats promise not to send a segregated delegation to future conventions. Both sides found the proposal unacceptable. The Mississippi Democrats refused the pledge and walked out. And, speaking for the MFDP, Hamer simply declared, “We didn’t come all this way for no two seats! We didn’t come for no two seats when all of us is tired.” While the MFDP did not win the immediate issue, Hamer and the MFDP members irrevocably changed terms of the debate and galvanized the nation on the need for federal voting rights legislation.

ANNELLE PONDER

MDAH Digital Collection

Civil rights worker from Atlanta, Georgia, who worked tirelessly to end the cruelties in the south and give Black folk the right-tovote. She suffered a severe beating along with Fannie Lou Hamer in Winona, Mississippi.

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MUSIC & CULTURE OF THE NON-VIOLENT MOVEMENT THE SNCC FREEDOM SINGERS The original group of four Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) Freedom Singers — Rutha Harris, Bernice Reagon, Cordell Reagon and Charles Sherrod — banded together at Old Mt. Zion Church in 1961. They started in the churches because that was the only place they could gather without fear. Shortly afterward the quartet performed a concert at Morehouse College where they caugh the attention of activist singer/songwriter Pete Seeger. Seeger was intrigued by the young group and agreed to underwrite their expenses if they would tour the nation. The quartet’s first tour appearance was at the YMCA in Urbana, Ill. in Dec. of 1962. Over the next nine months they played 200 college campuses and managed to squeeze in stops at Carnegie Hall, the Newport Folk Festival and capped it all off by performing at the March on Washington. They soon became part of the national stage. Then Freedom Singers began popping up in cities all over the country. What always struck me about the original Albany group was how young and committed they were. Cordell was just 16 at the time and the others weren’t much older.

NASHVILLE QUARTET A key movement music groups, the Nashville Quartet consisted of James Bevel, Bernard Lafayette, Joseph Carter, and Samuel Collier. They were all students in Nashville, TN who participated in the Nashville Sit-In Movement and The Nashville Open Theater Movement. Bernard LaFayette and James Bevel, Guy Carawan (guitar)

James Bevel wrote The Dog Song. They performed “You Better Leave Segregation Alone” an original composition. They sang in close harmony “do-wop” style, which enthused audiences.

HARRY BELAFONTE Belafonte supported the Civil Rights Movement in the 1950s and was one of Martin Luther King Jr.'s confidants. He provided for King's family, since King made only $8,000 a year as a preacher. Like many civil rights activists, Belafonte was blacklisted during the McCarthy era. He bailed King out of the Birmingham City Jail and raised thousands of dollars to release other civil rights protesters. He financed the Freedom Rides, supported voter registration drives, and helped to organize the March on Washington in 1963. During "Freedom Summer" in 1964, Belafonte bankrolled the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, flying to Mississippi that August with $60,000 in cash and entertaining crowds in Greenwood. In 1968, Belafonte appeared on a Petula Clark primetime television special on NBC. In the middle of a song, Clark smiled and briefly touched Belafonte's arm, which made the show's sponsor, Plymouth Motors, nervous. Plymouth wanted to cut the segment, but Clark, who had ownership of the special, told NBC that the performance would be shown intact or she would not allow the special to be aired at all. Newspapers reported the controversy and, when the special aired, it grabbed high ratings. Belafonte appeared on The Smothers Brothers Comedy Hour and performed a controversial "Mardi Gras" number with footage intercut from the 1968 Democratic National Convention riots. CBS censors deleted the segment.

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NINA SIMONE Nina Simone, born in 1933, wanted to be the first black woman concert pianist. THAT was the level of her ambition. Needless to say, back in the first 2/3 of the 20th century the chances of that were about nil. America in those days couldn't recognize a black woman as even remotely fitting the image of a concert pianist. But of course America was willing to recognize a black woman as a blues or jazz singer. So that is the path Nina Simone took. One of her early successes was "I Love you Porgy" from Gershwin's Porgy and Bess: In the 1960s, Nina Simone was part of the civil rights movement and later the black power movement. Her songs are considered by some as anthems of those movements, and their evolution shows the growing hopelessness that American racial problems would be solved. Nina Simone wrote "Mississippi Goddam" after the bombing of a Baptist church in Alabama killed four children and after Medgar Evers was assassinated in Mississipppi. This song, often sung in civil rights contexts, was not often played on radio. She introduced this song in performances as a show tune for a show that hadn't yet been written. Other Nina Simone songs adopted by the civil rights movement as anthems included "Backlash Blues," "Old Jim Crow," "Four Women" and "To Be Young, Gifted and Black." The latter was composed in honor of her friend Lorraine Hansberry and became an anthem for the growing black power movement with its line, "Say it clear, say it loud, I am black and I am proud!"

CURTIS MAYFIELD June 3, 1942 ? December 26, 1999 Born in Chicago, IL and raised in the poverty stricken Cabrini-Green housing projects on the city's North Side, Mayfield was surrounded by music from an early age—particularly the gospel singing of his grandmother's Travelling Soul Spiritualists' Church. He sang publicly at the age of seven and became an accomplished guitarist a few years later. Beginning in 1964 with his trailblazing Keep On Pushing, adopted by Martin Luther King as the unofficial anthem of the civil rights movement, and the inspirational People Get Ready, Mayfield began writing songs that reflected the increasing self-confidence of black Americans. This included We're A Winner, This Is My Country, Choice of Colors and Check Out Your Mind.

GUY AND CANDIE CARAWAN Guy Carawan introduced “We Shall Overcome” as a protest song during the civil-rights movement, along with “Eyes on the Prize” and other retooled tunes. They brought their own philosophy to the work of the Highlander Folk Center and to progressive activism across Appalachia and the South — the notion that injustice is more easily overcome by those whose voices are joined in song. In the spring of 1963 Guy and Candie Carawan traveled to Birmingham, Alabama to participate in the Southern Christian Leadership Conference’s Birmingham campaign to desegregate businesses and public facilities in that city. Fortunately they were able to record several mass meetings attended there, including speeches by the Rev. Ralph Abernathy and the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr.

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"Experience should teach us to be most on our guard to protect liberty when the government's purposes are beneficent. Men born to freedom are naturally alert to repel invasion of their liberty by evil-minded rulers. The greatest dangers to liberty lurk in insidious encroachment by men of zeal, well-meaning but without understanding." —Justice Louis Brandeis,1928

THE STRUGGLE FOR VOTING RIGHTS IN MISSISSIPPI ~ THE EARLY YEARS During the post-Depression decades of the 1940s and 1950s, most of the South experiences enormous economic changes. “King Cotton” declines as agriculture diversifies and mechanizes. In 1920, almost a million southern Blacks work in agriculture, by 1960 that number has declined by 75% to around 250,000 — resulting in a huge migration off the land into the cities both North and South. By 1960, almost 60% of southern Blacks live in urban areas (compared to roughly 30% in 1930). But those economic changes come slowly, if at all, to Mississippi and the Black Belt areas of Alabama, Georgia, and Louisiana. In 1960, almost 70% of Mississippi Blacks still live in rural areas, and more than a third (twice the percentage in the rest of the South) work the land as sharecroppers, tenant farmers, and farm laborers. The median income for Blacks in Mississippi is just $1,444 (equal to $9,600 in 2006), the median income for Mississippi whites is three times higher. More than 85% of Mississippi Blacks live below the official Federal poverty line. In 1960, segregated education for Blacks is severely limited. The average funding for Black schools is less than a quarter of that spent to educate white students, and in rural areas the ratio is even more skewed, Pike County, for example, spends $30.89 to educate each white student and only $0.76 cents per Black pupil. It is no surprise then that only 7% of Mississippi Blacks finish high school, and in the rural areas where children are sent to the fields early in life, functional illiteracy is widespread. Mississippi is still dominated — economically and politically — by less than 100 plantation barons who lord it over vast cotton fields worked by Black hand-labor using hoes and fingers the way it was done in slavery times. And they are determined to keep that labor cheap and docile. The arch-segregationist Senator James Eastland provides a clear example of the economic riches that underlie racism in Mississippi. In 1961, his huge plantation in Sunflower County produces 5,394 bales of cotton. He sells this cotton for $890,000 (equivalent to about 5,850,000 in 2006 dollars). It costs Eastland $566,000 to produce his cotton for a profit of $324,000 (equal to $2,130,000 in 2006). This represents profit of 57%. (For comparison, a modern corporation is doing well if it returns 10-15% profit.) The Black men, women, and children who labor in his fields under the blazing sun — plowing, planting, hoeing, and picking — are paid 30 cents an hour (equal to $1.97 in 2006). That's $3.00 for a 10 hour day, $18.00 for a six-day, 60-hour week. This system of agricultural feudalism is maintained by Jim Crow laws, state repression, white terrorism, and the systematic disenfranchisement of Blacks. While whites outnumber Blacks in Mississippi overall, the ratio of Blacks to whites is higher than in any other state in the union. And in a number of rural counties Blacks outnumber whites, often by large majorities. Given these demographic realities, the power elites know that to maintain white supremacy they have to prevent Blacks from voting, and they are ruthless in doing so — using rigged “literacy” tests, poll taxes, whiteonly primaries, arrests, economic retaliation, Klan violence, and assassinations. On average, seven Blacks are lynched or assassinated each year in Mississippi since the 1880s. In 1961, less than 7% of Mississippi Blacks are registered to vote — in many Black-majority counties not a single Black citizen is registered — not even decorated military veterans. And of those few on the voter rolls, only a handful dare to actually cast a ballot. This systematic denial of Black voting rights is replicated in the Black Belt areas of Louisiana, Alabama, South Carolina, and Southwest Georgia. Direct-Action or Voter Registration? In the summer of 1960, Amzie Moore, Medgar Evers, and other local Black leaders in Mississippi tell Bob Moses that they need help with voter registration more than demonstrations against segregation. Bob promises he will return in the summer of '61, and in July he begins voter registration work in McComb. Staunch, long-time, Movement supporters 178


such as Harry Belafonte and many of SNCC's student leaders also believe that SNCC should focus on voter registration rather than direct action such as sit-ins and Freedom Rides. They argue that poor, rural Blacks have no money for lunch counters or other public facilities and what they need most is political power that in Mississippi has to begin with winning the right to vote. Other SNCC leaders — many just released from Parchman Prison and Hinds County Jail — argue that the Freedom Rides and other forms of direct-action must continue. The protests are gaining momentum and bringing the Movement into the darkest corners of the Deep South, raising awareness, building courage, and inspiring young and old. They are deeply suspicious of Kennedy's demand that they switch from demonstrations to voter registration, and they are unwilling to abandon the tactics that have brought the Movement so far in so short a time. In August, the issue comes to a head when SNCC meets at the Highlander Center in Tennessee. After three days of passionate debate, SNCC is split right down the middle — half favor continuing directaction, the other half favor switching to voter registration. Ella Baker proposes a compromise — do both. Her suggestion is adopted. Diane Nash is chosen to head direct-action efforts and Charles Jones is chosen to head voter registration activity. Both groups send activists to join Bob Moses in McComb. Amid the fires of the Freedom Rides and the heat of debate, SNCC as an organization is rapidly evolving away from its campus/student roots. More and more SNCC activists are leaving school to become full-time freedom fighters. With money raised by Belafonte, first Charles Sherrod, then Bob Moses, then others are hired as SNCC “field secretaries,” devoting their lives to the struggle in the rural areas and small towns of the south. In September, James Forman becomes SNCC's Executive Director to coordinate and lead far-flung projects and a growing staff. Increasingly, it will be the SNCC field staff from projects in Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Arkansas, Virginia and Maryland who will shape and lead SNCC in the years to come. And as so often turns out to be the case when committed activists passionately disagree over strategy, both sides are proven correct. Both direct-action and voter registration are needed. Each supports and strengthens the other. The determination and courage of student protesters inspires and encourages their elders, and the growing political power of adults organized around the right to vote supports and sustains the young demonstrators. Voter Registration & Direct-action in McComb, Mississippi In 1961, Black voter registration in the Deep South is entirely controlled by the white power structure. Voter registration procedures in the Deep South — which vary from state to state and county to county — are based on an application and a so-called “literacy test” that prospective voters must pass in order to be registered. The system is designed to allow the county Voter Registrars (all of whom are white, of course) to rig the outcome however they wish. Whites are encouraged to register regardless of their education (or lack thereof), while applications from most Blacks are denied even if they answer every question correctly. In McComb, for example, the “literacy test” consists in part of the Registrar choosing one of the 285 sections of the Mississippi constitution and asking the applicant to read it aloud and interpret it to his satisfaction. He can assign an easy section, or a dense block of legal baffelgab that even law professors cannot agree on. Then it is entirely up to the Registrar to decide if the applicant's reading and interpretation are adequate. Voters are also required to be of “good moral character,” and again the Registrar has sole authority to decide who does, or does not, posses sufficient “moral character.” Blacks who attempt to register in defiance of the white power structure are harassed and threatened. They are fired from their jobs and evicted from their homes. Many are beaten. Some are murdered. In urban areas of the Deep South, a few token Blacks — usually ministers, teachers, doctors, and other professionals — are allowed to register, but never enough to affect the outcome of an election. In the rural counties, particularly those with large Black populations, only a handful — or none at all — are permitted to register. In the three Southwest Mississippi counties around McComb, for example: Pike County (McComb) Adult Blacks - 8,000 Registered - 200 (2.5%) Amite County Adult Blacks - 5,000 Registered - 1 (0%) Walthall County Adult Blacks - 3,000 Registered - 0 (0%) In July, NAACP leader Reverend C.C. Bryant invites Bob Moses to begin a voter registration project in McComb, the 179


main town of Pike County. Moses is soon joined by SNCC members John Hardy of the Nashville Student Movement and Reginald Robinson from the Civic Interest Group in Baltimore. Rev. Bryant introduces Moses to Amite County NAACP leader E.W. Steptoe, and the project spreads to cover adjacent Amite and Walthall Counties. McComb NAACP officer Webb Owens finds housing for the students and takes them to the cafe owned by activist Aylene Quinn, “Whenever any of [the SNCC workers] come by, you feed 'em, you feed 'em whether they got money or not,” he tells her. Federal response will be if Blacks are prevented from registering. In line with the Kennedy administration's promise to defend voting rights if the students will turn away from direct-action, the DOJ replies that it will “vigorously enforce” Federal statutes forbidding the use of intimidation, threats, and coercion against voter aspirants. In August, SNCC workers in McComb begin teaching Blacks the complexities of the voter registration process. All 21 questions on the application form have to be studied and understood, and all 285 sections of the Mississippi constitution have to be mastered. After attending the class, 16 local Blacks journey through a century of fear to the Pike County courthouse in Magnolia. Six manage to pass the test and be registered. More SNCC workers arrive in McComb direct from the Highlander meeting: Ruby Doris Smith, Marion Barry, Charles Jones, and others. In late August, after training in the tactics of Nonviolent Resistance by the SNCC direct-action veterans, two local teenagers — Hollis Watkins and Curtis Hayes (Muhammad), both of whom go on to become SNCC field secretaries of renown — sit-in at the local Woolworth's lunch counter. They are arrested. On the last day of August, Bob Moses takes two Blacks to the Amite County courthouse in Liberty Mississippi. He is brutally beaten in the street by Bill Caston, cousin to the sheriff and son-in-law of E. H. Hurst the State Representative. That night in McComb, more than 200 Blacks attend the first Civil Rights Movement mass meeting in the town’s history to protest the arrest of the students and the beating of Moses. They vow to continue the struggle. Moses files charges against Caston who is quickly found innocent by an all-white jury. But this is the first time since Reconstruction that a Black man has filed charges against a white for racial violence in Amite County. Brenda Travis, a 15 year old high school student in McComb, canvasses the streets with the SNCC voter-registration workers. To awaken and inspire the adults, she leads other students on a sit-in. For the crime of ordering a hamburger, she is sentenced to a year in the state juvenile prison. She is also expelled from school. In response, McComb's Black students form the Pike County Nonviolent Movement — Hollis Watkins is President, Curtis Hayes is Vice President SNCC workers John Hardy and Travis Britt are beaten by whites and arrested on trumped up charges when they bring Blacks to the courthouse to register in Walthall and Amite counties. In Amite County, Herbert Lee is one of those working with Moses. In late September, he is murdered by State Representative E. H. Hurst. In early October, more than 100 Black high-school students march in McComb to protest Lee's killing and the expulsion of Brenda Travis. When they kneel in prayer, they are arrested, as are the SNCC staff who are with them. Bob Moses, Chuck McDew, and Bob Zellner (SNCC's first white field secretary) are beaten. The SNCC workers are charged with “Contributing to the delinquency of minors,” a serious felony. More than 100 students boycott the Black high-school rather than sign a mandatory pledge that they will not participate in civil rights activity. SNCC sets up “Nonviolent High” for the boycotting students with Moses teaching math, Dion Diamond teaching science, and Chuck McDew teaching history. Nonviolent High is one of the seeds from which grow the “Freedom Schools” that spread across the state three years later in the summer of '64. Late in October, an all-white jury convicts the SNCC members on the “Contributing” charge. Their attorneys appeal, but bail is set at $14,000 (equal to $92,000 in 2006 dollars). Unable to raise such a huge amount, they languish in prison. With their SNCC teachers in jail, Nonviolent High cannot continue, and the boycotting students are accepted by Campbell Junior College in Jackson. Meanwhile, arrests, beatings, and shootings continue. CORE Freedom Riders are brutally attacked by a white mob when they try to integrate the McComb Greyhound station. Paul Potter and Tom Hayden of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) are dragged from their car and beaten in the street when they come to McComb to support the Movement. Shotgun blasts from a Klan nightrider almost kill Dion Diamond and John Hardy. Despite their repeated promises of protection for voter registration, Kennedy, the Justice Department, and the FBI do 180


nothing. The DOJ's legal efforts are feeble and ineffective. The arrests, the reign of terror, and the brazen murder of Herbert Lee by a state official, all take their toll. The McComb-area voter registration drive is suppressed — for the moment. Finally, in December, SNCC manages to raise the bail money and the jailed SNCC staff are released on appeal. In a narrow sense, McComb is a defeat for SNCC — the project is suppressed and driven out by arrests, brutality, and murder. But in a broader sense it is an important milestone, the crucial lessons learned in McComb form the foundation for years of organizing to come, not just in Mississippi but in hard places across the South — places like Selma Alabama and Southwest Georgia. In McComb they discover that courage is contagious and that local people — particularly young people — will respond to outside organizers. They discover that as student activists they have much to teach, but also much to learn from the community, and that if they respect the community the community will in turn protect, feed, and nurture them. And from the community will come new leaders and new organizers to expand and sustain the struggle. Looking back, Bob Moses later observed: “One of the things that we learned out here [in Amite County] was that we could find family in Mississippi. We could go anyplace in Mississippi before we were through, and we knew that somewhere down some road there was family. And we could show up there unannounced with no money or no anything and there were people there ready to take care of us. That's what we had here in Amite. One of the things that happened in the movement was that there was a joining of a young generation of people with an older generation that nurtured and sustained them. ... It was an amazing experience. I've never before or since had that experience where it's almost literally like you're throwing yourself on the people and they have actually picked you up and gone on to carry you so you don't really need money, you don't really need transportation. ... They're going to see that you eat. It's a liberating kind of experience.” Out of McComb comes the hard kernel that transforms SNCC into an organization of organizers who in a few short years move the Movement from protest to social revolution. Building on the lessons learned in McComb, they shift the voter registration campaign into the Delta — the most segregated region of Mississippi. And out of McComb they bring five young organizers on to the growing SNCC staff — Hollis Watkins, Curtis Hayes, Emma Bell, Ike Lewis and Bobby Talbot — the first of many to come not from college campuses but from the red dust roads of the rural South. —Excerpted from “History & Timeline” Civil Rights Movement Veterans Website www.crmvet.org

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"Personal responsibility is the price of liberty.� —Michael Cloud

COFO COUNCIL OF FEDERATED ORGANIZATIONS COFO as it is today began in a Clarksdale, Mississippi Methodist Church in August, 1962, but the name COFO goes back nearly two years before that meeting. COFO was the name chosen by a group of Negro Mississippians who sought, in 1961, an audience with the then Mississippi Governor, Ross Barnett. Thinking that Barnett would turn down a meeting with representatives of the older, established civil rights organizations, they used the name COFO tonegotiate therelease of arrested Freedom Riders. Among the organizers of the 'first' COFO were Medgar Evers, slain NAACP field secretary; Dr. Aaron Henry, State President of the Mississippi NAACP Branches; and Carsie Hall one of Mississippi's four Negro lawyers.

COFO Born Again The group became inactive after that meeting. In January, 1962 Robert Moses, head of voter registration in Mississippi for SNCC, and Thomas Gaither, Mississippi CORE representative, wrote a memo proposing that the civil rights groups working in the state band together to register the state's Negroes. Moses has been working on voter registration in rural Mississippi since August, 1961. His experience told him that discrimination in Mississippi would only yield to an all-out unified attack by as strong a force as possible. COFO was revitalized. A COFO proposal was submitted to the newly formed Voter Education Project (VEP) of the Southern Regional Council in February 1962, under the signature of Dr. Henry, then, as now, state NAACP head and head of COFO (press rumours that he has withdrawn from COFO are false). VEP had announced that it would finance voter registration drives in the South, but it did not support COFO's plan until after the August meeting in Clarksdale.

The Founding Group All of the full-time civil rights workers in Mississippi at that time were present at the Clarksdale meeting, except Evers, whose busy schedule kept him away. CORE's David Dennis (who replaced Thomas Gaither); SCLC's Reverend James Bevel; Moses and Foreman from SNCC, and the ten other SNCC workers then scattered throughout the Mississippi Delta. The meeting renominatedand elected Aaron Henry president and Carsie Hall, secretary. The Reverend R.L.T. Smith of Jackson was named treasurer and CORE's Dennis elected to the Executive Committee. Bob Moses became project director. The following month a VEP grant enabled COFO to begin work in Bolivar, Coahoma, Leflore, and Sunflower counties where SNCC staff members already had done crucial ground work.

The Mississippi Freedom Project What happened in the Summer Project is history: it changed forever both Mississippi and the Movement. When it ended in August, 1964, the Mississippi Freedom Project began immediately. Over 200 volunteers remained in the state to continue voter registration work and keep some of the 32 community centers and 41 Freedom Schools open. Fifty of these volunteers were put on the SNCC staff; the remainder form the Freedom Force, for whom SNCC is attempting to get subsistence pay of $10 a week.

Money From the beginning, financial support and staff for COFO have come primarily from SNCC and CORE. COFO itself employs no staff, but borrows workers for its programs from cooperating civil rights organizations (At present, 125 of SNCC's staff of 225 are working in Mississippi on COFO projects). In October, 1963 the Voter Education Project (VEP) withdrew its funds from COFO because the statewide organization engaged in "political programs" not allowable under VEP grants. In the fall of 1963 Bob Moses $$Word$$ with Roy Wilkins, Martin Luther King, and James Farmer to solicit their support. SNCC and CORE agreed to contribute money to take up the slack. CORE supports the work in' 182


Mississippi's 4th Congressional District, and SNCC the work in the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 5th Districts, supplying staff, cars, and funds. SCLC has cooperated with COFO's programs through their Citizenship Teacher Program of training local people to become teachers. Role of the NAACP The State conference of NAACP branches has supported COFO through its member units. The national NAACP never considered itself a part of COFO, though Dr. Aaron Henry (head of the state conference of NAACP branches) is COFO president. At a national board meeting in January, 1965, the state conference announced it would withdraw its support of COFO: the reason given was non-involvement in decision making. But Aaron Henry reports that he sent notices to each branch chapter every time COFO meetings took place and encouraged them to attend. (COFO meetings are open to all people in Mississippi working on the various aspects of its program.) The Commission on Religion and Race of the National Council of Churches trained most of the Summer Project volunteers and has directed a steady flow of ministers — acting as counselors — into and out of Mississippi since the project began. The NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc., the National Lawyers Guild and other legal groups have supplied lawyers and legal advice.

"The most important thing about COFO is not its name or its history," a volunteer worker has said, "but that it has been able to involve so many people and groups, both black and white, from Mississippi and elsewhere, in a total program aimed at completely eliminating discrimination and segregation from every corner of the state." —Excerpts from: Bay Area Friends of SNCC Newsletter, February 1965 Berkeley, California

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"The acceptance of our present condition is the only form of extremism which discredits us before our children." — Lorraine Hansberry

THE FREEDOM SCHOOL The following will provide a background of information from which it is hoped the teacher in the Freedom School will be able to direct a discussion and set up a situation in which dialogue will be possible on the subject of politics and its relation to the individual and to groups—especially politics in Mississippi. As part of this, the development of COFO, its aims and purposes as a political action group, will also be discussed. The approach that will be taken is to use the example of Mrs. Hamer’s campaign for Representative to the U.S. House as a point of departure for discussion of the political situation in the state. It is hoped that through the use of a specific case study, the students may see the political structure as relevant and close to his own experience. That even more importantly, the students may be awakened to the essential role each individual plays in the democratic process, what this role is, and how to go about exercising his right to a voice in the decision making that concerns his life. Beyond this, by studying Mrs. Hamer’s campaign and the broader aspects of COFO’s political program for the summer and beyond, the student may see one example of how to combat the problems of discrimination that take his right away to have a voice in local, state and national government. The basic concepts which it is important to get across from this unit are these: 1. Fundamentals of how the political structure is organized at local, state, and national level. 2. How the individual participates in politics and why it is important. 3. How the political structure in Mississippi is organized to discriminate against the Negro and why? 4. What steps can and are being taken to correct existing conditions of discrimination. I. COFO QUESTION: What is COFO? ANSWER: COFO is the Council of Federated Organizations—a federation of all the national civil rights organizations active in Mississippi, local political and action groups and some fraternal and social organizations. QUESTION: Why have such a federation of organizations? ANSWER: To create unity and to give a sense of continuity to Civil Rights efforts in the state. Particularly since any civil rights program must be carried out in an atmosphere of extreme hostility from the white community, it was felt that unity through an organization of this kind would create a bond of support for Negroes all over the state. COFO also provides a sense of identity and purpose to local political action groups already existing and a means of exchanging ideas. One of its major purposes is to develop leadership in local communities all over the state. In the past people have belonged to civil rights organizations. COFO would like to be an organization which in a real sense belongs to the people. It is so structured that all decision making is done democratically and directly by all the groups working together—allowing each individual the right of voicing his opinion and making his vote count. Decisions concerning COFO are made at its state-wide convention meetings, which are called when necessary. Anyone active under any of the organizations which make up membership is entitled to attend COFO conventions and participate in policy-making decisions of the organization. The staff consists of anyone working full time with any civil rights organization in Mississippi. This staff carries out the decisions of the COFO convention and prepares recommendations for its consideration. Below the state COFO convention there are district organizations corresponding to the five congressional districts. These district organizations are only in the planning state at present. The staff is divided into congressional districts with five district directors; this organizational structure is functioning at present. The state organization has four standing committees: Welfare and Relief, Political Action, Finance and Federal Programs. The district organizations have or will have, similar standing committees. Dr. Aaron E. Henry of Clarksdale, State President of the NAACP, is President of the Council of Federated Organizations. Robert Moses, Field Secretary and Mississippi Project Director for SNCC, is the Program Director, who supervises the Mississippi staff and is elected by it. David Dennis, Mississippi Field Secretary for CORE, is Assistant Program Director, and is similarly elected. QUESTION: What are the programs sponsored by COFO? ANSWER: COFO works in two major areas. 1) Political 2) Educational and social. The educational and social programs are the Freedom Schools, Federal Programs, Literacy, Work-study, Food and Clothing and Community Centers. Some of 184


these are in operation; others are in the process of being developed. Freedom Schools are planned for the summer of l964. There are several things which hopefully will be accomplished by the Schools. (1) to provide remedial instruction in basic educational skills but more importantly (2) to implant habits of free thinking and ideas of how a free society works, and (3) to lay the groundwork for a statewide youth movement. Federal Programs Project is to make the programs of the Federal government which are designed to alleviate poverty and ignorance reach the people of Mississippi. The federal programs include the Area Redevelopment Act, the Manpower Development and Training Act, the bureau of the Farmers Home Administration and the Office of Manpower, Automation and Training. You may ask why it is necessary for COFO to be concerned about the administration of federal programs, which are by definition, desegregated and anti-discriminatory. As things now stand the normal channel of information—the state agencies—do not properly present these programs. The State of Mississippi is not reconciled to the desegregated nature of these programs, so Negroes are not allowed to participate. Because of this, private agencies, such as COFO, must act as liaison between the federal program and the people they are designed to help. The Literacy Project at Tougaloo College is a research project under the direction of John Diebold and Associates Company, and is financed by an anonymous grant to the college. The goal of the project is to write selfinstructional materials which will teach adult illiterates in lower social and economic groups to read and write. The Work-Study Project is an attempt to solve the pressing staff problems in Southern movement—the conflict between full-time civil rights work and school for the college age worker. Under the work-study program, students spend a year in full-time field work for SNCC, under the direction of COFO field staff, and with special academic work designed to complement their field work and keep them familiar with learning and intellectual discipline. After this year of field work, they get a full scholarship to Tougaloo College for one year. Food, Clothing, and Shelter Programs is a privately financed distribution program of the necessities of life for persons whose needs are so basic that they cannot feed their families one meal a day per person. This welfare services aspect of COFO grew partly out of a need to provide for families who are leaving the plantations sometimes because of automation and sometimes because of their activities in voter registration projects, particularly in the Delta. The food intake of most poor rural Mississippians is at some times sufficient. These times are usually (1) when they receive government commodities, (2) when the tenant or low-income farmer receives money from his cotton and other minor crops, usually in early and mid-fall, and (3) when landlords give credit to tenant families usually from late March to July. The rest of the time the poor rural families and the unemployed often go hungry. The clothing situation of both the urban and rural poor is desperate. But the problem is not as difficult in summer months, when the weather is warm, as it is in winter, when the children must have warm clothes to go to school. Many people in the deep South live in housing unfit for human habitation. In Mississippi over 50 percent of the rural occupied farm housing is classified as deteriorating or dilapidated. More than 50 percent of the rural homes in Mississippi have no piped water and more than 75 percent have no flush toilets, bathtubs or showers. COFO hopes to begin a program of home repair workshops and volunteer youth corps assisting people to repair their homes, all working out of a community center. The Community Centers is to be a network of community centers across the state. It is conceived as a long-range institution. The centers will provide a structure for a sweeping range of recreational and educational programs. In doing this, they will not only serve basic needs of Negro communities now ignored by the state’s political structure, but will form a dynamic focus for the development of community organization. QUESTION: How did COFO get started? ANSWER: COFO has evolved through three phases in is short history. The first phase of the organization was little more than an ad hoc committee called together after the Freedom Rides of l961 in an effort to have a meeting with Governor Ross Barnett. This committee of Mississippi civil rights leaders proved a convenient vehicle for channeling the voter registration program of the Voter Education Project, a part of the Southern Regional Council, into Mississippi. With the funds of the Voter Education Project, COFO went into a second phase. In this period, beginning in February 1962, COFO became an umbrella for voter registration drives in the Mississippi Delta and other isolated cities in Mississippi. At this time COFO added a small full-time staff, mostly SNCC and a few CORE workers, and developed a voter registration program. The staff worked with local NAACP leaders and SCLC citizenship teachers in an effort to give the Mississippi Negroes the broadest possible support. COFO continued essentially as a committee with a staff and a program until the fall of l963. The emergence of the Ruleville Citizenship Group, and the Holmes County Voters League, testified to the possibility of starting strong local groups. It was felt that COFO could be the organization through which horizontal ties could develop among these groups, with the strongest common denominator possible within the general aims of the Civil 185


Rights Movement. Every effort was made during this time to cut across county and organizational lines and have people from different areas meet with each other, to sponsor county, regional, and state-wide meetings, to bring students together from different parts of the state for workshops, to help and send groups outside of the state to meetings, conferences, workshops, and SCLC citizenship schools. During this second phase we began to feel more and more that the Committee could be based in a network of local adult groups sprung from the Movement as we worked the state. The third phase representing the present functioning of the organization began in the fall of l963 with the Freedom Vote for Governor. This marked the first state-wide effort and coincided with the establishment of a state-wide office in Jackson and a trunk line to reach into the Mississippi Delta and hill country. The staff has broadened to include more CORE and SNCC workers and more citizenship schools. Plans for the fourth phase of the organization would include a budget or funds for program and staff on a long term basis, worked out with the major civil rights organizations and individuals across the country. The aim would be to organize every Negro community in Mississippi to train local people to help lead Mississippi through the next difficult years of transition.

II. Mrs. Hamer’s Campaign For Congress (2nd Congressional District) QUESTION: Who is Mrs. Fannie Lou Hamer? ANSWER: Mrs. Hamer is one of the four candidates running for political office this summer in Mississippi. She is challenging Mr. Jamie Whitten for the seat of U.S. Representative in the Second Congressional District. Mr. Whitten is a powerful man in the House of Representatives, holding the position of Chairman of the House Appropriations SubCommittee on Agriculture. Since the Second Congressional District is the heart of the cotton-growing Delta, where Negroes outnumber whites in most of the counties, what Mr. Whitten does as chairman of this committee has direct bearing on both Negro and white populations. So far, Mr. Whitten’s actions have reflected a decidedly racist bias—so that he is not representing all the people of the Second Congressional District, but those white landholders who control the majority of the wealth in the Delta. One of the most blatant example of this bias on Mr. Whitten’s part was a bill before the Sub-Committee on Agriculture to train 2400 hundred men to drive tractors. The bill was killed. Why kill a bill which obviously would benefit the state by attacking the problems of automation? The answer becomes clear when we realize that (1) under the Manpower Retraining Act, all projects must be integrated. (2) The majority of those to be trained were Negro (600 whites.) QUESTION: Why is Mrs. Hamer running for office? ANSWER: Mrs. Hamer is the mother of several children and besides that, a woman, which is very unusual for Mississippi politics. It is certainly partially because she is a mother and concerned about the future of her children that she is running. However the real answer to this question can only be found in Mrs. Hammer’s history and the experiences she has had as a native Mississippian. Mrs. Hammer, who is forty-seven, comes from Ruleville, Mississippi, in Sunflower County. This is cotton growing country—large plantations (of sometimes hundreds and thousands of acres of land), small towns, the Company Store, the sheriff whose job it is to “control the niggers” and not see the bootleg whiskey being sold—the home of Senator James O. Eastland. Until 1962, the Hamers had lived for sixteen years on a plantation four miles from Ruleville. On August 31, l962, Mrs. Hamer tried to register to vote—the same day she and her husband were told they would have to leave the plantation immediately by the owner. His comment to Mrs. Hamer was, “What are you trying to do to me.” A Negro does not act independently of his “Owner.” This revealing comment illustrates how inextricably the Negroes’ destiny has been linked to the land and its owner. A system from which all the legal restrictions of slavery have been removed but which has remained frozen in place. It is only now changing because of the forces of change all around it. Mrs. Hamer’s action represents the new attitude of emancipation on the part of the Negro, an attitude which has come slowly to the feudal-like system of the Delta, where the symbiotic relationship of white and black has perhaps been more intense than anywhere else. The slowness with which change has come to the Delta is in direct relationship to the amount of opposition expressed by the white people there. Mrs. Hamer began working with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in December, l962, and has been one of the most active workers in the state on Voter Registration. Because of her activities she has received much abuse from white people in the Ruleville community—people shoot into her home, threaten her life. In l963, she was arrested in Winona, Mississippi, held in jail overnight for no reason and severely beaten with a blackjack. She still suffers from this incident. Mrs. Hamer feels very strongly that Negroes are not being represented in either state or national government and this forms the basis for her willingness to run for office even in the face of tremendous dangers to herself personally. Mrs. Hamer tells her audiences that she is only saying “what you have been thinking all along.” But Mrs. Hamer plans to 186


direct her campaign to whites as well as Negroes. It is her feeling that all Mississippians, white and Negro alike, are victims of the all-white, one-party power structure of the state. The major emphasis of Mrs. Hamer’s campaign however, will be voting rights for the Negro. Her platform, like that of the other three candidates, includes a discussion of issues that reach beyond the problems within the state of poverty, automation, education, and equal representation and touches on national domestic issues as well as international policy. It is a comment on the conservative reaction that the state has shown in the past ten years, that Representative Frank Smith was defeated in the l962 elections. Although not outspokenly liberal about voting rights for the Negro, Smith was concerned for all the people of the Delta and has some idea of the problems the region faces in the future as automation takes away the jobs of many people. Recently he made a statement in support of the Civil Rights bill now before the Congress. The two or three rational men of some vision in the Mississippi Legislature have all been voted out of office in the last four years. It is necessary that Mrs. Hamer and people like her come forward to fill this gap. QUESTION: How will Mrs. Hamer conduct her campaign? ANSWER: Mrs. Hamer is entered in the regular Democratic primary in Mississippi to be held June 2, l964. She is running on what is to be called the FREEDOM DEMOCRATIC PARTY. If defeated in the Democratic party, she will be able to continue her campaign as an Independent in the General Election. QUESTION: Has she any chance of winning? If not, why challenge? ANSWER: The chances of Mrs. Hamer actually becoming the Representative to the House at this time are of course almost impossible. But since the campaign, as well as the campaigns of the other three candidates, has a two-fold purpose—the chances of winning the goals they seek are very good. One of the purposes is to encourage Negroes not now registered to vote to register by means of the “Freedom Registration” to be conducted this summer. The second purpose is to let the State of Mississippi and the nation become aware that change is taking place in Mississippi and that the rights of the Negro must be realized, if Democracy is to work in a state like Mississippi.

III. Other Aspects of the COFO Political Program for the Summer QUESTION: How will the Democratic Convention be challenged? ANSWER: The focus of political activity during the spring and summer will be an attempt to unseat the regular Mississippi Delegation to the National Democratic Convention at Atlantic City, New Jersey, in August of this year. Mississippi does not allow many people, particularly Negroes, to participate in political affairs in meaningful numbers. For this reason COFO claims that the Mississippi delegation to the Convention does not represent all the people of Mississippi and should not be seated. An attempt is being made to contact delegations from other states to have them vote against seating the regular Mississippi delegation. It is not known whether this challenge will be successful. Two groups of delegates will attempt to be seated at the convention—the regular Democratic delegation and the so-called Freedom Democratic Delegation. This means that COFO is organizing (1) those people who are now registered voters in Mississippi and (2) those who have tried to register and have not been allowed to vote. From each of these groups a delegation will be chosen to go to the National Convention. QUESTION: Who votes in Mississippi? ANSWER: There are no statistics available on whites registered to vote. Even the information available on Negro voting is incomplete since it comes from only sixty-nine of the eighty-two counties in the state. In these counties Negroes constitute 37.7 percent of the adult population but only 6.2 percent are registered to vote. In thirteen of the sixty-nine counties there are no registered Negro voters. It is no accident that information on voting is hard to obtain or that only 25,000 Negroes are registered. As anywhere else, part of the problem is apathy. But in Mississippi even apathy is different. It is born not so much of disinterest as a feeling of utter frustration and futility passed from generation to generation. For instance in Holmes County where Negroes are three fourths of the population, there are no Negro voters. Two or three have been trying to register every day since July, 1963. The registrar has said flatly that he will allow Negroes to take the test but he has no intention of passing them. It is this kind of frustration which the Negro is faced with for even attempting to exercise the most basic of democratic rights in Mississippi. QUESTION: What are the proofs of discrimination in voting? ANSWER: The whole pattern of voting requirements and of the registration form is calculated to make the process appear to the voter to be hopeless. The process is a complicated one which culminates in the would-be voter’s name being published in the paper. Why publish a prospective voter’s name in the paper—like announcing his marriage or the 187


birth of a child? The major purpose is to overwhelm the voter so that he is afraid to even attempt to register. Behind this approach is supposed to be—and all too often is—a collection of fears that someone will challenge a voter’s moral character, that he may be prosecuted for perjury. This not an altogether unfounded fear as illustrated by the fact that one man who attempted to register was accused of being morally unfit to be a voter because he and his wife were not legally married but had been living in a common-law relationship for over twenty years. In addition, publishing a prospective voter’s name announces his intention to his employer, landlord and anyone else who might retaliate with violence. It is difficult to prove, on the face of it, that the voting laws in Mississippi are purposefully discriminatory, since they apply equally to white and black. However it is by comparison with other states—particularly those outside the deep South—that the whole procedure becomes suspect. It is much less difficult to see how discrimination works at the level of the individual Negro who attempts to register. There are many evidences of brutality, economic and physical retaliation. An illustration of physical retaliation is the case of the three Negro men who went to Rankin County Courthouse to register. As one man was filling in the form, the County Sheriff came in and began questioning him. When the man told him he was registering to vote, the sheriff began beating him on the head with a blackjack and forced him out of the office. This was the result of individuals deciding on their own to register—not a planned registration campaign which had aroused feelings against Negroes. We do have clear evidence, however, that the intent of the voting laws passed by the legislature in l955 and l962 was discrimination against Negro voters. Public officials at the time carefully avoided making statements which could be used in court actions as proof of intention to discriminate. However, Governor White stated in l954 that the constitutional amendments proposed (and passed in l955) would “tend to maintain segregation.” In l962 a representative urged the legislators not to take up unnecessary questions regarding the legislation in public. So there was no real debate on the floor of the house. In recent times this policy has been strictly adhered to on any legislation affecting race in the state legislature. The comments of a legislator, who was very conscious of the power of the Citizens Council, give us an indication of how restricted the lawmakers are to differ: It’s hard for us sometimes to consider a bill on its merits if there is any way Bill Simmons (executive secretary of the Citizens Council) can attach an integration tag. For instance, a resolution was introduced in the House to urge a boycott of Memphis stores because some of them have desegregated. I knew it was ridiculous and would merely amuse North Mississippians who habitually shop in Memphis. The resolution came in the same week that four Negroes were fined in court for boycotting Clarksdale stores. Yet the hot eyes of Bill Simmons were watching. If we vote against the resolution he would have branded us. So there we were, approving a boycott while a Mississippi court was convicting Negroes for doing what we lawmakers were advocating. It just didn’t make sense. In October, l954, the Jackson Daily News editorialized on statements made by Robert Patterson, Head of the Citizens Council, about the legislation. The headline read, “The amendment is intended solely to limit Negro registration.” The Jackson Times (a now defunct newspaper) reported, “This proposed amendment is not aimed at keeping white people from voting, no matter how morally corrupt they may be. It is an ill-disguised attempt to keep qualified Negroes from voting; and as such, it should not have the support of the people of Mississippi.” This advice was not heeded, however, and the legislation was passed. The registration form itself is not too difficult in terms of its demands on the person’s literacy. There are, however, numerous factual questions which the registrant must answer, such as his precinct. The attempt to make the application appear difficult begins with its title “SWORN Written Application for Registration.” There are included a series of potentially confusing questions, which ask about the registrant’s occupation, business and employment. The numerous small questions which make up this part of the form are obviously not all necessary and could be answered by fewer questions. Then why have them? Because they provide more opportunity for error on the part of the person registering. The voter test is an exam in which the registrant must be able to write and interpret a section of the Mississippi Constitution. A Yale law graduate states that “there are some 285 sections of the state constitution, and the document is one of the most complex and confusing in the nation.” The examiner points to a section and tells the applicant to copy and interpret it. On the tester’s cognizance, you pass or fail. He has absolute power. His decision is not reviewable, and there are no standards by which it can be judged in court. The above information gives us the background of discrimination in voting in the state and some specifics of how the Registrar misuses the registration form to keep Negroes from voting. There are, however other proofs of discrimination—incident after incident of people who have been turned away from the Circuit Clerk’s office without being allowed to register; people who have been shot at, lost their jobs or otherwise have been intimidated for attempting to vote. It has always been made clear to the Negro by his white employer, landlord, or acquaintance that he is not to attempt to vote—this is the most present kind of proof of discrimination.

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QUESTION: Why isn’t the Negro allowed to vote? What does the white man fear? ANSWER: In Mississippi, where the Negro represents 42 percent of the population, perhaps the numerical reason is the most overpowering answer as to why the Negro is not allowed to vote and why the white man is so afraid. The intensity of white reaction is in direct proportion to the numbers of Negroes in a given county or area. For instance, in the gulf counties and the extreme northern hill counties where there is not as large a percentage of Negroes, opposition by whites to voting is less violent. While in the Delta counties, southern counties and the river counties, with a few exceptions, opposition is sudden, violent and explosive when Negroes attempt to register to vote in large numbers or individually. It is often the individual Negro who deviates from “his place” which frightens the white man the most. What was known and safe suddenly becomes unknown and uncontrollable. Retaliation to individuals is often death, as in the case of Herbert Lee in Amite County. Mr. Lee tried to register and encouraged others to register—for this he was shot down by a state legislator. When Negroes register in large numbers because of a voter drive, the white man can blame “outsiders” and “agitators” for stirring up things. In essence, then, the reasons Negroes are not allowed to vote and the things the white man fears are inextricably part of the same cloth. The white man fears a “Negro take-over”—block voting. Negroes controlling the state—these are the surface things. Underneath this are the sometimes conscious and sometimes unconscious fears about himself—the guilt for an enslaving system which makes a man less than human because of the color of his skin. All of this gets translated into myths about the Negroes’ inferiority, dirtiness, ignorance, violence. These myths in turn justify the system. For those people who can see beyond the myths, who either for moral or economic reasons would like to see the segregated pattern of southern life change, there is the White Citizens Council. The Council has a great deal of control of the political structure but even more than that is a “big brother” looking over the shoulder of anyone who wants to step out of line. Perhaps some quotations from Council literature can say it better. “If the Negro was permitted to obtain the ballot . . . it would mean that no qualified white man . . . could ever hold public office (and) seats now held by competent white representatives would be held by ignorant, incompetent Negroes.” “There is a vast gulf between the IQ of the Negro . . . and the average white man because of an inherent deficiency in mental ability, psychological and temperamental inadequacies, of indifference and natural indolence on the part of Negro.”; “If segregation breaks down, the social structure breaks down. . . . The Communists hope to achieve disintegration through integration America”; “Integration represents darkness, regimentation, totalitarianism, communism and destruction. . . . Segregation represents the freedom to choose one’s associates, Americanism, state sovereignty and the survival of the white race”; “The enemy cloaked in the mysterious name of ‘integration’ is hysterically assaulting the natural order, the created order in nature, the legal order under God, and above all else, the free grace of Jesus Christ.” QUESTION: What steps have been taken to give the Negroes the vote? ANSWER: The first concerted effort to get Negroes registered in Mississippi began in l961 when Bob Moses, moving into Greenwood, Mississippi, started a program to educate and encourage local people to participate in political activity. This project was sponsored by the Voter Education Project of the Southern Regional Council. As has already been discussed, the beginning of COFO came from this effort. The focus of COFO has been largely on political action. Because obtaining the individual’s right to vote is the key to full participation in the democratic process through which hopefully a deeper kind of change can come. Until 1963 much time was spent simply in becoming known in local communities and establishing the basis of a political organization which could act with united effort. The past year has seen several new attempts at education and mass registration. The Mock Campaign for Governor was one such attempt. By focusing on the Campaign with Freedom Candidates, COFO was able to garner 80-90,000 votes and in the process educate this many people to the process of voting and the importance of political participation. Freedom Days have also been planned in several communities this past spring. Most notable are the ones in Hattiesburg and Canton, Mississippi. These are voter drives sponsored by COFO to get as many people in the community as possible registered to vote. In both places a day or several days were set to get as many people as possible to go down to register. It was necessary to picket the courthouse in both Canton and Hattiesburg because of the obvious policy of discrimination on the part of the Registrar. In Canton only two or three people a day have been allowed to take the test at all. Picketing has been allowed by the local officials, which in itself is an innovation in Mississippi, where people have never been allowed to picket over five minutes without being arrested. The National Council of Churches has cooperated in this project by sending teams of northern ministers to each city to act as observers and to be in a negotiating role with city officials and sympathetic whites. This has tended to keep down the violence but has not stopped arrests altogether. —The document is from: SNCC, The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers, 1959-1972 (Sanford, NC: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982) Reel 67, File 328, Page 0346 The original papers are at the King Library and Archives, The Martin Luther King Jr. Center for Nonviolent Social Change, Atlanta, GA 189


“The great aim of your life should be to keep your powers up to the highest possible standard, to so conserve your energies, guard your health, that you can make every occasion a great occasion.” —Orison Swett Marden

DR. EL SENZENGAKULU “BABA” ZULU He was an organizer of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). He worked to help organize the Freedom Rides. During the 60’s Baba Zulu was arrested 69 times for the liberation struggle of Afrikan people. After their release Baba Zulu and the other SNCC members remained in Mississippi to further the struggles for freedom. El Zulu was stationed in Mississippi (McComb, Jackson and Tougaloo College). Classes in direct action and voter registration were held in McComb. As the brothers and sisters became more aware, politically and socially, they began to participate in direct action against racism. This resulted in 113 students being expelled from school. The responsibility for teaching these students fell to those who were organizing. Therefore, the Freedom Schools were developed. From this it was clear that there was a need for our people to create another educational system. This was the beginning of Baba Zulus’ thoughts to open up his own school because he knew that at some point we had to open up our schools to teach our own history. After leaving Mississippi in 1964 he received two scholarships one for Harvard Law School and one from Howard University Law School. He chose Howard University Law School. While attending Howard University Law School, Baba Zulu received a call from James Forman, Executive Secretary of SNCC, requesting his help with the Selma, Alabama Crisis. The assignment was the Washington, DC chapter of SNCC. He went to the White House as a SNCC representative along with H. Rap Brown, NAG; Walter Fauntory, SCLC; The Urban League and others. This visit was to urge the president to send troops to protect the people during the civil rights demonstrations in Alabama. Baba Zulu and Marion Barry as members of the DC chapter of SNCC organized the Free DC Movement that provided help with the voters’ registration, improved housing, transportation charges, food and shelter for the homeless and the struggle against police brutality. In 1966 Marion Barry resigned and Baba Zulu became director of the DC Chapter. At this time he organized the freedom schools in DC in order to help our youth with reading, writing and their history. In January of 1968 The Ujamaa Afrikan Shop was opened to build a financial basis for an independent Afrikan community school. On May 4, 1968 Ujamaa School opened with 3 students in preschool and added a grade each year up through high school. Ujamaa School is an ungraded school system. He chose that system because it allowed him to move students according to their ability. Ujamaa School is the first and oldest Afrikan independent school in the USA. In the last 40 years many students have graduated from high school, some as early as age 14. The majority of the students who graduated went on to receive honors and degrees from major universities. Some have returned to teach at the school. Many of our graduates now have families of their own and have chosen to send their children to Ujamaa.

UJAMMA SCHOOL UJAMAA SHULE was founded to provide an educational institution that would ensure Afrikan children the development of a strong positive self-image, a sense of values, and the achievement of academic excellence. UJAMAA’s program provides for training in all facets of life; building character, independence, self-sufficiency and positive approaches to meeting life’s challenges.It is the mission of UJAMAA to develop the total being and ensure each child reaches his or her highest potential. Ujamaa School ▪ 1554 8th St NW ▪ Washington, DC 20002

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"I am not bound to win in what I attempt, but I am bound to be a man. I am bound to be true to the best I know, any departure from this is contemptible cowardice." —Abraham Lincoln

JUDICIAL RULINGS An important case won in Sunflower County, the home of Senator James O. Eastland was a ruling by District Judge Claude F. Clayton. He ruled that the Sunflower County voter registrar’s office had discriminated against Blacks for more than ten years. He ordered immediate use of less stringent standards for Black voter applicants until April 8, 19676. Judge Clayton issued a sweeping six-page order, permanently enjoining Registrar Cecil C. Campbell, his successors, and agents from any act resulting in discrimination in the voter registration process. “Since January 26, 1955, as before,, defendant and his agents have permitted white persons to register although they could not read or write while rejecting a number of Blacks who demonstrated their ability to read and write by completing correctly substantial parts of the application form,” said Judge Clayton. In the judge’s decision it was pointed out that Sunflower County Blacks had been refused permission to apply to vote, subjected to unreasonable delays, denied assistance furnished white person, advised falsely that they had failed tests, required to take them, and in effect denied the right to vote through placing of their names in obsolete registration books.

The court order provided that Blacks be given the same treatment as whites. —U. W. Court Hits Rules Impeding Negro Voting, Commercial Appeal, April 9, 1965, p.1

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“The best treasure that a man can attain unto in this world is true knowledge; even the knowledge of himself. For man is the greatest mystery of G_D, the microcosm, or complete abridgement of the whole universe. He/she is G_D’s masterpiece, a living emblem and hieroglypic of eternity and time; and therefore to know whence he is and what his temporal and eternal being and well-being are, must needs be that one necessary thing, to which all our chief study should aim and in comparison of which all the wealth of this world is but dross, and a loss to us.” —Jacob Boehme

FORBIDDEN IN SLAVERY Free Agency

A Home

Your Free Name

Financial Independence

The Right To Vote

Rootedness In Nature

A Wholistic Quality Education

Protection Under The Law

Purposeful Living

Healthcare

Freedom of Mobility Pure and Natural Sex

Recognition of the Motherland (culture, language, history)

Self-determination

The Pursuit of Happiness

A Family

Healthy Food

“Without cleansing, purification, confession and repentance, there is no remission of sin. This is completely different from the statement “without the shedding of blood there is no remission of sin.” This latter statement is the religion of Cain and Abel and not the religion of Christ Consciousness. For Christ Consciousness deals with all truth and all power that is necessary to carry out the purpose for which G_D created mankind. Without the truth of the fall, and the truth of the restoration, there is no personal nor social salvation. Truth is the shared definition and purpose of man that leads to harmony, justice, peace, and prosperity. Truth is that which leads to the restoration of Man.” —Reverend James L. Bevel

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At his best, man is the noblest of all animals; separated from law and justice he is the worst. —Aristotle

KU KLUX KLAN At the end of the American Civil War radical members of Congress attempted to destroy the white power structure of the Rebel states. The Freeman's Bureau was established by Congress on 3rd March, 1865. The bureau was designed to protect the interests of former slaves. This included helping them to find new employment and to improve educational and health facilities. In the year that followed the bureau spent $17,000,000 establishing 4,000 schools, 100 hospitals and providing homes and food for former slaves. Attempts by Congress to extend the powers of the Freemen's Bureau was vetoed by President Andrew Johnson in February, 1866. In April 1866, Johnson also vetoed the Civil Rights Bill that was designed to protect freed slaves from Southern Black Codes (laws that placed severe restrictions on freed slaves such as prohibiting their right to vote, forbidding them to sit on juries, limiting their right to testify against white men, carrying weapons in public places and working in certain occupations). The election of 1866 increased the number of Radical Republicans in Congress. The following year Congress passed the first Reconstruction Act. The South was now divided into five military districts, each under a major general. New elections were to be held in each state with freed male slaves being allowed to vote. The act also included an amendment that offered readmission to the Southern states after they had ratified the Fourteenth Amendment and guaranteed adult male suffrage. Johnson immediately vetoed the bill but Congress re-passed the bill the same day. The first branch of the Ku Klux Klan was established in Pulaski, Tennessee, in May, 1866. A year later a general organization of local Klans was established in Nashville in April, 1867. Most of the leaders were former members of the Confederate Army and the first Grand Wizard was Nathan Forrest, an outstanding general during the American Civil War. During the next two years Klansmen wearing masks, white cardboard hats and draped in white sheets, tortured and killed black Americans and sympathetic whites. Immigrants, who they blamed for the election of Radical Republicans, were also targets of their hatred. Between 1868 and 1870 the Ku Klux Klan played an important role in restoring white rule in North Carolina, Tennessee and Georgia. At first the main objective of white supremacy organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan, the White Brotherhood, the Men of Justice, the Constitutional Union Guards and the Knights of the White Camelia was to stop black people from voting. After white governments had been established in the South the Ku Klux Klan continued to undermine the power of blacks. Successful black businessmen were attacked and any attempt to form black protection groups such as trade unions was quickly dealt with. Radical Republicans in Congress such as Benjamin Butler urged President Ulysses S. Grant to take action against the Ku Klux Klan. In 1870 he instigated an investigation into the organization and the following year a Grand Jury reported that: "There has existed since 1868, in many counties of the state, an organization known as the Ku Klux Klan, or Invisible Empire of the South, which embraces in its membership a large proportion of the white population of every profession and class. The Klan has a constitution and bylaws, which provides, among other things, that each member shall furnish himself with a pistol, a Ku Klux gown and a signal instrument. The operations of the Klan are executed in the night and are invariably directed against members of the Republican Party. The Klan is inflicting summary vengeance on the colored citizens of these citizens by breaking into their houses at the dead of night, dragging them from their beds, torturing them in the most inhuman manner, and in many instances murdering." Congress passed the Ku Klux Act and it became law on 20th April, 1871. This gave the president the power to intervene in troubled states with the authority to suspend the writ of habeas corpus in countries where disturbances occurred. However, because its objective of white supremacy in the South had been achieved, the organization practically disappeared. The Ku Klux Klan was reformed in 1915 by William J. Simmons, a preacher influenced by Thomas Dixon's book, The Ku Klux Klan (1905) and the film of the book, Birth of a Nation, directed by D.W. Griffith. 193


The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) became the main opponent of the Ku Klux Klan. To show that the members of the organization would not be intimidated, it held its 1920 annual conference in Atlanta, considered at the time to be one of the most active Ku Klux Klan areas in America. After the First World War the Ku Klux Klan also became extremely hostile to Jews, Roman Catholics, socialists, communists and anybody they identified as foreigners. In November 1922 Hiram W. Evans became the Klan's Imperial Wizard. Under his leadership the organization grew rapidly and in the 1920s Klansmen were elected to positions of political power. This included state officials in Texas, Oklahoma, Indiana, Oregon and Maine. By 1925 membership reached 4,000,000. Even on the rare occasions they were arrested for serious crimes, Klansmen were unlikely to be convicted by local Southern juries. After the conviction of the Klan leader, David C. Stephenson, for second-degree murder, and evidence of corruption by other members such as the governor of Indiana and the mayor of Indianapolis, membership fell to around 30,000. This trend continued during the Great Depression and the Second World War and in 1944 the organization. was disbanded. In the 1950s the emergence of the Civil Rights Movement resulted in a revival in Ku Klux Klan organizations. The most of important of these was the White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan led by Robert Shelton. In the Deep South considerable pressure was put on blacks by klansmen not to vote. An example of this was the state of Mississippi. By 1960, 42% of the population were black but only 2% were registered to vote. Lynching was still employed as a method of terrorizing the local black population. On Sunday, 15th September, 1963, a white man was seen getting out of a white and turquoise Chevrolet car and placing a box under the steps of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church. Soon afterwards, at 10.22 a.m., the bomb exploded killing Denise McNair (11), Addie Mae Collins (14), Carole Robertson (14) and Cynthia Wesley (14). The four girls had been attending Sunday school classes at the church. Twenty-three other people were also hurt by the blast. A witness identified Robert Chambliss, a member of the Ku Klux Klan, as the man who placed the bomb under the steps of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church. He was arrested and charged with murder and possessing a box of 122 sticks of dynamite without a permit. On 8th October, 1963, Chambliss was found not guilty of murder and received a hundreddollar fine and a six-month jail sentence for having the dynamite. In 1964 the NAACP, the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) organized its Freedom Summer campaign. Its main objective was to try an end the political disenfranchisement of African Americans in the Deep South. Volunteers from the three organizations decided to concentrate its efforts in Mississippi. The three organizations established 30 Freedom Schools in towns throughout Mississippi. Volunteers taught in the schools and the curriculum now included black history, the philosophy of the civil rights movement. During the summer of 1964 over 3,000 students attended these schools and the experiment provided a model for future educational programs such as Head Start. Freedom Schools were often targets of white mobs. So also were the homes of local African Americans involved in the campaign. That summer 30 black homes and 37 black churches were firebombed. Over 80 volunteers were beaten by white mobs or racist police officers and three men, James Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, were murdered by the Ku Klux Klan on 21st June, 1964. These deaths created nation-wide publicity for the campaign. The Sixteenth Street Baptist Church Bombing was unsolved until Bill Baxley was elected attorney general of Alabama. He requested the original Federal Bureau of Investigation files on the case and discovered that the organization had accumulated a great deal of evidence against Chambliss that had not been used in the original trial. In November, 1977 Chambliss was tried once again for the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church bombing. Now aged 73, Chambliss was found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment. In 1981 the trial of Josephus Andersonan, an African American charged with the murder of a white policeman, took place in Mobile. At the end of the case the jury was unable to reach a verdict. This upset members of the local Ku Klux Klan who believed that the reason for this was that some members of the jury were African Americans. At a meeting 194


held after the trial, Bennie Hays, the second-highest ranking official in the Klan in Alabama said: "If a black man can get away with killing a white man, we ought to be able to get away with killing a black man." On Saturday 21st March, 1981, Bennie Hays's son, Henry Hays, and James Knowles, decided they would get revenge for the failure of the courts to convict the man for killing a policeman. They travelled around Mobile in their car until they found nineteen year old Michael Donald walking home. After forcing him into the car Donald was taken into the next county where he was lynched. A brief investigation took place and eventually the local police claimed that Donald had been murdered as a result of a disagreement over a drugs deal. Donald's mother, Beulah Mae Donald, who knew that her son was not involved with drugs, was determined to obtain justice. She contacted Jessie Jackson who came to Mobile and led a protest march about the failed police investigation. Thomas Figures, the assistant United States attorney in Mobile, managed to persuade the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to look into the case. James Bodman was sent to Mobile and it did not take him long to persuade James Knowles to confess to the killing of Michael Donald. In June 1983, Knowles was found guilty of violating Donald's civil rights and was sentenced to life imprisonment. Six months later, when Henry Hays was tried for murder, Knowles appeared as chief prosecution witness. Hays was found guilty and sentenced to death. With the support of Morris Dees and Joseph J. Levin at the Southern Poverty Law Centre (SPLC), Beulah Mae Donald decided that she would use this case to try and destroy the Ku Klux Klan in Alabama. Her civil suit against the United Klans of America took place in February 1987. The all-white jury found the Klan responsible for the lynching of Michael Donald and ordered it to pay 7 million dollars. This resulted the Klan having to hand over all its assets including its national headquarters in Tuscaloosa. After a long-drawn out legal struggle, Henry Hayes was executed on 6th June, 1997. It was the first time a white man had been executed for a crime against an African American since 1913. On 17th May, 2000, the FBI announced that the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church Bombing had been carried out by the Ku Klux Klan splinter group, the Cahaba Boys. It was claimed that four men, Robert Chambliss, Herman Cash, Thomas Blanton and Bobby Cherry had been responsible for the crime. Cash was dead but Blanton and Cherry were arrested. In May 2002 the 71 year old Bobby Cherry was convicted of the murder of Denise McNair, Addie Mae Collins, Carole Robertson and Cynthia Wesley and was sentenced to life in prison. —http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/USAkkk.htm

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Where justice is denied, where poverty is enforced, where ignorance prevails, and where any one class is made to feel that society is an organized conspiracy to oppress, rob and degrade them, neither persons nor property will be safe. —Frederick Douglas

THE SOUTHERN DEMOCRATIC PARTY 1972 - Unknown · Democrats opposed the Abolitionist · Democrats supported slavery and fought and gave their lives to expand it · Democrats supported and passed the Fugitive Slave Laws of 1793 & 1854 · Democrats supported and passed the Missouri Compromise to protect slavery · Democrats supported and passed the Kansas Nebraska Act to expand slavery · Democrats supported and backed the Dred Scott Decision · Democrats supported and passed Jim Crow Laws · Democrats supported and passed Black Codes · Democrats opposed educating blacks and murdered our teachers · Democrats opposed the Reconstruction Act of 1867 · Democrats opposed the Freedman’s Bureau as it pertained to blacks · Democrats opposed the Emancipation Proclamation · Democrats opposed the 13th , 14th, and 15th Amendments to end slavery, make black citizens and give blacks the right to vote · Democrats opposed the Civil Rights Act of 1866 · Democrats opposed the Civil Right Act of 1875 and had it overturned by U.S. Supreme Court · Various Democrats opposed the 1957 Civil Rights Acts · Various Democrats argued against the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Acts · Various Democrats argued against the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Acts · Various Democrats voted against the 1972 Equal Employment Opportunity Act · Democrats supported and backed Judge John Ferguson in the case of Plessy v Ferguson · Democrats supported the School Board of Topeka Kansas in the case of Brown v The Board of Education of Topeka Kansas · Southern Democrats opposed desegregation and integration · Southern Democrats orchestrated a plan to destroy the manhood of African Americans. · Democrats started and supported several terrorist organizations including the Ku Klux Klan, an organization dedicated to use any means possible to terrorize African Americans and those who supported African Americans. —Excerpts in part from Reverend Wayne Perryman

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"Do not keep silent when your own ideas and values are being attacked. ...If a dictatorship ever comes to this country, it will be by the default of those who keep silent. We are still free enough to speak. Do we have time? No one can tell." — Ayn Rand, Philosophy: Who Needs It

THE WHITE CITIZENS’ COUNCIL It’s important to understand what the White Citizens’ Council and Democratic Party of Mississippi believe and stand for. In the North, White Citizens’ Council supporters may talk about States Rights and Constitutional government. But in Mississippi it sounds much different. And its main purposes are to prevent Negroes from voting, to maintain white supremacy and racial segregation in all phases of life, and to squash any semblance of Negro or Negro and white organization which is concerned with making changes in the Mississippi pattern of life. The White Citizens’ Councils’ principal techniques are economic intimidation and political control of the state. Following is a statement from Mississippi Governor Vardaman in 1907, which the White Citizens’ Council includes in its standard literature packet available from the Greenwood headquarters of the Council. “The Negro should never have been trusted with the ballot. He is different from the white man. He is congenitally unqualified to exercise the most responsible duty of citizenship. He is physically, mentally, morally, racially and eternally the white man’s inferior. There is nothing in the history of his race, nothing in his individual character, nothing in his achievements of the past nor his promise for the future which entitles him to stand side by side with the white man at the ballot box. . . . “We must repeal the Fifteenth and modify the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. Then we shall be able to recognize in our legislation the Negro’s racial peculiarities, and make laws to fit them. This would leave the matter precisely as was intended by the father of the Republic.” At a Harrison County White Citizens’ Council banquet on May 2, 1964, Master of Ceremonies Raymond Butler ended his remarks with the following statement: “Throughout the pages of history there is only one third class race which has been treated like a second class race and complained about it—and that race is the American Nigger.” Mr. Butler introduced several important Mississippians who had attended the banquet. Most prominent among them was the Chairman of the State Democratic Executive Committee, Bidwell Adam. Mr. Adam is also Chairman of the Harrison County Democratic Executive Committee. Mr. Butler also introduced the Sheriff of Harrison County, the President of the Gulfport Port Authority and state representative Jim True, a Council member. The guest speaker at the banquet was General Edwin A. Walker, who was introduced by Medford Evans. Mr. Evans, who holds a PhD. from Yale University is a consultant to the Citizens’ Councils of America. He is also a member of the White Citizens’ Councils of Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, Georgia, South Carolina and North Carolina. Mr. Evans is Secretary of the Louisiana States’ Rights Party, Coordinator of the John Birch Society and was consultant to General Edwin A. Walker at the Senate Preparedness Sub-Committee hearings when General Walker was recalled from Germany. Mr. Evans said of the White Citizens’ Councils: “It is the only organization which recognize . . . that the key to world revolution, in which we are involved against the revolutionaries, is the racial issue. People are increasingly aware of this due to the racial extremists and our Ambassador of Intelligence in the North: Governor Wallace.” Of General Walker, Evans said: “The most important individual in the United States is General Edwin A. Walker.” During his speech, General Walker noted that half the proceeds of the banquet would be sent to the Governor Wallace’s Presidential primary campaigns. How does the Citizens’ Council operate? A voter registration drive and boycott of white merchants in Canton this year was met with large numbers of arrests of 197


civil rights workers and local citizens and with economic reprisals against Canton’s Negro residents. The State Senator and two State Representatives from Madison County (in which Canton is located) are White Citizens’ Council members. They sponsored bills making the distribution of literature concerning the boycott a crime. The white political and economic domination should be contrasted with the population figures: Madison County has 9,267 whites and 23,630 Negroes, according [to] the 1960 U.S. Census. The Canton Citizens’ Council distributed an open letter to whites in Canton, calling for their support against Negro efforts to change their way of life. Here are excerpts from that letter: Dear Fellow White Citizens: . . . THE WHITE CITIZENS OF CANTON MUST BE UNIFIED IN ORDER TO SAVE CANTON FROM MASS CONFUSION LEADING TO RACE MIXING. Organization is the key to victory! The Canton Citizens Council is the gathering place for those white men and women who are determined to keep the white people in all governmental positions and in complete control of our way of life. . . . Thank you for your support and continued effort to keep Canton, Madison County and Mississippi in the hands of white men and women. Sincerely, Gus Nobl, President

We have seen some of the approaches of the White Citizens’ Councils. Now let’s look at the position of the Mississippi Democratic Party. The Mississippi Democratic Party dominates the politics of Mississippi. The Republicans have only one member in the State Legislature and none in the Executive Branch or among the Congressional and Senatorial delegations. And the White Citizens’ Councils dominate the Mississippi Democratic Party. First let’s look at the platform of the Mississippi Democratic party, adopted in Convention, June 30, 1960. “We believe in the segregation of the races and are unalterably opposed to repeal or modification of the segregation laws of this State, and we condemn integration and the practice of non-segregation. We unalterably oppose any and all efforts to repeal the miscegenation laws. We believe in the doctrine of interposition as defined in the appropriate resolution adopted by the Legislature of the State of Mississippi at its regular session of 1956. . . . We believe in the separation of the races in the universities and colleges, in the public schools, in public transportation, in public parks, in public playgrounds, and in all spheres of activity where experience has shown that it is for the best interest of both races that such separation be observed.” —“Mississippi Power Structure” was written by Jack Minnis and the SNCC research staff. The document is from: SNCC, The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers, 1959-1972 (Sanford, NC: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982) Reel 67, File 339, Page 0746. The original papers are at the King Library and Archives, The Martin Luther King Jr. Center for Nonviolent Social Change, Atlanta, GA

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Until justice is blind to color, until education is unaware of race, until opportunity is unconcerned with the color of men's skins, emancipation will be a proclamation but not a fact. —Lyndon B. Johnson

CRIME & TERRORISM What is a crime? A normative definition views crime as deviant behavior that violates prevailing norms – cultural standards prescribing how humans ought to behave normally. This approach considers the complex realities surrounding the concept of crime and seeks to understand how changing social, political, psychological, and economic conditions may affect changing definitions of crime and the form of the legal, law-enforcement, and penal responses made by society. These structural realities remain fluid and often contentious. For example: as cultures change and the political environment shifts, societies may criminalize or decriminalize certain behaviors, which will directly affect the statistical crime rates, influence the allocation of resources for the enforcement of laws, and (re-)influence the general public opinion. Similarly, changes in the collection and/or calculation of data on crime may affect the public perceptions of the extent of any given "crime problem". All such adjustments to crime statistics, allied with the experience of people in their everyday lives, shape attitudes on the extent to which the State should use law or social engineering to enforce or encourage any particular social norm. Behavior can be controlled and influenced in many ways without having to resort to the criminal justice system. Indeed, in those cases where no clear consensus exists on a given norm, the drafting of criminal law by the group in power to prohibit the behavior of another group may seem to some observers an improper limitation of the second group's freedom, and the ordinary members of society have less respect for the law or laws in general — whether the authorities actually enforce the disputed law or not. What is terrorism? Violent acts which are intended to create fear (terror), are perpetrated for a religious, political or ideological goal, deliberately target or disregard the safety of non-combatants (civilians), and are committed by non-government agencies. The use of violence and threats to intimidate or coerce, especially for political purposes. Terrorism is clearly a threat to human life and represents a certain threat to the social and economic order. It must be combated with all the resources of the state, because it is the role of the state, first and foremost, to provide for the security of its citizens. At the same time, overestimating the impact of terrorism on the society and economy of a given country may result not only in a misallocation of resources, but could provide the terrorists with a psychological victory and enhanced prestige through overestimating their importance and their impact. This enhanced prestige may result in greater recruitment potential, provision of more financial support and the creation of new sources of revenue, provision of greater popular support, enhanced political power, and other benefits for the terrorist organization. Consequently, overestimating the impact of terrorism may prove as dangerous and deadly as underestimating its impact. —Nadav Morag is Chair of the Political Science Department at the University of Judaismand adjunct professor at the Naval Postgraduate School. Effects of Deliberate Mass Violence: The rates of PTSD and stress-related problems are greater following events caused by deliberate violence than after natural disasters. Effects of Ongoing Terrorist Threats: The ongoing threat of new terrorist attacks, especially biological & chemical attacks, causes adverse psychological effects to large percentages of the population. The primary adverse psychological effects are: A. Chronic states of high stress resulting in stress-related health problems; B. Chronic states of low grade suspicion, paranoia, and hyper vigilance; C. Persistent feelings of anxiety, fear, and dread; 199


D. Confusion, and uncertainty. E. Reduced resiliency, increased depression and demoralization as a result of continuous exposure to the threat of recurrent trauma. Slavery completely devastated Black Americans. First of all, the numbers of blacks who didn't even survive the journey by ship from the African coast to America is staggering. Many millions died on the way over from disease, malnutrition, and suffocation. For those who made it over, slavery destroyed most ties to their native African countries, decimating linguistic and cultural links to Africa. For survival, these Africans had to learn to speak English. Remember: the enslavers took Africans from all over the West Coast of Africa. These Africans were from different tribes, which had their own languages and customs. Just because these people were all Africans didn't mean that they spoke the same languages. English became a common language between these different groups of people who had no other choice. Slavery completely disrupted the notion of the black family because family members could be sold away from one another at any time. Mothers could be torn away from their infants; husbands could be sold away from their wives without warning. Slavery made blacks into work animals, or beasts of burden, who were expected to work from sun up to sundown without stopping, and who were sometimes actually bred like cattle or horses to make better, stronger slaves. Slavery also made black men, women and children extremely vulnerable to brutal violence, the likes of which we cannot even imagine today: rape, murder, torture, lynching's, tar and feathering, whipping, etc. Slavery also caused severe emotional and psychological trauma, which resulted in oftentimes in self-hatred because blacks were taught that everything black was bad and everything white was good. Some blacks learned to hate the color of their skin, their physical features, and the texture of their hair because they were told over and over that they were ugly because they weren't European. Slavery kept blacks from being educated in large numbers because it was illegal for slaves to learn to read and write. Slave owners were afraid that educated slaves would find a way to organize themselves and begin a revolution that would end slavery.—Answers.com The social side effects of slavery are these: denial, a sense of inferiority/superiority, not acknowledging the inhumanity of it, injustice, continued cruelty, bigotry, racism, denial of well rounded education, facts excluded from history, denied decent housing and are trapped in inferior neighborhoods and communities, harassed by law enforcement, if they live in nicer neighborhoods or drive nice cars. thinking that people are not still affected by it, bigotry, sexism, misidentification in literature, history, art, science, religion and presumed ignorant or crazy by reason of Skin Color and or gender. (Freudian Psychology/Darwinism) Slaves had no control of their own bodies and were raped by their slave owners often in front of her husband who could do nothing nor could he defend and protect his children. Many of the children of slave owners by these slave women were bought and sold like cattle. Some of them were Thomas Jefferson and George Washington and his sons! Children of Africans and other groups of Color are still being placed with those not of their same race or heritage. African Americans cannot afford to adopt, as they struggle to take care of themselves and family members. It is interesting to note that the same thing was done with African slaves initially by Africans and then was continued in Slavery in the Americas by selling and tearing entire families apart, never to see each other again. We hear this patronizing banter about tearing Hispanic families apart. For most of them, they are not bought and sold as Slaves! They can at least Know where home is. Most African Americans don't know what tribes they originated from or the areas they came from. For those that remain, America is home and do not speak the languages or know those cultures! Most are Mixed with European and Native American ancestry. A few People who are descendants of slaves often are "chained in the brain" and cannot let go of living a low lifestyle and not respect themselves or others and their property. Sell themselves and drugs to get ahead, not realizing they are doing a disservice to themselves and their community. 200


Those that come from the privileged classes assume they are all in gangs, are prostitutes, criminals and not as good or intelligent as themselves and frequently use other minorities against each other. Often mis-identifying them and claim "They all Look alike". Some people think that these facts are being used as a crutch for not staying out of trouble and are biased against them. These privileged classes think they are using it as a crutch in not accomplishing and being upwardly mobile in society, when there is a "glass ceiling" firmly established and a code of silence in the mistreatment of women and minorities are still in place. Emotional baggage carried ceaselessly by generation after generation, in time seems to become ingrained into one's sub-conscious. While physical freedom was already obtained with emancipation, liberation from such baggage is psychological and requires recognition of its presence and how, when and why it was infused into us. These limitations are believed to contribute to a range of negative behavior in individuals and the wider community and many, recognizing the effects, have determined to shed these encumbrances, but many more are unaware. The truth is that as a people, we have been carrying debilitating baggage for centuries - likely conceived in slavery from the time of our forefathers. This yoke must now be shed. For more than 250 years, slaves in this hemisphere were traumatized, dehumanized and murdered to an extent unequalled in known history. And for over 100 years since emancipation, the Caribbean and South America were under colonial dominance and the United States under racial segregation. In fact, the post-emancipation period began with the abused, exploited slaves at the foot of the social and economic ladder. Most research on their descendants has been done in the U.S.A. where, as a racial minority, such research has been largely focused on crime and violence as indicative of both current and future problems to be confronted, rather than on the causative factors, including the psychological impact of sustained trauma over several generations On the other hand, the Jews, although experiencing persecution leading to the unspeakable cruelties of the holocaust during the much shorter period of eight years, have done extensive studies of the psychological impact of the trauma, tracked through succeeding Jewish generations and have noted specific behavioral traces. Trauma passed on A school of thought has been obtaining increasing support for the concept that the psychological damage from slavery has been passed through succeeding generations to the present. In Jamaica's case, this would have been absorbed during the over 250 years of slavery, transmitted and further reinfused during the over 100 years since emancipation as 'hewers of wood and drawers of water' for Britain. They argue that for over two centuries, successive generations experienced the trauma of losing home, family and language. They were degraded, whipped, abused and witnessed the rape and murder of others. For over two centuries, successive generations in response developed means of adopting pre-emptive actions to avoid punishment and being sold. When suffering did occur, they learnt how to survive and overcome until these behavioral reactions became virtually embedded into the psyche and can be traced through the family and community of successive generations. This has resulted generally in a sense of fear, powerlessness and an ingrained sense of unentitlement and lack of self-worth. They affirm that although universally there are inescapable common patterns of human behaviors, yet extreme trauma- generating experiences over time, such as slavery, can create greater emphasis on these behaviors. Implements of production Before the slave trade was abolished, slaves were exhaustively used as mere implements of production. Therefore, in maximizing production, more males were brought to Jamaica than females. The breeding of slaves would then have been uneconomic in cost and time and in any event, families as basic socializing units were not the focus, although there were emotional ties. The system of hard labor, being sold, or death, ensured the habitual absence of males from domestic units, causing 201


considerable strain on the more consistently-present female-heads. Those women tended to develop a 'superwoman' syndrome, taking care of all in need in the community, e.g. mothering orphans or ill males in the community - "Gi this little dinnah to Mass Lennie ovah deh, im no hab nobody" - but never feeling entitled to anything for themselves. Female slaves neither controlled who they had sex with nor were protected against being raped by white officials or male slaves. The former rationalized that black women were part animal with an animal's appetite for sex - always sexually ready. Female slaves, while de-veloping a shame for their bodies, felt both intense fear and anger. These deepseated emotions were transmitted through daughters in successive generations, though evidenced in opposing ways between stringent modesty and flaunting immodesty characterized by dancehall fashion. The absence of fathers/husbands meant the scarcity of role models, which tends to become self-perpetuating through the generations, as sons, having no mentors to imitate, fumbled through their own personal experiences. Rather than becoming responsible men, they remained just male, boastfully focusing on the number of children sired [given its commercial importance after the abolition of the slave trade], these being thereby a dual 'badge of honor'. As such, behaviors became entrenched through the generations. They, in turn, generated many problems for individuals, families and communities. Statistics based on the black community in the U.S.A. affirm that the highest incidence of teenage pregnancies, prison, sex and drug abuse occurs in domestic units without fathers - results many believe to be similar in Jamaica. It is by understanding the influences on our behavior that we are able to be free and fortify ourselves against re-enslavement and its debilitating by-products. The supervisor saw children as an unproductive budget cost and so they were frequently punished by the parent, even for trivialities, the rationale being 'children are to be seen and not heard' - an implicit limitation imposed on their development through the generations. By punishing the child, some parents were posturing a sense of power in the midst of real powerlessness. This is still a reality today. Institutionalized Another is the petrifying stare of an adult female slave silently yet unambiguously demanding the child to cease whatever he or she was doing without attracting the overseer's attention. That stare survives today. The overseer's compliment for a child had to be met with deprecating comments, - "Yes Massa, but him stupid" - making the child unattractive for selling, but by insulting instead of encouraging, inculcating into the child uncertainty of worth and ability. Encouragement is still scarce today. As parenting is largely learnt by imitating, so many of these practices become institutionalized. As the slaves, largely young, strong men, greatly outnumbered the white settlers, the latter vigorously applied a policy of divide and rule over every possible activity - black field slaves against the usually fairer complexioned house slaves, men against women etc. - it is thought inculcating through the succeeding generations today's 'crabs in the barrel' and the feudalistic syndrome in our society. Our history attests to us being a strong, resilient people, thriving despite oppressive cruelty, yet maintaining our humanity to the point where we have responded kindly to those who were cruel to us. Despite the divide and rule policy we were, when necessary, able to put aside differences, with house slaves for example passing food and information to save the lives of black field slaves. Undergirding all this was a deep spirituality which recognized the reality of a God who sees all humans as equal and from whom they drew comfort, expressed in song through the vestiges of their own culture. But whether we accept 'trace theory of memory' or 'post-traumatic slave syndrome', there is no denying the continued existence of deviant behavior in our society which, for example, drastically affects our families and which touches all aspects of our lives. Absentee fathers and husbands, how we raise our children, the 'crabs in the barrel' syndrome of selfish disunity etc., none are ends in themselves but rather, generate waves of other major negatives in the society. These are problems of major importance which urgently require healing. The research available to date does suggest that many of our behavior patterns can be traced to trauma experienced during the centuries of slavery and colonialism and propose that its findings not be used as an excuse, but as a means of 202


becoming liberated. Research needed This needed liberation is on three fronts: we need every individual to be acquainted with our culture and true history, generating pride, a sense of self- worth and an entitlement to realizing his/her full potential. At the community level, we need to reorder our education system, relating it to a national plan and at its core, the ability to think and reason - basics to real understanding. At the national level, needed is leadership that understands our path through history with the competence and commitment to facilitate the progress, not to be an obstacle. Needed at all levels is a church which replaces current philosophy for the applied word of God. But a considerable amount of research is still needed in Jamaica (and the United States) to trace and fully understand today's manifestation of the effect of centuries of consistently intense trauma. While we have talented and experienced academics and social workers in the areas of sociology, social psychology and anthropology, substantial funding is crucial. Our people are our most valuable asset; we need them liberated and at their full potential. Perhaps our private sector and the Diaspora will see this as an area not yet fully explored and worthy of their support and enlightened self interest. —Errol Hewitt, estahewitt@yahoo.com

“If there is no enemy within, the enemy outside can do us no harm.” —African Proverb

“No one can be integrated, no one can function harmoniously, no one can think clearly and effectively about the deep issues of life who is oblivious to the internal signals, manifested as feelings and emotions, rising from within the self-organism. Most of us have been encouraged to deny and repress who we are, to disown our feelings, to disown important aspects of the self, almost from the day we were born. The road back to selfhood usually entails a good deal of struggle and courage.” Nathaniel Braden, Ph.D., The Psychology of Self-Esteem

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"Just because you do not take an interest in politics doesn't mean politics won't take an interest in you." — Pericles, 430 B.C.

WILLIE RICKS His activities have carried him all over this country and throughout the African World in an effort to eliminate the misery and suffering that peoples of African descent have been subjected to ever since the slave trade depopulated Africa of million of its sons and daughters. As the Field Secretary for the SNCC, Ricks organized countless sit-ins, marches, demonstrations, and boycotts—all of which ere instrumental in destroying the overt forms of Jim Crow and racial oppression that were so prevalent in the United States less than thirty years ago. He was introduced to the Civil Rights Movement in 1960 in Chattanooga, TN, at the age of 17. For two years he was active in Chattanooga while working with the local NAACP chapter in In 1961, Ricks was contacted by the SCLC to help voter registration in Chattanooga. Speaking the language of the rural African American community, he became one of the South’s most powerful organizer’s. Ricks continued organizing in Chattanooga until he was asked to come to Georgia by SNCC in 1962. As a result he became a part of SNCC’s first Direct Action Program in Albany, Georgia where he first began to build a longterm working relationship with Martin Luther King, Jr. Ricks continued organizing for SNCC in Georgia, and then in Alabama, Mississippi and throughout the South. While organizing in Mississippi in 1964, he helped to build the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) along with Fannie Lou Hamer and others. Subsequently, Ricks returned to Alabama and helped to organize the Lowndes County Freedom Organization. This organization became known as the Black Panther Party and was the first group inside the movement to defend themselves with guns.

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“While others of my sex devoted themselves to a crusade against the laws that shackle the women of our country, I asserted my individual independence. “ —Victoria Woodhull

STOKELY CARMICHAEL Born in the Port of Spain, Trinidad, on June, 29,1941. In 1960 he joined (SNCC). In 1961 joined the Freedom Riders. In Jackson, Mississippi, he was arrested and jailed for 49 days in Parchman Penitentiary. He also worked on the Freedom Summer project and in 1966 became chairman of SNCC. He called for "black people in this country to unite, to recognize their heritage, and to build a sense of community". He also advocated that African Americans should form and lead their own organizations and urged a complete rejection of the values of American society. The following year he joined with Charles Hamilton to write the book, Black Power (1967). Some leaders of civil rights groups such as the (NAACP) and (SCLC), rejected Carmichael's ideas and accused him of black racism. Carmichael also adopted the slogan of "Black is Beautiful" and advocated a mood of black pride and a rejection of white values of style and appearance. This included adopting Afro hairstyles and African forms of dress. He began to criticize Martin Luther King and his ideology of nonviolence. He eventually joined the Black Panther Party where he became "honorary prime minister". When he denounced United States involvement in the Vietnam War, his passport was confiscated and held for ten months. When his passport was returned, he moved with his wife, Miriam Makeba, to Guinea, West Africa, where he wrote the book, Stokely Speaks: Black Power Back to Pan-Africanism (1971). He adopted the name, Kwame Ture, also helped to establish the All-African People's Revolutionary Party and worked as an aide to Guinea's prime minister, Sekou Toure. After the death of Toure in 1984 he was arrested by the new military regime and charged with trying to overthrow the government. However, he only spent three days in prison before being released. He died on cancer on November 15, 1998.

“The first need of a free people is to define their own terms.”

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AFRICAN AMERICAN CIVIL RIGHTS WOMEN This list is in no way complete, so add a name to the list for the 48th Anniversary of The Right To Vote Movement People’s Almanac. Amelia Boynton Robinson Annelle Ponder Annie Cooper Barbara Howard Bennie Ruth Johnson Crenshaw Bernice Robinson Bessie Mc Means Betty Shabazz Claudette Colvin Colia Lafayette Coretta Scott King Daisy Bates Diane Nash Dorothy Cotton Dorothy Height Dorothy Tillman Ella Baker Evelyn Turner Fannie Lou Hamer Ida B. Wells JoAnne Bland Margaret Moore Marie Foster Mattie Atkins Maxine Smith Myrlie Evers Williams

Nina Simone Rachael West Rosa Parks Septima Clark Sheyanne Web Vera Piggy Veronica Smith Victoria Gray Adams Vivian Malone Jones

WOMEN STANDING We are women standing

for that circle of strength but we are women

Racing days that weight upon us

fearing that our own power will beat us down

enduring nights that hold our abandon.

that claiming our right to choose will distance

O, we are women fighting

others from us

Refusing to accept lives that bring no gain

Yes we are women praying

We give ourselves our hope

Keeping vigils of our faith learning we can sit

And we are women dreaming

and rest and still know we are women standing

Reaching hands to men and children clasping 206

—Carol Prejean Zippert


Justice that love gives is a surrender, justice that law gives is a punishment. —Mohandes Gandhi

STATEMENTS OF DISCIPLINE OF NONVIOLENT MOVEMENTS The purpose of this material is to stimulate discussion of the values and practices of the movement. Is the movement the germ of a new society? Would we want a whole society in which people related to each other as they do in the movement? I. Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Statement of Purpose: We affirm the philosophical or religious ideal of nonviolence as the foundation of our purpose, the presupposition of our faith and the manner of our action. Nonviolence as it grows from the Judeo-Christian tradition seeks a social order of justice permeated by love. Integration of human endeavor represents the crucial first step toward such a society. Through nonviolence, courage displaces fear; love transforms hate. Acceptance dissipates prejudice; hope ends despair. Peace dominates war; faith reconciles doubt. Mutual regard cancels enmity. Justice for all overcomes injustice. The redemptive community supersedes systems of gross social immorality. Love is the central motif of nonviolence. Love is the force by which God binds man to himself and man to man. Such love goes to the extreme; it remains loving and forgiving even in the midst of hostility. It matches the capacity of evil to inflict suffering with even more enduring capacity to absorb evil, all the while persisting in love. By appealing to conscience and standing on the moral nature of human existence, nonviolence nurtures the atmosphere in which reconciliation and justice become actual possibilities. II. CORE Rules for Action (excerpts) 1. Investigate the facts carefully before determining whether or not racial injustice exists in a given situation. 2. Seek at all times to understand both the attitude of the person responsible for a policy of racial discrimination, and the social situation which engendered the attitude. Be flexible and creative, showing a willingness to participate in experiments which seem constructive, but being careful not to compromise CORE principles. 3. Make a sincere effort to avoid malice and hatred toward any group or individual. 4. Never use malicious slogans or labels to discredit any opponent. 5. Be willing to admit mistakes. 6. Meet the anger of any individual or group in the spirit of good will and creative reconciliation; submit to assault and do not retaliate in kind either by act or word. 7. Never engage in action in the name of the group except when authorized by the group or one of its action units. 8. When in action obey the orders issued by the authorized leader or spokesman of the project. Criticism (may be referred later) back to the group. III. Staff decorum suggested for SNCC SW Georgia Project: (1) There will be no consumption of alcoholic beverages. (2) Men will not be housed with women. (3) Romantic attachments on the level of ‘girl-boy friend relations’ will not be encouraged within the group. (4) The staff will go to church regularly. (5) The group shall have the power of censure.

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IV. Pledge of Freedom Riders imprisoned in Parchman Penitentiary (also discussed in Unit VII): Having, after due consideration, chosen to follow without reservation, the principles of nonviolence, we resolve while in prison: * to practice nonviolence of speech and thought as well as action; * to treat even those who may be our captors as brothers; * to engage in a continual process of cleansing of the mind and body in rededication to our wholesome cause; * to intensify our search for orderly living even when in the midst of chaos. V. From the Discipline of the San Francisco-to-Moscow Walk: General statement. The purpose of the Walk is to appeal to the mind and conscience of the American people. It is also a part of a nonviolent philosophy to have respect for all human beings and to seek to communicate with them, not to put up barriers between them and ourselves. It is recognized that dress, manners, ways of speaking, etc., of the Team members have a bearing on the impact, emotional, intellectual and spiritual, which they make on those with whom they come into contact on the Walk. We do not think any committee is in a position to lay down detailed rules on such subjects and in any case sensitivity in our relations to persons and commitment to the project and the way of nonviolence constitute the only true source of right action in these matters. Specifics Our attitude toward officials will be one of sympathetic understanding of the burdens and responsibilities they carry. No matter what the circumstances or provocation, we will not call names, make hostile remarks, nor respond with physical violence to acts directed against us. We will adhere as closely as we are able to the letter and spirit of truth in our spoken and written statements. We will always try to speak to the best in all men, rather than seeking to exploit their weaknesses to what we may believe is our advantage. Epilogue: (ask students if this sums up the foregoing): “The revolution is a need of being no longer alone, one man against another; it is an attempt to stand together and be afraid no longer . . .” (Ignazio Silone) —The document is from: NCC, The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Papers, 1959-1972 (Sanford, NC: Microfilming Corporation of America, 1982) Reel 67, File 340, Page 0797. The original papers are at the King Library and Archives, The Martin Luther King Jr. Center for Nonviolent Social Change, Atlanta, GA

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"We have met the enemy and he is us." —Walt Kelly

REPRESENTATIVE ADAM CLAYTON POWELL November 29, 1908 - April 4, 1972 Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., was born in New Haven, Connecticut. At the age of six months he moved to New York City with his older sister Blanche and his parents, Mattie Fletcher Schaffer and Adam Clayton Powell, Sr., a Baptist preacher who was assigned to serve as a minister at the century-old Abyssinian Baptist Church in midtown Manhattan. Under his leadership, the congregation grew into one of the largest in the United States. Adam Clayton Powell, Sr., oversaw the move of the church and his family during the black migration to Harlem in the 1920s. In 1937, Powell succeeded his father as pastor of the Abyssinian Baptist Church. A popular community leader, he decided to enter the local political scene. During World War II, Powell attacked racial discrimination in the military and on the domestic front. Airing his views on racism through speaking engagements and columns in The People’s Voice, a weekly newspaper he published and edited from 1941 to 1945, the feisty politician attracted national attention. Powell gained additional political experience during the war years by serving on the New York State Office of Price Administration. The creation in 1942 of a new U.S. congressional district that encompassed much of Harlem, along with name recognition and political skill, positioned Powell for a strong bid for a vacant House seat in 1944. Running on a platform that focused on the advancement of African-American rights through the promotion of fair employment practices and a ban on poll taxes and lynching, Powell received support from two of New York City’s most influential organizations, the Abyssinian Church and the local Democratic machine He was the first African-American Member to represent New York. Powell’s demand for racial equality and his uncompromising demeanor resonated with his Harlem constituents, whose support essentially guaranteed Powell a House seat for the majority of his career. Like many of his future African-American House colleagues, Powell parlayed his strong record of civil rights at the local level into a congressional career. When Congress convened on January 3, 1945, William Dawson of Illinois, the only other black Member, escorted Powell into the House Chamber for his first day in office. Powell and Dawson remained the only African-American Representatives from 1945 to 1955. In 1947, the Education Committee and the Labor Committee were merged, and Powell remained on the new panel for 11 terms, three of them as chairman. Powell was also a member of the Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs from 1955 until 1961. During his first term, he introduced legislation to extend the civil rights of District of Columbia residents, to outlaw lynching and the poll tax, and to end discrimination in the armed forces, housing, employment, and transportation. He attached an anti-discrimination clause to so many pieces of legislation, the rider became known as the Powell Amendment. Initially considered a symbolic maneuver, his rider was included in the 1964 Civil Rights Act. His commitment to prohibit federal funding to groups advocating unequal treatment of Black Americans earned him the epithet “Mr. Civil Rights”. Soon after his arrival in Washington, Powell challenged the informal regulations forbidding black Representatives from using Capitol facilities reserved for Members. Following the lead of Oscar De Priest, Powell often took black constituents to the whitesonly House Restaurant and ordered his staff to eat there. Always looking for ways to advance racial equality, Powell also successfully campaigned to desegregate the press galleries. Powell spent considerable time drawing attention to the plight of poor Africans and Asians. He urged President Dwight D. Eisenhower and other American policymakers to stand firm against colonialism and to pay greater attention to the emerging Third World. To keep the issue in the public eye, Powell made speeches on the House Floor that celebrated the anniversaries of the

independence of nations such as Ghana, Indonesia, and Sierra Leone. In the late 1950s, Powell began to make headlines outside the political realm. He was indicted for income tax evasion by a federal grand jury in 1958, and the federal government continued to investigate his finances, even though the well publicized 1960 trial ended with a hung jury. The New York Representative was criticized for taking numerous trips abroad at public expense, payroll discrepancies, and a high level of absenteeism for House votes. Asked to justify his erratic attendance record on the Hill, Powell replied, “You don’t have to be there if you know which calls to make, which buttons to push, which favors to call in.” When Representative Barden retired after the 86th Congress (1959–1961), Powell, next in seniority, assumed the chairmanship of the Committee on Education and Labor, a position he held for three terms until January 1967. Powell’s service as chairman marked the most productive period of his congressional career. The committee approved more than

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50 measures authorizing federal programs for increases in the minimum wage, education and training for the deaf, school lunches, vocational training, student loans, and standards for wages and work hours as well as aid for elementary and secondary schools and public libraries. “We have been a more productive committee in the last year and a half than the New Deal,” a committee member noted in 1965. “You talk about Roosevelt’s one hundred days—what the hell, look at what we’ve done. It’s been under Powell’s chairmanship and you’ve got to give him credit for that.” The legislation introduced by Powell’s committee helped shape much of the social policy of the John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson administrations. A personal supporter of President Kennedy and, especially, President Johnson (Powell once claimed Johnson was “the only man who could bridge the bleeding gap between the North and the South”), Powell benefited from the agendas of both Presidents. His achievements provided a beacon of hope to millions of Black Americans, his personal foibles left him vulnerable and oddly impassive to obvious consequences. “If the political system could for so long oppress and permit the subjugation of a whole people,” Hamilton wrote, “then why would [Powell] expect, as a spokesman for that people, to be accorded any better treatment?” The House Democratic Caucus stripped Powell of his committee chairmanship on January 9, 1967 because of his legal problems and unpredictable antics. The full House refused to seat him until the Judiciary Committee completed an investigation. Unimpressed by the House’s mandate to ban their Representative, Harlem’s voters sent Congress a resounding message during the special election to fill Powell’s seat on April 11, 1967. He received 86 percent of the vote but refused to take his seat and spent most of the term on the island of Bimini in the Bahamas. After he was reelected to a 12th term in November 1968, the House voted to deny Powell his seniority and to fine him for misusing payroll and travel finances. The Supreme Court helped vindicate Powell with its June 1969 ruling that the House acted unconstitutionally by excluding him from the 90th Congress. He lost to Charles Rangel who benefited from redistricting that diluted Powell’s base of power in Harlem by adding to the district a slice of the mostly white Upper West Side. Rangel edged out Powell in the primary by approximately 200 votes to become the Democratic candidate and the eventual Representative for his district. Diagnosed with cancer in 1969, Powell declined rapidly after he left Congress. He retired as minister of the Abyssinian Baptist Church in 1971 and spent his waning days in Bimini.

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U.S. Constitution - Amendment 13 Amendment 13 - Slavery Abolished 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. Proposed 1/31/1865 "Dat man ober dar say dat woman needs to be lifted ober ditches, and to have de best place every whar. Nobody eber helped me into carriages, or ober mud puddles, or gives me any best place and ar'n't I a woman? "Look at me! Look at my arm! I have plowed, and planted, and gathered into barns, and no man could head me-and ar'n't I a woman? I could work as much and eat as much as a man (when I could get it), and bear de lash as well-and ar'n't I a woman? "I have born 13 chilern and seen em mos all sold off into slavery, and when I cried out with a mother's grief, none but Jesus heard-and ar'n't I a woman?" -Sojourner Truth.

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The goal of slavery was to turn a human being into an animal for the purpose of free labor and the expression of deviant sexual behavior by Caucasian people. —Myeka

THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION 169} The federal constitution is, of course, superior to a state constitution, and any amendment conflicting with the federal instrument is invalid.16 The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. Government in America is based upon popular sovereignty. The Federal Constitution was ordained and established by "the people of the United States, "1 and guarantees to each of the several States "a republican form of government." 2 This means, in other words, a representative form. Of the American system of government, the two leading principles are, first, that laws and Constitutions can be rightfully formed and established only by the people over whom they are to be put in force; and, secondly, that the people being a corporate unit, comprising all the citizens of the state.... All government of right originates from the people, is founded in consent, and instituted for the general good. Whenever the ends of government are perverted, and public liberty manifestly endangered, and all other means of redress are ineffectual, the people may, and of right ought, to reform the old, or establish a new government. The doctrine of non-resistance against arbitrary power, and oppression, is absurd, slavish, and destructive of the good and happiness of mankind.14 The people here meant are the whole — those who constitute the entire state, male and female citizens, infants and adults. The voice of the people can be heard only through an authorized form, for, as we have seen, without this authority a part cannot speak for the whole, and this brings us back to a law as the only authority by which the will of the whole people, the body politic called the state, can be collected under an existing lawful government.25

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DR. VIRGIL WOOD He is a church leader, educator, and civil rights activist, who committed much of his life’s work to the struggle for economic and spiritual development among the nation’s disadvantaged. Ordained as a Baptist Minister in his late teens, Wood has served churches for over 50 years in Rhode Island, Massachusetts and Virginia. Dr. Wood concluded his Pastoral Ministry in 2005 at Pond Street Baptist after serving for 25 years. During his Pastorate in Lynchburg, Virginia, he became actively involved with the Civil Rights movement, setting up the Martin Luther King work there as the Lynchburg Improvement Association, a local unit of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). From 1963 to 1970, Wood led the Blue Hill Christian Center, of Boston’s Roxbury community, as its Pastoral Director, and head of the Massachusetts Unit of SCLC. He served on the National Executive Board of the SCLC for the last ten years of Dr. King’s life and work, and coordinated the State of Virginia in the Historic March on Washington April 28, 1963. Dr. Wood has many notable accomplishments. As an administrator for Opportunities Industrialization Centers of America, a job training organization serving disadvantaged and under skilled Americans of all races, he assisted in founding and establishing 13 OIC centers in eight southern states, and in Boston, Massachusetts. Wood also served as a panelist and member of three White House Conferences under the Johnson, Nixon, and Carter Administrations. Among Wood’s publications are INTRODUCTION TO BLACK CHURCH ECONOMIC STUDIES, (Sparks Press: Raleigh, N. C., 1974), ORIGININATOR and contributing editor, THE JUBILEE BIBLE, (American Bible Society, New York,) 1999; and author, “IN LOVE WE TRUST: Lessons I Learned From Martin Luther King”, published by Beckham House, Silver Spring, Maryland, February, 2005. http://soulscope.com and http://ajlp.org Dr. Wood received his Doctorate in Education from Harvard University. As an educator, he served as Dean and Director of the African American Institute, Associate Professor of Northeastern University at Boston, a Professor at Virginia Seminary and College in Lynchburg, and a visiting Lecturer, Research and Teaching Fellow at Harvard University. Martin Luther King and Associates, saw their mission as Redeeming The Soul of America, even as our allies, and friends know well that we are unable to heal the soul of any nation, until we indeed find healing for our own souls, even as Martin did for his own soul, and gave us his final report from Memphis, April 3, 1968. I have been to the mountaintop, and I have seen the promised land, and I may not get there with you, but WE AS A PEPOPLE (a people of the Beloved Community, a people of Love), WILL GET TO THE PROMISED LAND. His Fifty Year Jubilee Legacy (1968-2018), yet calls and beckons us on to—FIGURE IT ALL OUT AND JUST GET IT DONE. Then we can really celebrate his GRAND JUIBLEE, in 2018.

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DR. DOROTHY HEIGHT March 24, 1912—Apri 20, 2010

She was a leader of the African-American and women’s rights movements who was considered both the grande dame of the civil rights era and its unsung heroine. She had a career in civil rights that spanned nearly 80 years, from anti-lynching protests in the early 1930s to the inauguration of President Obama in 2009. That the American social landscape looks as it does today owes in no small part to her work. • In 1933, Height became a leader of the United Christian Youth Movement of North America in the New Deal era. It was during this period that Height's career as a civil rights advocate began to unfold, as she worked to prevent lynching, desegregate the armed • Height was an organizer and served as Vice President of the United Christian Youth Movement of North America. In this capacity she was chosen as one of 10 American youth delegates to the World Conference on Life and Work of the Churches in Oxford England. Two years later (1939), she was a representative of the YWCA to the World Conference of Christian Youth in Amsterdam Holland. • 1937 was the turning point in the life of Dorothy Height. She was serving as Assistant Executive Director of the Harlem YWCA when Mary McLeod Bethune, founder and president of the National Council of Negro Women, noticed young Height who was escorting Eleanor Roosevelt into the NCNW meeting. Mrs. Bethune invited Height to join NCNW in her quest for women's rights to full and equal employment, pay and education. • In 1938, Height was one of 10 American youth invited by Eleanor Roosevelt to spend a weekend at her Hyde Park NY home to plan and prepare for the World Youth Conference to be held at Vassar College. • Height served in her dual role as YWCA Staff member and NCNW volunteer, integrating her training as a social worker and her commitment to rise above the limitations of race and sex. She rose quickly through the ranks of the YWCA, from the Emma Ransom House in Harlem to the Executive Director of the Phyllis Wheatley Association in Washington D.C. and to the National Staff. • For thirty-three years - (1944 - 1977), Height served on the staff of the National Board of the YWCA of the USA and held several leadership positions in Public Affairs and Leadership Training and as Director of the National YWCA School for Professional Workers. In 1965, she was inaugurated and became Director of the Center for Racial Justice, a position she held until her retirement. • In l952, Height served as visiting professor at the University of Delhi, India, in the Delhi School of Social Work, which was founded by the YWCAs of India, Burma and Ceylon. She became known for her internationalism and humanitarianism, and conducted international studies and travel to expand the work of the YWCA. • Height made a study of the training of women's organizations in five African countries: Liberia, Ghana, Guinea, Sierra Leone and Nigeria under the Committee of Correspondence. • Height was elected National President of Delta Sigma Theta Sorority in 1947 - and served until l956. She carried the Sorority to a new level of organizational development, initiation eligibility and social action throughout her term. Her leadership training skills, social work background and knowledge of volunteerism benefited the Sorority as it moved into a new era of activism on the national and international scene. • In l957, Height was elected fourth National President of NCNW and served until l998 when she became Chair and President Emerita. • In 1960, Height was the woman team member leader in the United Civil Rights Leadership along with Martin Luther King, Whitney H. Young, A. Philip Randolph, James Farmer, Roy Wilkins and John Lewis. • In 1961, while Height was participating in major Civil Rights leadership, she led NCNW to deal with unmet needs among women and their families to combat hunger, develop cooperative pig banks, provided families with community freezers and showers, etc.. • In 1964, after the passage of the Civil Rights Act, Height with Polly Cowan, an NCNW Board Member, organized teams of women of different races and faith as "Wednesdays In Mississippi" to assist in the freedom schools and open communication between women of difference races. The workshops which followed stressed the need for decent housing which became the basis for NCNW in partnership with the Department of Housing and Urban Development to develop Turnkey III Home Ownership for low income families in Gulfport Mississippi. • In l970, Height directed the series of activities culminating in the YWCA Convention adopting as its "One Imperative" to the elimination of racism. • In 1970, Height established the Women's Center for Education and Career Advancement in New York City to prepare women for entry level jobs. From this experience in 1975, Height in collaboration with Pace College established a first-time Associate Degree for Professional Studies (AAPS) - now incorporated as a regular professional studies degree course at Pace University. • In l975, Height participated in the Tribunal at the International Women's Year Conference of the United Nations in Mexico City. As a result of this experience, NCNW was awarded a grant from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) to hold a conference within the conference for women from the United States, African countries, South America, Mexico and the Caribbean. This was followed with a site visit with 50 of the women to visit with rural women in Mississippi. • Under the auspices of the USAID, Height lectured in South Africa after addressing the National Convention of the Black Women's Federation of South Africa near Johannesburg (1977). —Excerpted from, http://www.ncnw.org/about/height.htm

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ALABAMA

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THE 1901 ILLEGAL AND UN-AMERICAN CONSTITUTION OF THE STATE OF ALABAMA OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF THE STATE OF ALABAMA May 21st, 1901, To September 3rd, 1901. JOHN B. KNOX, Esq., President. FRANK N. JULIAN, Esq., Secretary. PAT McGAULY, Esq., Official Stenographer MONTGOMERY, ALA., Wednesday, May 22, 1901. MR. KNOX - Gentlemen of the Convention:

IMPORTANCE OF THE ISSUE In my judgment, the people of Alabama have been called upon to face no more important situation than now confronts us, unless it be when they, in 1861, stirred by the momentous issue of impending conflict between the North and the South, were forced to decide whether they would remain in or withdraw from the Union. Then, as now, the negro was the prominent factor in the issue. WHITE SUPREMACY BY LAW But if we would have white supremacy, we must establish it by law--not by force or fraud.

These provisions are justified in law and in morals, because it is said that the negro is not discriminated against on account of his race, but on account of his intellectual and moral condition. There is a difference, it is claimed with great force, between the uneducated white man and the ignorant negro. There is in the white man an inherited capacity for government, which is wholly wanting in the negro. Before the art of reading and writing was known, the ancestors of the Anglo-Saxon had established an orderly system of government, the basis in fact of the one under which we now live. That the negro on the other hand, is descended from a race lowest in intelligence and moral preceptitions of all the races of men. As was remarked by the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Williams vs. Mississippi (170 U.S. 213), quoting the Supreme Court of Mississippi: "Restrained by the Federal Constitution from discriminating against the negro race, the Convention discriminates against its characteristics and the offense to which its criminal members are prone." As stated by Judge Cooley, the right of suffrage is not a natural right, because it exists where it is allowed to be exercised only for the good of the State--to say that those whose participation in the affairs of the State would endanger and imperil the good of the State have nevertheless, the right to participate, is not only folly in itself, but it is to set the individual above the State. 1901 Constitutional Convention 155 delegates—all white and all male. Controlled by a coalition of big planters and industrialists.

Note: This constitution still governs the State of Alabama as of August 1, 2011.

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BOOKER T. WASHINGTON SEEKS REPRESENTATION OF NEGROES AT THE 1901 ALABAMA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION

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“If once [the people] become inattentive to the public affairs, you and I, and Congress and Assemblies, Judges and Governors, shall all become wolves. It seems to be the law of our general nature, in spite of individual exceptions.” — Thomas Jefferson , 1787

ALABAMA TYPICAL VOTING REGISTRATION PROCESS FOR AN AFRICAN-AMERICAN CITIZEN In the rural counties where most black folk lived, you had to go down to the courthouse to register. The Registrars Office was only open two or three days each month for a couple of hours, usually in the morning or afternoon. You had to take off work — with or without your employer's permission — to register. And if a white employer gave such permission, or failed to fire an African-American who tried to vote, he could be driven out of business by economic retaliation from the Citizens Council. On the occasional registration day, the county Sheriff and his deputies made it their business to hang around the courthouse to discourage "undesirables" from trying to register. This meant that black women and men had to run a gauntlet of intimidation, insults, and threats just to get to the Registration office. Once in the Registrars Office they faced hatred, humiliation, and harassment from clerks and officials. The Alabama Application Form and oaths you had to take were four pages long. It was designed to intimidate and threaten. You had to swear that your answers to every single question were true under penalty of perjury. And you knew that the information you entered on the form would be passed on to the Citizens Council and KKK. Many counties used what they called the "voucher system." You had to have someone who was already a registered voter "vouch" for you — under oath and penalty of perjury — that you met the residence qualification to vote. In some counties this "supporting witness" had to accompany you to the registrars office, in others they were interviewed elsewhere. Some counties limited the number of new applicants a registered voter could vouch for in a given year to two or three. Since no white voter would dare vouch for a black applicant, in counties where only a handful of African-Americans were already registered only a few more each year could be added to the rolls. And in counties were no African-Americans were registered, none ever could because they had no one to vouch for them. In addition to completing the application and swearing the oaths, you had to pass the actual "Literacy Test" itself. Because the Movement was running "Citizenship Schools" to help folk learn how to fill out the forms and pass the test, Alabama changed the test 4 times in less than two years (1964-1965). At the time of the Selma Voting Rights campaign there were actually 100 different tests in use. In theory, each applicant was supposed to chose one at random from a big loose-leaf binder. In real life, some individual tests were easier than others and the registrar made sure that black applicants got the hardest ones. A typical test consisted of three-parts. For example: •In "Part A" the applicant was given a selection of the Constitution to read aloud. The registrar could assign you a long complex section filled with legalese and convoluted sentences, or he could tell you to read a simple one or two sentence section. The Registrar marked each word he thought you mispronounced. In some cases you had to orally interpret the section to the registrar's satisfaction. You then had to either copy out by hand a section of the Constitution, or write it down from dictation as the registrar spoke (mumbled) it. White applicants usually were allowed to copy, Black applicants usually had to take dictation. The Registrar then judged whether you were able to "read and write," of if you were "illiterate." •In Parts "B" and "C," you had to answer two different sets of four written questions each. Part "B" was 4 questions based on the excerpt you had written down. Part "C" consisted of 4 "general knowledge" questions about state and national government. Your application was then reviewed by the three-member Board of Registrars — often in secret at a later date. They voted on whether or not you passed. It was entirely up to the judgment of the Board whether you passed or failed. If you were white and missed every single question they could still pass you if — in their sole judgment — you were "qualified." If you were Black and got every one correct, they could still flunk you if they considered you "unqualified." 224


Your name was published in the local newspaper listing of those who had applied to register. That was to make sure that all of your employers, landlords, mortgage-holders, bank loan officers, business-suppliers, and etc, were kept informed of this important event. And, of course, all of the information on your application was quietly passed under the table to the White Citizens Council and KKK for appropriate action. Their job was to encourage you to withdraw your application, — or withdraw yourself out of the county, — by whatever means they deemed necessary. Some people ask how anyone, white or black, ever got through this mess to actually register? A good question. As a matter of public record, white registration in Alabama was very high, while black registration was minuscule. In the counties where African-Americans were the majority of the population, white registration was close to, or over, 100% (in some cases as high as 115%), while black registration was zero or close to it. White registration could be over 100% because when white voters died or moved out of the area their names were kept on the voting list. Oddly enough, many of them (even the dead ones), still somehow managed to actually vote (usually for the incumbent) every election day. This was commonly referred to as the "tombstone vote" and to the local politicians it was a miracle of Southern democracy

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“Declare the past, diagnose the present, foretell the future; practice these acts and make a habit of two things—to help, or at least to do no harm.”

PRELUDE TO BIRMINGHAM By Reverend James L. Bevel A series of Alabama movements, the Montgomery Boycott (1955), the Birmingham Movement (1963) and the Selma Right-to -Vote Movement (1965) were all blessings that came to black folks as a result of the NAACP being put out of Alabama. Subsequently, the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) developed local leadership. It was not subject to anyone sitting somewhere pretending to be committed to someone’s freedom only to draw a paycheck. It also precipitated the organizing of the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights headed by Fred Shuttlesworth. It also precipitated the organizing of The Dallas County Voters League, headed by Mrs. Amelia Boynton. So local leadership took responsibility based on their faith in G_D, not based on an assumption that they had some allies that were going to protect them or look after their interest in Washington.

Dr. King did a lot of preaching after the Montgomery Bus Boycott in 1955 around the country on nonviolence. So did CORE (Congress of Racial Equality) and The Fellowship of Reconciliation and the American Friends Service Committee or the Quakers. So a lot of information was distributed among students introducing the principle of nonviolence and the person of Mahatma Gandhi. Also in 1957, we had Daisy Bates and the Little Rock Nine and the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, headed by Thurgood Marshall precipitating legal action against schools denying black people access.

The idea of integrated schools had nothing to do with race or going to school with white people, it was about the right of black children to go to accredited schools as in the case of the University of Alabama and Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas.

These actions led to the student sit-ins and finally the birth of SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) in the spring of 1960 which led to a lot of nonviolent social action against the practice of racial segregation.

Dr. King was invited into Albany, GA by the ministers as a result of not having comprehensive planning and execution of the nonviolent movement by the SNCC people. I had started working with Dr. King, and was brought into Albany to help reconcile some of the conflict. The Albany, GA movement sort of failed because they attacked police chief Pritchett while there was internal dissension between SNCC, SCLC and the local people. There was no cohesion built that would allow for clear nonviolent strategy and tactical planning, because nobody there who was in charge was clear about the use of nonviolence. There was Wyatt T. Walker for SCLC, Charles Sherrod, Cordell Reagon, and Charles Jones of SNCC, and Dr. King were not clear on the application of nonviolence as an active forward campaign.

During the Montgomery Boycott you basically had people withdrawing they did not have action movement. They had a withdrawal movement. They did not confront on a consistent basis with tactical confrontation, they simply withdrew. SNCC introduced another dimension which was tactical confrontation. So King and the movement in Albany fizzled out.

The next thing that happened was that at the spring convention, Fred Shuttlesworth, an organizer of SCLC and its secretary invited SCLC to Birmingham. He was one of the progressive ministers in the 60’s who had moved to Birmingham from 226


Selma. He had pastured The First Baptist Church in Selma, AL. He had headed the Alabama Christian League since 1955 so even before King started his boycott. Fred had been organizing against bus segregation, discrimination downtown, segregated schools and had been carrying on nonviolent guerilla warfare tactics in Alabama all the time. So they had a root. And experienced housing and churches being bombed in Birmingham and he still held the fort. So he invited SCLC to come in and to join with him to make a joint effort to make a breakthrough in Birmingham.

So after Albany, King, Bevel and SCLC made the decision to move to Birmingham to take that on as a joint SCLC and Alabama Christian project. Birmingham was one of the most segregated cities anywhere, harsh, small, and filled with intimidation. Homes had been bombed, nothing was there. It was just like black people stone aging. You couldn’t walk on the sidewalks, the children couldn’t use the library, they had double standards, double water fountains, and no black employment in stores downtown. Blacks could just indiscriminately get beat up by the police on the street. It was just a horrible town. So we moved in during the early spring of 1963, then Wyatt Walker and others started doing some preliminary work.

One of the reasons I recommended the March on Washington was that we didn’t need to keep going through these brush fires every time we go from town to town and need to use the bathroom or eat or sleep. So we needed a national law, so we needed to create an action and a movement sufficient enough to move the whole nation, the whole Congress, and get all the people involved. To precipitate massive movements around the south and massive action so that we could get a federal law that wiped out that aspect of segregation.

So the Birmingham movement achieved that objective because we thought in those terms. That is what we planned our actions to accomplish. —Transcript from an interview with Helen L. Bevel

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BIRMINGHAM, AL The Children’s March

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This Birmingham, AL tragedy was the impetus for Reverend James L. Bevel and his former wife Diane Nash writing the proposal that led to the Nonviolent Right To Vote Movement in Selma, AL.

Bombing-ham, Alabama JAMES BEVEL: My first reaction when I heard about the bombing of the church was anger, rage. The bombing felt almost like a personal insult; the reactionary forces of the Klan, or whoever, were trying to teach us a lesson. Then I got information to the effect that some of the guys involved in it were from the sheriff's department, and then I was thinking about killing people. I had to do a lot of thinking about that. That's when I started thinking about what would be the appropriate response to that kind of situation. I think it's natural for human beings to get angry when there's an intense violation, and I think if a person doesn't have the capacity to get angry, they don't have the capacity to think through fully the implications of that which causes them to be angry.... DIANE NASH: My former husband and I, Jim Bevel, cried when we heard about the bombing, because in many ways we felt like our own children had been killed. We knew that the activity of the civil rights movement had been involved in generating a kind of energy that brought out this kind of hostility. We decided that we would do something about it, and we said that we had two options. First, we felt confident that if we tried, we could find out who had done it, and we could make sure they got killed. We considered that as a real option. The second option was that we felt that if blacks in Alabama had the right to vote, they could protect black children. We deliberately made a choice, and chose the second option....

On September 15, 1964, Ku Klux Klan members bombed the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham and killed four young girls who were attending Sunday School. They were Addie Mae Collins, Carol Denise McNair and Cynthia Diane Wesley. 229


“To be yourself in a world that is constantly trying to make you something else is the greatest accomplishment!" —Anonymous

RICHARD “DICK” GREGORY October 12, 1932—Present Dick Gregory was ready to go to jail in Birmingham, Alabama. May 6, 1963, the day more nonviolent civil rights protestors were arrested than any other day in American history. As demonstrators took on a city with a reputation as "the Bastille of segregation." At the height of the Birmingham protests, Gregory gave confidential advice to Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy on how the Kennedy administration could work with civil rights leaders. It led to a secret New York meeting between RFK and a group of African American leaders, artists, and others organized by author James Baldwin.3 Gregory remained active in politics and civil rights. In 1967, he fasted for forty days to protest the Vietnam War. He also ran for mayor of Chicago and the U.S. presidency. In the 1970s and 1980s, Gregory became a widely quoted advocate of dieting and nutrition. Excerpt from his speech at St. John's Baptist Church, Birmingham, AL, May 20, 1963 I'll tell you one thing, it sure is nice being out of that prison over there. Lot of people asked me when I went back to Chicago last night, they said, "Well how are the Negroes in Birmingham taking it? What did they act like? What did they look like?" I said, "Man, I got off a plane at 10:30, arrived at the motel at 11 and by one o'clock I was in jail." [laughter] So I know what you all mean when you refer to the good old days. I asked one guy, "What is the 'good old days'?" and he said, "10 B.C. and 15 B.C." And I said, "Baby, you're not that old" and he said, "Nah, I mean 10, 15 years before Bull Connor got here." [laughter] Man they had so many Negroes in jail over there, the day I was there, when you looked out the window and see one of them walking around free, you knew he was a tourist. I got back to Chicago last night and a guy said, "Well how would you describe the prison scene?" and I said, "Baby, just wall to wall us." [laughter] So I don't know, really, when you stop to think about it. That was some mighty horrible food they were giving us over there. First couple of days, it taste bad and look bad and after that it tasted like home cooking. [laughter] Matter of fact, it got so good the third day it got so good that I asked one of the guards for the recipe. [laughter] Of course you know, really, I don't mind going to jail myself, I just hate to see Martin Luther King in jail. For various reasons: one, when the final day get here, he is going to have a hard time trying to explain to the boss upstairs how he spent more time in jail than he did in the pulpit. [laughter] When I read in the paper in Chicago that they had him in jail on Good Friday, I said that's good. And I was praying and hoping when they put him in Good Friday they had checked back there Easter Sunday morning and he would have been gone. That would have shook up a lot of people, wouldn't it? [laughter] I don't know, when you stop and think about it, I guess little by little when you look around, it kind of looks like we're doing alright. I read in the paper not too long ago, they picked the first Negro astronaut. That shows you so much pressure is being put on Washington, these cats just reach back and they trying to pacify us real quickly. A lot of people was happy that they had the first Negro astronaut, well I'll be honest with you, not myself. I was kind of hoping we'd get a Negro airline pilot first. They didn't give us a Negro airline pilot; they gave us a Negro astronaut. You realize that we can jump from back of the bus to the moon? [laughter] That's about the size of it. I don't know why this cat let 'em trick him into volunteering for that space job, they not even ready for a Negro astronaut. You have never heard of no dehydrated pig's feet. I never would have let them give me that job, myself. No, I wouldn't, that's one job I don't think I could take. Just my luck, they'd put me in one of them rockets and blast it off, we'd land on Mars somewhere. A cat'd walk up to me with 27 heads, 59 jaws, 19 lips, 47 legs and look at me and say, "I don't want you marrying my daughter neither." Oh I'd have to cut him.

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“Not voting is just as bad as voting for evil men because it allows evil to succeed by default. Take a stand with people who support what you really support. Stop cowering and merely complaining about America's pending demise and act in such a way as to truly make a difference.” —-Tom Ambrose

DOROTHY TILLMAN Former Chicago Alderman Dorothy Wright Tillman is driven by a passion to improve the plight of African Americans. Born on May 12, 1947, in Montgomery, Alabama, Tillman joined the civil rights movement at age sixteen. As a trainee and a field staff organizer for Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), she fought for rights and political consciousness. She marched with King and was one of the first SCLC organizers to cross the Edmund-Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama, on the infamous Bloody Sunday, a turning point in the battle to ensure the right to vote for African American citizens. While in Chicago with King in 1965 to fight for the open housing plight, she met and married musician Jimmy Lee Tillman, with whom she has five children. In 1985, Tillman became the first woman to serve as alderman of Chicago's Third Ward and the only female elected official in the United States who worked on King's staff. As a major political figure in Chicago, she has been highly involved in numerous community-building activities, especially projects related to issues of waning inner-city education, housing needs and homelessness. Tillman has also been an extremely influential player in the movement for slave reparations.

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THE MARCH ON WASHINGTON August 28, 1963 The Caller: Reverend James L. Bevel The Organizer: Bayard Rustin The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom took place in Washington, D.C., on August 28, 1963. Attended by some 250,000 people, it was the largest demonstration ever seen in the nation's capital, and one of the first to have extensive television coverage. 1963 was noted for racial unrest and civil rights demonstrations. Nationwide outrage was sparked by media coverage of police actions in Birmingham, Alabama, where attack dogs and fire hoses were turned against protestors, many of whom were in their early teens or younger. Martin Luther King, Jr., was arrested and jailed during these protests, writing his famous "Letter From Birmingham City Jail," which advocates civil disobedience against unjust laws. Dozens of additional demonstrations took place across the country, from California to New York, culminating in the March on Washington. President Kennedy backed a Civil Rights Act, which was stalled in Congress by the summer. The March on Washington represented a coalition of several civil rights organizations, all of which generally had different approaches and different agendas. The "Big Six" organizers were James Farmer, of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE); Martin Luther King, Jr., of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC); John Lewis, of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC); A. Philip Randolph, of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters; Roy Wilkins, of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP); and Whitney Young, Jr., of the National Urban League. The stated demands of the march were the passage of meaningful civil rights legislation; the elimination of racial segregation in public schools; protection for demonstrators against police brutality; a major public-works program to provide jobs; the passage of a law prohibiting racial discrimination in public and private hiring; a $2 an hour minimum wage; and self-government for the District of Columbia, which had a black majority. March organizers themselves disagreed over the purpose of the march. The NAACP and Urban League saw it as a gesture of support for a civil rights bill that had been introduced by the Kennedy Administration. Randolph, King, and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) saw it as a way of raising both civil rights and economic issues to national attention beyond the Kennedy bill. Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) saw it as a way of challenging and condemning the Kennedy administration's inaction and lack of support for civil rights for African Americans. President Kennedy originally discouraged the march, for fear that it might make the legislature vote against civil rights laws in reaction to a perceived threat. Once it became clear that the march would go on, however, he supported it. Outright opposition came from two sides. White supremacist groups, including the Ku Klux Klan, were obviously not in favor of any event supporting racial equality. On the other hand, the march was also condemned by some civil rights activists who felt it presented an inaccurate, sanitized pageant of racial harmony; Malcolm X called it the "Farce on Washington," and members of the Nation of Islam who attended the march faced a temporary suspension. Nobody was sure how many people would turn up for the demonstration in Washington, D.C. Some travelling from the South were harrassed and threatened. But on August 28, 1963, an estimated quarter of a million people—about a quarter of whom were white—marched from the Washington Monument to the Lincoln Memorial, in what turned out to be both a protest and a communal celebration. The heavy police presence turned out to be unnecessary, as the march was noted for its civility and peacefulness. The march was extensively covered by the media, with live international television coverage. 232


On August 28, more than 2,000 buses, 21 special trains, 10 chartered airliners, and uncounted cars converged on Washington. All regularly scheduled planes, trains, and buses were also filled to capacity. The march began at the Washington Monument and ended at the Lincoln Memorial with a program of music and speakers. The march failed to start on time because its leaders were meeting with members of Congress. To the leaders' surprise, the assembled group began to march from the Washington Monument to the Lincoln Memorial without them. The 1963 March also spurred anniversary marches that occur every five years, with the 20th and 25th being some of the most well known. The 25th Anniversary theme was "We Still have a Dream...Jobs*Peace*Freedom." The two most noteable speeches came from John Lewis and Martin Luther King, Jr. John Lewis represented the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, a younger, more radical group than King's. The speech he planned to give, circulated beforehand, was objected to by other participants; it called Kennedy's civil rights bill "too little, too late," asked "which side is the federal government on?" and declared that they would march "through the Heart of Dixie, the way Sherman did" and "burn Jim Crow to the ground窶馬onviolently." In the end, he agreed to tone down the more inflammatory portions of his speech, but even the revised version was the most controversial of the day, stating: The revolution is at hand, and we must free ourselves of the chains of political and economic slavery. The nonviolent revolution is saying, "We will not wait for the courts to act, for we have been waiting hundreds of years. We will not wait for the President, nor the Justice Department, nor Congress, but we will take matters into our own hands, and create a great source of power, outside of any national structure that could and would assure us victory." For those who have said, "Be patient and wait!" we must say, "Patience is a dirty and nasty word." We cannot be patient, we do not want to be free gradually, we want our freedom, and we want it now. We cannot depend on any political party, for the Democrats and the Republicans have betrayed the basic principles of the Declaration of Independence. Dr. King's speech is one of the most famous speeches in American history. And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last, free at last. Thank God Almighty, we are free at last."

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MONUMENT TO A PEOPLE

The Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Memeorial 48 years from the March On Washington, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s monument stands in the national mall, joining memorials to former presidents George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln and Franklin Delano Roosevelt. His granite likeness is part of a national monument, a memorial to his life and his work, and a commemoration the speech he gave August 28, 1963, which is recited by school children around the country – and around the world. “I have a dream…” is as much a part of our country’s life as “Four score and seven years ago…” and “We have nothing to fear but fear itself.” More than a monument to a man, it is a monument to a people who struggled against insurmountable odds to obtain the victory of freedom, justice and liberty for all. Dr. King is a representative of the people, a people who bled and died, who erred and fell short, but dispite the obstacles overcame and continue to overcome. The memorial was a long time in the making, the mid-1980s brainchild of the Alpha Phi Alpha fraternity. During the fall of 1996, the Senate and House approved joint resolutions authorizing the building of the memorial honoring the civil rights leader. President Bill Clinton signed the resolution in 1998, and in 1999 the King Memorial Foundation began accepting design proposals. The monument was sculpted by China’s famed Lei Yixin (a 57-year-old master from Changsha in the Hunan province) and then shipped to America. Harry S. Johnson Sr., is the president and CEO of the MLK Project Foundation and a former president of the fraternity. The design of the 30-foot sculpture took form from a line in one of King’s speeches: “With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.” The monument sculpture depicts King emerging from the mountain of despair and thus forming “a stone of hope”—his own monumental image. However, as in the nation itself, the monument evidences the slow recognition of African American contributions. A survey of monuments in the nation’s capital turned up only four others depicting African Americans solely or grouped with subjects from other ethnicities: • The Emancipation Memorial • The Mary McLeod Bethune Memorial • The Three Soldiers • The African American Civil War Memorial The history of the memorial began in January 1984, when a group of “brothers” from Alpha Phi Alpha fraternity, led by George Sealey, took a proposal to build a national memorial to their fellow Alpha, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. to the organization’s board of directors. It was approved, followed two years later by then-President Bill Clinton signing congressional legislation authorizing the memorial. In 1998 and 1999, the National Capital Planning Commission approved a location on the National Mall. These actions were followed by the release of a series of fundraising messages that involved personalities such as Morgan Freeman, Harry Belafonte and Al Roker. They kicked off an effort that would stretch from 2005 through today. Calling on corporate America, the faith-based community, children and college students, as well as utilizing auctions, special dinners and through individual donations, the monument foundation raised $114 million of the $120 million needed to build the memorial. The centerpiece of the monument is called The Stone of Hope, and depicts Dr. King emerging from a mountain of granite with his arms crossed. It is inscribed with key quotes from the civil rights leader set on a four-acre plot of land located near the Tidal Basin between the Jefferson and Lincoln memorials. Two stones that are parted and one stone wedge pushing forward toward the horizon as if departed from a single boulder 234


form the entrance to the memorial and are called the Mountain of Despair. Once through the entry point, visitors emerge onto a plaza. Fourteen of Dr. King’s most notable quotes are engraved on a 450-foot crescent-shaped granite Wall of Inscription. They represent the civil rights leader’s most universal and timeless messages of justice, democracy, hope and love. Crape myrtle trees and 182 Yoshino cherry blossoms as well as additional American elm trees have been included as part of the landscaping. The goal of the design, as explained by Harry Johnson, “is for you to be invited in. The second goal is that, as you pass through what is called the Mountain of Despair — two large boulders of granite, 30 feet tall — it appears as though you're going through the struggle of the civil rights movement. Once you're on the other side, you see a crescent-shaped wall with 14 quotations from Dr. King. When you walk out toward the Tidal Basin, you see the third stone — one that looks like it was carved out of the Mountain of Despair. And Dr. King is standing there, and that is called the Stone of Hope. The ultimate goal is for visitors to visit, see and feel what Dr. King meant to this country and, indeed, the world.”

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THE CIVIL RIGHTS ACT 1964 “The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the nation in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day; one third as much chance of completing college; one third as much chance of becoming a professional man; twice as much chance of becoming unemployed; about oneseventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year; a life expectancy which is seven years shorter; and the prospects of earning only half as much.” —President John F. Kennedy

The 1964 Civil Rights Act made racial discrimination in public places, such as theaters, restaurants and hotels, illegal. It also required employers to provide equal employment opportunities. Projects involving federal funds could now be cut off if there was evidence of discriminated based on color, race or national origin. The Civil Rights Act also attempted to deal with the problem of African Americans being denied the vote in the Deep South. The legislation stated that uniform standards must prevail for establishing the right to vote. Schooling to sixth grade constituted legal proof of literacy and the attorney general was given power to initiate legal action in any area where he found a pattern of resistance to the law. The seeds of the 1964 Act were sown in Kennedy’s presidency. Johnson believed that he owed it to Kennedy’s life to push through this act especially as he was not an elected president. The civil rights bill’s success in passing Congress owed much to the murder of Kennedy. How could anybody be so unpatriotic? Johnson simply appealed to the nation still traumatized by Kennedy’s murder. To win over the Southern hard-liners, Johnson told them he would not allow the bill to tolerate anybody using it as a lever to have an easy life regardless of their color. By January 1964, public opinion had started to change - 68% now supported a meaningful civil rights act. President Johnson signed the 1964 Civil Rights Act in July of that year.

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Many Southerners were horrified by the extent of the act. Johnson probably only got away with the act because he was from Texas. Ironically, the African American community were most vocal in criticizing the act. There were riots by African Americans in north-eastern cities because from their point of view, the act did not go far enough and the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (a predominantly Black political party) demanded seats at the Democratic Party Convention to be held in Atlantic City as they believed that they were more representative of the people who lived in Mississippi than the politicians who would usually have attended such conventions. Johnson was dismayed at this lack of public support among the African American community. Regardless of these protests from both sides of society, many historians now believe that the 1964 Act was of major importance to America’s political and social development. The act has been called Johnson’s greatest achievement. He constantly referred to the morality of what he was doing and made constant reference to the immorality of the social structure within America that tolerated any form of discrimination. Johnson’s desire, regardless of his background, was to advance America’s society and he saw the 1964 Civil Rights Act as the way forward. Major Features of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 Title I Barred unequal application of voter registration requirements, but did not abolish literacy tests sometimes used to disqualify African Americans and poor white voters. Title II Outlawed discrimination in hotels, motels, restaurants, theaters, and all other public accommodations engaged in interstate commerce; exempted private clubs without defining "private," thereby allowing a loophole. Title III Encouraged the desegregation of public schools and authorized the U. S. Attorney General to file suits to force desegregation, but did not authorize busing as a means to overcome segregation based on residence. Title IV Authorized but did not require withdrawal of federal funds from programs which practiced discrimination. Title V Outlawed discrimination in employment in any business exceeding twenty five people and creates an Equal Employment Opportunities Commission to review complaints, although it lacked meaningful enforcement powers. On July 2, 1964, President Johnson spoke the following words before signing the bill: We believe that all men are created equal -- yet many are denied equal treatment. We believe that all men have certain inalienable rights. We believe that all men are entitled to the blessings of liberty -- yet millions are being deprived of those blessings, not because of their own failures, but because of the color of their skins. The reasons are deeply embedded in history and tradition and the nature of man. We can understand without rancor or hatred how all this happens. But it cannot continue. Our Constitution, the foundation of our Republic, forbids it. The principles of our freedom forbid it. Morality forbids it. And the law I sign tonight forbids it....

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“When my heart is at peace, the world is at peace.” —Chinese Proverb

CORETTA SCOTT KING April 27, 1927—January 30, 2006

She was born in Heiberger, Alabama and raised on the farm of her parents Bernice McMurry Scott, and Obadiah Scott, in Perry County, Alabama, into a family that had owned land since the Civil War. Her parents, were truck farmers. Even though the Scotts were better off financially than most Blacks in the area, life for them and their three children was difficult. Scott, along with her mother and sister, tended the family garden and crops, fed the chickens and hogs, and milked the cows. She helped supplement the family income by hiring out to hoe and pick cotton. She was exposed at an early age to the injustices of life in a segregated society. She walked five miles a day to attend the one-room Crossroad School in Marion, Alabama, while the white students rode buses to an all-white school closer by. Young Coretta excelled at her studies, particularly music, and was valedictorian of her graduating class at Lincoln High School. She graduated in 1945 and received a scholarship to Antioch College in Yellow Springs, Ohio. In 1945 Scott graduated as valedictorian of her high school class and won a partial scholarship to Antioch College in Yellow Springs, Ohio. Eager to leave southern racial hostility, Coretta Scott enrolled at Antioch only to discover that prejudice and racism were very much alive there too. Being the first Black to major in elementary education at Antioch created problems for the Scott. Such a major required a twoyear internship - one year in the Antioch private elementary school and the other in the Ohio public schools. The year at the Antioch school where Scott taught music went well. The Yellow Springs School Board, however, refused to allow Scott to teach in its school system. The student body was integrated but the faculty was white. Given the option of going to Xenia, Ohio, and teaching in an all-Black school or remaining at the Antioch private school for a second year, she chose the latter. Discrimination made Coretta more determined than ever. She joined the campus chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), a race relations committee, and a civil liberties committee. According to the young college student, "I was active on all of them. From the first, I had been determined to get ahead, not just for myself, but to do something for my people and for all people. I took to my heart the words of Horace Mann, 'Be ashamed to die until you have won some victory for humanity.” Coretta Scott realized at Antioch that she wanted to continue in music and to develop her voice to its fullest potential. She subsequently enrolled in the New England Conservatory in Boston, graduating in 1954 with a bachelor's degree in music. It was in Boston that she met Martin Luther King, Jr. They were married on June 18, 1953. Her decision to marry the young minister meant giving up her career as a performing concert artist. The family moved to Montgomery, Alabama, where Dr. King was to pastor the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church, and it was here that they were thrust into the leadership of the civil rights movement. She was vehemently against the war in Vietnam and convinced her husband to speak out against it. After Dr. King's assassination on April 4, 1968, Coretta King established the King Center for Nonviolent Social Change in Atlanta; she also supported the establishment of a national holiday in honor of her husband, an idea which became law in 1986. Coretta and Martin Luther King had four children: 238


Yolanda (born 1955), Martin Luther III (b. 1957), Dexter (b. 1961), and Bernice (1963). King had always spoken out for human rights and freedom for all people. She became involved in opposition of the death penalty. Although King has lost her husband and mother-in-law to gunmen, she cannot accept the judgment that their killers deserve to be executed. She believes the death penalty continues the cycle of violence and destroys all hope for a decent society. Another of King's passions is the International Peace Movement. In 1985, she was arrested while protesting the South African Government's policy of racial segregation known as apartheid. In 1981, The King Center, the first institution built in memory of an African American leader, opened to the public. The Center is housed in the Freedom Hall complex encircling Dr. King's tomb in Atlanta, Georgia. It is part of a 23-acre national historic site that also includes Dr. King's birthplace and the Ebenezer Baptist Church, where he and his father both preached. The King Center Library and Archives houses the largest collection of documents from the Civil Rights era. The Center receives over one million visitors a year, and has trained tens of thousands of students, teachers, community leaders and administrators in Dr. King's philosophy and strategy of nonviolence through seminars, workshops and training programs.

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Selma, Alabama The Birthplace of Democracy

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Straws were drawn to determine who would lead the march across the Edmund Pettus Bridge on Route __ to Montgomery, AL John Lewis won the draw. That night on the six o’clock news people throughout the United States and the world witnessed the beating of marchers by State Troopers in Selma, AL. The Edmund Pettus Bridge became history., and yearly a re-enactment is held in Selma to commemorate those who suffered that day of March 7, 1965.

SELMA, AL

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SELMA, ALABAMA “The Capital of Democracy” Selma is a city in and the county seat of Dallas County, Alabama, United States, located on the banks of the Alabama River. The population was 20,512 at the 2000 census. The city is best known for the 1965 Selma Voting Rights Movement and its Selma to Montgomery marches, three civil rights marches that began in the city. Prior to settlement by European peoples, the area of present-day Selma was occupied by the Native American people known as the Muscogee (also known as the Creek). Selma was incorporated in 1820. The city was planned and named by future Vice President of the United States William R. King. The name, meaning "high seat" or "throne", came from the Ossianic poem The Songs of Selma. Selma became the seat of Dallas County in 1866 During the Civil War, Selma was one of the South's main military manufacturing centers, producing tons of supplies and munitions, and turning out Confederate warships such as the Ironclad warship Tennessee. The Selma iron works and foundry was considered the second most important source of weaponry for the South, after the Tredegar Iron Works in Richmond, Virginia. This strategic concentration of manufacturing capabilities eventually made Selma a target of Union raids into Alabama late in the Civil War. Before the Freedom Movement, all public facilities were strictly segregated. Blacks who attempted to eat at "whiteonly" lunch counters or sit in the downstairs "white" section of the movie theater were beaten and arrested. More than half of the city's residents were black, but only one percent were registered to vote. Blacks were prevented from registering to vote by economic retaliation organized by the White Citizens' Council, Ku Klux Klan violence, police repression, and the literacy test. To discourage voter registration, the registration board only opened doors for registration two days a month, arrived late, and took long lunches. In early 1963, Bernard Lafayette and Colia Lafayette of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) began organizing in Selma alongside local civil rights leaders Sam, Amelia, and Bruce Boynton, Rev. L.L. Anderson of Tabernacle Baptist Church, J.L. Chestnut (Selma's first Black attorney), SCLC Citizenship School teacher Marie Foster, public school teacher Marie Moore, and others active with the Dallas County Voters League (DCVL). Against fierce opposition from Dallas County Sheriff Jim Clark and his volunteer posse, voter registration and desegregation efforts continued and expanded during 1963 and the first part of 1964. Defying intimidation, economic retaliation, arrests, firings, and beatings, an ever increasing number of Dallas County blacks attempted to register to vote, but few were able to do so. In the summer of 1964, a sweeping injunction issued by local Judge James Hare barred any gathering of three or more people under sponsorship of SNCC, SCLC, or DCVL, or with the involvement of 41 named civil rights leaders. This injunction temporarily halted civil rights activity until Dr. King defied it by speaking at Brown Chapel on January 2, 1965. Commencing in January 1965, SCLC and SNCC initiated a revived Voting Rights Campaign designed to focus national attention on the systematic denial of black voting rights in Alabama, and particularly Selma. After numerous attempts by blacks to register, over 3,000 arrests, police violence, and economic retaliation, the campaign culminated in the Selma to Montgomery marches--initiated and organized by SCLC's Director of Direct Action, James Bevel--which represented the political and emotional peak of the modern civil rights movement. On March 7, 1965, known as "Bloody Sunday", approximately 600 civil rights marchers departed Selma on U.S. Highway 80, heading east. They reached the Edmund Pettus Bridge, only six blocks away, before being met by state troopers and local sheriff's deputies, who attacked them, using tear gas and billy clubs, and drove them back to Selma. Two days after the march, on March 9, 1965, Martin Luther King, Jr. led a "symbolic" march to the bridge. He and other civil rights leaders attempted to get court protection of a third, larger-scale march from Selma to Montgomery, the site of the state capital. Frank Minis Johnson, Jr., the Federal District Court Judge for the area, decided in favor of the demonstrators. On March 21, 1965, a Sunday, approximately 3,200 marchers departed for Montgomery. They walked 12 miles per day, and slept in nearby fields. By the time they reached the capitol, four days later on March 25, their strength had swelled to around 25,000 people. —Source, Wikepedia

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“God is the author of the best future we can imagine. God is all the outcroppings of good in our past that allows us to experience the blessings of our present.” —Sherrilynn Bevel-Tillman

COURAGEOUS EIGHT

L-R Ernest Doyle, Henry Shamon, Marie Foster, F.D. Reese and James Gildersleeve. Not pictures Amelia Boynton, J. D. Hunter and Ulysses Blackmon

In July 1964, Dallas County Circuit Judge James Hare issued an injunction barring black people from meeting in groups of three or more to discuss civil rights. The intention was to stop these men and women from testing the Public Accommodation Act and from seeking other rights. "The injunction really put a damper on the movement," said Dr. Reese. "But the eight of us kept meeting, trying to figure out how to revive the movement." There were eight. Let us look briefly at these eight leaders, these six men and two women: Marie Foster, a widow working in the dental office of her brother; J. D. Hunter, an agent for a Black insurance company and minister; the Rev. Henry Shannon, Jr., a barber and minister; Mrs. Amelia Boynton, who owned an insurance agency; Earnest L. Doyle, an interior decorator of note; Ulysses Blackmon, a teacher at the Lutheran Church School; James Gildersleeve, a principal at Lutheran Church School; the Rev. F. D. Reese, who taught for the Selma City School System and pastored two churches. They were all family folks, each a parent with a lot to lose in addition to their lives. The Dallas County Voters League; was formed in the 1930’s, by Sam and Amelia Boynton, to try to register African Americans in our county (Dallas County) to vote. I went to meetings with Grandmother, I would sit at her feet while they strategized; the children internalized what they were talking about, you can’t just block it out; it’s like learning the song off the radio, you never see the lyrics but you know every word of the song. The Dallas County Voters League worked for 30 years before it got any media attention. For those of you who try to make change, you know media is one of the main ingredients to any change, without it no one knows your struggle – there’s no one to be outraged. For example, when Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. came to Selma in 1965, the media came; he brought money, motivation and the media – key ingredients. But prior to that, no one knew, but men and women were marching in Selma since the 1930s. They were going to jail since the 1930s in Selma. The folks here even wrote the letter that invited Dr. King to Selma; he didn’t show up by accident, he was invited here.

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Via mass criminalization, unreconstructed slavers restored slavery under the guise of jails, and massively disenfranchise freedmen's descendants. —Reverend John G. Fee

MOTHER OF THE ALABAMA RIGHT TO VOTE MOVEMENT AMELIA BOYNTON August 18, 1911 - Present

Amelia Robinson, a living legend, was born in Georgia, in a family of ten children. Her father was a building contractor. She traces her history on both sides back to a mixture of African slaves, Cherokee Indians, and German and other European nobility. The account of the life of this remarkable woman is given in the “Bridge Across Jordan,” published by the Schiller Institute in July 1991. “Bridge Across Jordan” is the account of Mrs. Robinson's life-long struggle for civil rights and human rights for citizens of all colors. Amelia Boynton Robinson is perhaps best known as the woman at the front of the march who was gassed, beaten, and left for dead on the Edmund Pettus Bridge, during the “Bloody Sunday” march on March 7, 1965 to Montgomery, AL, which quickly led to the mushrooming of the civil rights movement into an international mass movement. But Amelia Robinson's efforts for justice and civil rights began long before 1965. From the 1930s, she and her husband, S.W. Boynton, fought for voting rights and property ownership for African-Americans in the poorest rural areas of AL, where she worked as Home Demonstration Agent for the U.S. Department of Agriculture, and he as County Agent. Bill Boynton gave his life for this cause, dying young of a heart attack induced by the years of hard labor and harassment his work brought on. His death led to Bernard Lafayette setting the first mass meeting to honor his work with voting rights. Amelia & Sam Boynton

During the 1960’s, Mrs. Robinson's home and office became the center of Selma's civil rights battles, used by Dr. King and his lieutenants, by Congressmen and attorneys from around the nation, to plan the demonstrations that would lead eventually to the Voting Rights Act of 1965. In 1964, she was the first female African-American ever to seek a seat in Congress from Alabama, and the first woman, White or Black, to run on the Democratic ticket in the state. On July 21, 1990, Mrs. Robinson was awarded the Martin Luther King, Jr. Freedom Medal, honoring her lifelong commitment to human rights and civil rights. Today, in her 90’s, Mrs. Robinson is a vibrant leader, touring the nation and the world, speaking for the Schiller Institute on behalf of the principles of civil rights and human rights whose cause she has championed for more than five decades.

“To give African Americans the vote, has cost worry, blood, sweat, jobs and lives. It is a privilege we should have had all the time. It is one we should use regardless.” “A vote less people is a hopeless people.”

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“No eye has seen, no ear has heard, no mind has conceived what G_D has prpepared for those who love Him.” —1 Corinthians 2.9

REVEREND F. D. REESE Rev. F.D. Reese is the pastor of the Ebenezer Baptist Church. It was this veteran civil rights leader who helped to organize the local teachers and who initially invited Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. to come to Selma to lead the voting rights demonstrations of 1965. Reese remembers Bloody Sunday, he says that the police literally went down the line of marchers, toppling the them over as if you topple bowing pins in a bowling alley. They withdrew the billy clubs and began to beat heads. I saw blood flowing. Pandemonium broke out in the crowd. There was a state of disbelief that this kind of violence was happening in these United States of America. They withdrew gas canisters and lobbed them over into the crowd. And if you've ever been in tear gas you get desperate for fresh air. Then they began to beat heads. I got beaten on the way back across the bridge and going back to Brown Chapel Church in Selma. While in the sanctuary the telephone rings, Dr. King called me, he was in Atlanta, Georgia. He said, “I understand you had a little trouble down there in Selma,” over the telephone. I said, “Dr. King, that's an understatement you making.” I said “we had a whole lot of trouble here.” He said, “I sent a call over the country to ask those who would to come to Selma to assist the people of Selma in their quest for the right to vote.” Later that night, while we were still in the sanctuary, about nine o'clock, a group had chartered a plane from New Jersey to Montgomery and got a bus to Selma. They walked into that sanctuary and said we have heard the call of Dr. King; we have seen on the television screen what happened across that bridge; and we are here to lend our bodies and our assistance to the people of Selma. That was one of the most exhilarating and inspiring moments of the day because now you had the feeling there were others who were concerned about your plight in Selma, Alabama. Two weeks after Bloody Sunday, Reverend Reese, Reverend King, and 3,000 others crossed the bridge in a successful march that began at Selma's Brown Chapel AME Church. By the time they reached the steps of the state capitol, 54 miles away in Montgomery, they had grown to 50,000 strong. A federalized National Guard protected them at each step along their eastern route on U.S. 80.

PRAISE, HONOR AND GRATITUDE TO

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THE NONVIOLENT VANGUARD IN SELMA, AL REVEREND BERNARD LAFAYETTE Lafayette attended the American Baptist Seminary in Nashville, Tennessee. He became an advocate of nonviolent direct action and a leader in the Nashville sit-in movement in the early 1960s. Lafayette was a charter member of the SNCC. In 1961, he was instrumental in continuing the Freedom Rides when they seemed on the verge of halting because of vicious white violence in Alabama. Bernard, as an experienced organizer went to the SCLC office for a coordinating assignment, but there were none. Then someone told him that Selma was the only place left checked on the map that hadn’t been taken, but that no one wanted to go there because it was too dangerous. They had decided not to send anyone there. Bernard went anyway. He began talking to young brothers and sisters on the streets about freedom and working with The Boynton’s. His life was threatened many times. The same night that Medgar Evers was killed he was supposed to have died at the hands of some white men in a car, on the side of the road. He had stopped to help, outside the place he was staying when a gun was pulled on him. His neighbor came out with a gun and Lafayette refused to allow him to protect him with violence, because he felt that it would damage the movement. He was more committed to the nonviolent movement than to the preservation of his own life. He laid the groundwork as a vanguard for the successful Selma, AL right-to-vote campaign. He was also the first of the leading southern civil rights activists to turn to organizing in Chicago. In 1964, he was recruited to work for the Chicago office of the American Friends Service Committee. He began working on the city’s West Side and energized local residents to mobilize against lead poisoning. Lafayette's presence in Chicago was decisive in luring James Bevel to Chicago in 1965 to become program director for the West Side Christian Parish and to launch the successful Chicago Open Housing Movement.

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Nothing splendid was ever achieved except by those who dared believe that something inside of them was superior to circumstances. —Bruce Barton

COLIA LAFAYETTE I joined the NAACP at Tougaloo College and became special assistant to Medgar W. Evers, field secretary for the NAACP. I am the founder and first president of the North Jackson NAACP Youth Council which is now infamous for initiating the 1963 mass movement at Jackson under the leadership and guidance of Medgar Evers and our advisor, John Salter. Anyone interested please call me at 610-532-1817. In June 1962, I resigned my job with the NAACP and joined with Mississippi SNCC under the leadership of Robert P. Moses. We worked in Jackson, Hattiesburg (Forest County), Sun Flower County, Greenville on projects that were directed towards helping local Mississippians get registered to vote. One has to know that it is near impossible to work in a rural state under the feet of oppression and not work on related issues of the peoples. In November, 1962, I met and married my first love, Bernard LaFayette, Jr., SNCC Field Secretary. In February, 1963 Bernard and I moved to Selma AL, where he served as director of the SNCC Black Belt Alabama Voter Project and I continued as SNCC field secretary. The project was headquartered at Selma but we had responsibility for developing voter registration and direct action projects in the seven Black Belt Counties. While at Selma, I was appointed by James Forman, executive secretary of SNCC, to assist with the Birmingham, Alabama Movement under the leadership of Dr. Martin L. King. It was in Birmingham that I took one of the worst beatings of my career in the civil rights struggle. Three fire houses assaulted me for what seemed forever on May 8, 1963. In 1964, I was privileged to be a part of the birth of the Southern Organizing Committee at Nashville, Tennessee where Bernard and I were attending school at Fisk and giving birth to our first son, James Arthur. Nashville was the culminating point for the early years of civil rights in the South. Beyond lie Chicago, New York and national politics. By early 1973, I returned to my home state Mississippi and worked on a number of other projects including the editorship of the Jackson, Mississippi Advocate.

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“Innocent death, body bags and coffins are the scourge result of war: preemptive war, defensive war, vindictive war, war on terror, stealth warfare, criminal warfare --- all war. Somehow we must allow our hearts to beat free, and we must love our way through it.” —John Black Lee

JAMES FORMAN October 4, 1928—January 10, 2005

He was born and reared in Chicago, IL. In 1958, Forman became involved in the Civil Rights Movement in the South when he covered the Little Rock, Arkansas school desegregation crisis for the black newspaper, the Chicago Defender. Through a program organized by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), Forman also helped provide food and clothing to 700 Fayetteville, Tennessee sharecropper families who had been evicted for registering to vote. Forman, believed it was important to have an organization work full time on the problem of segregation and discrimination, so he moved south and joined SNCC in 1961. He became the organization’s executive secretary where he helped unify the split between members who advocated direct action versus registering voters. In his leadership role, Forman organized transportation, housing, and food for organizers and helped them get out of jail. He also raised funds for SNCC’s direct action campaigns. Forman traveled to Africa in 1967 to study African leaders’ efforts to end colonialism; he wanted to know whether their methods could be used to help American blacks. Two years later, his “Black Manifesto,” which demanded reparations for slavery from white churches and Jewish synagogues, was adopted at the Black Economic Development Conference in Detroit. Other civil rights leaders have echoed this call for reparations in recent years. In 1969, Forman’s first book, "Sammy Younge, Jr.: The First Black College Student to Die in the Black Liberation Movement" was published and was followed three years later by his autobiography, “The Making of Black Revolutionaries.” Throughout his life, Forman prolifically wrote books and magazine and news articles.

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“God grant me the serenity to accept the things I cannot change, the courage to change the things I can, and the wisdom to know the difference.” —Reinhold Niebuhr

TABERNACLE BAPTIST CHURCH "Home of the First Mass Meeting for the Voting Rights Movement" In 1963, Reverend Bernard Lafayette drove to Birmingham most days to help Diane and James Bevel plan the teenage marches that would end the city's protection of its Jim Crow heritage in May. Branch explained: The thunderous breakthrough in Birmingham made him uncomfortable away from his new post some hundred miles to the south, and Lafayette returned to Selma most evenings that week to sit in vigil at tiny, segregated Berwell Infirmary, where a last debilitating stroke did not keep Sam Boynton from proselytizing whenever conscious. "Are you a registered voter?" he called out to strangers walking down his corridor. "I want you to go down and register. A voteless people is a hopeless people." [Pillar, p. 81-82] Following Sam Boynton's death in May 1963, Lafayette wanted to hold a memorial service, but had a hard time finding a church willing to sponsor the event that church leaders knew would really be a voting rights rally. The service finally took place at Tabernacle Baptist Church on May 14, with over 350 people in attendance. Dallas County Sheriff Jim Clark and his deputies, strict enforcers of Jim Crow laws, also attended, armed with guns and a court order that they claimed allowed them into the church to guard against insurrection. SNCC's James Forman was the featured speaker during the 3-hour service, addressing the crowd on "The High Cost of Freedom." Branch summarized his speech: Forman said it was good that the white officers were there to deprive [attendees] of cheap courage. If they wanted to shout amen to the mission of Sam Boynton, they should do so in front of the sheriff who stood in its way. "Someday they will have to open up that ballot box," said Forman. A crescendo of enthusiasm made a number of elders cringe for the reaction of Sheriff Clark. After the service, the crowd leaving the church found an angry white mob, including many "teenagers wielding freshly lathed table legs from a nearby furniture company." Sheriff Clark and his deputies, to the surprise of those leaving the church, tried to disperse the crowd, but without success: As Negroes huddled in panic, fearing arrest if they stayed and attack if they moved, a decisive peacemaking authority arrived in the person of the football coach from Selma High School, who jumped from his car and pointed out his current and former players, telling them to go home. [Pillar, p 84]. The drive for voting rights was underway.

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“I do not want the peace that passeth all understanding. I want the understanding that bringeth peace.” —Helen Keller

REVEREND L. L. ANDERSON A Selma Minister with a global vision, he was in the spot light boldly defying faces that had successfully kept blacks from voting for 100 years after the passage of the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments. To hold a mass meeting in one’s church was an invitation to violence, ridicule and abuse. He withstood that hate and abuse. Tabernacle Baptist Church was the way station of the movement. Rev. Anderson was the conductor of the station, standing against the odds and insisting that the church was a place of social salvation. For taking such a stand, he was given a 10 year sentence on a manslaughter charge for his involvement in an unavoidable car accident in 1959. His case was appealed to the Supreme Court of the U.S. Represented by Thurgood Marshall, now a Supreme Court Justice, Anderson’s conviction was reversed due to the systematic exclusion of blacks as jurors during his trial in Selma. The threat of jail did not deter Rev. Anderson’s involvement. When Dr. King and Ralph Abernathy were jailed in Selma in 1965, Andrew Young asked Rev. Anderson to head the march to the Dallas County Court House. When asked to turn back by local authorities, the co\crowd sat down in the street and held a two week vigil from Brown Chapel to the first Baptist Church. People came from all over the country to participate. Anderson was one of the few Selma citizens whose acclaim spanned the Black Belt. He went to jail in nearly every Black Belt county during the late fifties to early sixties. He married Pauline Ginkins from one of the most historical black families in Selma.

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“The earth is the Lord’s and the fullness thereof.”

FIRST BAPTIST CHURCH First Baptist Church, played a pivotal role in the Selma, Alabama, marches that helped lead to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. The members of First Baptist Church allowed the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) to use their church as the planning site and organizational headquarters of the Selma campaign. First Baptist Church, constructed in 1894 in the Gothic Revival style by a local black architect, Dave Benjamin West, is considered one of the most architecturally significant late-19thcentury black churches in the state of Alabama. First Baptist Church is located at 709 Martin Luther King, Jr., Street, Selma, AL

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“The Lord is my sheperd , I shall not want.�

BROWN CHAPEL A.M.E. CHURCH Both the building and the members of Brown Chapel AME Church played pivotal roles in the Selma, Alabama, marches that helped lead to the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. The starting point for the Selma-to-Montgomery marches, Brown Chapel also hosted the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) for the first three months of 1965. During the sixties the church became known throughout the world as the headquarters for the voting rights struggle. When the Bishop of the Ninth District was asked to close the doors of the church to the Movement, Reverend Lewis presented an argument that caused the Bishop to not only change his mind about removing him from Brown Chapel, but also caused the Bishop to become a staunch supporter of the movement.

REVEREND P. H. LEWIS Dr. Martin L. Ing, Jr., was invited to Selma, AL to be the keynote speaker on January 2, 1965 for Emancipation services by the Dallas County Voters League under the leadership of F. D. Reese. Many ministers were asked to allow the services to be held at their churches and all received to violate an injunction issued by Judge James Hare that prohibited meetings to discuss the 1964 Civil Rights Bill. Reverend Lewis defied that order and opened the doors of Brown Chapel where he was pastor. Dr. King stood before a crowd of 700 at Brown Chapel challenging the order as he launched the voting rights initiative: Today marks the beginning of a determined, organized, mobilized campaign to get the right to vote everywhere in Alabama. If we are refused, we will appeal to Governor George Wallace. If he refuses to listen, we will appeal to the legislature. If they don't listen, we will appeal to the conscience of the Congress . . . . We must be ready to march. We must be ready to go to jail by the thousands . . . . Our cry to the state of Alabama is a simple one. Give us the ballot! [Pillar, p. 554-555] A native of Wilcox County, Alabama, he was a graduate of Camden High School, Daniel Payne College and Payne Theological Seminary in Birmingham, AL.

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QUESTIONS TO ASK TO DETERMINE WHETHER SOMETHING IS REALLY WORTH KNOWING ● Is this something I really need to know? ● Does it make me a better person? ● Will it save me trouble later if I learn it now? ● Does it tell me something important I didn’t already know? ● Does it help me remember what I’ve known all along but forgot? ● Will it straighten out my dilemmas, confusions, misperceptions, and paradoxes? ● Will it empower me in some way? ● Will it help me better understand myself and my relation to the world? ● Will it bring me closer to being like my Higher Self? ● Will this be important one day, even if it seems not as applicable right now? ● Does this free me from manipulation that happens solely because I’m unaware of it? ● Is this at all relevant to helping me understand and do what I am here to do? ● Does this in any way assist me in being who I really am? ● What would happen if I went without knowing it?

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“Freedom is not worth having if it does not include the freedom to make mistakes.” —Mahatma Gandhi

The Father of the Nonviolent Right To Vote Movement

Reverend James Luther Bevel October 19, 1936—December 19, 2008

In a nonviolent movement...you have to give people an honorable means and context in which to express and eliminate their grief and speak decisively and succinctly back to the issue. Otherwise, your movement will break down in violence and chaos. —James L. Bevel

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Charity is no substitute for justice withheld. —Saint Augustine

The Mother of the Nonviolent Right To Vote Movement

Diane Nash May 15, 1938 - Present Diane Nash was born in Chicago, IL. While a student at Fisk University she began attending nonviolent civil disobedience workshops led by the Rev. James Lawson. At age 22, she became the unofficial leader of the Nashville sit-ins that desegregated lunch counters in Nashville, Tennessee, inspired by sit-ins in February in Greensboro, North Carolina. In April 1960 Nash helped to found SNCC, and quit school to lead its direct action wing. In 1961, under her leadership the Nashville Student Movement took over the responsibility for the Freedom Rides from Birmingham, Alabama, to Jackson, Mississippi. The rides had been conceived by the Congress of Racial Equality, but after severe attacks, CORE's leader James L. Farmer Jr. decided to cancel them. Nash argued that, "We can’t let them stop us with violence. If we do, the movement is dead." She was a co-author with her former husband Rev. James Bevel, of the Selma 1965 Right-To -Vote Proposal which became the 1965 Selma Movement, and greatly aided in the passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. President John F. Kennedy appointed her to a national committee that led to the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. She worked for the SCLC under Martin Luther King, Jr. from 1961 to 1965, and served as an organizer, strategist, field staff person, race-relations staff person and workshop instructor. Nash later questioned SCLC because of its dominance by males, especially clergymen. After 1965, she broke ties with SNCC when it departed from its original nonviolent principles. She is the mother of two children, Sherrilyn and Douglas Bevel.

“Freedom is people realizing they are their own leader.” “Something is wrong when people follow a single leader ... that has never resulted in freedom for black people.” “Anytime you have a lot of people thinking they need one leader to tell them what to do, it’s a social illness.”

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WHO IS JAMES LUTHER BEVEL? "We would have never gone to Selma, and there would not have been a Voting Rights Bill today if James Bevel had not conceived of the idea" "Jim was the originator of the idea of the march from Selma to Montgomery. Jim Bevel is the author of that." "Dr. King could not have done the things he did unless he had a James Bevel." —Dr. Ralph David Abernathy "My former husband and I . . . deliberately made a choice. We weren't going to stop working . . . until Alabama Blacks had the right to vote." —Diane Nash “Nobody knows it but. James Bevel said, “Let’s have a salt march to the sea.” I said, What are you talking about?” He said, “Let’s March On Washington.” — Ambassador Andrew Young “I was inspired by Jesus, Malcolm X, James Bevel, and Martin Luther King Jr.” —Reverend Jesse L. Jackson "James Bevel called the march to Montgomery. I know because I was there when he conceived it." —Dr. Bernard Lafayette “I went to a meeting at this church, and they announced about this important mass meeting, something we wasn’t use to, and said James Bevel would be speaking that night. James Bevel did speak and everything he said, you know made sense. — Fannie Lou Hamer “The pattern was always the same, first the local ministers spoke, then Bevel and then King...Bevel was the most rousing speaker. He was a firebrand and got the audience riled up...James Bevel was an orator without peer.” — Charles Fager As a historian who has focused on James Bevel's career in the 1960s Civil Rights Movement, I'd like to correct the data referring to Bevel as "a top lieutenant of Martin Luther King Jr." Rather than being any type of underling, Bevel and King held a meeting in 1962 and agreed to work as equals. From that point on James Bevel initiated, directed, and strategized SCLC's major movements, as well as teaching their participants the science and art of nonviolence and how to carry it out. The ongoing but discredited habit of giving James Bevel less credit than historically accurate remains interesting. Imagine Madison and Adams forever praised but Jefferson not mentioned, or Gehrig without Ruth, or Paul McCartney without a fellow musician/songwriter named John. This still remains true about Bevel and King, although the truth has emerged. Historian David Garrow affirms much of it, and even Taylor Branch, in his book "At Canaan's Edge" confirms it when he quotes King as saying about the ill-fated Memphis actions: "You don't like to work on anything that isn't your own idea. Bevel, I think you owe me one." For accurate summaries of James Bevel's work, see my papers on the internet or obtain my 1984 paper, with '88 addendum, in David Garrow's 1989 book "We Shall Overcome Volume II". —Randy Kryn, December 5, 2008 “The Bevel story does revise the history of the civil rights movement and it needs to be told.” —Robert St. John in a letter to Randy Kryn "I don't think we would have had a movement without him. . .He played a very important role, and that role was translated into a successful movement" — Ambassador Andrew Young

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“You were like an angel to me...God sent you to me to talk about a day of atonement.” —Minister Louis Farrakhan “We were trying to map out some strategy about what we were going to do to retaliate, and that’s when Rev. Bevel came and stood up on the car to speak to us. He said that we were brave in the dark, we were going to shoot somebody in the dark or hit somebody on the head in the dark. He challenged us to so something in the light, if we had the guts. He said we could take that energy and go to the bus station and buy a ticket in the main waiting room which was on the white side. He said we could take that energy and go buy a Coke in the restaurant where it was suppose to be open to the public. That was in 1961, when the Freedom Rides were just coming into Mississippi.” — Stranger At The Gate, A Summer In Mississippi, Tracy Sugarman “James Bevel is a young Baptist minister who has been involved in the civil rights movement since the lunch counter sitins in Nashville, TN in 1960. He quickly became known for his abilities as an organizer, particularly of youth, and his eloquence as a speaker. In 1962, he joined SCLC as a close aide of Martin Luther King, Jr., until the latter’s assassination in 1968. As a civil rights leader, Bevel has received little publicity, though he has the charisma to have been on the front pages of newspapers all around the world. But he has never sought publicity or projected his own personality into the public arena.” —Julius Lester, Evergreen Magazine, May, 1971, p.4 "I'd say 98% of the plans and activities in Selma were Bevel's. The Selma Movement was Bevel's baby." —Reverend James Orange "Even the March on Washington was Jim Bevel's idea" —Dr. Bernard Lafayette "He was a great philosopher, an unbelievable philosopher." “Bevel could do more with young people than any human being on the face of the earth.” — Reverend Hosea Williams “James Bevel made sacrifices and contributions that can’t be denied or fathomed by many of us..I hope we as conscious people understand that there is a cyclical generational sickness that has taken hold of our communities...The intelligent way to approach it is not to blame the victims for the institutionalization of their sickness, but rather to eradicate the system that produced victims and the sickness which undermines the vitality, selflessness and indomitability of the human spirit.” —R2C2H@ Tha Artivst

“Because of the nature of man as spirit, mind, emotion and body and the reality of nature as space, energy, elements and motion, a just constitutional democratic republic of necessity must have four active branches of government, the legislative, the executive, the judicial and the people (precinct council) as a organized force to present on a consistent bases, their legitimate needs, problems, interest and will.” —James L. Bevel

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It is not the critic who counts, not the man who points out how the strong man stumbled, or where the doer of deeds could have done better. The credit belongs to the man who is actually in the arena; whose face is marred by the dust and sweat and blood; who strives valiantly; who errs and comes short again and again; who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions and spends himself in a worthy cause; who at the best, knows in the end the triumph of high achievement, and who, at worst, if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly; so that his place shall never be with those cold and timid souls who know neither victory or defeat." —President Theodore Roosevelt

JAMES L. BEVEL BRIEF BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH As a student in Nashville, TN, faced with the inequities of an unjust social order, and having been called to the ministry by the Spirit of God, James Luther Bevel had to decide whether or not he could be true to his calling and continue to put up with injustice. He studied the teachings and work of Yeshua/Jesus and Gandhi, and got with other young people who felt similar to him and began to move nonviolently to lift the burdens from their people. The history of James Bevel is recorded in numerous books, magazines, interviews and papers. He was born in Ittabena, MS, on October 19, 1936, to Illie and Denise Bevel. He was one of sixteen children. In 1959, he became Pastor of the Chestnut Grove Baptist Church, Dixon, TN. 1960 he was an organizer of the Nashville Sit-In Movement (which led to desegregation of lunch counters); 1961 chairman, Nashville Student Movement and director, Open Theater Movement (which led to desegregation of theatres); initiated the continuance of the Freedom Rides under the auspices of SNCC (the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) after CORE ( Congress of Racial Equality) called them off because of violence (led ICC/Interstate Commerce Commission ruling against segregation in Intrastate Commerce); graduated from American Baptist Theological Seminary, Nashville, TN; director of SNCC Mississippi Delta Project; 1962 developed Ruleville and Greenwood, MS Voter Registration Project led to Fannie Lou Hammer joining the movement); 1963 joined SCLC (Southern Christian Leadership Conference) at the invitation of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and became Director of Direct Action and Nonviolent Education. Organized students to participate in “D” Day demonstration where masses of students became involved in the Birmingham Movement (led to passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964); initiated the March On Washington; 1965 developed and directed the Selma Right-To-Vote Movement (led to passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965); received the Rosa Parks Award from SCLC, along with his wife Diane Nash; 1966, he developed and directed the Chicago Open Housing Movement and tenet union, Chicago, IL (led to Supreme Court Ruling Against Segregation In Housing); 1967, he took a leave of absence from SCLC and became director of The Mobilization To End The War In Vietnam and persuaded Dr. King to join (led to draft resisters movement and United Nations protest demonstration of 1/4 million people). 1994, co-initiated the largest single gathering in one place in American History--the 1995 Million Man March (Day of Atonement). A man of many talents, James L. Bevel was also noted for his lyrical abilities. As a composer of freedom songs, Bevel's most popular works were: "Dog-Dog" (1959), "Why Was The Darky Born" (1961), and "I Know We'll Meet Again" (1969). This last song is a sentimental testament to Bevel's, friend, and colleague, the late Martin Luther King, Jr. With King when he was shot in 1968, Bevel saw his leader gunned down. James Earl Ray was the man arrested, 258


indicted, and convicted of King's murder. Bevel believed that Ray was innocent. He even went to the jail-house and told him so, even though Ray rejected his help and refused to let him into his cell. Bevel told Ray that King was assassinated by capitalists threatened by King's mobilization of the poor or by the military-industrial complex which was aghast at King's denunciation of the Vietnam War and his perceived left wing shift. James Bevel has been married four times and has sixteen children and numerous grandchildren. He was married to Diane Nash, Patricia Churchill, Helen L. Edmond and Erica Henry. In 2008, James L. Bevel was convicted of incest, in Leesburg, VR. Here was the brilliant architect of the Selma Right To Vote Movement and strategist for most of the nonviolent movements of the 60’s, stuck in the slave conditioning of incest. Keep in mind that on the plantation slaves did not have the luxury of going to other plantations to secure a mate, they had to release their sexual energy with family members (incest) and this conditioning like many others has been passed down from generation to generation. James Bevel is simply indicative of a problem that has yet to be addressed and how deeply it is rooted in the lives of African American males in the south. Though he fought valiantly to regain his humanity through the various movements he initiated and participated in order to overcome the mandate of destruction of his manhood (“the purpose for the revision of this constitution is to destroy the manhood of the Negro citizen through to success.” Mississippi Constitution revisionist) in the end he was only met with humiliation. Though he was able to uproot many of the laws that enslaved him, he was incapable of eradicating the conditioning of slavery that created criminals out of otherwise Children of G_D. This work is still left undone.

“A flawed diamond is more valuable than a perfect brick.”

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TIMELINE OF JAMES L. BEVEL, 1936 - 2008 1936-51

Born October 19th to Illie and Denise Bevel in Ittabena, Mississippi, on Joe Pieu’s Plantation. He had seventeen siblings. Attended Palo Alto St. John Christian School Moved to Cleveland, OH, and attended Raleigh Junior H. S. and graduated from East Technical High School 1956 Received B. A. from the American Baptist Theological Seminary, Nashville, TN 1957 Licensed to preach 1959 Ordained into the ministry. 1959-61 Pastor, Chestnut Grove Baptist Church, Dixon, TN 1960 Attended class on nonviolence taught by Reverend James Lawson 1960 Co-organizer, Sit—In Movement, Nashville, TN (which led to desegregation of lunch counters); 1961 Chairman, Nashville Student Movement and director, Open Theatre Movement (which led to desegregation of theatres); 1961 Co-initiated continuance of Freedom Rides under the auspices of SNCC (the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee) after CORE called them off (led to ICC Ruling Against Segregation in Interstate Commerce) 1961 Chairman of the Nashville Freedom Riders 1961 Co-organized SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) Graduated from the American Baptist Theological Seminary, Nashville, TN; Director of SNCC Mississippi Delta Project; 1962 developer, Ruleville and Greenwood, MS Voter Registration Project. 1961 Field Secretary in Mississippi for SNCC 1961 Co-organized the Mississippi Free Press along with Paul Brooks and Medgar Evers. 1962 Director of the Mississippi Project out of which came COFO and the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party. 1962 Married Diane Nash and had two children., Sherrilyn and Douglas. They divorced in 1968. 1962 Joined SCLC (Southern Christian Leadership Conference) in response to a request by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. 1962 Wrote the original proposal for the Mississippi Delta Ministry Project 1962 Recruited Mrs. Fannie Lou Hamer and others to join the movement. 1963 Became the Director of Direct Action and the Director of Nonviolent Education for SCLC. 1963 Architect of the 1963 Children's Crusade in Birmingham, Ala. Originated the idea for “D” Day, which consisted of student demonstrations where masses of students became involved in the Birmingham Movement to make it a success (led to passage of the Civil Rights Act); 1963 Gave birth to the idea of a March on Washington, although he did not participate. 1965 Co-wrote with Diane Nash the original proposal for the Selma Right-To-Vote Movement 1965 Developed and directed the Selma 1965 Right to Vote Movement (led to passage of the Voting Rights Act); received the Rosa Parks Award for Selma Movement from SCLC. He is called the father of Voting Rights. 1966 Developed and directed the Chicago Open Housing Movement and tenet union, Chicago, Illinois (led to Supreme Court Ruling Against Segregation in Housing); 1/27/1967 Took a leave of absence from SCLC and became Director of the Mobilization to End the War in Vietnam (led to draft resisters movement and U. N. protest demonstration of 1/4 million people). 1968 Co-organizer the Poor People’s Campaign 1969 Announced that James Earl Ray was an innocent scapegoat and did not kill Dr. M. L. King, Jr. and persuaded SCLC to defend him under the leadership of Reverend Ralph David Abernathy. 1969 Reported that Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. visited him, and he asked Dr. King the following. “In that you said we as a people would get to the Promised Land, where is the roadmap? At which point Dr. King provided him with the Six Institutional Development Process “Roadmap to the Freedom Land.” 1969 The Coalition to End the Murder of Black People, Chicago, IL, after the death of Michael and Johnny Soto. 1970 Strategized the movement to get Black History put into the curriculum in schools on the Westside of Chicago, IL. 1970 Co-founded with Herman O’Neil the House of MAN (Making A Nation) Baltimore, MD. 1970 Married Patricia Ridegenal, his second wife. They were divorced in 1972. 1971 Worked with Reverend Curtis Burrell, Director of the Kenwood-Oakland Community Organization (K.O.C.O.) to address gang violence on the south side of Chicago. 1972 Disillusioned by the denial of his work in the movement and all credit going to Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., he received a compilation of books, magazines, and newspaper articles attesting to his work in the civil rights and nonviolent movement as researched by Helen L. Edmond. 1972 – 06 Participated with Helen L. Edmond in her recording hundreds of hours of lectures, institutional (church, business, government, clinc, home and school) meetings, commentaries on the movement, sermons, private sessions and more. 1973 Mounted a campaign with Helen Edmond to get President Richard Nixon out of the White House, in Washington D. C. 1973 Began work on outlining and developing the Six Institutional Development Process (given to him by Dr. King after his death) through a continuous lecture series. At this time he also wrote the Nonviolent Clinical Process. 1974 Member of New Age Truth, Chicago, IL with Dr. David M. Berry (80 year old metaphysician whose famous quote was, “People would do better, if they knew better.”). 1975 Organized urban people to pursue industrial development through agriculture, Nashville, TN 260


1975

Worked with Reverend Maxwell of Nashville, TN to create a hands-on learning program for teaching fresh fruit and vegetable growing and urban marketing for urban citizens. 1977 Moved into The Lorraine Motel Memphis, TN (where Dr. King was assassinated) and maintained a prayer vigil, and initiated a movement to give James Earl Ray the accused murderer of Dr. King a fair and impartial trial. 1977 - 80 Director and Co-founder with Helen L. Edmond and Marcellus Brooks of the Nonviolent Human and Community Development Research Institute, Nashville and Memphis, TN. Engaged in food production and sponsored classes in institutional development. 1978 Co-Pastor, Bethel Baptist Church, Brooklyn, NY 1978 Co-founder, the Coffeehouse, Manhattan, NY with Reverend Frederick Douglass Kirkpatrick and Mathew Jones. 1978 Moved to Bronx, NY with members of The Farm, (founded by Steven Gaskin headquartered in Summertown, TN), to receive midwifery service for his wife Helen Edmond. 1980 Director of the Coalition of Church, Citizens and Organizations for Public Education (COPE), Cleveland, OH 1980 – 82 Co-Director of Organofarms, Hiram, OH with Reverend Al Couch, Marcellus Brooks, Helen Edmond, Reverend Margaret Mitchell, Elzy Richardson, Gary Morton and Karen (Imani) Hardy. Engaged in organic food production serving churches in Youngstown, Cleveland and Akron, OH, with fresh fruits and vegetables. 1983 Married Helen L. Edmond. They had five children Shalay, James Jr., Jamese, AmiRa and Enoch. They continued to work on their original marriage proposition, the creation of a nonviolent society until his death. 1983 Began providing interviews with Randy Kryn a historian and researcher. 1984 Ran for Congress 7 th Congressional District in Chicago, IL. Bevel won 33% of the vote on the Republican ticket. 1985 Co-founder C.A.M.P. (Carver Agricultural Marketing Project), Chicago, IL w/Helen L. Edmond and Marcellus Brooks` 1985 Co-Pastor, South Shore Community United Church of Christ, with Reverend Archie Hargraves, Chicago, IL 1985 Co-founder S.E.E.D. (Students for Education and Economic Development), with Yessie Yehudah and Phillip Bradley Recruited Irma Jean Kohn and Melvin Delks for community organizing on the Westside of Chicago. 1986 National Advisory Board, American Freedom Coalition. 1987 Co-organizer of CAUSA with Reverend Michael Jenkins, Dr. Ralph Abernathy, Reverend A. L. Dunlap and others. Initiated the idea for a conference to end gangs based on the premise that, “Gangs are guys and gals who don’t know government.” This led to Melvin Delk’s organizing various gangs throughout Chicago, IL to unite for a common goal of political empowerment. 1988 Journeyed to South Africa, to help negotiate the release of Nelson Mandela, as a member of the All African Congress. 1989 Organized the National Committee Against Religious Bigotry and Racism, with Dr. Ralph David Abernathy. 1990 Worked with Phillip Bradley and Ellen Shivers to establish Six Institutional Process in Washington, DC 1990 International observer, "Citizens Fact-Finding Commission to Investigate Human Rights Violations of Children in Nebraska. 1991 Moved his family to Omaha, NE to investigate a child abuse ring. Former Nebraska State Senator John DeCamp, “At first I thought that Rev. Bevel must be crazy, or a radical trouble-maker. Why would a middle-aged man with a family to support take off and move to Nebraska in the middle of winter, to take up a cause that could guarantee him nothing but grief, and might get him killed? But as I watched him work and saw his dedication, I learned more about faith, hope, charity and truth from this one individual, than from all the priests, pastors and rabbis I have known. Rev. Bevel cared about one thing - children. Children were being abused and were going to be abused, unless something was done.”

1991

Board member of The Malcolm X Memorial Foundation, in Omaha, NE with Mrs. Rowena Moore, Johnny “Jet” Rodgers and others. The foundation holds the deed to the childhood birth site and surrounding area of Malcolm Little. 1992 Vice presidential running mate with Lyndon LaRouche. He was by far the most famous person who ever ran for vice president. The LaRouche-Bevel ticket opposed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the GATT proposal because they are colonialist, radical free trade doctrines that are designed to destroy the last remnant of economic independence remaining to farmers and the labor movement. 1994 Chairman of the annual, Declaration of Independence Co-Signer's Convention, Philadelphia, PN 1995 Developed idea for the Day of Atonement for the Million Man March, with Minister Louis Farrakhan 1997 Married Erica Henry. One daughter, Jamerica, was born from this union. 2004 - 08 Member of REACH, Inc, with Bishop Luke Edward in Eutaw, AL 2003 – 08 Consultant and Spiritual Advisor, Peaceaholics, Washington, D. C. 2005 Worked to establish “Day of Atonement” commemoration in Selma, AL with Reverend Joseph Spears, Melvin Delk, Helen Edmond, Erica Henry, Valencia Humes and Rev. Michael Henson. 2008 Convicted of incest in Leesburg, VR. (This case shows how GOD can use anyone, even an incestuous person to bring about change for the good. Many people engage in incest, but none have done what James L. Bevel did). 2008 Bevel went to live with the ancestors on December 19th in Springfield, VR. He died from complications from pancreatic cancer. He was buried in a canoe crafted by artist Billy Caradine and Mary Greer, in Eutaw, AL. Minister Lewis Farrakhan gave the eulogy at a service attended by many notables and common folk. James Bevel fathered the following knownchildren. Bonny Shellman (Betty Biggins), Don Glenard Bevel-El (Barbara Jean Talley), Jacqueline Harris (Evelyn Harris ), Chevara Orrin (Sue Orrin), Bacardi L. Jackson (Sue Orrin), Segena Ponder (Annelle Ponder), Masavia N. Greer (Mary Greer), Stephen Jackson (Stormy Jackson)

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NO CHOICE BUT TO WRITE His rage was uncontrollable. He paced back and forth, cussing, swearing, enraged beyond belief. Tears swelled up in the corner of his eyes. He questioned, “how could anyone do this, how, why?” His wife could not console him because she to was pushed to anger verging on rage. Usually sedate and calm, she was beyond herself with the thought of revenge. “We’ve got to do something,” she cried. “Yeah, find those murdering bast__ds and kill them,” he exclaimed. “We can find them and put an end to their murderous plots forever,” he said. This went on for some time as Diane and Jim laid out a plan to find and kill the men responsible for setting the bomb at the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church that killed four little girls on September 15, 1963 in Birmingham, AL. Finally a light broke through as they observed their little girl Sherrilyn playing. They looked at each other. Anger had turned to pain but reason found its way in. “If we find those responsible and kill them, then who will protect our daughter from others plotting to do the same or worse?” Jim asked. “We will be in jail and others, just like those cowards will be free to continue blowing up churches with little girls in Sunday school. We have to come up with a plan that will solve this problem, Diane said in agreement. Yes, we have been talking about it, but now we just have to do it, we can’t let this go on any longer, Jim said. “We have to think up a plan that will protect Black people throughout the south from this type of hatred.” Then Jim flashed with an insight, as he began strategizing a solution that would solve the problem and satisfy his wife. “What?” Diane asked. “Diane, we have to make the right to vote a law that is protected by the Federal government throughout the south. Black people have got to be able to vote into office sheriffs, mayors, governors and judges who will protect their right’s, and the Federal government will have to step up and assure these rights,” he said. Diane’s blood shot eyes, from crying lightened. She heard what she felt in her heart was a real solution. “Okay, yes, of course we have been doing all these small local movements, now we have to do a movement that guarantees Black people voting rights across the board. Yes I’ll get the paper and a pen. Let’s put it down and start to work on it right now.” And so began the most far reaching plan to protect the right of Black people throughout the South. Within one year of their writing what would become the infamous Selma Right-To-Vote Movement, President Lyndon Baines Johnson would sign into law “The Voting Rights Act” and victory was eminent. Some forty + years since this heroic loving couple wrote the historic Right-To-Vote Proposal, to the masses they are still unknown, but their legacy lives on in the lives of all of those who have benefited from their courageous sacrifice. Don’t be misled by movies and other propaganda. Know the truth and the truth will set you free.

This day say a prayer of thanksgiving to the Bevel’s and let G_D continue to bless us to go forward in a spirit of nonviolence to create a world where all know freedom, justice, peace and equality.

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PROPOSAL FOR THE RIGHT TO VOTE

September 15, 1964 By

James L. Bevel and Diane Nash

Reverend James L. Bevel and his former wife Diane Nash receive the Rosa Parks award, from Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., for having initiated and worked to make a success of the 1965 Selma, AL Right-To-Vote Movement. Following is the original first draft of the proposal that James Bevel and Diane Nash presented to SCLC (Southern Christian Leadership Conference), after the church bombing in Birmingham, AL, where four little girls were killed, while attending Sunday school. This proposal was turned down by all civil rights organizations. Bevel worked for one year to convince the board of SCLC to adopt the proposal. Bevel, Diane and James Orange, moved to Selma to implement the program before adoption by the organization. It was their persistence, perseverance and effectiveness that finally persuaded the SCLC board to adopt the Selma Right To Vote Program as an official program of SCLC.

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PROGRAM FOR ACTION IN ALABAMA SOUTHERN CHRISTIAN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE (SCLC) Alabama Movement for Political Enfranchisement INTRODUCTION: In the building of a movement from the point where we are now, there are certain steps and activities that must be carried out. Listed below are some activities which, if carried out, would unite the people of Alabama, prepare them for suffering, in a prolonged nonviolent campaign, appeal to the conscience of white people in Alabama and the nation, and keep the opponents and participants informed. Such a campaign would not allow the objective to become obscured. It would eventually lead to the education and enfranchisement of nearly all people outside of Alabama to become active in the cause. This program will only be effective if it is carried through to its conclusion. ADULT PREPARATION The meeting for all of the Alabama affiliates that will be held on March 4 and 5 will serve as the imitation for the project. At this meeting an action program should be outlined for the affiliates and adopted by them. The office has to keep in mind that the affiliates by and large are not action orientated; therefore it is unreasonable to expect that once an action program is submitted to them that they would automatically go back home and carry it out. Since past experience has taught us that students are the ones who usually provide the man power, the home office must keep in mind that our main responsibility is reaching, organizing and preparing the students in Alabama for action with the assistance of the adults, of course. II. STUDENT PREPARATION Field secretaries should start contacting high school and college students and organizations introducing them to and getting their commitment to the program. The students should be organized into groups electing their leaders and starting training programs. They should work with adult groups wherever possible. There should be several state-wide or regional student meetings for the purpose of building cohesion and enthusiasm. III. COMMUNITY PREPARATION The white and Negro communities should be reached to the farthest extent to which we are capable‌ A. People to people tours by Dr. King, Rev. Abernathy, and Rev. Shuttlesworth should be taken. There should be three kinds of meetings in each community: 1) a meeting with students & adult leaders 2) a student mass meeting 3) a regular mass meeting B. Letters to white and Negro ministers and other strategic leaders should be mailed regularly, constantly defining to them the issues and the movement. C. Pamphlets, leaflets, stickers, buttons and paid newspaper advertisement should be freely used. D. Mass meetings should be going on in almost every community. The right to vote as a fight should be kept constantly before the people the affiliates can accept the major responsibility for this

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IV. NEGOTIATION A. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference and all of its affiliates and all organizations within the state should send a letter to Mr. Wallace and all appropriate state officials akin; that all laws be repealed and tactics stopped that tend to discourage and disenfranchise any citizens who are 21 years of age. An effort to contact these officials and talk with them personally should be made. B. Another letter should be sent to the state board of elections and county boards of election and county registrars, asking them to register any legal resident 21 years of age who applies. C. President Johnson should be requested in writing to insure voting rights for anyone 21 years old who is a resident of his locate and to promptly send federal officials to an area where testimony is given to the effect that any 21 year old citizen is being denied the right to vote. The federal official should be empowered to register any person who is being illegally denied. V. DEMONSTRATIONS There are two types of demonstration that we probably should consider: mass demonstrations in one city and demonstrations in many places simultaneously. The advantages of concentrating in one city are: 1. The romance of leaving home to go demonstrate would detract more Negro males. 2. The news media could cover more thoroughly and effectively one city than many. 3. Extensive coverage would tend to prevent brutality, or if it occurred it would be well covered. 4. Because we lack many well trained leaders it would also help in maintain discipline. 5. It would be more dramatic to have 5 or 6 thousand people in jail in one city rather than in many cities across the state in smaller numbers. The advantage of demonstrations in many places are: 1. They would directly involve more communities. 2. They would keep the brunt of the entire resources of the state from falling on one place; it would split their forces. 3. They would help keep the state off balance in trying to anticipate what will happen next and where. 4. More leaders would probably be developed. It seems to me that both of these approaches can be used at different times. Although the kinds of demonstrations will be varied (Picketing, sit-ins, mass-marches on the capitol, etc.) the results will probably be jail-ins, therefore, it is important to involve large numbers of people who are committed to staying in jail for at least 4 or 5 months. It should also be noted that once the leaders get out of jail the morale drops and people get restless and want to get out also. Because so much energy, money, time and effort are dissipated in arranging bonds, the movement loses its soul force. It also loses the opportunity of holding the nations attention and pricking the conscience of the opponent and the nation. VI FINANCES AND NATIONAL ACTION It’s a known fact that once real action starts, people begin to raise money in the north and they hold large mass rallies for the movement. The rallies should also be used to get people involved at a much deeper level. Since we will be demonstrating in the south for the right to vote, it would be easy to inspire people to put on mass voter education and voter registration drives in large urban centers. There should be literature (pamphlets, etc) prepared by the movement that will help direct voter education in the north.

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TITHING The concept of tithing as expressed by the Jewish prophets was that man should at least five ten per cent of his earning back to the source that gave him whatever he had earned. So the prophets reasoned that God gave food, then ten per cent should be given back to God. This concept was also carried into business if as well. Therefore, if a man harvested ten bushels of wheat, he was expected to save ten per cent for seed. That is, he was to replant at least one tenth of his harvest. This of course meant that farmers would always have new crops. This concept of tithing should be adopted by any nonviolent movement or organization. The organization should put at least ten per cent of its earnings back into the source that produced it. If the young people of Alabama, because of their nonviolent action and commitment made it possible for an organization to earn a certain amount of money, then that organization should put at least ten per cent aside to be used for putting the weapon of nonviolence back into the hands of other young people in Alabama. If this was done then the organization would never have to worry about “FLUNKING.” The organizations that worry about flunking in a tough situation or worry about whether the people will respond in a time of crisis are those organizations that ask “wherein have we robbed Him?” Of course the answer is in “tithing and offering”, and therefore the organizations have become impoverished for they lack the responding nonviolent human resources in which they have failed to re-invest. If it becomes necessary for Dr. King, Rev. Abernathy to remain in Alabama over a period of time, Wyatt Walker, and CT Vivian could take the major responsibility of raising funds. It would be helpful if Bayard Rustin and Walter Fauntroy organized mass marches in Washington (Capitol) and New York (UN). VI.

IMPLEMENTATION OF PROGRAM A. Headquarters in Montgomery or Birmingham should be set up almost immediately. The office should be responsible for: 1. Coordination the staff. 2. Getting out mailings and other literature and correspondence 3. Materials, such as pamphlets, films, projectors, books, etc. B. Staff Several of the field secretaries should be sent to Alabama to work full time. Their jobs should be carrying out the adult, student and community preparation as se forth in I, II, and III of this memo. The field secretaries should be responsible for setting up the meetings for Dr. King, Rev. Abernathy and Rev. Shuttlesworth

CONCLUSION: We should expect to be vigorously involved in the struggle of this campaign for at least eight months. We should keep in mind that the objective of this particular battle is enfranchisement of Negro people in Alabama; therefore, the most important part of this battle is to actually see that obstacles are removed and to get members of Negroes in Alabama registered… This is our responsibility. Only then will the staff be free to go home. We must keep in mind that unless we can in fact get Negroes registered, we cannot stop bombings of churches, unjust court proceedings, police brutality, etc. We must also keep in mind that unless large numbers of Negroes get registered, there will not be the climate for peaceful, large scale school integration, integration of public commendations and employment of Negroes on many city, county and state jobs.

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The Proposal for The Right To Vote This farmable copy of this historic document is available for purchase. Send a money order for $12.99 to: Edmond Publication, 652 E. 89th Place, Chicago, IL 60619 Please allow 5-10 days for delivery.

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Staff of the Director of Direct Action & Nonviolent Education for SCLC Reverend James L. Bevel Reverend James Orange Reverend Richard Boone

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“The moment the slave resolves that he will no longer be a slave, his fetters fall. Freedom and slavery are mental states.” —Mahatma Gandhi

REVEREND JAMES ORANGE Rev. Dr. James Edward Orange, was hired by the late Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. as one of the first field staffers. Orange was instrumental in mobilizing youth throughout the civil rights movement, and making a significant impact on the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Orange was instrumental in the election of Nelson Mandela as President and has continued to help with transportation needs in South Africa. Currently the Birmingham, AL native serves as the Community and Religious Coordinator for the AFL-CIO, Southern Region in Atlanta, GA. At a meeting at Sixteenth Street Baptist Church, in Birmingham, AL, the Rev. James Bevel, director of direct action for the (SCLC), began telling a group, many of whom were high school or college students, how they were to behave if they were confronted by the police or arrested. Orange asked, “who was going to get arrested.” "We are," Bevel replied. "You are." "That's when I learned that those empty benches had been reserved for people who had volunteered to go to jail, if necessary, in the fight against Jim Crow," Orange said, a broad smile crossing his face. "But there was no tuning back." And, as far as Orange is concerned, not then and not since. James Orange was on Bevel’s executive staff and he joined Bevel and his wife Diane in moving to Selma, AL, in 1964, to begin work on securing the right to vote. They worked without the support of SCLC, at first. Eventually, SCLC made the work they were doing official, and the rest is history.

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“The genuine desire to better oneself leads one to accept the personality as it is now.” —Eva Pierrakos

REVEREND RICHARD BOONE Born July 7, 1937, in Lowndes County, Alabama. As a youth, he was angry at the way white people treated his family and decided to get a motorcycle and an AK-47 in order to kill white folk. Boone met James Bevel who helped to redirect his energy through nonviolent workshops, where he was introduced to the writings of Tolstoy, Gandhi, Bondurant, and Reich. Boone worked both as an organizer for SNCC and as a field director for SCLC while he was a student at Alabama State University (1960-61). After several encounters at ASU, he led a movement to take over the school; the school was under student occupation for about a week, Boone was later dismissed from the university and enjoined by federal courts from attending any college in Alabama. Between 1963 and 1964, Boone worked with SCLC in Birmingham, Dothan, Anniston, Gadsden, Mobile, and Tuscaloosa, AL. He also worked in Barnesville, GA, Louisville, TN, and on the Anti-Riot Team in Rochester, NY. Upon receiving a summons from Dr. King to travel from Dothan to Tuscaloosa, AL, Boone experienced divine providence when two new tires blew out in the car that he was traveling in with Bevel and Rev. Harold Middlebrook. A good Samaritan drove them to Tuscaloosa, confounding a Klan gathering that had rallied to kill the civil rights workers as they drove past. Because the Klan expected them to arrive in a different vehicle, they were able to escape detection and this saved their own lives. In 1965, Boone served as the Administrator of the Selma Right-to-Vote Movement, working in Selma, AL and Marion, AL as well as many other Black Belt counties in Alabama. He organized the Alabama Action Commission in 1967, which ended segregation in downtown Montgomery by holding demonstrations until employment and the police force were integrated.

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James L. Bevel and the Nonviolent Right To Vote Movement Newspapers ▪ Books ▪ Magazines Personal Testimonies Our Direct Action Department, under the direction of Rev. James Bevel, then decided to attack the very heart of the political structure of the state of Alabama and the Southland through a campaign for the right to vote. —Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr.

“Precinct Council, government of, for and by the people is the new frontier.” —James L. Bevel

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“Those who desire to give up freedom in order to gain security will not have, nor do they deserve, either one.” —–Benjamin Franklin

Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., President of SCLC (Southern Christian Leadership Conference), had heard about the successful leadership of the young nonviolent student leader, the Reverend James Luther Bevel, a member of SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee). “...the Reverend James Bevel, already an experienced leader in Nashville, Greenwood and other campaigns.” Why We Can’t Wait, Martin Luther King, Jr. Dr. King invited Reverend Bevel to join the staff of SCLC in 1962 and in 1963 Bevel received the title of Director of Direct Action and Director of Nonviolent Education. As director of direct action, Bevel was responsible for formulating and strategizing action programs for SCLC as in Birmingham, AL. “James Bevel was organizing the youngsters for the marches. In early May, at a critical juncture when King wavered because of pressure from the Kennedy’s to hold off demonstrations, Bevel ignoring King’s wishes slipped the children out of a church and marched them downtown to jail in the most brilliant maneuver of the campaign.” CORE, August Meir & Elliott Rudwick The introduction of Birmingham’s children into the campaign was one of the wisest moves made. It brought a new impact to the crusade and the impetus that we needed to win the struggle. Jim Bevel had the inspiration of setting D Day, when the students would go to jail in historic numbers. Why We Can’t Wait, Martin Luther King, Jr. Dr. King reveled in the situation. He complimented Jim Bevel for originating it and referred to it as “inspiration.” The Days of Martin Luther King, Jr., Jim Bishop When the little girls were killed in a Birmingham church bombing, Reverend Bevel decided that it could not be ignored, because he could see the inter-relatedness of the bombing and the movement actions being carried out in Birmingham. He decided to step up the action of the nonviolent movement. His overriding thought was to provide Black people with a tool that they could use to nonviolently protect themselves. He decided that getting the southern Black people the right-to-vote would go along way in providing this protection. On the day of the bombing, he and his wife Diane Nash drew up a plan for getting the right to vote. He sent his wife Diane NashBevel to present the proposal to Dr. King, asking for his and SCLC’s support for such a plan. "My former husband and I . . . deliberately made a choice. We weren't going to stop working . . . until Alabama Blacks had the right to vote." Diane Nash-Bevel interview in Voices of Freedom, p. 173 As reported in several sources, immediately after a bomb in Birmingham's Sixteenth Street Baptist Church killed four young girls attending Sunday School on September 15, 1963, Rev. Bevel and Diane Nash, doing movement work in North Carolina at the time, wrote up a plan for an Alabama Project. This plan would direct the anger and hate over the murders into a very quick Southern wide strategy to obtain the right to vote. Jim Bevel telephoned key people in SCLC, SNCC, the NAACP and CORE after Nash had already left to present their plan to Dr. King--calling them to explain the reasoning of his simpler and more effective plan-- but none of these groups or any others would join it. So Bevel, Nash, and Birmingham activist James Orange started to organize the Alabama Project. SCLC's national staff did not join it until over a year later, when they finally agreed to work on the Alabama Project and it became known as the Selma Voting Rights Movement. Randy Kryn: Movement Revision Research Summary Regarding James Bevel “King’s SCLC gave serious consideration to a national civil disobedience campaign (the right to vote proposal) drafted by Reverend James L. Bevel and his wife Diane Nash-Bevel, Field Secretary of SNCC.” House Divided, Lionel Lokos

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“Every atom belonging to you as well belongs to me.” —Walt Whitman

The SCLC endorsed the call for a nationwide boycott, but a week later was forced to reverse itself when virtually every other civil rights group rejected the idea. House Divided, Lionel Lokos After several months, Reverend Bevel decided to move on the plan without the consent of Dr. King or SCLC. He took some of his staff to Alabama and started organizing people and resources to bring the plan to fruition. Bernard and Colia Lafayette came to Selma, in February 1963 to begin a voter education effort. Throughout the spring their monthly Dallas County Voters League clinics drew an average of forty people, and by mid-June they were able to draw seven hundred people to a mass rally at which James Bevel of SCLC spoke. Protest At Selma, David Garrow “SNCC had been working in Selma, AL for two years, with local leaders like Mrs. Amelia Boynton and the Reverend James Bevel of SCLC. When Dr. King came to Selma in February (of 1965) fresh from winning the Nobel Peace Prize, he not only aroused local people to their highest point, but brought nation and world attention to Selma.” SNCC: The New Abolitionist, Howard Zinn Although Selma had been declared" off limits" as an organizing district by the Southern Christian Leadership Conference earlier, Amelia Robinson, with her husband, S. William Boynton, had labored for the right to vote in that area for over thirty years prior to the campaign of 1964. Upon this base, James Bevel, Bernard Lafayette, Hosea Williams and others built that campaign, which became the "Gettysburg" of the movement. Mrs. Amelia Boynton Robinson Our Direct Action Department, under the direction of Rev. James Bevel, then decided to attack the very heart of the political structure of the state of Alabama and the Southland through a campaign for the right to vote. Planning for the voter registration project in Selma started around the seventeenth of December, 1964, but the actual project started on the second of January, 1965. Our affiliate organization, the Dallas County Voters League, invited us to aid and assist in getting more Negroes registered to vote. We planned to have Freedom Days, days of testing and challenge, to arouse people all over the community. We decided that on the days that the county and the state had designated as registration days, we would assemble at the Brown Chapel A.M.E. Church and walk together to the courthouse. More than three thousand were arrested in Selma and Marion together. I was arrested in one of those periods when we were seeking to go to the courthouse. The Autobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr. As director of nonviolent education, James Bevel had the responsibility of educating and demonstrating nonviolence. But at one, the Ward Four meeting held in the back of Brown Chapel, they got a reception from an SCLC staff member named James Bevel. Bevel was on Dr. King’s executive staff, and was in charge of the SCLC workers in the city; although short and unimposing in appearance, he was one of King’s most eloquent and fiery spokesman known especially for the vigor and force of his denunciation of racism. He also knew of the maneuvering going on among the city Whites and was ready to play on it. Before a small dumfounded audience, Bevel stood up and ordered the deputies to leave. One of them raised a camera to take his picture and he angrily told him to stop and repeated the order to leave. The deputies were wary of getting involved in such surrounding, and they left. The news of this unprecedented act of defiance quickly spread around the city. Selma, 1965, Charles Fager Past experiences had taught Bevel that once a campaign was started, it had to be completed. He had come to Selma, with his staff to gain the right to vote, realizing that they would be offered everything but that. He however, was resolved. In February 1965, here and throughout Alabama’s midsection, quiet was not the case. Nearby Selma with a population of about 50 percent black, was the epicenter of the Civil Rights struggle at the time and was way beyond tense. That was thanks, in large part, to Dallas County’s fire-headed sheriff, Jim Clark, and the blatantly 273


"It is weakness rather than wickedness which renders men unfit to be trusted with unlimited power." — John Adams, 1788

unconstitutional court orders of state Circuit Judge James Hare — such as banning public assemblies of three people or more. The Death of Jimmie Lee Jackson, John Fleming, The Anniston Star “...the injunction represented a major attempt by the White leadership to head off the demonstrations in Selma. It contained what seemed to be real concessions, which would open up the voting rolls to larger numbers of Black citizens. Even the SCLC workers weren’t sure at first what its impact would be. Andy Young told the people at Brown Chapel, when they heard it was imminent that, “In every battle there are many rounds, and this round may have come to an end. We may have a little breathier.” With fifteen thousand eligible people in Dallas County, what the process set up by order amounted to was several more years delay in getting them registered, several more years in which the whites could apply their quiet form of coercion and intimidation, at which they were so experienced to keep people out of the courthouse and off the voting rolls. James Bevel who had tossed the deputies out of a ward meeting, was the main preacher at the mass meeting that night, and he was in a combative mood! The order, he said, “may make it more difficult for us to do some of the things we have done before, and we might be cited for contempt of court. But I don’t mind being cited for contempt because Negroes were born under an injunction in Alabama. If Judge Thomas plans to connive around with letters of the law in order to deny us our rights, he has a bad dream coming. We mean to vote and have representation in government, and we will settle for nothing less. I’m saying here and now,” he finished, “that we must be prepared to fight and die for everything that is ours. And there is going to be rabble rousing all over Alabama until we get the right to vote. Selma, 1965, Charles Fager Bevel took SCLC to Selma with one goal in mind, to win a strong federal voting rights law that would provide for executive branch enforcement of southern Blacks constitutionally guaranteed right-to-vote. Again and again they were offered everything else. Over the weekend there was quiet negotiations between Black and White leaders over the use of an “appearance book.” A number of the local leaders, including Reverend Reese, were momentarily persuaded that the opening of the appearance book a week early would constitute an important sign of good faith on the part of the Whites, and the Whites believed that the Black leaders had agreed to end demonstration once it became available. Selma, 1965, Charles Fager The instituting of an appearance book was not the equivalent of federal protection of voting rights and to end demonstrations or take a breather would have left the Black people at the mercy of the already riled up Klu Klux Klan and the White Citizens Council. But things didn’t work out as the Whites had hoped. The SCLC staff in the city particularly James Bevel, argued vehemently that the appearance book was just another White man’s trick, a delaying tactic like so many others and no concession at all. On Monday morning, February eighth, they held a press conference to denounce it, and to call for the holding of registration in other locations as well, the appointment of deputy registrars, some of whom would be Black and the elimination of all voting requirements except age and residence. Bevel said he would lead a group to the courthouse to make explicit their boycott of the book. Selma, 1965, Charles Fager As a result of the visibility that came to Reverend Bevel when he would not go along with other Blacks concessions when they were fooled by the White man’s tricks, he was severely beaten and jailed on the day of the appearance book protest. James Bevel...had been beaten insensibly by sheriff’s deputies and had sustained a concussion of the brain. Bevel was chained to his bed. Selma, 1965, Charles Fager 274


"Freedom is never an achieved state; like electricity, we've got to keep generating it or the lights go out." —-Wayne LaPierre

Not only was Bevel chained to his bed, but he was watered down and stripped of his clothes and caught pneumonia. His wife serving him divorce papers caused his inhumane treatment to come to light, as her lawyer found Bevel near death. The first real causality of the Selma movement was the shooting and subsequent death of Jimmie Lee Jackson. His murder threatened to destroy the nonviolent movement, as people began to arm themselves. After Jackson died in Selma on Feb. 26, some mourners made their way to Cager Lee’s house, Jackson’s grandfather. Among those paying respects that day were a couple of towering figures of the Movement, Bernard Lafayette and James Bevel, who had been working in the trenches in the Black Belt for some time. The Death of Jimmie Lee Jackson, John Fleming, The Anniston Star Bevel mustered the strength to ask Cager Lee if he was prepared to march again. The old man, although still bandaged from the beating at Mack’s replied with an “Oh, yeah.” Pillar of Fire, Taylor Branch The Black community had armed themselves in Marion, and were ready to kill some policemen or White people. I (Bevel) convinced them that they should march instead and that , that would keep the question of the right to vote before the nation and would force President Johnson not to join the southern White folks in crushing the movement under the pretense of upholding law and order. This would have caused a restriction of travel and thus we would not have been able to keep the people at the courthouse. This was a tactical maneuver in the question of the right to vote, aimed at bringing the whole state government and the rest of the nation into the movement. Interview with James Bevel, by Helen L. Edmond James Bevel spent sometime walking around outside the Torch Motel where he was staying, agonizing over the problems of the movement, especially those involved in making their cries for justice and protection from state sanctioned brutality more vivid and inescapable for the watching nation. Suddenly he had an idea that he felt would bring home the situation as nothing they had tried before had; they would not only march in Montgomery, they would march to Montgomery, starting in Marion where Jackson had been shot, through Selma where Clark had jailed them and down US Highway 80, through Lowndes County where no Blacks were registered at all, fifty miles to the state capitol itself, where Wallace would not be able to ignore them. Zion Chapel Methodist Church in Marion was packed solid on Sunday, February 28, for the first of several memorial services for Jackson. The people were treated to a brilliant sermon by James Bevel, who was laying the groundwork for his new idea of a march all the way to the state capitol. “There was a decree of destruction against Black people in Alabama,: Bevel went on, “but we can not stand any longer to see it implemented.” “I must go see the king!” he cried again and again and the answering shouts from the people grew to a full throated chorus of approval. His intuition about their readiness was correct: “We must go to Montgomery and see the king!” “James Bevel...told the crowd that, “Any man who has the urge to hit a posse man or a state trooper with a pop bottle is a fool. That is just what they want you to do. Then they can call you a mob and beat you to death.” Bevel reached for the Bible and eventually turned to Esther 4:8 where Esther is warned of an order to destroy the Jews and is charged by Mordecai to seek out the king “to make supplication to him and entreat him for her people.” Selma, 1965, Charles Fager The king, Bevel was making clear, was George Wallace. Pillar of Fire, Taylor Branch 275


“The ignorance of one voter in a democracy impairs the security of all.” —–John F. Kennedy, 1963

Dr. King confirmed. that Bevel’s plan for a march to Montgomery had become official Selma, 1965, Charles Fager The historic march to Montgomery is known to all with the initial police brutality and the pouring out of the nation in support of Black people being granted their right to vote. President Lyndon Baines Johnson preached the historic “We Shall Overcome” speech and signed the Voting Rights Act on August 6, 1965, into law. With the conclusion of the march to Montgomery, the next phase of the Alabama Project as outlined by Bevel was to begin. "Dr. King's speech [in Montgomery] was impressive as usual, but the remarks of James Bevel got closest to the whole point of the struggle. Waving up at the capitol, Bevel said, 'Those police up there on the steps know we belong inside. Thirty-four percent of the seats in there belong to us. We don't want these steps. We want the capitol.'" Black Activism, Robert H. Brisbane. “For Bevel , the march to Montgomery was not the end of the SCLC Alabama Project, but only the beginning. But once the march was completed, Bevel returned to this original plan. In fact, in light of the momentum developed by the march, he decided its sights should be raised; the Black citizens of Alabama should not settle for simply a federal voting law, he felt, they should demand the impeachment of Governor Wallace, the resignation of both houses of the state legislature, and a new, federally supervised election for all state offices. To reinforce the impact of the mass arrest in Montgomery, Bevel wanted SCLC to institute a nationwide boycott of the states industries and products, to add economic chaos to political disruption as the campaign heated up. The weekend after the rally at the capitol, Dr. King announced that he would call for a boycott of Alabama products and industries; and ask the federal government to withdraw its funds from program in the state.” Selma, 1965, Charles Fager The Constitution guarantees all American citizens the right to elect its leaders. Those state officials holding office prior to the passage of the Voting Rights Act did not encompass the vote of Black people in Alabama, thus the need for a new election arose. A new election would have caused the federal government to address itself to the mental and emotional damage done to Black people as a result of political, educational and economic disfranchisement. At which point massive government education programs, voters registration programs and mental health programs would have been implemented to aid people in being able to responsibly and intelligently cast their votes. To this day over forty years after the Voting Rights Act, no legislation has come forth to assist Americans to heal, from the trauma of slavery (murder, lynching, castration, sexual abuse, homelessness, etc.) racism, or disfranchisement. The mayor of Selma in 1965 was Mayor Joe Smithermen served as mayor until 2003, maintain the racist policies in new ways. In an interview with local Selma residents it was reported that people were encouraged to keep their children out of school and receive crazy checks. One young lady told me and others gathered in Selma, that her mother use to beat her when she voiced a desire to go to school. She became a resident of a mental institute. A young man I interviewed told me that he had received a high school diploma and he did not know his consonants and his vowels. It appears that the denial of an education was used to keep the people of Alabama from progressing. Had Bevel’s plan to elect all new public servants been implemented Mayor Smithermen may not have served for forty more years and the people may have been able to move forward towards true democracy in the state of Alabama. But there was resistance to this program within SCLC, led principally by Hosea William. Williams urged Dr. King to give hi command of all the SCLC field staff, including those in Alabama, to help implement SCOPE. SCOPE was given a budget of $480,000. This meant putting an end to Bevel’s Alabama Project. Selma, 1965, Charles Fager 276


“Evil is powerless if the good are unafraid."“ —–Ronald Wilson Reagan, 1982

As a result of Bevel’s Project being scraped, Alabama Blacks remained under the racist politics of the White government structure. The Mayor of Selma Joe Smitherman, a devout segregationist, elected in 1964, remained the mayor for forty years afterwards, and never worked in the interest of Black people, leaving them struggling to make ends meet. The movement and the focus left Alabama, and the Black people were further punished for their participation. With the passage of the Voting Rights Act, the voting rights struggle appeared to be over, and it was just a matter of reaping the harvest. In truth, it was just another beginning as some local whites devised one scheme after another to deny African Americans effective participation in the political process. From 1965 to 1984, a series of techniques were employed to reduce the potential number of officials who would be elected by the Black registered voters such as threatening those receiving public assistance, locating voting places in hostile areas, switching to voting machines, buying votes, illegal use of absentee ballots, requiring all voters to reregister and re-identify, working African Americans longer hours on voting days and subjecting them to hostile voter registration and poll officials, setting short and sporadic registration days, and short voting days. In spite of these efforts, African Americans made continuous, steady progress so that the governing bodies and boards of education of five of the eight predominantly African American counties in the West Alabama Black Belt were black controlled. It took nineteen years of powerful struggle to accomplish this feat. Every scheme had been met and overcome. There was only one scheme left: Put the leaders in jail!!! It was an uphill battle. To some the situation looked hopeless; eight local leaders facing 210 felony charges of “voter fraud.” The first trial of Albert Turner, Evelyn Turner and Spencer Hogue resulted in 85 verdicts of innocence. They all cried, along with lawyers and supporters. In trial after trial the verdicts were of innocence. Spiver Gordon was convicted on four of 36 counts by an all white jury. These convictions were eventually thrown out by a Federal Appeals Court. The ordeal of the Black Belt 8 is just one story of the struggle for the right-to-vote. There are many others. The Blackbelt 8, Bloody Sunday Newsbook, Voting Rights Museum SCLC’s SCOPE Project did not turn out nearly as well as its sponsors had hoped. Everybody was waiting for the bill to be passed...with almost a half million dollars to play with, SCLC’s legendary disorganization became an industry in SCOPE Selma, 1965, Charles Fager ..in 1965 the Voting Rights Law was passed and then permitted to languish with only fractional and half hearted implementation. Where Do We Go From Here, Martin Luther King, Jr. ...in 1965 the President was prepared to implement measures leading to full equality but waited in vain for the civil rights movement to offer the programs. The movement is depicted as absorbed in controversy, confused in direction, venal toward its friends and in such turmoil it has tragically lost its golden opportunity to attain change today. Selma, 1965, Charles Fager When the 1965 Voting Rights Law was signed, it was proclaimed as the dawn of freedom and the open door to opportunity. What was minimally required under the law was the appointment of hundreds of registrars and 277


thousands of federal marshals to inhibit southern terror. Instead, fewer than sixty registrars were appointed and not a single federal law officer capable of making arrests was sent into the South. As a consequence the old way of life, economic coercion, terrorism, murder and inhuman contempt has continued unabated. Selma, 1965, Charles Fager One is led to wonder what would have been the state of Black people in the South and America had Bevel’s proposal to overturn the existing officials and have new elections had been carried out. This would have called for the consistent application of pressure on government officials until all of the rights of Black people were protected. In addition Selma, AL would not have been under the mayoral direction of Mr. Smithermen for thirty-eight more years, reinforcing the status quo. Bevel went to Chicago, where his brilliant strategic mind found a more promising situation, and began laying the groundwork for Dr. King’s massive Open Housing campaign there in the summer of 1966. Selma, 1965, Charles Fager "Rev. James Bevel, who directed the voter registration drive in Selma for the (SCLC), had come to Chicago . . . He subsequently became King's Chicago project director." Lionel Lokos, House Divided, p. 234, 1968

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BEYOND THE VISUAL “I expose slavery in this country because to expose it is to kill it. Slavery is one of those monsters of darkness to whom the light of truth is death.” —Frederick Douglass

“One of the hallmarks of freedom is an inexhaustible search for the truth.” —Myeka

In the beginning was the “Word’” or sound vibration, and MAN (male/female) became living souls. In the beginning was the “Call” or sound vibration, and the people marched across the Edmund Pettus Bridge and the right to vote became law of the land. Most people start there understanding of the Right-To-Vote Movement with the visual picture of people crossing the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, AL. The movement for the right to vote was a series of events that took place over many years. Many people were involved. The successful execution of a movement to secure the right to vote was implemented by the strategic mind of Reverend James Luther Bevel, Sr. THE “CALL” The “Call” for a march from Selma, AL to Montgomery, AL was made on February 28, 1965, in Zion United Methodist Church in Marion, AL, during the first memorial service for Jimmie Lee Jackson. Reverend Bevel in his sermon spoke about the need to take Jackson’s body to the capitol to lay at the feet of the governor. He said he needed time to think about this so he would march from Marion to Montgomery and later revised it to be from Selma to Montgomery. The response was the historic march on March 7, 1965.

“Those who understand the positive use of speech become the healers of man; they sympathize with the troubles of their fellow human beings; they seek out ways in which they can be of service.” —The Rootlight Team

THE “CALLER” James Luther Bevel, born October 19, 1936 in Ittabena, Mississippi to Illie and Denise Bevel. James Bevel’s contribution to the removal of the impediments to freedom is monumental in its scope. His contributions have been largely overlooked by the public as he choose to remain in the background and push others like Dr. King towards the limelight for strategic reasons. This allowed him to effectively initiate movements, organize local people, strategize nonviolent actions, educate those who would participate in various movements and advise other leaders. James Bevel is the “who” as it relates to the Selma Right-To-Vote Movement. It was Bevel and his former wife Diane Nash that wrote the historic Alabama Project that became the Right-To-Vote Movement in Selma, AL. For this they received the highest award from SCLC and Dr Martin L. King, Jr., The coveted Rosa Parks Award. The Alabama Project was initially rejected by King and other leaders. In spite of this Bevel forged ahead and moved his 279


staff to Selma, where Reverend Bernard Lafayette had already begun laying the groundwork to obtain the right to vote. Bevel was inspired by the four little girls who had died in the church bombing in Birmingham, AL. He wanted people to have a means of protection under the law so that this terrorist tactic could be eliminated. At a midway point when violence threatened to impede the nonviolent movement as a result of the brutal murder of Jimmie Lee Jackson by a state trooper, causing locals to arm us with the intention of killing white folks in retaliation, Bevel called for a march from Selma to Montgomery, AL to divert the rage in the masses and to have a talk with the governor. Others drew straw to determine who would lead the historic march across the bridge and John Lewis won. It is this march across the bridge that is affixed in the minds of the masses because of the extreme violent onslaught of the people crossing the bridge for the first time. The “Call” and “Response” made on February 28, 1965, at Zion United Methodist Church in Marion, AL is not recognized as a historical fact of importance, and yet without it, there would have been no march from Selma to Montgomery and no Right To Vote Act. It is of utmost importance that people understand how nonviolent movements begin, are maintained and how strategies are formulated. This is relevant information for future generations who might find themselves in similar situations. The truth the whole truth and nothing but the truth is sufficient to free mankind from the superstitions, lies, false beliefs, erroneous errors, hearsay, false teachings, overlooked facts, propaganda, historical blunders, media manipulations and self seeking that so often disguises itself as truth. Truth crushed to the ground will ever rise to the top., Know the truth and it alone will set you free. Help place a monument a Zion United Methodist Church, in Marion AL to honor the call and the caller of the Selma to Montgomery march and the subsequent Right To Vote Act. Make your donation payable to: The Committee for Truth In History.

http://www.wix.com/truthinhistory/now

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The nonviolent movement is about becoming conscious. —Reverend James L. Bevel

JIMMIE LEE JACKSON 1938—1965 Jimmie Lee Jackson was born in Marion, Alabama. Upon graduating from high school his plans were to move to the North for a better life, but those dreams were shattered when his father died. While running the farm and felliing trees for six dollars a day, Jimmie Lee wanted to see a real change in his hometown. He began participating in demonstrations to protest the unfair treatments of Negroes For over four-years, Jimmie Lee had gone to the voting registrar's office in Marion, often accompanied by his elderly grandfather. A federal court had ordered the county to open its registration to all regardless of race, but each time Jimmie Lee and his grandfather went to the courthouse, the registrar used one stratagem or another to prevent their becoming voters. Voting registrars throughout Alabama and the Deep South in those years kept blacks from registering through delay, deception and deceit. The registrar might claim to be out of application forms when a black person approached the desk. Completed forms would disappear or be disqualified for the slightest error. The registrar would ask a series of complex questions about government - so-called "literacy tests" - and arbitrarily flunk black applicants. So, while two of every three residents in Perry County, population 17,000, were black, only 300 had been allowed to register. On February 18, 1965, about 9:30 pm Jimmie Lee, his grandfather, Cager Lee, and his mother, Viola Jackson were participating in a nighttime demonstration in Marion which was a very dangerous thing to do, but they were only allowed to march at night because it wouldn't disturb the businesses. As part of his civil rights work for the SCLC in Alabama, Reverend James Orange was arrested and jailed prior to his conviction in 1965 for contributing to the delinquency of minors by enlisting them to work in voter registration drives. He was part of Reverend James L. Bevel’s direct action staff and was assigned to Perry County, AL. His detention in Perry County, Alabama, sparked fears that he would be lynched, and a protest march was organized to support him Nearly 400 people jammed into the church that February night. They sang and prayed. They heard from people who had been beaten and jailed for marching to the voting registrar's office in nearby Selma. While they were in church, Col. Al Lingo, the commander of the Alabama State Troopers, took direct command of 50 troopers and deployed them in the streets. Standing at twenty-foot intervals along the sidewalk adjacent to the church, the troopers were in riot gear -- helmets strapped in place, long black nightsticks held lengthwise at chest level. The people planned to walk from the church to the city jail, a block away, where a young civil rights organizer who had been arrested that morning was incarcerated. They planned to sing, kneel and pray, then leave. Pledged to nonviolence, none were armed. I was a was cold night with a full moon. People began filing out of the church. Reporters, photographers and TV cameramen could see the church on the southeast corner of the square but were effectively penned in by the police. About a hundred had exited the church when they heard the voice of Sheriff T.O. Harris, amplified over a loudspeaker: "This is an unlawful assembly. You are hereby ordered to disperse. Go home or go back in the church." James Dobynes, a church minister, called out: "May we pray before we go back?" Harris did not respond. Suddenly, all the streetlights went out. Within seconds, reporters began to hear wood cracking against bone, thudding into flesh, people screaming. Using their clubs, two state troopers began beating the minister, 281


who had gone to his knees to pray. Local white thugs joined in the melee, attacking churchgoers as well as reporters and photographers. NBC reporter Richard Valeriani was clubbed and suffered a bloody head wound. Someone slugged UPI photographer Pete Fisher while others took his camera and smashed it on the ground. Other photographers had their cameras sprayed with black paint. As a result, not one photo of this bloody police riot was taken. The church's doorway was jammed. People could not go back; so, they began to run, seeking refuge in a neighboring funeral parlor, homes and other buildings close to the church. Jimmie Lee tried to guide his mother and 82-year-old grandfather to safety, but a trooper knocked the older man to the ground. Jimmie Lee picked him up and carried him into Mack's Cafe, where a dozen or more people had sought sanctuary. On Col. Lingo's orders, state troopers charged into the cafe and began swinging their clubs, smashing the light fixtures, spewing glass throughout the room until all that was left was one bare bulb in a far corner. One trooper knocked Viola Jackson to the floor. When Jimmie Lee sprang forward to shield his mother, the trooper grabbed Jackson and pushed him into a cigarette machine. Without warning, a second trooper, James Bonard Fowler, drew his revolver and shot Jackson twice in the abdomen. The powder burns on Jackson's torso indicated the unarmed man had been shot at point-blank range The streets were completely surrounded by police and state troopers. As he escaped from the cafe the troopers chased him up the street beating him until he dropped. It was two hours later before Jimmie Lee was taken to Good Samaritan Hospital in Selma, Four days later, Col. Lingo walked into the hospital. He was in full uniform, lightning bolts on his service cap, silver eagles on his collar, a warrant in his hand. He read aloud the state's charges against Jackson: assault and battery with intent to murder a peace officer. On Friday, February 26, eight days after he was shot, Jackson died of a massive internal infection.

The Call For A March From Selma To Montgomery Account by Dr. Bernard Lafayette As ministers both of us (James Bevel and Bernard Lafayette) felt it was important to make a pastoral call to the family of the slain Jimmy Lee Jackson, to have prayer with them and give them spiritual encourgagement. The family was really down, as Jimmy was a young man who was the bread winner for the family and was now dead. He had a sister, a wife, and mother who had been beaten, and his grandfather had a large knot on the top of his head from being beaten. Before leaving the Jackson’s, Bevel asked the family, “What do you think we should do?” Bevel asked, “Do you thing we should continue to march?” Cager Lee Jackson said, “Oh yes, we have to march now, I have nothing to lose, I’ve lost everything I had.” So Bevel said, “If we march would you march with us?” He said, “Yes, I’ll march.” So on our way back from the Jackson’s house in Perry County, AL, Bevel said, “I’m going to march, but I’m going to march all the way to Montgomery.” He asked, “Do you think I’ll get anyone to march with me?” I said, “I’m just one person, but I’lll march with you.” So Bevel at the mass meeting that very same night made the announcement that he was going to march all the wat to Montgomery. He asked, “How many people are going to march with me?” The whole church stood up.

Aftermath of Jimmie Lee Jackson’s Murder Violence was being planned by many blacks in Perry County. Every male in Alabama is basicly a hunter, and Bevel and Lafayette got word that bullets were being purchased from neighboring states. Blacks were planning to kill in retaliation for the murder of Jimmie Lee Jackson. Bevel’s idea for a march was partly in response to this plan for violence that would derail the nonviolent movement for the right to vote. He knew that the people were angry as he himself was. So inorder to dissapate the anger, the march from Selma to Montgomery would be just the remedy. As director of the 282


nonviolent right to vote movement he had to create a strategy that would keep voting rights as the main agenda and headline, not to be replaced by violent disruptions and headlines like state trooper shot. These type of healines would take the focus off of the goal which was to get black people the right to vote..

Sunday, March 7, 1965, "Bloody Sunday" At 1:00 P.M. as 600 peaceful marchers approached the bottom of the Edmund Pettus Bridge they were met by Alabama state troopers and local deputies. The marchers were preparing to march from Selma, Alabama to Montgomery, Alabama which is the state capital. They were marching the 54 miles in protest to the death of Jimmie Lee Jackson and unfair voter registration practices. When ordered to end the march by state troopers, the marchers were given three minutes, but within one and half minutes they were attacked by dogs, beaten with billy clubs, tear gas, and chased by the posse. As the marchers were being attacked the ABC television network was there to film the march not knowing that it would become violent. The ABC television network immediately stopped the present show to introduce to the country the brutality that was taking place in Selma, Alabama. This day became known as "Bloody Sunday.

Second March Tuesday, March 9, 1965, "Turnaround Tuesday" After the brutal attack on the Selma marchers, Dr. King sent a telegram around the country asking for ministers of all faiths to come to Selma, Alabama to march to Montgomery, Alabama. While waiting for the judge's decision to march, Dr. King received word that the judge had denied the march to take place on Tuesday, and it would be Thursday before a decision would be announced. With 1,500 people of all races waiting to march Dr. King made a decision to continue the march. As the marchers were singing "Ain't Gonna Let Nobody Turn Me Round" when they reached the bottom of the Edmund Pettus Bridge once again they were met by the Alabama state troopers. When the marchers were ordered to end the march, Dr. King and the marchers knelt down, prayed, and walked back to Brown Chapel A.M.E. Church. Dr. King made a decision to discontinue the march because he did not want violence to happen as it did on "Bloody Sunday." Because Dr. King and the marchers turned back and marched to the church this became known as "Turnaround Tuesday." Later that evening three white ministers were attacked and beaten with a iron pipe. Rev. James Reeb was badly injured and later died from a blow to the head. The death of Rev. Reeb gained national attention. President Johnson introduced the Voting Rights Bill.

Third March Sunday, March 21, 1965 After the death of Rev. Reeb, Governor Wallace flew to Washington DC to meet with President Johnson. He claimed that the state of Alabama did not have enough manpower to protect the marchers along highway 80. President Johnson then ordered the Alabama National Guardsmen to protect the marchers from Selma to Montgomery. Later that day President Johnson made a speech to the nation about the "Bloody Sunday" event. Many Negroes felt that it took the death of a white minister for the President to become concerned about the movement and not the death of Jimmie Lee Jackson. Finally, Judge Frank Johnson gave permission for the march to take place after viewing the "Bloody Sunday" news tape. He then ordered Governor Wallace not to interfere with the march. 283


On Sunday, March 21, 1965, about 3,500 people with the nation watching left Brown Chapel A.M.E. Church marching and singing to the Edmund Pettus Bridge. To protect the marchers about twelve planes and helicopters flew over the marchers. Once the marchers covered seven miles, as ordered by President Johnson only 300 were allowed to walk highway 80. The other 2,000 marchers were taken back to Selma by Alabama railways.

Montgomery Alabama Thursday, March 25, 1965 Around noon over 25,000 marchers had lined the streets of Montgomery in front of the capitol because they were not allowed on the steps of the capitol. Governor Wallace sent a message at about 2:00 PM to say that he would meet with a delegation, but they must be Alabamaians. Dr. King delivered one of his most powerful speeches about the injustices done to the Negro people in Alabama. After this great speech a group of 18 Negroes and 2 whites attempted to give a petition to Governor Wallace, but his executive secretary tried to accept the petition, so Rev. Joseph Lowery refuse to place it in his hands. Around 6:00 PM the marchers were transported back to Selma by buses, trains, and cars. They were advised to leave the city of Montgomery before dark. On that evening Viola Liuzzo was driving from Montgomery heading back toward Selma and was killed by klansmen.

Criminal Charges Against Killer A grand jury declined to indict Fowler in September 1965, identifying him only by his surname: Fowler. On 10 May 2007, 42 years after the crime, James Bonard Fowler was charged with first degree and second degree murder for the death of Jimmie Lee Jackson and surrendered to authorities. On 15 November 2010, Fowler pled guilty to manslaughter, and was sentenced to six months in jail. Perry County commissioner, Albert Turner Jr, called the agreement “a slap in the face of the people of this county.

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In the absence of justice, what is sovereignty but organized robbery? —Saint Augustine

ZION UNITED METHODIST CHURCH Adjacent to the town square, Zion United Methodist Church was a focal point for civil rights meetings in the Sixties. The night march that ended with the shooting of Jimmie Lee Jackson started at this church. The church is located at 3087 Pickens St, the corner of Pickens & Martin Luther King Drive, in Marion, AL. On the night of February 18, 1965, around 500 people left Zion United Methodist Church in Marion and attempted a peaceful walk to the Perry County Jail about a half a block away where young Civil Rights worker James Orange was being held. The marchers planned to sing hymns and return to the church. Police later stated they believed the crowd was planning a jailbreak The site still lacks a marker noting that the call for the march from Selma to Montgomery was made at this location.

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“Blessed are the peacemakers.”

CHARLES FAGER Known as Chuck Fager, he is an American activist, an author, an editor, a publisher and an outspoken and prominent member of the Religious Society of Friends. He is known for his work in both the 1960s Civil Rights Movement and in the Peace movement. His written works include religious and political essays, humor, adult fiction, and juvenile fiction, and he is best known for Selma 1965: The March That Changed the South, his in-depth history of the 1965 Selma Voting Rights Movement, and a memoir, Eating Dr. King's Dinner. Fager moved to Atlanta, Georgia in late summer 1964, and soon became active in the Civil Rights movement. In December 1964 he joined the staff of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), first in Atlanta and then in Selma, Alabama. He was part of the 1965 voting rights campaign there organized and directed by James Bevel. During that time Fager was arrested three times and spent one night in a jail cell with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Fager left Selma in early 1966. He had obtained status as a conscientious objector to the military draft, and was required to perform two years of alternative service. This service was performed first at Friends World Institute later Friends World College based in Long Island, New York, and then completed at the New York City Department of Social Services (the Welfare Department). He later participated in several peaceful protests against the Vietnam War. During that time he was arrested twice. In 1968, he signed the “Writers and Editors War Tax Protest” pledge, vowing to refuse tax payments in protest against the Vietnam War. At the beginning of 2002, he moved to Fayetteville, North Carolina, to become director of Quaker House, which has been a front-line Friends peace witness project there since 1969. As part of this work, he has been a member of the planning group which became QUIT: the Quaker Initiative to End Torture, as well as a founding member of NRCAT: The National Religious Coalition Against Torture. http://quakerhouse.org/

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"Non-cooperation with evil is as much a duty as cooperation with good." —–Gandhi

VIOLA LIUZZO On March 7,1965, Viola and Jim Liuzzo were watching the 11 o’clock news when they saw the first film clips of state troopers attacking Selma marchers at the Edmund Pettus Bridge. Enraged by the brutal attack, the Michigan mother of five got into her car and came to Selma to assist with the struggle. On the evening of March 25,1965, while transporting marchers back and forth between Montgomery and Selma, on a lonely stretch of road in Lowndes County, a carload of Klansmen pulled up alongside Liuzzo’s Oldsmobile and fired two bullets into Liuzzo’s skull. President Johnson was outraged at Mrs. Luizzo’s murder, and ordered Congress to start a complete investigation of the Ku Klux Klan.

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“Blessed is the man that walketh not in the counsel of the ungodly, nor standeth in the way of sinners, nor sitteth in the seat of the scornful. But his delight is in the law of the Lord; and in His law doeth he meditate day and night. —Psalm 1

REVEREND JAMES REEB James Reeb was born in Wichita, Kansas. As a Unitarian Universalist minister, Reeb was active in the civil rights movement, and encouraged his parishioners to do the same. With his wife and four children, he lived in poor black neighborhoods where he felt he could do the most good. Until a few months before his death, he had been Assistant Minister at All Souls Church in Washington, D.C. A member of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), Reeb took part in the Selma to Montgomery protest march in 1965. While in Selma on March 9, Reeb was attacked and beaten by a white mob armed with clubs. He suffered massive head injuries, and died in a Birmingham hospital two days later. His death resulted in a national outcry against the activities of white racists in the Deep South, although some expressed indignation that it took the death of a white man to incite such a national outcry. This is to be compared with the case of Jimmie Lee Jackson, who was shot dead by police in Marion, Alabama two weeks earlier while protecting his mother from a beating; his case attracted much less national attention. President Lyndon B. Johnson declared the events in Selma "an American tragedy," which, he said, should strengthen people's determination "to bring full and equal and exact justice to all of our people." Johnson's voting-rights proposal reached Congress the Monday after Reeb's death.

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"When the rights of just one individual are denied, the rights of all are in jeopardy!" — Jo Ann Roach

J. L. CHESTNUT December 16, 1930 – September 30, 2008

Chestnut was born in Selma, and attended law school at Howard University. He returned home as Selma's only black attorney, and represented civil rights demonstrators at trial there when the Selma movement began in the 1960s.

A Story To Be Forever Remembered “It was the worse day of my life. I did not believe America could ever be saved. I saw a sea of law enforcement officers, at least 200, on the other side of the Edmund Pettus Bridge. They were arguing over who was in charge. I saw Marie Foster, John Lewis and others crest the bridge. They came face to face with the might of Alabama stretched out across the 4-lane highway. Suddenly a white voice barked out, “Turn around. Go back to your church. This is as far as you will be permitted to go!” John Lewis kneeled as if to pray. The others behind him began to do likewise. From somewhere in the cluster of law enforcement, a tear gas canister hit the pavement and exploded. In that moment there was absolute bedlam. It was worse than the war and I was a veteran. I saw grown men on horse back wielding Billy clubs the size of baseball bats and splitting the heads of women and children like they were watermelons. One could hear ribs cracking as horses trampled on their bodies. I dropped the telephone that I was on to inform the NA.A.C.P. Legal Defense Fund of what was happening. I pulled Mrs. Boynton, who was almost unconscious and bleeding, off the road. John Lewis was lying in the street 3 feet away from me with 3 concussions and bleeding like a stuck hog. People were crying out in pain and in fear. It was a Bloody Sunday.” (Live Account by J.L. Chestnut). The background of this horrific day, as told by J.L. Chestnut, beginning with the earliest struggles for human and civil rights, starting with the enslavement of African people. Many of these enslaved Africans were brought to the Alabama Black Belt to work the rich farmland. This background is made up of freedom fighters like C. J. Adams who was one of the few blacks to become an officer in the U.S. army, during his time. When he retired to Selma and became a notary public, he was the closest thing black Selma had to a lawyer. He opened his office in the Black Community Center on Franklin St. He helped 100’s of black soldiers with the G.I. Bill and helped others get social security at a time when this was taboo. Adams was a one man N.A.A.C.P. He was as rare as Martin Luther King, Jr. was in his time, according to Atty. Chestnut. When he walked downtown he did not smile and grin with white folks. He wanted to teach Blacks that you could stand up and survive. He was framed (criminalized) by the white leadership twice. He left Selma in 1947 after getting out of jail the second time when he was elderly. He was an early inspiration to the Boynton’s. He lit the fire for Freedom in Selma. The Boynton’s took that flame and organized the Voter’s League. Mrs. Margaret Moore and Marie Foster as well as others joined the early struggle for voting rights in Selma. They met once a month for years to have serious discussions to increase the numbers of black registered voters. It was remarkable and prophetic that their determination lasted so long because had they not been in place, simply having conversations about voting and sending a couple of people to vote for years, there would have been no one to invite Dr. King to Selma. Many of the older members of the League didn’t want King to come, but Amelia Boynton and Marie Foster sided with the younger people, including Rev. Reese, who wanted to invite King.

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After sending the invitation King was hesitant about coming to a rural place like Selma, where people were still living on plantations. He also wasn’t sure that there was the same type of figure as Bull Connor in Selma. They had to convince him that they had his match in Jim Clark in Selma. Joe Lowery made a joint decision in Birmingham that they would all come to Selma. King did not want to abandon Marie Foster and Amelia Boynton. King came to Selma in early January 1965. While the Boyntons were working on voting rights as far back as 1945, Albert Turner and others had been working on voting rights in Perry County, AL. Jimmie Lee Jackson was killed in Perry County by a state trooper during a night march to protect James Orange who had received death threats in jail. Jimmie Lee Jackson’s death upset people so much that some suggested that they take his “unembalmed” body to the State Capitol and leave his body on George Wallace’s desk. It was finally decided to have the Selma to Montgomery March. The Civil Rights lawyers went to federal court to get Judge Frank Johnson to declare that they had a constitutional right to march from Selma to Montgomery. A whole host of white lawyers were opposing the right to march, saying that it would stop any meaningful commerce. Chestnut let the people know that the NAACP Legal Defense Fund did not want the march to take place without the Federal Courts approval. Mrs. Boynton and Mrs. Marie Foster said they weren’t going to wait on the courts; they were going to march anyway. Albert Turner, who was a kind of field marshal for Dr. King, Jr., advised that the people wait for the Federal Courts to approve the march. John Lewis, Albert Turner, and Marie Foster were determined to defy the federal and state court as well as the NAACP legal Defense Fund, to lead the march. After Bloody Sunday, the Judge did order that they had a constitutional right to march. People came from all over the country to march. King lost some prestige, by marching to the bridge, praying and then turning around. This was called Turn Around Tuesday. Soon thereafter the Selma to Montgomery march commenced. People marched through the rain and the pain until making it to Montgomery, AL where Martin Luther King, Jr. made his famous, “How long, Not long” speech. When J. L. Chestnut Jr. had decided to give up on America, he could not have known that all across the nation Americans had watched this outrage on television, deciding that this was not “their America.” President Lyndon B. Johnson, who had a week earlier told King that the nation would not stand for 2 Civil Rights Bills in two years, saw the beating and changed his mind. He suddenly was before a joint session of Congress demanding that they pass a Voting Rights Bill without delay. He ended his speech to Congress with the anthem of the movement, “We Shall Overcome.” In August of 1965 the Voting Rights Act passed. Dallas County went from 70 registered voters to 10,000 in less than 6 weeks. Hands that had only been allowed to pick cotton began to pick presidents overnight.

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“I look to a day when people will not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character. " —Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.

PRESIDENT LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON

At times history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma, Alabama. There is no Negro problem. There is no southern problem. There is no northern problem. There is only an American problem. Many of the issues of civil rights are very complex and most difficult. But about this there can and should be no argument. Every American citizen must have the right to vote...Yet the harsh fact is that in many places in this country men and women are kept from voting simply because they are Negroes... No law that we now have on the books...can insure the right to vote when local officials are determined to deny it... There is no Constitutional issue here. The command of the Constitution is plain. There is no moral issue. It is wrong--deadly wrong--to deny any of your fellow Americans the right to vote in this country. There is no issue of States' rights or National rights. There is only the struggle for human rights. —President Lyndon B. Johnson Introducing the Voting Rights Act to Congress, March 15, 1965

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PRESIDENT LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON “WE SHALL OVERCOME.”

The Voting Rights Act of 1965 292


“Those who profess to favor freedom, yet deprecate agitation, are men who want crops without plowing up the ground. They want rain without thunder and lightening. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waters. This struggle may be a moral one; or it may be a physical one; or it may be both moral and physical; but it must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will.� -- Frederick Douglass

LUCY FOSTER She was born on October 5, 1929, in Shiloh, Alabama. Lucy's undergraduate college years were spent at Selma University in Selma, Alabama, and at all-Black Miles College in Fairfield, AL, where she met Hugh L. Foster, whom she would later marry. She decided to go to graduate school at the University of Alabama. She knew that getting into the school would be a struggle. She and a friend approached the NAACP for help. Thurgood Marshall, Constance Baker Motley, and Arthur Shores were assigned to be her attorneys. While they started laying the groundwork for her case, she worked as a secretary, among other jobs. Court action began in July 1953. On June 29, 1955, the NAACP secured a court order restraining the university from rejecting Lucy and her friend based upon race. The University of Alabama was thereby forced to admit them. Two days later, the court amended the order to apply to all other African-American students seeking admission to the university. On February 3, 1956, twenty-sixyear-old Lucy enrolled as a graduate student in library science. (Her friend had reconsidered the situation.) On the third day of classes, Autherine Lucy faced mobs of students, townspeople, and even groups from out of state. "There were students behind me saying, 'Let's kill her! Let's kill her!' " she said. The mobs threw eggs at her and tried to block her way. A police escort was needed to get her to her classes, and even from within the classroom, she could hear the crowds chanting. That evening, Lucy was suspended from the university. The university's board stated that the action was taken for her safety and that of the other students. The NAACP lawyers did not accept the suspension, however. They filed a contempt of court suit against the university, accusing the administrators of acting in support of the white mob. They were forced to withdraw them. The suit was used as justification for expelling Lucy from the school In 1989, she Lucy entered the University of Alabama to earn a master's degree in elementary education.

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Love + Truth + Freedom = Responsibility Fear + Lies = Enslavement = Apathy

MARIE FOSTER I decided to become involved in the Civil Rights Movement because the race relations were so bad in Selma . I had a vision that we could do something about the biased conditions in Selma, throughout the state, and someday throughout the world. Mr. & Mrs. Boynton had formed the Dallas County Voters League, so I worked faithfully beside them. One of my most effective contributions to the movement was promoting and assisting in the Citizenship Classes. It was at these classes that we taught people how to get registered to vote and how to make their vote count. We went door to door to every known minister in town with leaflets for them to read in their churches. On Bloody Sunday, the most noted march in the history of the Voting Rights’ Movement, I was beaten. It was hard for me to believe that such vicious actions were taken to stop us from practicing our right of freedom of speech and self determination. I’m a faithful believer in God. My life was threatened on numerous occasions and I received very offensive telephone calls from the Ku Klux Klan. But this did not break my spirit or focus. Long before Dr. King, we had a vision to change these things through the power of the ballot. I would like to be remembered as a person who did good and empowered people, through my work, to help themselves.

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LOCAL HEROES & HEROINES FROM ALABAMA Annie Cooper I moved back to Selma to take care of my 98 year old mother. I started working at Dunn Rest Home where I had a private patient. During that time SNCC had come to town and was trying to help people get registered to vote. When I got off work one day I went to get in line with the people at the courthouse who were trying to get registered to vote. The owner of Dunn Rest Home began walking the line to see if any of his employees were trying to get registered. He looked right in my face. The next morning I received a telephone call as I was preparing to go to work. It was one of my friends calling to inform me I had been fired for trying to register to vote. I began attending mass meetings every day. One day shortly after I had been fired from my job I received a telephone call from Mrs. Amelia Boynton asking me to attend a meeting at a local black doctor’s home. When I went to the meeting they asked me why I had been fired. I told them. They drew up a petition and presented it to the workers at Dunn Rest Home to sign. The petition stated that if I was not given my job back they would walk-off their jobs. They got 42 signatures on the petition and all 42 of those people lost their jobs because I had lost mine. Even worse no other white person would hire any of us. They were told not to hire us unless they wanted the white community to stop coming into their businesses. I finally found a job at the Torch Motel and continued attending the mass meetings. When we went to the courthouse to try and register to vote, we

found that white people would go out to the rural areas of the county and bring in white people to register to vote. They would give them chairs to sit in and we would have to stand. One day we were standing in line at the courthouse trying to get registered. Jim Clark and his deputies came up. Mr. Baker who was over the transportation department started kicking and beating this young man who hadn’t done anything wrong. But the young man did not try to fight back. I peeped over someone's shoulder to find out what was going on. I said, “He’s kicking him!” One of the ladies who was standing there told me to be quiet. I said, “We’re not in slavery time here. Nobody’s afraid of them.” I didn’t even know Jim Clark was behind me. He grabbed me and started manhandling me. I lost my senses and began fighting him back. It took his deputies to pull me off of him. I was arrested. When Clark got me in an alley and away from the demonstrators he hit me in the head with a billy club, cursed me and put me in the back of his patrol car. All the way to the police station he kept asking me how much is that “damn Martin Luther King paying you?” He cursed and called Dr. King names. I began to sing. They kept me in that jail for 11 hours. They sent Dr. Dinkins to check on me. I would tell people today that it’s no time to relax. We’ve got to be together to do anything.

Mayor John Jackson Growing up in Lowndes County during the Civil Rights Movement involved balancing the radical perspectives of SNCC (Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee under the direction of Stokely Carmichael and H. Rap Brown with the perspective of Rev. Dr. King Jr. There was continuous harassment and direct threats in Lowndes County formed the belief that non-violence was not an effective tool. At an early age this belief was challenged when John was on his porch with a shotgun and a pistol trying to defend his home in a shoot-out with whites from his area. He subsequently got in his car and followed the shooters when they unloaded 19 gunshots into his vehicle. At this moment John had a divine experience seeing an image of God smiling upon him. The next day investigators asked who was dead but not one bullet touched John’s body. From this day, he was never afraid to stand up for his beliefs. At an early age he convinced his father to allow Stokley and others to use a house the family owned so they would not be killed going from Selma to Lowndes County. From this location, history was made. Violence continued in Lowndes County and adults who got involved in the movement lost land, property, and resources. Many people were afraid to become involved but received courage from the young people who came from SNCC. 295


During this time it was difficult to get 6 or 7 adults to participate in the movement. When a black home was shot, a white home was shot. When a black church was bombed, a white church was bombed. This made the strategy of nonviolence extremely acceptable as an alternative to this conflict. When Robert Kennedy, the Attorney General for the United Sates ordered protection for people crossing the Edmund Pettus Bridge, lives were saved. Based on this experience John became the first black Alabamian conscientious objector to refuse to go to Vietnam based on the principles of non-violence.

Charles Mauldin One day Charles Mauldin was shooting the breeze with his buddies near Selma University, their hang out spot, when Bernard Lafayette started talking to them about freedom. Bernard Lafayette was a SNCC (Student Non – Violent Coordinating Committee) field organizer who had gone to headquarters in Atlanta looking for an assignment and was told that all the other places were gone, except Selma which was too dangerous; he accepted the challenge. Before Charles new it he had been elected president of the Dallas County Youth Voter’s League, an organization led by great local leaders like The Boynton's and Marie Foster to get the right to vote. Charles had answered the call of another organizer, John Love, the first black man he had ever seen with an Afro, to join the movement and get people registered to vote. Charles was at every demonstration leading up to the victory, the passing of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Recently, fellow student leaders told him that they picked him as president because they knew he would always attend the meetings and run the meetings efficiently. He remembers the mass meetings and the terrible pressure resulting in headaches from the daily marches to the courthouse to get people registered to vote. He remembers the forced march to camp Selma (near where the Phoenix School is) when white dominated Selma Police Department forced children, with cattle prods to march. He remembers the Berlin Wall where they stood up all day and night in order to wear out the Alabama state troopers. He remembers Dr. King, Andrew Young, and the fire of Willie Ricks (aka Mukasa), who actually coined the term Black Power. He believes in the power of Non – Violence because he saw how it helped to change all of America. Mauldin stated, "It isn’t very dignified to say I am going to let someone hit me over the head and I’m not going to fight back, but when my 7 year old daughter told me how courageous she thought we were I almost cried." Today Mauldin is doing his part to preserve the history and its lessons for another generation of young people who did not have to live through Jim Crow as the Vice – President of the National Voting Rights Museum. He believes that we can all do our part in any way we choose to- as doctors, lawyer, astronauts- what ever dreams we have can be a help to our community.

Barbara Howard She has been apart of the Movement for Civil and Human Rights for as long as she can remember. So when organizers like Rev. Orange and James Bevel rolled into town, Barbara was already tired of going into stores like H.L. Greens and staring at those big fat juicy hotdogs that she couldn’t have. It was much too hard for this smart young woman, who had skipped two grades, to understand why she couldn’t have one of those hotdogs just because she was black. So when Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s field organizers made the call for young people to help integrate the stores and movie theaters in Montgomery, she was glad to stand up and be counted. She insisted that her friends join with her, like Ella Bell who was elected to the State Board of Education. Day in and day out she worked with other students to transform segregated Montgomery, Alabama into a place "where we could just be treated like human beings." So on the day that the marchers from Selma were to arrive she and her other siblings (her mom was now a single widow with 8 children) turned St. Jude out. They ran through the school telling students that they better not be sitting in class while the movement was going on right outside. This resulted in her whole family getting suspended from school. When asked about whether or not she was ever scared she stated that she knew it was dangerous but "SNCC prepared us through trainings on Non – Violence, we were ready, I don’t remember any fear." Barbara Howard did not stop when King, Bevel, Orange, and others left town. She took her greatest lesson from the Non – Violent Movement- unconditional love- and put it to work in her church, work, and community. She worked out 296


of the home of Virginia and Clifford Durr’s, two of few whites in Montgomery who stood up, at the Southern Courier, a paper dedicated to the aims of the Freedom Movement. She went on to work for the Montgomery Improvement Association. She has remained active to this day. She said tearfully, thinking about those who marched from Selma to Montgomery and the hopes and dreams they carried with them, that "Every time we open one door they (whites) close another door… We shouldn’t even have to deal with issues like the expiration of the 1965 Voting Rights Act expiring in the 21st Century. There should be an amendment to the Constitution to make sure that no other people’s voting rights will ever be violated in America."

Princella Howard Before the Civil War ever started there was a group of 12 black men who organized a secret society called the Knights of Liberty. Led by Moses Dickson, they trained thousands of Black men in this secret military dedicated to the end of slavery. Princella Howard Dixon’s story begins with this secret force of freedom fighters who halted their first advance to join in with the Civil War that was just about to break out. Her father was the leader of the benevolent organization that sprung from the secret military and was heavily involved in the Montgomery Bus Boycott. Her passion for freedom continued to be nurtured at age 8 when her mother would ask that she teach the customers in her beauty shop from the Highlander Citizenship School book. Before she knew it she was a teenager being thrown out of St. Jude’s Honor Society for organizing students from all the Black area schools, inviting them to after school rallies on her campus. She organized students to integrate the local businesses. Andrew Young of S.C.L.C. named her the youngest field state representative, at age 16, giving her a staff of 5 to manage. She remembers distinctively coming to Selma from Montgomery with James Orange for one of the early mass meetings to see if people were really ready to fight for the Right to Vote in Selma. That was one of the most amazing experiences of her life. It was dark outside, when suddenly they opened the door to the church and everyone was down on their knees facing the door. The spirit of God was overwhelmingly present in the people, she knew immediately they were ready.

Charles Bonner One of the foot soldiers that joined the ranks in the fight for justice at the tender age of 16. There were many reasons he chose to participate in the movement. He wanted to go in the front door of restaurants, he wanted to be treated fairly like white people, and he wanted justice for all people. It was not easy to be in the movement then and his family was afraid that he might be killed. According to Charles, "the principles of non-violence produced a superior moral authority that eliminated fear." Today, Mr. Bonner knows that the purpose of these efforts featuring the use of non-violence was the only way to produce this lasting social change. The youth of his period were exposed to spirituality in freedom songs, moral values from church meetings, and the practice of unconditional love as taught by Jesus, Gandhi, and Dr. King that would ensure victory. The youth of his day were also inspired to academic excellence though exposure of Stokely Car-Michael and philosophical treatises on important strategies. This produced a desire for learning and justice that has not been quenched in any way. Today, as the principle for the law offices of Charles A. Bonner, Charles believes that our youth are greatly neglected and they need a movement for this generation. As a veteran of the movement, he is certain that the strategies learned while he was young can help the youth today. He believes that civil rights veterans should organize around the principles of non-violence while working in concentrated segments of the community. There are many issues we need to address including education, constitutional rights, the Voting Rights Act, youth homicide, and unemployment. The greatest deterrent to this progress is the current administration which he believes is morally bankrupt. We need a change in leadership in this nation. People like Nelson Mandela could help us go from greed to compassion. Our current administration is unacceptable. We should march against the war in Iraq, jobs, health care, and rampant police brutality. The only way this can be done is through the practice of non-violence. Charles A. Bonner continues to wage the battle for justice by focusing on police brutality in his law practice.

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JoAnne Bland My siblings and I were raised by my maternal grandmother and my father. We were raised in G.W.C Homes (the projects). In 1961, I was eight years old when my grandmother took us to our first mass meeting. After that mass meeting we started hearing and talking about freedom and the right to vote. SNCC began to organize the young people, not just the teenagers, but everybody. We started singing about freedom and hope and things started coming together. On Bloody Sunday my sister Lynda and I participated. Up until this day, marching was fun to me. When the column stopped, I was in the middle of the bridge. I could not see or hear what was happening. Normal procedure would have been to kneel and pray. Then turn around and go back to the church. We waited for the front to go down. Instead we heard gun shots and people screaming. We thought #the people in the front of the line were being killed. We tried to flee. It was too late. The front was upon us. With them came the men on horseback, swinging long clubs, hitting anyone close to them. The tear gas got into my eyes and lungs. I could not breath. I could not see. When the air cleared I saw a horse running full speed toward a lady who was obviously dazed. It ran over her like she wasn’t standing there. The last sound I heard on the bridge was the sound of her head hitting the pavement. I fainted. I woke up on the other side of the bridge in the back of a car with my sister Linda hovering over me and crying. Her face was covered with blood. She had been beaten on the bridge and received wounds that required stitches. Linda and I hugged up together and started home. When we got back to the projects, the police were everywhere. Nobody could believe the magnitude of the violence. The violence went on all night long. A few days later I participated in the second march now called “Turn Around Tuesday”. After Bloody Sunday our parents were very angry. They decided that they needed to join us. I also walked the first and last leg of the final march. We didn’t see ourselves as heroes then, or even making history. We didn’t think about things like that. Today I am the Director of The National Voting Rights Museum where we gather and preserve the history of the Civil Rights Voting Rights Movement. I think that is proper.

Bennie Ruth Johnson Crenshaw In 1965 (my senior year of high school) I was arrested for my participation in the Civil Rights Movement and spent three weeks in jail. My stay in jail in 1965 made an everlasting impression on my life. One of the SNCC leaders was beaten in front of us because he did not say “yes sir” to a jailer. I remember the cells were filthy with unsanitary bathrooms. The white jailers would come into the cellblock of the females, hoping to see them improperly dressed. The food, as I recall, was beans and bread everyday, and we were not allowed to take baths. Upon my release from jail, the movement had escalated to the point of the Selma to Montgomery March, which was to occur on the day of my release, March 7, 1965. I had missed a lot of the planning for the march because of the time I spent in jail. I made a sacrifice then and I have continued to fight injustice and inequality wherever I have found it to exist. With the same energy and tenacity of 1965, I entered the political arena and was elected as Councilwoman of Ward Seven in Selma, Alabama. I seek to fully represent and educate those I am elected to serve, however, I realize this responsibility takes courage and strength. One of my favorite quotes to seize this moment in time would be a quote by Robert F. Kennedy, entitled “Courage” “Moral courage is a rarer commodity than bravery in battle or great intelligence. Yet it is the one essential, vital quality for those who seek to change a world that yields most painfully to change.”

Veronica Smith I was born on May 19, 1952 in Selma. I remember we were told what the movement was about and what we could do if we wanted to be involved in it. We were told it was about making things better for ourselves. I began staying out of school to participate. After a while the only time I went to school was to get other children involved. Little by little we 298


were closing the schools down. We went to mass meetings, passed out leaflets and went through training to learn how to protect ourselves if we were beaten. It was exciting but it was also for a purpose. I didn’t want that colored and white thing there anymore. After we began boycotting the stores something happened one day that knocked me off of my feet. My mother and I went into a store and for the first time in my life I heard a white person say, “Yes ma'am” to my mother. As we marched I could see all the white men standing around us with guns and billy clubs. These were white men who had come to all of our houses like the insurance man and the milk man. They were standing there fighting against us.

Mattie Atkins There are many people who marched for our right to vote but very few as sincere as Mattie Atkins. She was one who witnessed and participated in the events directly preceding Bloody Sunday. A resident of Marion Ms. Atkins recalls marching around the courthouse 7 (Seven) times per day until the fateful day of February 18, 1965 when a state trooper shot Jimmy Lee Jackson. At the time of this incident Mrs. Atkins was a 27 year-old mother of five children who was dedicated to marching. She recalls the difficulty of getting parents to participate but felt compelled for her own direct participation. Today, she quietly resides in Marion but feels it is still important for our people to remain active. In 1978, she was the first lady elected to the Perry County Board of Education. She served for 6 years. Each year she makes it a point to return to Selma and march over the Edmund Pettus Bridge with her children.

Willie Neal Avery As a young child Mattie was determined to see the way blacks were treated changed. She fundamentally believed in the idea of equality and learned that you do not accept know for an answer. She is a young woman with quiet determination who believes that if you do not stand for something, you will fall for everything. Despite being jailed in a women’s prison for simply marching in front of the courthouse, Mrs. Avery was released to do it again. She learned that if you are persistent enough and dedicated enough you can produce change. If marching was good enough for Joshua, it is good enough for her. She believes that marching would benefit our people today who, in some instances, are worse off then they were in the 60’s, 70’s, and 80’s. In her opinion, we allow personality differences to keep us from focusing on what is important to produce change. Today’s challenge with inequality is more challenging because the “Greenbacks” (money) buys us off and we sell each other out. Her clarity, professionalism, and commitment make Mattie Neal Avery a person all people should acknowledge with respect. Thank you for marching for all of us.

P. H. Lewis A native of Wilcox County, Alabama. He is a graduate of Camden Academy High School, Daniel Payne College, and Payne Theological Seminary of Birmingham. He pastored the following churches: Miles Memorial A.M.E. Church, Tuscaloosa; Brown Chapel A.M.E. Church, Selma; and Bethel A.M.E. Church, Mobile, where he as served the past 40 years. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was invited to Selma, to be the keynote speaker on January 2, 1965 for Emancipation services by the Dallas County Voters League under the leadership of Reverend F.D. Reese. Many ministers were asked to allow the services to be held at their churches, all refused to violate an injunction issued by Judge James Hare that prohibited meetings to discuss the 1964 Civil Rights Bill. Reverend Lewis defied that order and opened the doors of Brown Chapel. During the sixties, the church became known throughout the world as the headquarters for the voting right struggle. When asked by the Bishop of the Ninth District to close the doors to the Movement, Reverend Lewis presented an argument that the Bishop not only changed his mind about removing him from Brown Chapel, he also became a staunch supporter of the movement. He is married to Alice Grady Lewis and they have three sons and four grandchildren.

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Albert Turner He was one of the very rare black men that went to college and graduated during the early 60's. Upon returning to Marion, AL, he went to register to vote. He took the test and failed. The test was administered by a white man with a 5th grade education. Turner was so upset he immediately joined the N.A.A.C.P. They would obtain literature to prepare blacks to pass the test. When whites found out about their work they changed the system to make sure no blacks could pass the test. They began engaging the Department of Justice, organizing people in this small town to send over 300 letters to them requesting that they send lawyers to put an end to the racist tests. This was dangerous work during those times. Whites often made the lives of Black leaders miserable and would even threaten and kill them. The Turners persisted. Albert Turner even quit his job to work for the movement full time after S.N.C.C. and S.C.L.C. came in to help them organize direct action campaigns. Albert Turner was one of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s field marshal's. The Turners help to found the Perry County Civic League. They were also apart of Marion's force that made the Selma to Montgomery March possible. If there had been no Marion, there could not have been the Selma to Montgomery March. Long after the passage of the Voting Rights Act, the Turners provided the major leadership transforming Perry County's political landscape. Since Albert Turner's death, Evelyn and their son Albert Turner, Jr. have continued the work of the Perry County Civic League along with the people of Marion.

The Black Belt 8 With the passage of the Voting Rights Act, the voting rights struggle appeared to be over, and it was just a matter of reaping the harvest. In truth, it was just another beginning as some local whites devised one scheme after another to deny African Americans effective participation in the political process. From 1965 to 1984, a series of techniques were employed to reduce the potential number of officials who would be elected by the black registered voters such as threatening those receiving public assistance, locating voting places in hostile areas, switching to voting machines, buying votes, illegal use of absentee ballots, requiring all voters to re-register and re-identify, working African Americans longer hours on voting days and subjecting them to hostile voter registration and poll officials, setting short and sporadic registration days, and short voting days. In spite of these efforts, African Americans made continuous, steady progress so that the governing bodies and boards of education of five of the eight predominantly African American counties in the West Alabama Black Belt were black controlled. It took nineteen years of powerful struggle to accomplish this feat. Every scheme had been met and overcome. There was only one scheme left: Put the leaders in jail!!! It was an uphill battle. To some the situation looked hopeless; eight local leaders facing 210 felony charges of “voter fraud.� The first trial of Albert Turner, Evelyn Turner and Spencer Hogue resulted in 85 verdicts of innocence. They all cried, along with lawyers and supporters. In trial after trial the verdicts were of innocence. Spiver Gordon was convicted on four of 36 counts by an all white jury. These convictions were eventually thrown out by a Federal Appeals Court. The ordeal of the Black Belt 8 is just one story of the struggle for the right-to-vote. There are many others.

John Hewlett Hewlett helped start the Lowndes County Freedom Organization. A small group of courageous men got together and decided they were determined to vote. One minister, Pastor Harrelson, simply spoke about the right to vote in church and the local whites threatened to kill him. Hewlett and others helped him to escape from Lowndes County. The minister never came back. Hewlett, stayed the dangerous course towards voting rights. They eventually helped win voting rights for themselves and fellow citizens. He also helped to lead the integration of Lowndes County in August of 1965. He and others went so far as to initiate an all Black political party. The Lowndes County Freedom Party whose symbol was the Black Panther. This party help to inspire young freedom fighters all across the nation. Kwame Toure, aka Stokely Carmichael said in the book Black Power, that the future of the Black Belt lay in the hands of people like John Hewlett. Even today, young people like Cliff and April Albright are inspired by his work in the 60's as they are founding a Freedom Party in Selma, Alabama. 300


Bessie Mc Means Born and raised on a farm in Lowndes County, Alabama, Bessie McMeans didn’t have a good job, she did house work and worked with the movie theater. A mother of nine (9) children, she successfully put them all through college. Two of her children are school teacher, one a cosmetologist and one a truck driver.. When the civil rights workers came to Lowndes County, they were not welcomed. They had a hard time finding a place together for meetings. Bessie made arrangements for them to meet in Ft. Deposit, Alabama at her house. She always felt that she could take care of herself. More than fifty(50) people attended the meeting at her house. She also remembered that she had receive many threats and experienced a cross burning. She had some protection (a gun) because she didn’t have a husband to protect her nor her children. They had to be in the house at night without any lights on because of the threats. There was fear in the community for some people and many people feared for their jobs. They were afraid to vote. The civil rights worker had a black cat sign to represent them. She remembers Carmichael working with the people in Lowndes County. She was motivated by her nine (9) children to join the Voter’s Right Struggle.

Sheyanne Web & Rachael West As young children during the height of the Selma Right-To-Vote Movement they went on to write a book, Selma, Lord Selma, that depicts what they experienced. The book was later made into a movie by Disney named Selma, Lord Selma. These two young women were in the heart of the battle of voting rights as children and they went to mass meetings, and marched with Dr. King and others, sometimes against the wishes of their family.

Bruce Carver Boynton He was born in Selma, Alabama. He graduated from Fisk University at the age of eighteen and Howard University School of Law at eh age of twenty-one. In his senior year of law school he became the first of the student “sit-inners” who protested racially segregated lunch counter facilities by being arrested in the Trailway Bus Station in Richmond, Virginia. As a consequence he was not allowed to practice law in the State of Alabama for six years while the Alabama State Bar investigated his arrest. Since his admission to the Alabama Bar, Boynton has practiced law in Selma and Washington, D.C., where he has represented civil rights activist around the state and many poor and unpopular persons of various races. He also has been involved in several cases concerning the racial redistricting of city and county governments, including the case that created a majority Black Selma City Council. He is the son of the late S.W. Boynton and Amelia Boynton.

Margaret Moore An English teacher at the all black R. B. Hudson High School, Mrs. Moore touched and made a difference in the lives of many of Selma’s youth as an English teacher at R.B. Hudson High School. Many of her former students would invite her to visit them in various cities in the country to proudly show her their achievements. Often-times influenced by her sayings: “Be the Best of Whatever You Are”; “Whatever the Mind can Conceive the Hands can Achieve”; “If only you are a Ditch Digger, be the best Ditch Digger there is.” Mrs. Moore displayed extraordinary courage in the all Black R.B. Hudson High School. She taught black history and black pride in her English class before the start of the “Black Pride Movement” of the late sixties. She encouraged students to march and fight for the right to vote. By word and example, Mrs. Moore gave courage and inspiration to her students to resist the passivity of fear and to pursue the substance of things hoped for and evidence of things unseen-all in the name of freedom. Mrs. Moore was one of the first few Black teachers who marched to the courthouse day after day to stand in line in the 301


cold in order to register to vote. She was also among those early participants in the “Movement” who crossed Edmund Pettus Bridge on “Bloody Sunday” and was beaten back by Sheriff Jim Clark and other “law enforcers.” These scenes are documented in the series “Eyes on the Prize.” She was the first to let in the early stages of the Movement, many people, especially professionals were afraid to make a public stand for fear of job reprisals, but Mrs. Moore stood tall and firm.

Mayor James Perkins James Perkins was 12 years old when Bloody Sunday took place. He is the city of Selma’s first Black Mayor, elected in 2002. He is the son of two of Selma’s active community leaders, Etta Perkins, a nurse, and James Perkins Sr., a retired educator. Perkins graduated from Parrish High School, earned a degree from Alabama A&M, and then started his own computer consulting firm in Downtown Selma. In 1984, he married Cynthia Page, a parent facilitator in the Selma Public School system. Dissatisfied with the slow pace of desegregation in Selma, Perkins ran for Mayor and lost to incumbent mayor Joe Smitherman, 70, a former devout segregationist who had been in office since 1964 . Marie Foster, a loyal Perkins supporter, who was one of those beaten on the Edmund Pettus Bridge, was shocked by the defeat. Perkins ran again in 1996, this time facing another Black opponent and Mayor Smitherman. The face-off between two Black opponents split the vote and Smitherman survived again. The third time proved to be the charm for Perkins, who received a whopping 57 percent of the vote to Smitherman's 43 percent. Selma's current unemployment rate--12 percent--is three times the state and national averages. The city's population has been on a steady decline since the 1978 closing of the Craig Air Force Base (current population: 21,000). "Selma has been touted as the hate and racist capital of the world. But as it relates to race relations, Selma's probably better off than Chicago," Perkins argues. "But we've been forced to live with ours. The world forces us to look at ours, and the world puts ours on the pedestal." Perkins says he wants to put the ominous events of the Edmund Pettus Bridge into perspective: It is a part of Selma's history, the nation's history, but it will no longer be the first thing people think of when they mention his city. "The problems that are going on all across the country are going on in Selma," Perkins explains. "But we will make Selma the Mecca of Reconciliation."

To The Unknown Foot Soldier Where ever you are we want to know your story. We cherish your commitment. Please contact us, and schedule an interview. A lot of blood was senselessly shed. Tell us about your trials and struggles or those of a beloved family member.

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“The true value of a human being is determined primarily by the measure and the sense in which he has attained liberation from the self.” —Albert Einstein

THE POWER OF ONE STANDING In February of 1965, Reverend Lorenzo Harrison stood in the pulpit of Mt. Carmel Baptist Church in Gordonville, a rural area of Lowndes County. He spoke strongly about the necessity of Black people voting in Lowndes County. The next fourth Sunday, robed Klansmen showed up, surrounded the church, threaten to burn it down with the entire congregation inside. This minister refused to back down on the need to vote. The Klansmen circled the church for hours. When Reverend Harrison finally left Mt. Carmel Church that Sunday, he did not return for fear the entire congregation might be killed. Before he left, he urged Deacon John Hulett and others to continue to stand for the right to vote in Lowndes County. And John Hulett, inspired by the stand of Reverend Harrison, stood in the face of great danger to challenge those denying him and others the right to vote. Reverend Harrison also inspired others to stand in the White Hall area of Lowndes County such as Jesse Farrior, William Cosby, Matthew Jackson, Elzie McGill, and Frank Harrison. At the time, not one Black person was registered to vote in Lowndes County. Now 7,002 of 9,497 registered voters are African American and 40 of 61 elected officials are African American. When one stands, it causes another to stand, who then causes others to stand and so on. That’s the power of one standing. Throughout history, the power of one standing has manifested itself time and time again. State Senator Hank Sanders There are many ways to stand. Rosa Parks stood by sitting down. By sitting, her stand caused a whole people to stand by walking. In the process, she helped change the City of Montgomery, the State of Alabama, the United States of America and indeed the world. There are other examples too numerous to name. I want to explore the power of one standing in the Voting Rights Movement in the West Alabama Black Belt. There are many well-known Black Belt leaders produced by this Voting Right Struggle. They, however, were rarely the first to stand, illustrating the power of one standing. Lonnie Brown, an insurance agent served overseas in the United States Military. When he returned to Wilcox County, he was determined to vote because he had thrice earned the right: (1) by birth in this country; (2) by service in the military; and (3) by military service in a foreign country. Powerful local whites were absolutely determined that neither Brown nor any other Black person would register or vote in the county. So he stood, attempting to register to vote and urging others to stand by doing the same. As Brown made his rounds selling life and burial insurance, he urged black citizens to insist on their right to vote. To stop him, twelve large landowners wrote a joint letter barring him from entering upon their plantations to sell insurance or for any other purpose. They also insisted that the Black owned insurance company fire him. These efforts did not stop Lonnie Brown from standing so whites shot into his home in an effort to kill him and his family. That’s when the insurance company decided to transfer him from Wilcox County to Mobile County. His standing, however, inspired others to stand such as Monroe Pettway, Willie Ed Pettway, Timothy Myers, and Roman Pettway. At the time Lonnie Brown first stood, there was not one African American registered to vote in Wilcox County. Now 6,609 of 9,298 registered voters are African American and 33 of 58 elected officials are African American. That’s the power of one standing. In Dallas County, C. J. Adams stood. Adams had a quiet dignity about himself. He was short, very dark and appeared educated but no one knew where he went to school. He pushed hard and openly for the right to vote. He also vigorously urged blacks to buy and own land. 303


Because Adams stood so strongly, powerful whites framed him. They claimed he improperly notarized a signature. When he got out of prison, Adams continued to stand. Therefore, they framed him a second time. By then, he was almost 80. He was forced to leave Selma but he refused to stop standing. He continued to stand as he went to Detroit, Michigan. Because Adams stood, Amelia and Samuel Boynton stood. Because Adams stood, Marie Foster stood. Because Adams stood, John D. Hunter stood. Because Adams stood, Earnest L. Doyle stood. And so on. At the time, there were 51 African Americans registered to vote in Dallas County. Because one stood, causing others to stand, 18,504 of the 29,351 registered voters in Dallas County are African American and 19 of 48 elected officials are African American. That’s the power of one standing. Reverend S. L. Johnson, a minister at the Oak Grove United Methodist Church, stood in Perry County. In 1961, he stood in this church, urging African Americans to register and vote. They stood as they met about voting and other civil rights. While Reverend Johnson was threaten, he could not be fired or the like because he lived in the parsonage and was supported by the church. Since they could not hurt him economically, they attacked his church members. Many of those living on the Webb Plantation were summarily evicted from their homes because they attended voting rights meetings. In spite of recriminations, the movement grew because Reverend S. L. Johnson stood. Because he stood, Willie Nell Avery stood, Mattie Atkins stood, Albert Turner stood and others stood. Because one stood, 6,134 of 8,729 registered voters in Perry County are African American and 20 of 39 elected officials are African American. John Head stood. When no one else was standing in Greene County, he stood. People said, “He is a man who is a man!” John Head lived in the Tishabee Community. He farmed his own land, served as a deacon at St. Matthews Church and manufactured spirits on the side.

AL State Senator Hank Sanders

Head felt that everyone should be able to vote. He spoke out over and over. Even though he was threatened, he continued to stand and speak out. Because John Head stood, William McKinley Branch stood, John Chambers stood, Vassie Knott stood, Annie Brown stood, and others stood. Green County had three black registered voters at the time. Because Head stood, 6,016 of 7,468 registered voters are African American and 45 of 53 elected officials are African American. That’s the power of one standing. Elmer Hawkins stood in Sumter County. A teacher at Livingston High School, she encouraged Blacks to vote. She also championed school desegregation and fairness in Farmers Home loans. She stood in spite of the fact that teachers were among the most vulnerable persons in the community. Their very livelihood depended on the white controlled school board. Her job was repeatedly threatened. Powerful whites had to have some theory to explain Hawkins fearlessness. When Blacks stood up to whites without fear, they were often labeled as “crazy.” Hawkins was called crazy. Even some blacks said she was “crazy” because “she went too far.” Yet Elmer Hawkins stood. Because she stood, others stood. Wendell Paris stood, Leonard Hatter stood, Tommy Jackson and others stood. Because one stood, Sumter County, which had no African American registered voters at the time, now has 6,763 of 9,265. And 50 African American of 74 elected officials. That’s the power of one standing. Reverend J. J. Simmons stood in Hale County in the fifties. Pastor of New Hope Baptist Church in Sawyerville, he was determined to register to vote. There were 49 Blacks registered in Hale County and powerful whites were determined there would not be any more. Simmons continued to go to the courthouse every first and third Monday taking others with him and demanding to be registered to vote. Reverend Simmons was repeatedly threatened but he continued to stand up and speak out. He was called all kinds of names but he stood with pride. Once a big burly male registrar threatened to hit Theresa Burroughs, a 19-year-old female accompanying Simmons. Reverend Simmons calmly said, “If I was you, I wouldn’t do that!” The bully immediately backed off. They eventually registered Reverend Simmons, Theresa Burroughs and several more. Because Reverend Simmons stood, others stood. Because they stood, 6,526 of 11,169 registered voters in Hale County are African American and 26 of 50 elected officials are African American. 304


Carrie Johnson stood. She was blessed not to have to stand alone for Thelma Craig and her brother, William Harrison, stood with her. There were two African American registered voters when Carrie Johnson insisted on registering. She and others were forced to take a “literacy test” and pay a $1.50 poll tax. It was a very difficult test. Once Mrs. Johnson passed, she secretly took the test and taught it to others. Some were so determined that they took the test over and over again. One, Oliver Pringer, took the test 81 times. He knew he was not failing the test but they failing him. His example inspired others to stand for the test. During this struggle, crosses were burned in the front yard of the homes of William Harrison and Thelma Craig but all continued to stand. Because Johnson, Craig and Harrison stood, others stood such as Martin Ruffin, Virginia Cole and Jesse Dixon. Because Carrie Johnson and others stood, the three African Americans registered to vote in Choctaw County has grown to 4,377 of 10,300 and 15 of 61 elected officials are African American. That’s the power of one standing. Lena Frost stood in Marengo County. She was a courageous widow in her fifties living by herself. For years, she had worked as a domestic. She had been mistreated in so many ways, she was just fed up and decided to stand. She said that she had been denied so many things in her life she just had to vote. Frost urged others to fight for the right to vote. Hers was one of the few cars available to ferry blacks to and from the voting register’s office in Linden some 16 miles from Demopolis. She also carried black people to and from mass meetings. Frost’s most courageous action was allowing civil rights workers to stay in her home. This was very dangerous. Powerful whites felt intensely about this. Frost was often threatened. Whites would ride by her house and shout threats or obscenity. She, however, continued to stand. For along time she was the only person in Marengo that allowed civil rights workers to stay in her home. Because Lena Frost stood, Malloy Jones stood, Ann Braxton stood, Robert Jones, Jr. stood, Carl Jones stood, Henry Haskins stood, Ervin Harris and others stood. Because Lena Frost Stood, 7,267 of 14,547 registered voters are African American and 18 of 67 elected officials are African Americans. Our history is greatly distorted by media focus on a few African American leaders while leaving out the many others who stood, often alone. Most of those well known for standing would never have stood if one had not stood who is now virtually unknown. We have a duty to keep alive the history of those unknown souls who demonstrated the power of one standing. This is my small contribution to keeping such history alive.

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“Our destiny changes with our thought; we shall become what we wish to become, do what we wish to do, when our habitual thought corresponds with our desire..” —Orson Swett Marden

FAYA ROSE SANDERS TOURE Founder of the National Voting Rights Museum A Harvard-educated Civil Rights activist and litigation attorney who has worked on some of the highest-profile civil rights cases to come before the courts. Touré—who spent most of her career as Rose Sanders until she decided to step away from her "slave name" in 2003—was the first African-American female judge in Alabama and was part of the winning legal team in Pigford vs. Veneman, the largest civil rights case in history. This case led to the payment of a billion dollars in damages to black farmers by the U. S. Department of Agriculture. In addition, Touré is founder of the National Voting Rights Museum in Selma, Alabama, and a founding partner in the law firm of Chestnut, Sanders, Sanders, Pettaway & Campbell, LLC. Intensely passionate about her activism and legal work and the needs of the black community, Touré has founded learning and cultural centers, political and legal organizations, and community initiatives that have benefited Alabamians for three decades. She uses her many talents to further her message and is a prolific songwriter and playwright, as well as the host of a weekly radio show, Faya's Fire http://www.wbfzfmradio.com/. Touré was born Rose M. Gaines on May 20, 1945, in Salisbury, North Carolina. Her parents, the Rev. D. A. Gaines and Ora Lee Gaines, taught their six children to conserve so they would have something in life to give back to their community. Training the children by word and deed, Rev. Gaines didn't always adhere to protocol, but he got the job done. "He was a trained minister who didn't always fit the image of what society expected," Touré said in an interview with Contemporary Black Biography (CBB). She notes similar traits in her own personality. Touré has the courage to follow her own drumbeat. She speaks frankly on controversial matters of race, injustice, and education, but said in her CBB interview, "I'm not fearless. I just won't let others define me." Touré's community work began at an early age when she organized kids in the neighborhood. Through her teens, however, she remained unsure about what she wanted to do with her life. After graduation from George Clem High School in 1962 she entered Johnson C. Smith University in Charlotte, North Carolina, graduating Summa Cum Laude in 1966. Still unsure where her career path would take her, she completed a law degree at Harvard in 1969 and was awarded the Herbert Smith Fellowship. That led to an assignment the following year at the National Welfare Rights Organization and the Columbia Center on Social Welfare Policy and Law. In 1971 she worked briefly for the Legal Services Corporation, and opened the law firm of Chestnut, Sanders, Sanders, Pettaway & Campbell, LLC the following year along with her husband, Alabama State Senator Henry Sanders. In 1982 Touré was hired by the Emergency Land Fund for the Department of the Agriculture to conduct a study of black land tenure and document land loss by African Americans. Through the years Touré's legal skills led her to several major cases. In one important case she teamed with noted attorney Johnnie Cochran to seek reparations from corporations who profited from slavery. Seeking academic reparations for African-American students for what she calls "400 years of mis-education and discrimination" is one of Touré's latest projects. She is also preparing a case on behalf of black women who suffered sexual abuse during slavery. It challenges current laws that, Touré said, "do not offer equal justice from sexual assaults and misconduct towards black women." "The chronic violence and crime in our community is not an accident or coincidence but a historical consequence of years of dishonest and vastly unequal education that has crushed the spirit and hope of our children.” “Only an inferior nation would continue for another century to provide an inferior education to the majority of her children. Only an inferior "thinking" people would continue to accept their inferior status once the light of truth and knowledge uncovers the key to their true liberation.”

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THE NATIONAL VOTING RIGHTS MUSEUM & INSTITUTE The National Voting Rights Museum & Institute was organized and developed by participants and supporters of the Voting Rights Movement of the 1960's to document accomplishments and struggles of those Americans dedicated to the attainment and retention of equal treatment under the law for all Americans. The struggle to gain voting rights did not begin or end at the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma Alabama, on March 7, 1965; it began with the birth of our nation and continues today in efforts to remove all barriers to voting. The National Voting Rights Museum & Institute, the only facility of its kind in the world, opened its doors in 1993, as a permanent memorial to the struggle to obtain voting rights for disenfranchised African Americans. The mission of the Museum is to collect, preserve and display artifacts and exhibits, which document and portray the history of voting rights in America. Among the many historical exhibits, visitors will get a taste of artifacts as they are taken through the "Footprints to Freedom" room. This room includes molded cast footprints of many who marched from Selma to Montgomery. The "Selma Room," also known as the "Marie Foster" room is where visitors view such items as voting records, worn clothes of persons beaten during the march and a host of photos. The Women's Suffrage Room houses the largely unknown contributions of African American women who secured the voting rights for half the population. The Living History Exhibit is dedicated to dedicated to those who served as foot soldiers/participants in the voting rights activity in Alabama, and an "I Was There" wall exhibit allows Museum visitors to contribute historical notes that echo their particular involvement. Serving over 1,000,000 people since its inception, these graphic visual exhibits document the struggles and triumphs of African Americans on the journey toward freedom for all Americans. Voting is the cornerstone of the democratic society of which we all take part. It is one of the most important gains acquired during the Civil Rights Movement. The National Voting Rights Museum & Institute offers America and the world the opportunity to learn the lessons of the past to assure we will not make the same mistakes in the 21st century. There is no one place where the past and present struggles and future possibilities can be studied, felt, and remembered like that of the National Voting Rights Museum & Institute. Therefore, our purpose is our mission: A Museum and Institute that chronicles and preserves the historical journey for the right to vote that began when the seeds of democracy were first planted by the "founding fathers" in 1776. As such, the struggle for justice and democracy is a never-ending one. Each generation will have its barriers to overcome and its stories to share. The Museum is committed to collecting and sharing these stories, struggles, and victories for generations to come. Though the Voting Rights Struggle is rich in memorabilia and documentation, the National Voting Rights Museum & Institute plays an intricate role in enhancing the knowledge of the public through the following: Annual Re-enactment of “Bloody Sunday� Black Belt Heritage Tours Personal Collection Exhibits Living History Projects Community Forums 6 Hwy 80 East Selma, Alabama 36701 www.nvrm.org Phone: (334) 418-0800

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ANNUAL RE-ENACTMENT OF “BLOODY SUNDAY” BRIDGE CROSSING JUBILEE Each year during the first week in March, the National Voting Rights Museum & Institute in conjunction with 21st Century Youth Leadership Movement, Wallace Community College Selma, the City of Selma, and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference sponsors the Bridge Crossing Jubilee. The Annual Bridge Crossing Jubilee is held the first full weekend of every March to commemorate “Bloody Sunday", the March from Selma-to-Montgomery, and the passing of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. In 1993, the National Voting Rights Museum & Institute had its first Bridge Crossing Jubilee. Since then the notoriety of the Jubilee has spread across the country and abroad because of the increasing numbers of tourists visiting Selma, Alabama. As a result, tens of thousands of tourists visit Selma the first week in March each year for the opportunity to participate in the Jubilee. They come to hear the personal stories of people who participated in the movement, celebrate and commemorate the Voting Rights Struggle, the March from Selma to Montgomery and to meet and talk with famous Americans, The Jubilee which takes place the first weekend in March at the foot of the Edmund Pettus Bridge, is attended by 30,000 or more people! It is a street festival of music, art and history. In addition, the Jubilee is the celebration and commemoration of the right to vote and March from Selma to Montgomery. It also serves as a reunion for many of the Voting and Civil Rights participants. As the eyes of the world focuses on Selma we want ‘The Jubilee’ to: — Be a forum for discussion of the irrepressible power of democracy, — Be an opportunity to teach the powerful lessons which Selma represents, and to show how far we have come and how far we hope to go, TOGETHER,

the world just

— Be an opportunity to teach the powerful lessons which Selma represents, and to show the world just how far we have come and how far we hope to go, TOGETHER, — Be a chance to capture the memories of those who suffered the birth pains, of the voting rights movement while they are still with us. — And, above all, it will be a time to celebrate the irrepressible spark that drives men and women of all colors and creeds to strive for freedom against all odds and in the face of all adversities. For information about upcoming Jubilee’s write: NVRM1965@Gmail.com

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“Defend EVERY ONE of your rights. When any one is given up none of the rest can last.” —Rick Gaber

CHURCHES & ORGANIZATIONS In The Struggle For Human Dignity SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee)

SCLC (Southern Christian Leadership Conference)

CORE (Congress of Racial Equality)

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People

NAACP Legal Defense Fund

Dallas County Voters League

Alabama Improvement Association

Perry County Civic League

Brown Chapel AME Church, Selma, AL

Tabernacle Baptist Church, Selma, AL First Baptist Church, Selma, AL Zion United Methodist Church, Marion, AL 309


“The time is always right to do what is right.” —Martin Luther King, Jr.

WHAT IS THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT? The Voting Rights Act was adopted in 1965 in response to discriminatory practices used by the state and local election authorities to limit the ability of people of color to elect representatives. By making these practices illegal, the act seeks to give all Americans a fair chance of electing representatives. The Voting Rights Act has been used by communities across the country to challenge unfair election rules, and create more inclusive governments. The Act prohibits discrimination against African Americans, Latinos, Asian Americans and Native Americans. Since 1964, the number of black elected officials nationwide has increased from 300 to more than 9,100. Section Two prohibits laws and practices that dilute the effectiveness of votes cast by racial and ethnic minorities. In particular, Section 2 prevents states and municipalities from engaging in practices designed to make it difficult for racial minorities to elect candidates of their choice. It is enforceable nationwide, empowering both the Department of Justice and citizens to sue jurisdictions for unfair practices anywhere in the nation. The burden of proof in a Section 2 case lies with the challengers. To prove discrimination, they must show that members of the minority community generally vote for the same candidates, while the majority community generally opposes those candidates, and that the minority community has a large enough share of the vote to elect a candidate under a single-member district system. Since 1982, there has been no need under Section 2 to prove that a voting system was intended to discriminate, simply that it has a discriminatory effect. Section Five only applies to certain areas of the country with histories of suppressing minority voters via literacy tests. These areas are known as “covered jurisdictions.” Section 5 states that all covered jurisdictions must obtain approval (called “preclearance”) from the U.S. Attorney General or the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia before any new electoral statutes are enacted or any new electoral practices administered. Section 5 acts as a safeguard against changes that might weaken the voting strength of minority voters, since under it the covered jurisdiction has to prove that any proposed change will not reduce these voters’ ability to elect a candidate of their choice. Section 5 applies to all of Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina, and Texas; and most of Virginia, 4 counties in California, 5 counties in Florida, 2 townships in Michigan, 10 towns in New Hampshire, 3 counties in New York, 40 counties in North Carolina, and 2 counties in South Dakota.

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“Nonviolence is not inaction ... It is not for the timid or weak ... Nonviolence is hard work. It is the willingness to sacrifice. It is the patience to win.” —Cesar Chavez

UNITED STATES VOTING TIMELINE When the Constitution was written, only white male property owners (about 10 to 16 percent of the nation's population) had the vote. Over the past two centuries, though, the term "government by the people" has become a reality. During the early 1800s, states gradually dropped property requirements for voting. Later, groups that had been excluded previously gained the right to vote. Other reforms made the process fairer and easier. 1790 1790 Only white male adult property-owners have the right to vote. 1800 1810 1810 Last religious prerequisite for voting is eliminated. 1820 1840 1850 Property ownership and tax requirements eliminated by 1850. Almost all adult white males could vote. 1855 Connecticut adopts the nation's first literacy test for voting. Massachusetts follows suit in 1857. The tests were implemented to discriminate against Irish-Catholic immigrants. 1860 1870 The 15th Amendment is passed. It gives former slaves the right to vote and protects the voting rights of adult male citizens of any race. 1880 1889 Florida adopts a poll tax. Ten other southern states will implement poll taxes. 1890 Mississippi adopts a literacy test to keep African Americans from voting. Numerous other states—not just in the south—also establish literacy tests. However, the tests also exclude many whites from voting. To get around this, states add grandfather clauses that allow those who could vote before 1870, or their descendants, to vote regardless of literacy or tax qualifications. 1900 1910 1913 The 17th Amendment calls for members of the U.S. Senate to be elected directly by the people instead of State Legislatures. 1915 Oklahoma was the last state to append a grandfather clause to its literacy requirement (1910). In Guinn v. United States the Supreme Court rules that the clause is in conflict with the 15th Amendment, thereby outlawing literacy tests for federal elections. 1920 1920 The 19th Amendment guarantees women's suffrage. 1924 Indian Citizenship Act grants all Native Americans the rights of citizenship, including the right to vote in federal elections. 1930 1940 1944 The Supreme Court outlaws "white primaries" in Smith v. Allwright (Texas). In Texas, and other states, primaries were conducted by private associations, which, by definition, could exclude whomever they chose. The Court declares the nomination process to be a public process bound by the terms of 15th Amendment. 1950 1957 The first law to implement the 15th amendment, the Civil Rights Act, is passed. The Act set up the Civil Rights Commission—among its duties is to investigate voter discrimination. 1960 1960 In Gomillion v. Lightfoot (Alabama) the Court outlaws "gerrymandering." 1961 The 23rd Amendment allows voters of the District of Columbia to participate in presidential elections. 1964 The 24th Amendment bans the poll tax as a requirement for voting in federal elections. 1965 Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., mounts a voter registration drive in Selma, Alabama, to draw national attention to 311


African-American voting rights. 1965 The Voting Rights Act protects the rights of minority voters and eliminates voting barriers such as the literacy test. The Act is expanded and renewed in 1970, 1975, and 1982. 1966 The Supreme Court, in Harper v. Virginia Board of Elections, eliminates the poll tax as a qualification for voting in any election. A poll tax was still in use in Alabama, Mississippi, Texas, and Virginia. 1966 The Court upholds the Voting Rights Act in South Carolina v. Katzenbach. 1970 1970 Literacy requirements are banned for five years by the 1970 renewal of the Voting Rights Act. At the time, eighteen states still have a literacy requirement in place. In Oregon v. Mitchell, the Court upholds the ban on literacy tests, which is made permanent in 1975. Judge Hugo Black, writing the court's opinion, cited the "long history of the discriminatory use of literacy tests to disenfranchise voters on account of their race" as the reason for their decision. 1971 The 26th amendment sets the minimum voting age at 18. 1972 In Dunn v. Blumstein, the Supreme Court declares that lengthy residence requirements for voting in state and local elections is unconstitutional and suggests that 30 days is an ample period. 1980 1990 1995 The Federal "Motor Voter Law" takes effect, making it easier to register to vote. 2000 2003 Federal Voting Standards and Procedures Act requires states to streamline registration, voting, and other election procedures.

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"...There is no nation on earth powerful enough to accomplish our overthrow. ... Our destruction, should it come at all, will be from another quarter. From the inattention of the people to the concerns of their government.” —–Daniel Webster, June 1, 1837

THE EFFECT OF THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT The most basic right of a citizen in a democracy is the right to vote. Without this right, people can be easily ignored and even abused by their government. This, in fact, is what happened to African American citizens living in the South following Civil War Reconstruction. Despite the 14th and 15th amendments guaranteeing the civil rights of black Americans, their right to vote was systematically taken away by white supremacist state governments. Soon after passage of the Voting Rights Act, federal examiners were conducting voter registration, and black voter registration began a sharp increase. The cumulative effect of the Supreme Court's decisions, Congress' enactment of voting rights legislation, and the ongoing efforts of concerned private citizens and the Department of Justice, has been to restore the right to vote guaranteed by the 14th and 15th Amendments. The Voting Rights Act itself has been called the single most effective piece of civil rights legislation ever passed by Congress. The following table compares black voter registration rates with white voter registration rates in seven Southern States in 1965 and 1988:

Voter Registration Rates (1965 vs. 1988) March 1965

November

1988 Black Gap Alabama 19.3 6.6 Georgia 27.4 7.1 Louisiana

White

Gap

Black

White

69.2

49.9

68.4

75.0

62.6

35.2

56.8

63.9

31.6

80.5

48.9

77.1

Adapted from Bernard Grofman, Lisa Handley and Richard G. Niemi. 1992. Minority Representation and the Quest for Voting Equality. New York: Cambridge Press, at 23-24/

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“Some may find the implications of being naturally free frightening. There may be an overpowering psychological "wimp" in our mind that blinds us to our freedom. If so, the next step is to overcome that wimp.” “In almost every land, those with the courage to assert their freedom seldom need to fight or hide - for the predators live off the easy prey.” —Frederick Mann

Authentic Freedom It's not real independence if another owns the key For she who knocks on doors needs those inside to hear her plea It's not authentic freedom with an overseer there For he who cannot come and go must always live in fear It's not actual adulthood if you can't make your own choice For she who has the final word is she who owns your voice Autonomy's not absolute if others mind the purse and freedom's not a thing a simple check can reimburse And ownership is just a farce without a deed to touch no asset's yours to save you when you find you're in a clutch You can't say that you're in control if not behind the wheel down any road of whim your life's direction's theirs to steal You just can't say you're walking when those crutches stop your fall I'd give up walking upright bound, if free I'd have to crawl. © Walt F.J. Goodridge The Passion Prophet http://www.passionprofit.com/

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[The purpose of the Constitution is to] “keep the government off the backs of people.” —Justice William O. Douglas

VOTING RIGHTS ACT OF 1965 As a result of intimidation, violence, and racial discrimination in state voting laws, a mere 3 percent of voting-age black men and women in the South were registered to vote in 1940. In Mississippi, under 1 percent were registered. Most Blacks who did vote lived in the larger cities of the South. By not having the power of the ballot, African Americans in the South had little influence in their communities. They did not hold elected offices. They had no say in how much their taxes would be or what laws would be passed. They had little, if any, control over local police, courts, or public schools. They, in effect, were denied their rights as citizens. Attempts to change this situation were met with animosity and outright violence. In the 1950s, the civil rights movement developed. Facing enormous hostility, Black people in the South organized to demand their rights guaranteed in the U.S. Constitution. They launched voter registration drives in many Southern communities. Medgar Evers, the Black veteran stopped by a white mob from voting, became a civil rights leader in his native Mississippi. Because of his civil rights activities, he was shot and killed in front of his home by a White segregationist in 1963. But through the efforts of local civil rights leaders like Evers, about 43 percent of adult Black men and women were registered to vote in the South by 1964. That same year, the 24th Amendment was ratified. It outlawed poll taxes in federal elections. (The U.S. Supreme Court later ruled that all poll taxes are unconstitutional.) White supremacists, however, still fiercely resisted voting by African Americans. Black voter registration in Alabama was only 23 percent, while in neighboring Mississippi less than 7 percent of voting-age blacks were registered. Selma, Alabama -- located in the very "Heart of Dixie" -- had served as the munitions arsenal of the Confederacy during the Civil War. A century later, in 1965, Selma's stubborn and rigorous enforcement of the South's segregation laws -especially its systematic denial to Negroes of their voting rights, where only 2% of eligible Blacks were registered to vote -- made it a logical target for joint action by SNCC and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). Sheriff James Clark epitomized the forces of bigotry in Selma, On March 7, 1965, about 600 Black and White civil rights protesters passed through Selma and began to cross the Edmund Pettus Bridge spanning the Alabama River. They were met on the other side by a large force of Alabama state troopers, who ordered the marchers to return to Selma. When the marchers refused to turn back, the troopers attacked, some on horseback, knocking down people and beating them with clubs. This was all filmed by TV news cameras and shown that evening to a shocked American public. The Selma march pushed the federal government to pass legislation to enforce the right of Black citizens to vote. A few days after the violence at Selma, President Lyndon Johnson introduced the Voting Rights Act of 1965 before a joint session of Congress. Johnson declared, "it is not just Negroes, but it's really all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice." 315


The Voting Rights Act, signed into law by President Johnson on August 6, 1965, suspended literacy and other tests in counties and states showing evidence of voter discrimination. These counties and states also were prohibited from creating new voter requirements that denied citizens their right to vote. Moreover, in the areas covered by the act, federal examiners replaced local clerks in registering voters. The Voting Rights Act of 1965 ended the practices that had denied African Americans the right to vote in Southern states. Registration of Black voters in the South jumped from 43 percent in 1964 to 66 percent by the end of the decade. This represented an increase of more than a million new African American voters who could finally claim their right to vote.

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"Liberty without learning is always in peril and learning without liberty is always in vain.� —John F. Kennedy

EFFECTIVELY VOTING As a result of disfranchisement, African American people were unable to develop a natural set of values and principles by which to live. As a result they did not and do not (to this day) understand what constitutes their health, interest, rights and needs. In order to vote, this comprehension is necessary, for the lack of this vital wisdom leaves one vulnerable to those who can trick and manipulate one to sell their vote for momentary pleasure or what seems to be in their best interest, but what does not solve problems, or alleviate suffering. This is how black people lost the right to vote once gained after the Emancipation Proclamation. Since the death of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., much money was allocated through the poverty program to correct the wrongs done to African Americans, females and poor people. The greater portion of that money was mismanaged and misappropriated by black leaders who did not work for the interest of black people during the movement, and thus did not gain an understanding of what constitutes the health, interest, rights and needs of the broad collective of African Americans from the poorest to those well-off. Nor do they understand what a constitutional right is and how to effectively write proposals and legislation in the interest of the people. The evidence of this is that since the 1965 Voting Rights Act was enacted, not one piece of legislation has been presented on the local, county, state, national or international level in the interest of African American people. By and large African American leaders and politicians have gotten their votes much like white southern democrats did, that is by developing a constituency as a result of talking about what whites did and are not doing, but they have not advance the health, interest, rights and needs of African American people, nor have they supported those who have and do advance such issues. More than anything African American people need to heal from the abuses that they endured during chattel slavery, so that they can get their natural humanity back. Once this is done, African people will be able to think and to use their thought process to develop nonviolent institutions that enhance their well-being. This would create a permanent work economy and would eliminate welfare, the military and prisons, because conflict arises when people fight over wants and try to maintain their secondary drives (smoking, drinking, drugs, lusting...) that operate against their interest and that of the nation. These drives come about when a person is not actively engaged in carrying out their God given vocation and thus must substitute for the energy build-up and anxiety that comes from not being fully operative or capable of supplying their real and essential needs of food, clothing, shelter, transportation, communication tool making and energy conversion. The Nonviolent Clinical Process was written to address these issues and is available for any person who is willing to invest their time, energy, and resources in healing themselves and the people. —Myeka

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“Until he extends the circle of his compassion to all living things, man will not himself find peace.” —Albert Schweitzer

THE POWER OF THE VOTE As we sit in audiences or in our homes and contemplate the state of affairs around us, we must be mindful of the power of the vote. Our actions and inactions consist of the votes we cast, as to whether things stay the same or change. When a person doesn’t go to the poll or says nothing, they are voting just as much as if they were to raise their voice in agreement or protest. Voting and the right to vote calls one to be accountable for the conditions that exist. In fact, the state of the social affairs is an indicator of the kind of votes that have been cast. In a recent meeting, it was interesting to note that when a resolution was read, two people spoke to the need for having a written copy of the resolution to study before voting on it. Two other people stated that we should just adopt the resolution and make revisions as we go along. Let’s look at these two positions. The first position represents responsible voting. These two people said in essence that before they cast a vote, they needed to know what they were voting for. When a person takes this position, they are serious about supporting with their life that which they vote and lend their power to. It is indicative of a person who when presented with a candidate to represent them in a public office says, “I need to know about you and what you stand for, and if I agree with it. Moreover, I need to know if you can represent what I stand for and what is important to me. Now this position is reasonable and responsible. The second position is a very irresponsible position, because when you vote for something, you are actually saying that you agree with it. You don’t vote for what you don’t agree with and then hope to change it later. This position is irresponsible and grows out of apathy and ignorance. These people were willing to go along with anything that is proposed, supposedly in the interest of saving time. If we look at how long it would take to revise something, that is incorrect, however, we would realize that this position is never correct. Before we cast our votes, let us be responsible by asking the question, is this person, issue… something that I agree with, and if it is not, then with hold your vote and work to imbue the person, issue… with what comes from Love in your heart, because Love finds a way to be constructive. We have been in a war in Iraq. Many people cryied out against the president and his administration as if they did not vote him into office and agree to go to Iraq and declare war. It’s easy to create a scapegoat and not take personal and social responsibility. Many said that the war in Iraq was primarily about securing oil. Let’s look at that point of view. Americans use a lot of oil. Oil goes into running our cars, heating our homes, making plastics and much more. To the degree that the American people continue to demand oil, they are agreeing with the war in Iraq. Every time an American purchases gasoline, they are voting for continuance of the war. When Americans vote not to be in Iraq, they will let automobile makers know in no uncertain terms that within a year, they want vehicles that run on a fuel that does not depend on oil, and that is safe to the environment and that has a minimal cost. Likewise, those who already have vehicles will demand that conversion kits be made available so that their vehicles no longer need oil based products. Americans would demand that presidential candidates support this position and present ways and means to get this done. People who do this will be voting to end the war in Iraq, without complaining, protesting or blaming anyone. We live in a world that runs on supply and demand. As long as we demand oil, the president is obliged to do whatever is necessary to provide it. So vote. Vote with your life. Vote to end war, vote to heal the environment, vote to heal yourself, vote to end homelessness, vote to end child abuse, vote to end mis-education, vote to educate all males and females to be able to make their first choice of whether to achieve or avoid conception, vote to end injustice, vote to be free. The right to vote is a sacred right, use it judiciously to secure the health, protect the rights, foster the interest and fulfill the needs of all.

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"Vinegar in freedom tastes better than honey in slavery." -- Old Serbian Proverb

YOUNG VOTERS THE FUTURE DEPENDS ON YOU! Sometimes, young people think that their single vote doesn’t matter. They do not see how actions of elected officials affect their lives. The fact is, by voting for the candidates whose views reflect your own and by voting on issues that are important to you, you control your own future. When you turn 18, you officially begin your adult life. You are faced with new responsibilities and important decisions regarding college education, career, financial security and quality of life. The decisions you make in the voting booth will be some of the most important decisions you will ever make. The actions of the people you elect to represent you in government will directly affect your life. The choices elected officials make can determine such things as: the amount of taxes you pay; how those taxes are spent; the stability of the economy, safety at school and at home; health care, the environment; and costs of living, whether our country will be at war, the judges who will preside in the courtrooms. Most Commonly Asked Questions That Every Voter Should Know: Q. Does one vote really make a difference? A. One vote can make ALL the difference. Never assume that an election is bound to go one way or another. Every vote counts! Q. How much does it cost to register? A. There is no charge to register and vote. Q. How many days before an election must I register in order to vote? A. Your voter registration application must be postmarked or hand-delivered to the county Voter Registrar 30 days before the election. Q. Where do I vote? A. Polling places are listed in your local newspapers in the weeks before the election or call the Board of Elections. Q. What is "early voting?" A. "Early voting" is a way to cast your ballot before Election Day either in person or by mail. In person By mail – If you will be: (1) out of the county during early voting and on Election Day; (2) age 65 or older; (3) sick or disabled; or (4) confined to jail, call the Elections Administrator in charge of the particular election and ask them to send you an application for a ballot by mail. 319


Q. If I am in college, should I register in my hometown or in my college town? A. Either – whichever you consider your permanent residence. Q. If I don’t know about a candidate or a candidate’s views, should I vote anyway? A. Take time to learn the candidate’s stance on major issues. Check the local newspaper or other media for the candidate’s views. Call the candidate’s campaign office and ask for position papers. If you don’t vote, you let someone else make your decision for you. Q. Do I have to vote for every item on the ballot? A. No. You may not leave any part of your ballot blank.

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The man or the institution, therefore, that withholds knowledge from a child, or from a race of children, exercises the awful power of changing the world in which they are to live, just as much as though he should annihilate all that is most lovely and grand in this planet ofours, or transport the victim of his cruelty to some dark and frigid zone of the universe, where the sweets of knowledge are unknown, and the terrors of ignorance hold their undisputed and remorseless reign. —Horace Mann

SHIRLEY ANITA ST. HILL CHISHOLM November 30, 1924 – January 1, 2005 She was a Congresswoman, representing New York's 12th Congressional District for seven terms from 1969 to 1983. In 1968, she became the first black woman elected to Congress. On January 25, 1972, she became the first major-party black candidate for President of the United States and the first woman to run for the Democratic presidential nomination (Margaret Chase Smith had previously run for the Republican presidential nomination). She received 152 first-ballot votes at the 1972 Democratic National Convention. In the 1972 U.S. presidential election, she made a bid for the Democratic Party's presidential nomination. She survived three assassination attempts during the campaign. George McGovern won the nomination in a hotly contested set of primary elections, with Chisholm campaigning in 12 states and winning 28 delegates during the primary process. At the 1972 Democratic National Convention, as a symbolic gesture, McGovern opponent Hubert H. Humphrey released his black delegates to Chisholm, giving her a total of 152 first-ballot votes for the nomination. Chisholm's base of support was ethnically diverse and included the National Organization for Women. Chisholm said she ran for the office "in spite of hopeless odds... to demonstrate the sheer will and refusal to accept the status quo." Among the volunteers who were inspired by her campaign was Barbara Lee, who continued to be politically active and was elected as a congresswoman 25 years later. Betty Friedan and Gloria Steinem attempted to run as Chisholm delegates in New York. From 1977 to 1981, during the 95th Congress and 96th Congress, Chisholm was elected to a position in the House Democratic leadership, as Secretary of the House Democratic Caucus. Throughout her tenure in Congress, Chisholm worked to improve opportunities for inner-city residents. She was a vocal opponent of the draft and supported spending increases for education, health care and other social services, and reductions in military spending. In 1970, she authored a child care bill. The bill passed the House and the Senate, but was vetoed by President Richard Nixon, who called it "the Sovietization of American children". In the area of national security and foreign policy, Chisholm worked for the revocation of Internal Security Act of 1950. [17] She opposed the American involvement in the Vietnam War and the expansion of weapon developments. During the Jimmy Carter administration, she called for better treatment of Haitian refugees. —Excerpted from Wikipedia

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“I would say that I am a nonviolent soldier. In place of weapons of violence, you have to use your mind, your heart, your sense of humor, every faculty available to you ... because no one has the right to take the life of another human being.” —Joan Baez

REVEREND JESSE LOUIS JACKSON October 8, 1941—Present

Born in Greenville, South Carolina, Jesse Jackson graduated from the public schools in Greenville and then enrolled in the University of Illinois on a football scholarship. He later transferred to North Carolina A&T State University and graduated in 1964. He began his theological studies at Chicago Theological Seminary but deferred his studies when he began working full-time in the Civil Rights Movement with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. He was ordained on June 30, 1968 by Rev. Clay Evans and received his earned Master of Divinity degree from Chicago Theological Seminary in 2000. Reverend Jackson began his activism as a student in the summer of 1960 seeking to desegregate the local public library in Greenville and then as a leader in the sit-in movement. In 1965, he became a full-time organizer for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). He was soon appointed by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. to direct the Operation Breadbasket program. In December of 1971, Reverend Jackson founded Operation PUSH (People United to Serve Humanity) in Chicago, IL. The goals of Operation PUSH were economic empowerment and expanding educational, business and employment opportunities for the disadvantaged and people of color. Reverend Jackson’s two presidential campaigns broke new ground in U.S. politics. His 1984 campaign registered over one million new voters, won 3.5 million votes, and helped the Democratic Party regain control of the Senate in 1986. His 1988 campaign registered over two million new voters, won seven million votes, and helped boost hundreds of state and local elected officials into office. Additionally, he won historic victories, coming in first or second in 46 out of 54 primary contests. His clear progressive agenda and his ability to build an unprecedented coalition inspired millions to join the political process. In 1991, Reverend Jesse Jackson was elected Senator of Washington, D.C., advocating for statehood for the nation’s capital and advancing the “rainbow” agenda at the national and international levels. Since then, he has continued to promote voter registration and lead get-out-the-vote campaigns, believing that everyone should be encouraged to be a responsible, informed and active voter. He has spearheaded major organizing tours through Appalachia, Mississippi, California and Georgia. Reverend Jackson married his college sweetheart Jacqueline Lavinia Brown in 1963. They have five children: Santita Jackson, Congressman Jesse L. Jackson, Jr., Jonathan Luther Jackson, Yusef DuBois Jackson, Esq., and Jacqueline Lavinia Jackson, Jr. —Excerpted in part from, http://rainbowpush.org/pages/jackson_bio

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LEGACY OF A MOVEMENT PRESIDENT BARACK H. OBAMA August 4, 1961—Present Barack H. Obama is the 44th President of the United States. With a father from Kenya and a mother from Kansas, President Obama was born in Hawaii on August 4, 1961. He was raised with help from his grandfather, who served in Patton's army, and his grandmother, who worked her way up from the secretarial pool to middle management at a bank. After working his way through college with the help of scholarships and student loans, President Obama moved to Chicago, where he worked with a group of churches to help rebuild communities devastated by the closure of local steel plants. He attended Harvard law school, where he became the first African-American president of the Harvard Law Review. Upon graduation, he returned to Chicago to help lead a voter registration drive, teach constitutional law at the University of Chicago, and remain active in his community. Barack Obama was elected to the Illinois Senate in 1996, succeeding State Senator Alice Palmer as Senator from Illinois's 13th District, which then spanned Chicago South Side neighborhoods from Hyde Park-Kenwood south to South Shore and west to Chicago Lawn. Barack Obama was reelected to the Illinois Senate in 1998, defeating Republican Yesse Yehudah in the general election, and was reelected again to another term in 2002. In January 2003, Barack Obama became chairman of the Illinois Senate's Health and Human Services Committee when Democrats, after a decade in the minority, regained a majority. Obama resigned from the Illinois Senate in November 2004 following his election to the U.S. Senate. President Obama's years of public service are based around his unwavering belief in the ability to unite people around a politics of purpose. In the Illinois State Senate, he passed the first major ethics reform in 25 years, cut taxes for working families, and expanded health care for children and their parents. As a United States Senator, he reached across the aisle to pass groundbreaking lobbying reform, lock up the world's most dangerous weapons, and bring transparency to government by putting federal spending online. He was elected the 44th President of the United States on November 4, 2008, and sworn in on January 20, 2009. He and his wife, Michelle, are the proud parents of two daughters, Malia, 12, and Sasha. —From White House website

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FIRST LADY MICHELLE OBAMA January 17, 1964—Present Wife of the 44th President of the United States and mother of Malia and Sasha's. She is a product of the Chicago public schools. She attended Whitney Young High School, Chicago's first magnet high school, where she was a classmate of Jesse Jackson's daughter Santita. The round trip commute from the Robinsons' South Side home to the Near West Side, where the school was located, took three hours. She was on the honor roll for four years, took advanced placement classes, a member of the National Honor Society and served as student council treasurer.[4] Obama graduated in 1981 as the salutatorian of her class. Mrs. Obama studied sociology and African-American studies at Princeton University. After graduating from Harvard Law School in 1988, she joined the Chicago law firm Sidley & Austin, where she later met the man who would become the love of her life. After a few years, Mrs. Obama decided her true calling was working with people to serve their communities and their neighbors. She served as assistant commissioner of planning and development in Chicago's City Hall before becoming the founding executive director of the Chicago chapter of Public Allies, an AmeriCorps program that prepares youth for public service. In 1996, Mrs. Obama joined the University of Chicago with a vision of bringing campus and community together. As Associate Dean of Student Services, she developed the university's first community service program, and under her leadership as Vice President of Community and External Affairs for the University of Chicago Medical Center, volunteerism skyrocketed. Promoting Service and working with young people has remained a staple of her career and her interest. Continuing this effort now as First Lady, Mrs. Obama recently launched the Let’s Move! campaign to bring together community leaders, teachers, doctors, nurses, moms and dads in a nationwide effort to tackle the challenge of childhood obesity. Let’s Move! has an ambitious but important goal: to solve the epidemic of childhood obesity within a generation. Let’s Move! will give parents the support they need, provide healthier food in schools, help our kids to be more physically active, and make healthy, affordable food available in every part of our country.

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PARTIAL LIST OF ACCOMPLISHMENTS OF PRESIDENT BARACK H. OBAMA 2008—2011 ETHICS • Ordered the White House and all federal agencies to respect the Freedom of Information Act and overturned Bush-era limits on accessibility of federal documents (2009) • Instructed all federal agencies to promote openness and transparency as much as possible (2009) • Placed limits on lobbyists’ access to the White House (2009) • Placed limits on White House aides working for lobbyists after their tenure in the administration (2009) • Signed a measure strengthening registration and reporting requirements for lobbyists (2009) • Ordered that lobbyists must be removed from and are no longer permitted to serve on federal and White House advisory panels and boards (2009) • Companies and individuals who are delinquent on their taxes or owe back taxes are no longer allowed to bid for federal contracts (2009) • Initiated the “e-Rulemaking Initiative” (in cooperation with Cornell University) to allow for online public “notice and comment” of federal laws and initiatives (2010) • Issued the “Open Gov Directive” ordering all Cabinet departments to promote transparency and citizen participation in their policies (2010) • Signed extensions on banning lobbyists from serving on agency boards (2010) • Developed the “Don Not Pay List” with data on contractors and recipients of federal funds who are deemed to be ineligible because of fraud and abuse (2010) GOVERNANCE • The White House website now provides information on all economic stimulus projects and spending, along with an unprecedented amount of information on our government (2009) • Ended the Bush-era practice of circumventing established FDA rules for political reasons (2009) • Ended the Bush-era practice of having White House staff rewrite the findings of scientific and environmental regulations and reports when they disagreed with the results (2009) • Limited the salaries of senior White House aides (salaries cut to $100,000) (2009) • Has been holding open meetings with Republican leaders, although they complain of a lack of access and information (2010) • Signed the Improper Payments Elimination and Recovery Act (2010) * Note: To curb wasteful spending • Tasked federal agencies to develop plans for disposing of unneeded real estate and then to eliminate unnecessary or non-economical lands, properties, etc. (2010) NATIONAL SECURITY • Phasing out the expensive F-22 war plane (which wasn’t even used in Iraq/Afghanistan) and other outdated weapons systems (2009) • Cut the expensive Reagan era missile defense program, saving $1.4 billion in 2010 (2009) • Cancelled plans to station anti-ballistic missile systems in Poland and the Czech Republic (2009) • Replacing long-range, expensive missile systems with more efficient smaller systems (2009) • Increased US Navy patrols off the Somali coast in response to pirating (2009) • Established a new cyber security office and appointed a cyber security czar (2009) • Ordered the first nation-wide comprehensive cyber threat assessment (2009) • Instituted a new Nuclear Posture Review, revising US nuclear deterrence policy to encourage more nations to join the 1996 Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (2010) • Executive orders to block payment, transfers, exports, etc… of individuals and organizations support the regimes of North Korea, Iran, Somali pirates, and other foreign threats (2010) • Presidential Memoranda to extend certain provisions of The Trading with Enemies Act which was to expire in September 2010 (2010) • Signed bill for southwest border security and increased funds and agents on the Mexican border (2010) • Signed the Comprehensive Sanctions, Accountability and Divestment Act to deal with foreign regimes like Iran and North Korea (2010) IRAQ & AFGHANISTAN • Began the phased withdrawal of US troops from Iraq (2009); continuing the withdrawal (2010) • Changed the US military co