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HOPITUY

Hopi Art from the Permanent Collections Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art University of Oklahoma

collections featured: Eugene B. Adkins James T. Bialac President and Mrs. David L. Boren Richard H. and Adeline J. Fleischaker Dr. and Mrs. R. E. Mansfield Tom F. Meaders Rennard Strickland


HOPITUY 7

Hopi Art from the Permanent Collections

Preface

Ghislain d’Humières 13

Introduction

Mary Jo Watson 19

Distinctly Hopi

heather ahtone, Neil David, Sr., Delbridge Honanie, and Milland Lomakema 51

The Marketing of Hopi Tihu

Mark T. Bahti 91 92 94 95 96

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Suggested Bibliography Glossary About the Contributors About the Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art Publication Notes

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Preface Ghislain d’Humières Wylodean and Bill Saxon Director, Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art University of Oklahoma

Over the past five years, the Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art has been fortunate to receive or steward major gifts of Native American art, including the Rennard Strickland Collection, the Eugene B. Adkins Collection, and the James T. Bialac Collection. Although we have held exhibitions spotlighting primarily paintings, works on paper, and some three-dimensional works, we felt that it was time to organize an exhibition featuring Native American Hopi kachinas, with additional objects and drawings from our many permanent collections that relate to katsinas. heather ahtone, the James T. Bialac Assistant Curator of Native American Art and Non-Western Art, took this project on and organized an exciting and diversified exhibition. Hopituy is a place where objects interact with drawings, and baskets connect with kachinas, creating a uniquely immersive atmosphere and offering a deeper understanding of the role of katsina figures in Hopi art and culture. This is how Hopituy came to life. I would like to express my gratitude to University of Oklahoma President David L. Boren and First Lady Molly Shi Boren for their continued support of art and education, and especially of Native American art. Some of their recent donations are a part of this exhibition as well.

detail of p. 9: Joy Navasie (Frog Woman) (U.S., Hopi [Tewa], b. 1919) Jar (Palhikmana), n.d. Gift of Dr. and Mrs. R.E. Mansfield, 2003

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Preface Ghislain d’Humières Wylodean and Bill Saxon Director, Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art University of Oklahoma

Over the past five years, the Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art has been fortunate to receive or steward major gifts of Native American art, including the Rennard Strickland Collection, the Eugene B. Adkins Collection, and the James T. Bialac Collection. Although we have held exhibitions spotlighting primarily paintings, works on paper, and some three-dimensional works, we felt that it was time to organize an exhibition featuring Native American Hopi kachinas, with additional objects and drawings from our many permanent collections that relate to katsinas. heather ahtone, the James T. Bialac Assistant Curator of Native American Art and Non-Western Art, took this project on and organized an exciting and diversified exhibition. Hopituy is a place where objects interact with drawings, and baskets connect with kachinas, creating a uniquely immersive atmosphere and offering a deeper understanding of the role of katsina figures in Hopi art and culture. This is how Hopituy came to life. I would like to express my gratitude to University of Oklahoma President David L. Boren and First Lady Molly Shi Boren for their continued support of art and education, and especially of Native American art. Some of their recent donations are a part of this exhibition as well.

detail of p. 9: Joy Navasie (Frog Woman) (U.S., Hopi [Tewa], b. 1919) Jar (Palhikmana), n.d. Gift of Dr. and Mrs. R.E. Mansfield, 2003

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I want to again thank our friends and generous benefactors who have helped build the museum’s permanent collection in Native American and Southwest art, starting with the Eugene B. Adkins Foundation, Rennard Strickland, James T. Bialac, the Richard H. and Adeline J. Fleischaker family, Dr. R. E. Mansfield, and Tom Meaders. The Hopituy exhibition would not have been possible without the hard work of Assistant Curator heather ahtone. Special thanks go to the members of Artist Hopid: Milland Lomakema, Neil David, Sr., and Delbridge Honanie, who were gracious and generous as cultural advisors for the exhibition and catalogue essay. We greatly appreciate the kind guidance given to heather by Gloria Lomahaftewa regarding the care of Hopi art. We are also grateful to our registration and preparatory teams for their logistical and aesthetic support. I truly hope that visitors and readers will enjoy this Hopituy catalogue and exhibition and continue to visit the museum to learn more about Native American cultures, which are so vitally important to Oklahoma and the Southwest.

right: Joy Navasie (Frog Woman) (U.S., Hopi [Tewa], b. 1919) Jar (Palhikmana), n.d. Ceramic; 11 x 10 x 5 1/2 in. Gift of Dr. and Mrs. R.E. Mansfield, 2003

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following spread (detail of p. 12): Cliff Bahnimptewa (U.S., Hopi, 1937 - 1984) Palhikmana (Dew Drinking Maiden), ca. 1975 The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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Introduction Mary Jo Watson Regents Professor and Director, OU School of Art and Art History Curator, Native American Art, Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art

It is an honor to have been asked to provide an introduction for the exhibition catalogue, Hopituy: Hopi Art from the Permanent Collections, featuring special categories of Hopi materials from the University of Oklahoma’s Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art. Selected contemporary collectors include: James T. Bialac, Rennard Strickland, Richard H. and Adeline J. Fleischaker, and others. These individuals generously donated their collections to the museum, providing students, scholars, museum visitors, and interested citizens throughout the United States and the world with an opportunity to see and learn more about this exemplary Hopi art form. This exhibition is part of an on-going series that features the university’s extraordinary artworks and allows for an in-depth study of a small portion of the Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art’s Native American art holdings. The range of individually identified Hopi katsinam, or spiritual beings, is enormous, and there are some reports that list over 250 to 300 distinct types, representing many aspects of the Hopi belief system.1 One of the exceptional aspects of the collection is the great breadth and energy these collectors devoted to procuring this vital Hopi art. From the entire Native American sculptural collection, now well over

Cliff Bahnimptewa (U.S., Hopi, 1937 - 1984) Palhikmana (Dew Drinking Maiden), ca. 1975 Cottonwood root, paint, feathers, cloth, glass beads, yarn; 18 1/2 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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Introduction Mary Jo Watson Regents Professor and Director, OU School of Art and Art History Curator, Native American Art, Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art

It is an honor to have been asked to provide an introduction for the exhibition catalogue, Hopituy: Hopi Art from the Permanent Collections, featuring special categories of Hopi materials from the University of Oklahoma’s Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art. Selected contemporary collectors include: James T. Bialac, Rennard Strickland, Richard H. and Adeline J. Fleischaker, and others. These individuals generously donated their collections to the museum, providing students, scholars, museum visitors, and interested citizens throughout the United States and the world with an opportunity to see and learn more about this exemplary Hopi art form. This exhibition is part of an on-going series that features the university’s extraordinary artworks and allows for an in-depth study of a small portion of the Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art’s Native American art holdings. The range of individually identified Hopi katsinam, or spiritual beings, is enormous, and there are some reports that list over 250 to 300 distinct types, representing many aspects of the Hopi belief system.1 One of the exceptional aspects of the collection is the great breadth and energy these collectors devoted to procuring this vital Hopi art. From the entire Native American sculptural collection, now well over

Cliff Bahnimptewa (U.S., Hopi, 1937 - 1984) Palhikmana (Dew Drinking Maiden), ca. 1975 Cottonwood root, paint, feathers, cloth, glass beads, yarn; 18 1/2 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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one thousand objects, six discrete types of katsina tihu, Hopi carved dolls, representing diverse attributes of tribal visual designs, were selected for exhibition and discussion. This is a refined and helpful way for non-Hopi students, scholars, educators, and the general public to gain an understanding and an appreciation of the complexity of Hopi cosmology and their artistic practices. The focus of this exhibition is limited to six Hopi katsina types, represented through different media, including two-dimensional paintings and prints, threedimensional carved sculpture, baskets, and textiles. For the purposes of this individualized and insightful view of katsina tihu, the following figures are the subject of representation and inquiry: • • • • • •

Angwusnasomtaqa/Crow Mother Soyokokatsina/Ogres Koyemsi/Mudheads Palhikmana/Dew Drinking Maiden Angaktsina/Long Hairs Nimankatsina/Home Dancers

There are rigorous tenets concerning the themes, aesthetics, colors, designs, forms, and materials used to portray katsina tihu, which are followed closely by the artists. One of the purposes of this exhibition is to “recognize the delicate balance Hopi artists strike between traditional protocol and artistic license.”2 This topic is explored in detail in “Distinctly Hopi,” the essay co-written by the exhibition’s curator, heather ahtone, and the living members of the group Artist Hopid: Milland Lomakema, Neil David, Sr., and Delbridge Honanie. Hopi art became a commodity in the late nineteenth century; desire intensified during the mid-twentieth century, and continues to the present. The issue of commodification is important to consider as it not only affects Hopi artists, but is felt throughout the Indian art world. There often exists a tension between an artist or gallery’s sales expectations and the tribal need for cultural materials, like tihu, for ceremonial and traditional use. Mark Bahti, who owns galleries in Tucson and Santa Fe, discusses these issues in his essay, “The Marketing of Hopi Tihu.” Bahti describes the

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development of the market for these cultural materials, and the effects of the market economy on who creates the katsinas and how the dolls are made. The individual katsinam explored in this exhibition were selected to showcase the variety of the museum’s collection, which supports numerous representational materials in both two and three-dimensional works. In the accompanying exhibition and catalogue, each work is examined through a formal analysis that provides context—considering the dances in which the figure appears, the importance of colors, the individual motifs, and the defining symbols of these figures. The ideas embodied in the Hopi carvings are related to their world of katsinam, which is complex, filled with ancient, constant, and intimate knowledge. Although much is kept within the confines of tribal culture, the Hopi artists advising this project have been generous when sharing their information. We are grateful to Neil David, Sr., Delbridge Honanie, and Milland Lomakema, for their generosity and advice concerning the exhibition. These artists collectively discussed Hopi aesthetics with the curator, sharing information that will enhance the reader’s knowledge about Hopi worldviews that otherwise might be considered unusual and inaccessible. The purpose of this catalogue is to present an intimate perspective of an Indian art form that is balanced within a commercial milieu and yet continues to maintain the integrity of Hopi cultural systems while honoring the ancestors.

Endnotes 1 Harold S. Colton, Hopi Kachina Dolls (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1959), 19–76. 2 heather ahtone to author, personal communication Oct. 2, 2012.

following spread (detail of p. 18): Unknown (U.S., Hopi, n.d.) Angwusnasomtaqa Katsina (Crow Mother), ca. 1980s Purchase, Richard H. and Adeline J. Fleischaker Collection, 1996

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one thousand objects, six discrete types of katsina tihu, Hopi carved dolls, representing diverse attributes of tribal visual designs, were selected for exhibition and discussion. This is a refined and helpful way for non-Hopi students, scholars, educators, and the general public to gain an understanding and an appreciation of the complexity of Hopi cosmology and their artistic practices. The focus of this exhibition is limited to six Hopi katsina types, represented through different media, including two-dimensional paintings and prints, threedimensional carved sculpture, baskets, and textiles. For the purposes of this individualized and insightful view of katsina tihu, the following figures are the subject of representation and inquiry: • • • • • •

Angwusnasomtaqa/Crow Mother Soyokokatsina/Ogres Koyemsi/Mudheads Palhikmana/Dew Drinking Maiden Angaktsina/Long Hairs Nimankatsina/Home Dancers

There are rigorous tenets concerning the themes, aesthetics, colors, designs, forms, and materials used to portray katsina tihu, which are followed closely by the artists. One of the purposes of this exhibition is to “recognize the delicate balance Hopi artists strike between traditional protocol and artistic license.”2 This topic is explored in detail in “Distinctly Hopi,” the essay co-written by the exhibition’s curator, heather ahtone, and the living members of the group Artist Hopid: Milland Lomakema, Neil David, Sr., and Delbridge Honanie. Hopi art became a commodity in the late nineteenth century; desire intensified during the mid-twentieth century, and continues to the present. The issue of commodification is important to consider as it not only affects Hopi artists, but is felt throughout the Indian art world. There often exists a tension between an artist or gallery’s sales expectations and the tribal need for cultural materials, like tihu, for ceremonial and traditional use. Mark Bahti, who owns galleries in Tucson and Santa Fe, discusses these issues in his essay, “The Marketing of Hopi Tihu.” Bahti describes the

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development of the market for these cultural materials, and the effects of the market economy on who creates the katsinas and how the dolls are made. The individual katsinam explored in this exhibition were selected to showcase the variety of the museum’s collection, which supports numerous representational materials in both two and three-dimensional works. In the accompanying exhibition and catalogue, each work is examined through a formal analysis that provides context—considering the dances in which the figure appears, the importance of colors, the individual motifs, and the defining symbols of these figures. The ideas embodied in the Hopi carvings are related to their world of katsinam, which is complex, filled with ancient, constant, and intimate knowledge. Although much is kept within the confines of tribal culture, the Hopi artists advising this project have been generous when sharing their information. We are grateful to Neil David, Sr., Delbridge Honanie, and Milland Lomakema, for their generosity and advice concerning the exhibition. These artists collectively discussed Hopi aesthetics with the curator, sharing information that will enhance the reader’s knowledge about Hopi worldviews that otherwise might be considered unusual and inaccessible. The purpose of this catalogue is to present an intimate perspective of an Indian art form that is balanced within a commercial milieu and yet continues to maintain the integrity of Hopi cultural systems while honoring the ancestors.

Endnotes 1 Harold S. Colton, Hopi Kachina Dolls (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1959), 19–76. 2 heather ahtone to author, personal communication Oct. 2, 2012.

following spread (detail of p. 18): Unknown (U.S., Hopi, n.d.) Angwusnasomtaqa Katsina (Crow Mother), ca. 1980s Purchase, Richard H. and Adeline J. Fleischaker Collection, 1996

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Distinctly Hopi heather ahtone, Neil David, Sr., Delbridge Honanie and Milland Lomakema

Presenting art from the Hopi tribal community in Oklahoma is both exciting and challenging. The challenges include the varied levels of common knowledge existing among the museum’s local and regional audiences and the need for sensitive contextualization. However, with the recent gift of the James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection’s thousand-plus kachinas, combined with the museum’s other permanent collection of Hopi materials, the challenge has been how to exhibit these cultural materials in a thoughtful and meaningful manner, and that challenge is what makes this task exciting.1 In the Midwest, where the Hopi materials are recognizable but largely remain an unfamiliar visual vernacular, Hopituy: Hopi Art from the Permanent Collections focuses on the varied representations of six of the katsinam, selected from the Hopi pantheon, examining the design traditions that inform their visual manifestation.2 By focusing on a select number of figural types, the Hopituy exhibition and catalogue offer museum visitors and readers particular insights into the Hopi aesthetic that will expand their knowledge about the Hopi. It will also create a path for future exhibitions with similar approaches for the numerous katsinam that are an integral part of this incredibly rich and complex Hopi cultural paradigm. The Hopi katsina is part of the Southwest’s artistic signature.3 That is to be expected from a tribal community that has been in northeastern Arizona since at least AD 500s, speaking their own language (part of the Uto-Aztecan language family), with a highly

Unknown (U.S., Hopi, n.d.) Angwusnasomtaqa Katsina (Crow Mother), ca. 1980s Mixed media; 16 in. Purchase, Richard H. and Adeline J. Fleischaker Collection, 1996

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Distinctly Hopi heather ahtone, Neil David, Sr., Delbridge Honanie and Milland Lomakema

Presenting art from the Hopi tribal community in Oklahoma is both exciting and challenging. The challenges include the varied levels of common knowledge existing among the museum’s local and regional audiences and the need for sensitive contextualization. However, with the recent gift of the James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection’s thousand-plus kachinas, combined with the museum’s other permanent collection of Hopi materials, the challenge has been how to exhibit these cultural materials in a thoughtful and meaningful manner, and that challenge is what makes this task exciting.1 In the Midwest, where the Hopi materials are recognizable but largely remain an unfamiliar visual vernacular, Hopituy: Hopi Art from the Permanent Collections focuses on the varied representations of six of the katsinam, selected from the Hopi pantheon, examining the design traditions that inform their visual manifestation.2 By focusing on a select number of figural types, the Hopituy exhibition and catalogue offer museum visitors and readers particular insights into the Hopi aesthetic that will expand their knowledge about the Hopi. It will also create a path for future exhibitions with similar approaches for the numerous katsinam that are an integral part of this incredibly rich and complex Hopi cultural paradigm. The Hopi katsina is part of the Southwest’s artistic signature.3 That is to be expected from a tribal community that has been in northeastern Arizona since at least AD 500s, speaking their own language (part of the Uto-Aztecan language family), with a highly

Unknown (U.S., Hopi, n.d.) Angwusnasomtaqa Katsina (Crow Mother), ca. 1980s Mixed media; 16 in. Purchase, Richard H. and Adeline J. Fleischaker Collection, 1996

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Map of Hopi Tribe reservation. Reproduced with permission from Following the Sun and Moon: Hopi Katsina Tradition by Alph H. Secakuku in cooperation with the Heard Museum © 1995 Heard Museum, Phoenix, Arizona.

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developed social order that organizes itself according to matriarchal clans and ceremonial societies. Hopi material culture, largely baskets, textiles, and pottery, is marked by distinctive visual references to their katsina culture, both in design and purpose.4 The use of color, geometric patterns, and line permeates across a variety of materials, creating a visual relationship between seemingly disparate forms in a manner that is distinctly Hopi, or Hopituy. The relationship that the Hopi have with the katsinam is specifically tied to where the community lives in Hopituskwa, the broad expanse of land that encompasses their shrines and sacred sites, including the three mesas within Arizona’s Coconino and Navajo counties on 1.5 million acres. Hopi beliefs are guided by the katsinam who live in the region and actively visit the Hopi during their seasonal migrations. The Hopi credit the katsinam for guiding their survival against many forms of oppression, including living as an agriculturally based society in a location that receives less than ten inches of annual rainfall (sometimes as few as five inches). The katsinam provide the Hopi people with the blueprint for their aesthetic designs. Following the ritual and ceremonial practices, tribal artists use the same visual design elements that are guided by a strict protocol as a primary source for their other creative activities.5 As Hopi men carve the katsina tihu, or effigy dolls, they are doing so to perpetuate their culture—to live as Hopi.6 Within the traditional community, producing art used in rituals reflects the artist’s participation in the ceremonies. The same dolls that have entered the Native American art market as a commodity are still used as a didactic object to teach Hopi children traditional values and beliefs. In the twenty-first century, living in a capitalistic American society, the Hopi artisans, fortunately, can do this while also generating economic resources. The breadth of materials artists use to express the katsina culture reaches beyond the tihu, though these are most recognizable. Many of the designs used in Hopi textiles, basketry, ceramics, and jewelry are closely bound to the katsina iconography. For example, the artist’s material choice often serves a direct metaphorical purpose, reiterating the relationship between Hopi and the katsinam. Specifically, the tihu are carved only from cottonwood root, which is known to aggressively seek out deep-water sources supporting the great trees in Arizona’s high desert. The cottonwood root’s ability to locate water is a metaphor for the role the katsinam perform in bringing precipitation to the Hopi.

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BI

A4 1

0 US 16

M

i kop oen

sh Wa

Arizona

Moenkopi

Hopi Reservation BIA 4

M

S

e Oraibi Kykotsmovi

Dinn ebito Wash

Sipaulavi Mishongnovi Second Mesa

Fi

Keams Canyon

7

AZ

IA

l

h Was to

dd i

ash aW c c a

87

Or aib iW

7 AZ

ash

Po

Je

2

B

Map of Hopi Tribe reservation. Reproduced with permission from Following the Sun and Moon: Hopi Katsina Tradition by Alph H. Secakuku in cooperation with the Heard Museum © 1995 Heard Museum, Phoenix, Arizona.

20

esa M

AZ

5 Miles

Hano Walpi Polacca

Sichmovi

Shungopavi

0

co

rs t

Bacavi

esa M

We po Wa sh

Hotevilla

rd hi

nd

T

es a

AZ 264

fred jones jr . museum of art

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university of oklahoma

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developed social order that organizes itself according to matriarchal clans and ceremonial societies. Hopi material culture, largely baskets, textiles, and pottery, is marked by distinctive visual references to their katsina culture, both in design and purpose.4 The use of color, geometric patterns, and line permeates across a variety of materials, creating a visual relationship between seemingly disparate forms in a manner that is distinctly Hopi, or Hopituy. The relationship that the Hopi have with the katsinam is specifically tied to where the community lives in Hopituskwa, the broad expanse of land that encompasses their shrines and sacred sites, including the three mesas within Arizona’s Coconino and Navajo counties on 1.5 million acres. Hopi beliefs are guided by the katsinam who live in the region and actively visit the Hopi during their seasonal migrations. The Hopi credit the katsinam for guiding their survival against many forms of oppression, including living as an agriculturally based society in a location that receives less than ten inches of annual rainfall (sometimes as few as five inches). The katsinam provide the Hopi people with the blueprint for their aesthetic designs. Following the ritual and ceremonial practices, tribal artists use the same visual design elements that are guided by a strict protocol as a primary source for their other creative activities.5 As Hopi men carve the katsina tihu, or effigy dolls, they are doing so to perpetuate their culture—to live as Hopi.6 Within the traditional community, producing art used in rituals reflects the artist’s participation in the ceremonies. The same dolls that have entered the Native American art market as a commodity are still used as a didactic object to teach Hopi children traditional values and beliefs. In the twenty-first century, living in a capitalistic American society, the Hopi artisans, fortunately, can do this while also generating economic resources. The breadth of materials artists use to express the katsina culture reaches beyond the tihu, though these are most recognizable. Many of the designs used in Hopi textiles, basketry, ceramics, and jewelry are closely bound to the katsina iconography. For example, the artist’s material choice often serves a direct metaphorical purpose, reiterating the relationship between Hopi and the katsinam. Specifically, the tihu are carved only from cottonwood root, which is known to aggressively seek out deep-water sources supporting the great trees in Arizona’s high desert. The cottonwood root’s ability to locate water is a metaphor for the role the katsinam perform in bringing precipitation to the Hopi.

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Scholar and tribal leader, Alph H. Secakuku, in Following the Sun and Moon, describes the Hopi belief of the katsinam and their role within the community: The katsinam are the benevolent spirit beings who live among the Hopi for about a six-month period each year. They first arrive during Soyalwimi in December and begin to appear in greater number during the Powamuya ceremonial season (in February), and return to their spirit world after the Niman ceremony (in July). The Powamuya dramatizes the final stages of world creation, and calls upon the katsina spirit being to invoke substantial growth and maturity for all mankind. The katsina spirits are, therefore, the very important, meaningful, and beneficial counterpart in a relationship invaluable to the Hopi religious beliefs.7 For many Western minds, understanding the katsinam as spiritual beings proves challenging due to the necessary belief in their seasonal transformation between the physical and metaphysical worlds. But for the Hopi, the katsinam actively offer a way of living that strives for peace, balance, and self-respect that, when practiced, benefits the entire world.8 They follow these cultural practices, not because other options are not available to them, but because it has proven through centuries to be a manner of being by which they serve not only their own community but also humanity’s continuing need to seek balance with the earth. They follow the katsinam in the twenty-first century because, it could be argued, it is needed now more than ever. Within the katsina ceremonial cycle, the deities have their own given time to appear and a specific role to perform while present with the Hopi. There are so many katsinam, some have suggested as many as three hundred, that when presented in a broader and more general exhibition, the sheer number of deities can be overwhelming.9 For this reason, in Hopituy, six of these spirits have been selected, allowing for a closer analysis of their ceremonial role and revealing how this is expressed by the formal visual elements, including context for the designs and presentation.

Neil David, Sr. (U.S., Hopi [Tewa], b. 1944) Angwusnasomtaqa (Crow Mother), 1995 Cottonwood root, paint, stain; 17 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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Scholar and tribal leader, Alph H. Secakuku, in Following the Sun and Moon, describes the Hopi belief of the katsinam and their role within the community: The katsinam are the benevolent spirit beings who live among the Hopi for about a six-month period each year. They first arrive during Soyalwimi in December and begin to appear in greater number during the Powamuya ceremonial season (in February), and return to their spirit world after the Niman ceremony (in July). The Powamuya dramatizes the final stages of world creation, and calls upon the katsina spirit being to invoke substantial growth and maturity for all mankind. The katsina spirits are, therefore, the very important, meaningful, and beneficial counterpart in a relationship invaluable to the Hopi religious beliefs.7 For many Western minds, understanding the katsinam as spiritual beings proves challenging due to the necessary belief in their seasonal transformation between the physical and metaphysical worlds. But for the Hopi, the katsinam actively offer a way of living that strives for peace, balance, and self-respect that, when practiced, benefits the entire world.8 They follow these cultural practices, not because other options are not available to them, but because it has proven through centuries to be a manner of being by which they serve not only their own community but also humanity’s continuing need to seek balance with the earth. They follow the katsinam in the twenty-first century because, it could be argued, it is needed now more than ever. Within the katsina ceremonial cycle, the deities have their own given time to appear and a specific role to perform while present with the Hopi. There are so many katsinam, some have suggested as many as three hundred, that when presented in a broader and more general exhibition, the sheer number of deities can be overwhelming.9 For this reason, in Hopituy, six of these spirits have been selected, allowing for a closer analysis of their ceremonial role and revealing how this is expressed by the formal visual elements, including context for the designs and presentation.

Neil David, Sr. (U.S., Hopi [Tewa], b. 1944) Angwusnasomtaqa (Crow Mother), 1995 Cottonwood root, paint, stain; 17 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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The Marketing of Hopi Tihu Mark T. Bahti

What is a katsina doll?1 What is an “authentic” one? Are some made just “for sale?” Are dolls placed in the market less authentic? And, while we’re at it, what is a katsina? These are all questions that dealers, whether located on the Hopi mesas or many hundreds of miles away, have attempted to answer for over one hundred years in an effort to sell Hopi katsina dolls. This essay addresses these questions, as well as the commodification of Hopi katsinas, providing historical and cultural context for the artworks included in Hopituy. The answer to the question, “What is a katsina?” is complex, as religion always is, and the answer is especially difficult to explain in a language other than the original Hopi. Briefly, a katsina is a powerful spiritual being that may represent a person, place, bird, animal, force of nature, or even another tribe. In Hopi theology a few katsina are deities, but most are beings above humans but below gods, charged to relay the prayers of the Hopi people to the deities. People from outside Hopi communities are most familiar with the tihu, or carvings, that represent the katsina spirits. These dolls have fascinated non-Hopis, especially American explorers, traders, ethnographers, tourists, art collectors, and museum curators since the late 1800s. In the first fifty years of writings on the Hopi, the carved dolls have been variably identified as idols, gods, dolls, and sculpture, and

Acee Blue Eagle U.S., Creek/Pawnee, 1907–1959 Warrior with Shield, 1932 Watercolor on brown butcher paper

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Shirley Adams (U.S., Hopi, b. ca. 1920s) Niman Katsina (Home Dancer), ca. 1980s Cottonwood root, paint; 13 1/2 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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The Marketing of Hopi Tihu Mark T. Bahti

What is a katsina doll?1 What is an “authentic” one? Are some made just “for sale?” Are dolls placed in the market less authentic? And, while we’re at it, what is a katsina? These are all questions that dealers, whether located on the Hopi mesas or many hundreds of miles away, have attempted to answer for over one hundred years in an effort to sell Hopi katsina dolls. This essay addresses these questions, as well as the commodification of Hopi katsinas, providing historical and cultural context for the artworks included in Hopituy. The answer to the question, “What is a katsina?” is complex, as religion always is, and the answer is especially difficult to explain in a language other than the original Hopi. Briefly, a katsina is a powerful spiritual being that may represent a person, place, bird, animal, force of nature, or even another tribe. In Hopi theology a few katsina are deities, but most are beings above humans but below gods, charged to relay the prayers of the Hopi people to the deities. People from outside Hopi communities are most familiar with the tihu, or carvings, that represent the katsina spirits. These dolls have fascinated non-Hopis, especially American explorers, traders, ethnographers, tourists, art collectors, and museum curators since the late 1800s. In the first fifty years of writings on the Hopi, the carved dolls have been variably identified as idols, gods, dolls, and sculpture, and

Acee Blue Eagle U.S., Creek/Pawnee, 1907–1959 Warrior with Shield, 1932 Watercolor on brown butcher paper

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Shirley Adams (U.S., Hopi, b. ca. 1920s) Niman Katsina (Home Dancer), ca. 1980s Cottonwood root, paint; 13 1/2 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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described as idolatrous, surrealistic, simplistic, intricate, crude, sophisticated, primitive, garish, and subtle. Missionaries burned them as unacceptable idols, while French surrealists revered and collected them as art. The Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art’s katsina collections were built by connoisseurs who admired the dolls’ striking visuality and collected them through the Indian art market. Katsinas in the Marketplace The market for Hopi cultural materials is relatively young. Traditionally, Hopi men carved the dolls as gifts to be distributed during various katsina religious ceremonies. Specifically, the men carved only katsinas with which they were personally familiar. Selling or trading the dolls was nonexistent within Hopi traditions. That changed when Americans arrived in the latter part of the 1800s and began collecting the dolls. Initially, the demand was limited but as it grew carvers responded, creating more of the most popular dolls. But Hopi artists, then and now, carve within tribal protocol, even refusing to carve certain katsinas for many reasons, especially if they are unfamiliar with the proper details to use, or recognize that some katsina belong to a clan or society of which they are not a member, or simply because they regard a katsina as inappropriate to carve. Carving, like many traditions, is governed by levels of societal initiation and cultural protocol for propriety. These factors continue to influence the availability of dolls. Early Trade and Commerce While some Hopi may have sold or traded the occasional katsina tihu earlier, the first “dealer” in Hopi cultural materials was Indian trader Thomas Varker Keam. Keam opened the first trading post on the Hopi Reservation in 1875 at Peach Orchard Spring, in the canyon later renamed for him. Keam was an immigrant from England, formerly with the U.S. Army, and a trader and noted advocate for the Hopi and Navajo. He supplied museums, expeditions, and shops with all manner of Hopi art and crafts as well and served as a guide, translator, and general informant on all things Hopi.2 Though he gained income from operating the trading post, Keam’s interest was not strictly

Lowell Talashoma, Sr. (U.S., Hopi, 1950 - 2003) Hemis Katsina Giving a Gift to a Young Girl, ca. 1990 Cottonwood root, paint, corn straw, feathers, string, yarn; 21 1/16 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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described as idolatrous, surrealistic, simplistic, intricate, crude, sophisticated, primitive, garish, and subtle. Missionaries burned them as unacceptable idols, while French surrealists revered and collected them as art. The Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art’s katsina collections were built by connoisseurs who admired the dolls’ striking visuality and collected them through the Indian art market. Katsinas in the Marketplace The market for Hopi cultural materials is relatively young. Traditionally, Hopi men carved the dolls as gifts to be distributed during various katsina religious ceremonies. Specifically, the men carved only katsinas with which they were personally familiar. Selling or trading the dolls was nonexistent within Hopi traditions. That changed when Americans arrived in the latter part of the 1800s and began collecting the dolls. Initially, the demand was limited but as it grew carvers responded, creating more of the most popular dolls. But Hopi artists, then and now, carve within tribal protocol, even refusing to carve certain katsinas for many reasons, especially if they are unfamiliar with the proper details to use, or recognize that some katsina belong to a clan or society of which they are not a member, or simply because they regard a katsina as inappropriate to carve. Carving, like many traditions, is governed by levels of societal initiation and cultural protocol for propriety. These factors continue to influence the availability of dolls. Early Trade and Commerce While some Hopi may have sold or traded the occasional katsina tihu earlier, the first “dealer” in Hopi cultural materials was Indian trader Thomas Varker Keam. Keam opened the first trading post on the Hopi Reservation in 1875 at Peach Orchard Spring, in the canyon later renamed for him. Keam was an immigrant from England, formerly with the U.S. Army, and a trader and noted advocate for the Hopi and Navajo. He supplied museums, expeditions, and shops with all manner of Hopi art and crafts as well and served as a guide, translator, and general informant on all things Hopi.2 Though he gained income from operating the trading post, Keam’s interest was not strictly

Lowell Talashoma, Sr. (U.S., Hopi, 1950 - 2003) Hemis Katsina Giving a Gift to a Young Girl, ca. 1990 Cottonwood root, paint, corn straw, feathers, string, yarn; 21 1/16 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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self-serving. He defended the Hopi, as he had the Navajo, against rapacious agents and evangelical missionaries who sought to quash Hopi culture. To the irritation of those same agents and missionaries, Keam also championed a school for the Hopi and railed against the failure of the U.S. government to contain and treat a smallpox epidemic that swept through the villages in 1899. While Keam’s wares were predominantly ceramic, with a heavy emphasis in precontact ceramics, he also bought and sold baskets, tihu, and sacred religious objects— objects that were not meant to be sold or, much less, to leave Hopi land. It is worth noting that, at that time, Navajo rugs were a far more valuable and marketable commodity than Hopi pots, which were selling for fifty cents to five dollars. Katsina tihu appear to have been less sought after than weaving, ceramics, and baskets, judging from invoices and photographic records, but they provided another category of inventory and appealed to and reinforced a sense of the exotic. Keam’s first major client was a collecting expedition that arrived at the Hopi mesas in 1879 led by the husband-wife anthropologist team of James and Matilda Stevenson, who were sent out from the Bureau of American Ethnology. Keam also provided all manner of Hopi art and crafts for the 1885 World’s Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition, New Orleans, and the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition, also known as the Chicago World’s Fair. Though there were competing exhibitions at such events, they were united in a single purpose: promoting the Southwest through interest in the tribes and their art. Like the Fred Harvey Company, which was promoting rail-based tourism, Keam was one of many who saw profitability in promoting the Indian tribes of the Southwest and their work. 3 In doing so they created a market for Indian arts that reached beyond museums and the budding anthropological community to the general public. By the time Keam sold out to Lorenzo Hubbell, Sr., in 1902 and returned to England, he had sold literally wagonloads of Hopi art to museums and outfits like the Fred Harvey Company that were deeply involved in promoting Hopi art.

Fred Ross (U.S., Hopi/Sioux, b. 1973) Palhiktaqa (Dew Drinking Man), ca. 2000 Cottonwood root, paint, feathers; 13 1/2 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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self-serving. He defended the Hopi, as he had the Navajo, against rapacious agents and evangelical missionaries who sought to quash Hopi culture. To the irritation of those same agents and missionaries, Keam also championed a school for the Hopi and railed against the failure of the U.S. government to contain and treat a smallpox epidemic that swept through the villages in 1899. While Keam’s wares were predominantly ceramic, with a heavy emphasis in precontact ceramics, he also bought and sold baskets, tihu, and sacred religious objects— objects that were not meant to be sold or, much less, to leave Hopi land. It is worth noting that, at that time, Navajo rugs were a far more valuable and marketable commodity than Hopi pots, which were selling for fifty cents to five dollars. Katsina tihu appear to have been less sought after than weaving, ceramics, and baskets, judging from invoices and photographic records, but they provided another category of inventory and appealed to and reinforced a sense of the exotic. Keam’s first major client was a collecting expedition that arrived at the Hopi mesas in 1879 led by the husband-wife anthropologist team of James and Matilda Stevenson, who were sent out from the Bureau of American Ethnology. Keam also provided all manner of Hopi art and crafts for the 1885 World’s Industrial and Cotton Centennial Exposition, New Orleans, and the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition, also known as the Chicago World’s Fair. Though there were competing exhibitions at such events, they were united in a single purpose: promoting the Southwest through interest in the tribes and their art. Like the Fred Harvey Company, which was promoting rail-based tourism, Keam was one of many who saw profitability in promoting the Indian tribes of the Southwest and their work. 3 In doing so they created a market for Indian arts that reached beyond museums and the budding anthropological community to the general public. By the time Keam sold out to Lorenzo Hubbell, Sr., in 1902 and returned to England, he had sold literally wagonloads of Hopi art to museums and outfits like the Fred Harvey Company that were deeply involved in promoting Hopi art.

Fred Ross (U.S., Hopi/Sioux, b. 1973) Palhiktaqa (Dew Drinking Man), ca. 2000 Cottonwood root, paint, feathers; 13 1/2 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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Silas Roy, Jr. (U.S., Hopi, b. ca. 1970s) Nata’aska Tahaum (Ogre), n.d. Cottonwood root, paint, stain; 4 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

Jackson family, 1st Mesa (U.S., Hopi, n.d.) Soyok Wuhti (Ogre Woman), n.d. Cottonwood root, paint, feathers, cloth, hair, leather, metal spots, shells, yarn; 12 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

facing page: Gerald Dukepoo (U.S., Hopi, n.d.) Nata’aska Soyoko Katsina (Ogre), ca. 1990s-2000s Cottonwood root, paint; 13 1/2 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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Silas Roy, Jr. (U.S., Hopi, b. ca. 1970s) Nata’aska Tahaum (Ogre), n.d. Cottonwood root, paint, stain; 4 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

Jackson family, 1st Mesa (U.S., Hopi, n.d.) Soyok Wuhti (Ogre Woman), n.d. Cottonwood root, paint, feathers, cloth, hair, leather, metal spots, shells, yarn; 12 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

facing page: Gerald Dukepoo (U.S., Hopi, n.d.) Nata’aska Soyoko Katsina (Ogre), ca. 1990s-2000s Cottonwood root, paint; 13 1/2 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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Tino Youvella (U.S., Hopi, b. ca. 1940) Palhikmana (Dew Drinking Maiden), n.d. Cottonwood root, paint, feathers, yarn; 18 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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facing page: Ivan Jackson (U.S., Hopi, n.d.) Wauhukvolli (Palhikmana with a Tawa on her back), n.d. Cottonwood root, stain; 18 1/4 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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Tino Youvella (U.S., Hopi, b. ca. 1940) Palhikmana (Dew Drinking Maiden), n.d. Cottonwood root, paint, feathers, yarn; 18 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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facing page: Ivan Jackson (U.S., Hopi, n.d.) Wauhukvolli (Palhikmana with a Tawa on her back), n.d. Cottonwood root, stain; 18 1/4 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

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Glossary Angaktsina: Long Hairs, katsina whose role is to sing the rain to come to Hopituskwa Angk’wa: night dances angwusi: crow Angwusnasomtaqa: Crow Mother, maternal figure to katsinam atöe: woven ceremonial blanket, often worn over the shoulders like a cape Chaveyo: katsina uncle Hemis: Home (as in Home Dance) Hemiskatsina: Home Dance spirit Hopituy: “distinctly Hopi” Hopituskwa: “sacred earth realm of the Hopi” kachina, katsina, catsina: historically used orthography for the Hopi word that refers to the spiritual beings included in their religious pantheon; (pl.) katsinam katsinam: multiple spiritual beings katsina tihu: Hopi carvings of spirit beings, effigy dolls kiva: ceremonial chambers Kokopelli: fertility being, often depicted as a humpbacked flute player; found in cultures from the southwestern United States. Kokopelli Mana: the female companion of Kokopelli kopatsuki: crown headdress, on Second and Third Mesas Koyala: sometimes called clowns, striped ceremonial figures Koyemsi: Mudhead, sacred mediary between the deities and humans màasaki’ytaqa: “action dolls” mana: maiden nasom: hair Nata’aska: an Ogre katsina uncle Native: in reference to Native Americans, the indigenous peoples of the North American continent

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Niman: Home Dance ceremony held in July Nimankatsina: Home Dance spirit noctsi: crown headdress, on First Mesa Ösömuya: Night Dances held in March Qöqöle: Directional being, one of six (four cardinal, universe/stars, and underworld) Quoatsi: friend Palhikmana: Dew Drinking Girl Palhiktaqa: male companion of Palhikmana Poliimana: the Butterfly Dancer, a social dance figure Pöma’uyis: the early planting season Powamuya: Bean Dance, held in February putsqatihu: the oldest dolls Sio Hemis: a Hemis katsina that came from Zuni Pueblo to the Hopi Sólàawitsi: Fire deity Soyalwimi: Winter Solstice dance, held in December Soyokokatsina: Ogre family of katsina Soyokwuuti: Ogre older sister suyanis’qatsi: “life of balance” tableta: crown headdress, Spanish term taqa: man tihu: Hopi carvings of spirit beings, effigy dolls Totskoyemsi: Koyemsi who accompany the Soyokokatsina tuuma: a white clay unctngwa: heart wuhti: woman

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Glossary Angaktsina: Long Hairs, katsina whose role is to sing the rain to come to Hopituskwa Angk’wa: night dances angwusi: crow Angwusnasomtaqa: Crow Mother, maternal figure to katsinam atöe: woven ceremonial blanket, often worn over the shoulders like a cape Chaveyo: katsina uncle Hemis: Home (as in Home Dance) Hemiskatsina: Home Dance spirit Hopituy: “distinctly Hopi” Hopituskwa: “sacred earth realm of the Hopi” kachina, katsina, catsina: historically used orthography for the Hopi word that refers to the spiritual beings included in their religious pantheon; (pl.) katsinam katsinam: multiple spiritual beings katsina tihu: Hopi carvings of spirit beings, effigy dolls kiva: ceremonial chambers Kokopelli: fertility being, often depicted as a humpbacked flute player; found in cultures from the southwestern United States. Kokopelli Mana: the female companion of Kokopelli kopatsuki: crown headdress, on Second and Third Mesas Koyala: sometimes called clowns, striped ceremonial figures Koyemsi: Mudhead, sacred mediary between the deities and humans màasaki’ytaqa: “action dolls” mana: maiden nasom: hair Nata’aska: an Ogre katsina uncle Native: in reference to Native Americans, the indigenous peoples of the North American continent

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Niman: Home Dance ceremony held in July Nimankatsina: Home Dance spirit noctsi: crown headdress, on First Mesa Ösömuya: Night Dances held in March Qöqöle: Directional being, one of six (four cardinal, universe/stars, and underworld) Quoatsi: friend Palhikmana: Dew Drinking Girl Palhiktaqa: male companion of Palhikmana Poliimana: the Butterfly Dancer, a social dance figure Pöma’uyis: the early planting season Powamuya: Bean Dance, held in February putsqatihu: the oldest dolls Sio Hemis: a Hemis katsina that came from Zuni Pueblo to the Hopi Sólàawitsi: Fire deity Soyalwimi: Winter Solstice dance, held in December Soyokokatsina: Ogre family of katsina Soyokwuuti: Ogre older sister suyanis’qatsi: “life of balance” tableta: crown headdress, Spanish term taqa: man tihu: Hopi carvings of spirit beings, effigy dolls Totskoyemsi: Koyemsi who accompany the Soyokokatsina tuuma: a white clay unctngwa: heart wuhti: woman

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About the Contributors

About the Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art University of Oklahoma

heather ahtone (Choctaw/Chickasaw) is the James T. Bialac Assistant Curator of Native American and Non-Western Art at the Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art. Mark T. Bahti is owner of Bahti Indian Arts (Tucson, AZ, and Santa Fe, NM), has a masters degree in American Indian Studies from the University of Arizona, and has spent over forty years representing native art to the community. Neil David, Sr. (Hopi-Tewa) is an internationally recognized painter and carver who lives on Hopi’s First Mesa. Mark Hendrickson is an internationally known fashion and fine arts photographer, based in Scottsdale, Arizona. Delbridge Honanie (Hopi) was raised in Shungopavi Village on Hopi’s Second Mesa and specializes in paintings and carvings. Milland Lomakema (Hopi) lives on Hopi’s Second Mesa and serves the community as the Director of the Hopi Arts and Crafts Guild, while continuing to paint subjects inspired by Hopi life. Todd Stewart is Associate Professor of Photography and Associate Director of the School of Art and Art History. Mary Jo Watson (Seminole) is Director of the School of Art and Art History at the University of Oklahoma and Curator of Native American Art at the Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art.

Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma The University of Oklahoma’s Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art is one of the finest university art museums in the United States. Strengths of the nearly 16,000-object permanent collection (including the approx. 3,300-object Adkins Collection and the approx. 4,500-object James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection) are the Weitzenhoffer Collection of French Impressionism, twentieth-century American painting and sculpture, traditional and contemporary Native American art, art of the Southwest, ceramics, photography, contemporary art, Asian art, and graphics from the sixteenth century to the present. Ghislain d’Humières After studying history and art history at the Sorbonne in Paris, Ghislain d’Humières became a specialist in eighteenth-century furniture for Sotheby’s London, and then transferred to New York. He became the director of the jewelry department at Christie’s of Los Angeles and then transferred to Christie’s in Geneva where he was in charge of international clients from Europe and South America. In 2004, the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco hired him as assistant director in charge of the opening of the new de Young Museum. Following that appointment, d'Humières joined the University of Oklahoma in 2007 as the Bill and Wylodean Saxon Director of the Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art, where he oversaw the construction of the Stuart Wing, which opened in 2011. photo:eric h. anderson

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Publication Notes Copyright © 2013 The University of Oklahoma.

front (detail) and back cover: Alvin Navasie, Sr. (U.S., Hopi, b. 1958)

This catalogue has been published in conjunction with the

He’e-e (Ogre Woman), ca. 1980s-90s

exhibition Hopituy: Hopi Art from the Permanent Collections at the

Cottonwood root, paint; 6 1/2 in. The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art, University of Oklahoma, June 28 – September 15, 2013.

title page (detail of p.26): No part of this publication may be reproduced or

Michael Kabotie (Lomawywesa) (U.S., Hopi, 1942 - 2009)

used in any form without the written consent of the

Sikyatki Hand with Bee, 1973

Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art.

Acrylic and feather on canvas Purchase, Richard H. and Adeline J. Fleischaker Collection, 1996

Catalogue authors: heather ahtone; Mark T. Bahti; Neil David, Sr., Delbridge Honanie, and Milland Lomakema of the Artist Hopid; Mary Jo Watson Catalogue editor: heather ahtone Copy editor: Jo Ann Reece Catalogue design: Eric H. Anderson

contents page (detail of p. 35): Gerald Dukepoo (U.S., Hopi, n.d.) Soyoko Koyemsi (Mudhead), ca. 1980s-90s Cottonwood root, paint, leather The James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection, 2010

Photography: Todd Stewart and Mark Hendrickson Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art The University of Oklahoma 555 Elm Avenue, Norman, Oklahoma 73019-3003 phone: 405.325.3272; fax: 325.7696 www.ou.edu/fjjma Library of Congress Control Number: 2013937494 isbn:

9780985160937

This catalogue was printed by the University of Oklahoma Printing Services and is issued by the University of Oklahoma. 1,000 copies have been printed and distributed at no cost to the taxpayers of Oklahoma.

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About the Contributors

About the Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art University of Oklahoma

heather ahtone (Choctaw/Chickasaw) is the James T. Bialac Assistant Curator of Native American and Non-Western Art at the Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art. Mark T. Bahti is owner of Bahti Indian Arts (Tucson, AZ, and Santa Fe, NM), has a masters degree in American Indian Studies from the University of Arizona, and has spent over forty years representing native art to the community. Neil David, Sr. (Hopi-Tewa) is an internationally recognized painter and carver who lives on Hopi’s First Mesa. Mark Hendrickson is an internationally known fashion and fine arts photographer, based in Scottsdale, Arizona. Delbridge Honanie (Hopi) was raised in Shungopavi Village on Hopi’s Second Mesa and specializes in paintings and carvings. Milland Lomakema (Hopi) lives on Hopi’s Second Mesa and serves the community as the Director of the Hopi Arts and Crafts Guild, while continuing to paint subjects inspired by Hopi life. Todd Stewart is Associate Professor of Photography and Associate Director of the School of Art and Art History. Mary Jo Watson (Seminole) is Director of the School of Art and Art History at the University of Oklahoma and Curator of Native American Art at the Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art.

Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art, University of Oklahoma, Norman, Oklahoma The University of Oklahoma’s Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art is one of the finest university art museums in the United States. Strengths of the nearly 16,000-object permanent collection (including the approx. 3,300-object Adkins Collection and the approx. 4,500-object James T. Bialac Native American Art Collection) are the Weitzenhoffer Collection of French Impressionism, twentieth-century American painting and sculpture, traditional and contemporary Native American art, art of the Southwest, ceramics, photography, contemporary art, Asian art, and graphics from the sixteenth century to the present. Ghislain d’Humières After studying history and art history at the Sorbonne in Paris, Ghislain d’Humières became a specialist in eighteenth-century furniture for Sotheby’s London, and then transferred to New York. He became the director of the jewelry department at Christie’s of Los Angeles and then transferred to Christie’s in Geneva where he was in charge of international clients from Europe and South America. In 2004, the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco hired him as assistant director in charge of the opening of the new de Young Museum. Following that appointment, d'Humières joined the University of Oklahoma in 2007 as the Bill and Wylodean Saxon Director of the Fred Jones Jr. Museum of Art, where he oversaw the construction of the Stuart Wing, which opened in 2011. photo:eric h. anderson

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