Fibula 6

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newsletter 1/2011 (6) ISSN 1899-640X

The history of the collection of Romance manuscripts in the Berlin Collection at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow


and Polish science resources 2008-2011

Editorial Board: Piotr Tylus (Chief Editor) Roman Sosnowski (Co-Editor) Translation: Łukasz Kiczko Design and DTP: Marcin Klag Printed by: Drukarnia Go! Print

ISSN 1899-640X Copyright © by Interdisciplinary Research Team ”FIBULA” and Faculty of Philology, Jagiellonian University of Krakow cover: ms. ital. quart. 65 All rights reserved. No part of this journal may be reproduced in any form without prior written permission from the Publisher Faculty of Philology, Jagiellonian University of Krakow ul. Gołębia 24, 31-007 Kraków, Poland

newsletter 1/2011 (6)

ISSN 1899-640X

The history of the collection of Romance manuscripts in the Berlin Collection at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow

Contents Natalia Czopek The Spanish language and the languages of the Philippines in Romance manuscripts of the Berlin collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków .











. 7

Anna Rzepka Manuscripts of Spanish-language historical works from the Berlin collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków . . . . . . . . . . 16 Krzysztof Kotuła An eighteenth-century collection of political songs. Manuscripts gall. quart. 123-128 from the Berlin Collection . . . . . . . . . . 27 Watermarks in Romance-language manuscripts from the Berlin Collection at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow – part 4 . . . . . . . . . 33

Natalia Czopek

The Spanish language and the languages of the Philippines in Romance manuscripts of the Berlin collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków The Cebuano language belongs to the Austronesian language family of the Visayan language group, and despite not being officially taught in schools, it is the second language in the Philippines by number of speakers1. It is used in the provinces Cebu, Negros, Samar, Masbate, the islands of Bohol, Leyte, Luzon, Biliran and Mindanao, where other names may be used to describe it, i. e. sugbú; haraya or waraya; hiligaynón or hiligueina; boholano or binol-anon (Bohol); kana (Leyte); bisaya or visaya (Luzon)2. Across the ages, the Cebuano language was subject to influence by many other languages, which have left behind their traces in the vocabulary, i. e. Span-

1 A sample text in Cebuano: Ang tanang katawhan gipakatawo nga may kagawasan ug managsama sa kabililhon. Sila gigasahan sa salabutan ug tanlag og mag-ilhanay isip managsoon sa usa’g-usa diha sa diwa sa ospiritu [All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood (Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; cf. http://]. The name of the language stems from the name of the Philippine island of Cebu. According to the Philippine Census (2000) table 11 Household Population by Ethnicity, Sex and Region it is presently used by approx. 20 million people. The most widely spoken language in the Philippines is Tagalog, taught at schools along with American English, which, as one of the official languages, is commonly used in the media and above all by the educated part of the urban population (cf. 2 Certain sources, however, stress certain differences between Cebuano, which had developed as a dialect mainly in the city of Cebu, and is a mix of the ancient Visayan language, Arabic, Spanish, Tagalog and American English, and Bisaya, bearing more similarities to Visayan, with fewer loanwords and used mainly in rural and mountain regions (cf. cebu-language.html). According to some linguists, Cebuano is one of the dialects of the Visaya language (Quilis A., La lengua española en cuatro mundos, Mapfre, Madrid 1992, p. 117).

ish (krus, swerte, merkado, etc.)3, English (hayskul, syápin, dráyber, etc.) or Arabic (salámat, etc.). The speakers of this language belong to the Visayan ethnic and cultural group4, the second largest Philippine group stemming from the first Austronesian tribes who had settled in this area about thirty thousand years ago. Between the 13th and the 16th centuries, the inhabitants of the Philippines main-


tained very active trade contacts with the Muslim people from Malaysia and InNatalia Czopek The Spanish language and the languages of the Philippines in Romance manuscripts of the Berlin collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków

donesia. Beginning in the 16th century, until the first half of the 20th century, the islands were colonised by the Spanish, and afterwards by the United States. The country only regained independence in the year 1946, and its rich history had fruited in numerous cultural, religious, and linguistic influences. The Philippine culture, and especially the Cebuano culture, is described as a mixture of Malay, Spanish, American and Asian traditions. The Catholic faith is intertwined with the Muslim faith, Buddhism, Hinduism and other tribal beliefs. The social, political and linguistic situation of the Philippines at the arrival of the first Spanish missionaries was much more complicated than it was in America. Across seven thousand smaller and larger islands over 300 dialects, later divided into seventy different linguistic groups, were in use. From the first letters of the missionaries one may infer that people living in neighbouring regions sometimes used completely different languages, and thus was born the necessity of learning these different languages by the missionaries, in order to facilitate the evangelisation process.5 Written Cebuano had emerged in the 18th century precisely thanks to the activity of the Spanish missionaries. It was the Spanish who had founded the first settlements on the island of Cebu, which became the centre of missionary activity. There exists quite broad literature concerning the evangelisation activities of he first Augustinian brothers in the Philippines.6 Their work entailed also the crea3 More information on the influence of Spanish on the national languages of the Philippines may be found in a study by Antonio Quilis, La lengua española en cuatro mundos, Mapfre, Madrid 1992, pp. 117-157. 4 The origins of the name of the ethnic and cultural group Visayan or Bisayan are unclear, and may be related to the word „slave” or, based on Malay lexicon, „a victorious people”. It might also stem from the name of the ancient kingdom of Sri Vijaya on Sumatra or from the local word sadya – „happy” (cf. 5 A. Quilis, op.cit., p. 31. 6 Cf. Fr. Alonso de Méntrida, Vocabulario de la lengua bisaya hiligueina y haraya de la Isla de panay y Sugbú y para las demás islas, edition and study Joaquín García-Medall, Instituto Interuniversitario de Estudios de Iberoamérica y Portugal, Valladolid 2004, pp. 9-11.

tion of dictionaries, Philippine language textbooks, catechisms in these languages and other linguistic studies.7 Concerning lexicography, the work of one Alonso de Méntrida should be distinguished.8 Nonetheless studies concerning the Cebuano language are not as numerous as those pertaining to Tagalog, the main language of the Philippines.9 Other languages used on the islands were not the subject of many studies, apart from those of the seventeenth-century missionaries, referred to thanks to this as the golden age of missionary linguistics on Philippine soil. Among the Romance manuscripts of the „Berlin” collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków there may be found one volume directly related to the linguistic situation of the Philippines and the activities of the Augustinian missionaries. The manuscript hisp. quart. 44 made up of 334 sheets and four protec-

7 Cf. Fr. Alonso de Méntrida, op.cit., pp. 10-19 and A. Quilis, op.cit., pp. 54-55: The missionaries were tasked with learning at least two national languages and transferring this knowledge to their successors before the end of the mission. The first book written entirely in Bisayan was printed in the year 1610. It was a translation of the catechism of cardinal Belarmino. The first Bisayan-Spanish dictionary written by father Mateo Sánchez (1562-1618) was published in print only in 1711. It is by this work that, among others, his successors, among them i. e. Alonso de Méntrida, let themselves be guided. In the period between 1637 and 1895 eight dictionaries of Bisayan by different authors were published. The only one which received subsequent editions was the dictionary of Alonso de Méntrida. In the first Philippine lexicographic works researchers were looking for Mesoamerican influences, i. e. Vocabulario en lengua castellana y mexicana by Alonso de Molina from 1555. Doubtless all these studies were based on the first grammar of Spanish, the Arte de la lengua castellana by Antonio de Nebrija, and the Introductiones latinae by the same author, very popular on the European continent and in the New World. 8 Cf. Merino Manuel (ed)., Misioneros agustinos en el Extremo Oriente 1565-1780, Madrid 1954, pp. 29-30 and Aparicio Lopez Teofilo, Misioneros y Colonizaores Agustinos en Filipinas, Valladolid, 1965, pp. 193-207: Alonso de Méntrida was a missionary and a distinguished researcher of languages of the Philippines. He originated from Toledo, and came to the Philippines around the year 1598, he held lectures on theology and had spent many years at Aclan and Ibahay, was the abbot and from 1623 the provincial superior of Manila. Author of the works: Arte de la lengua bisaia, hiliguayna de la isla de Panay (1618, Manila); Bocabulario de la lengua bisaia, hiligueina y haraia de la isla de Panay y Svgbu y para las demás islas (1637 Manila); Cathecismo grande de la lengua panayana (Manila, 1637, 1730); Ritual para administrar los Santos cinco Sacramentos (Manila, 1630, 1669, Madrid 1710). Many of his works, i. e. the Sermones Quadragesimales, were never printed. He died in 1637. 9 Cf. Fr. Alonso de Méntrida, op.cit., p. 10. During the first missions the most popular lexicographic work on the Tagalog language was the dictionary of the Franciscan Pedro de Buenaventura from the year 1613. Vocabulario de la lengua tagala, el romance castellano puesto primero.

tive sheets is very badly damaged, it shows signs of humidity, fungus and damage done by insects. It is a copy made in the Philippines (Provincia de San Nicolás de Tolentino de los Descalzos de N. P. San Agustín de Philipinas) in the year 1729 or after this date. The dating is confirmed by typical eighteenth-century orthography and information included in the text on fol. 66r°–67v°: El año de veinte y ocho,


o veinte y nuebe se expidio en nuestra Provincia de Philipinas un mandato ordenado,

Natalia Czopek The Spanish language and the languages of the Philippines in Romance manuscripts of the Berlin collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków

que todos los papeles manuscriptos de N. Padre fray Thomas de San Geronimo Provincial que fue de dicha Provincia e hijo de la de Castilla, se consignasen en manos de Nuestro Padre Provincial que entonces era, a fin de que pareciendo algunos originales de lo mucho que con universal aplauso escrivio en el idioma Bisaya se conservasen guardados en el archivo de la Provincia. The same information also confirms the place of creation of the manuscript. It is a fragment serving as a commentary to the texts, in which it is stated that in the year 1728 or 1729, the provincial superior San Nicolás de Tolentino de los Descalzos de N. P. San Agustín de Philipinas had issued an order to gather all manuscripts of one Tomas de S. Geronimo (a monk of Spanish heritage, who had earlier filled the post of provincial superior in the Philippines). It was suspected that these manuscripts were autographs in the Bisayan language and as such were to be kept at the archives of the province. As it turned out, however, not all of these manuscripts were autographs, among others the Diccionario o Bocabulario español bisaya del idioma sugbuano turned out not to be one, but was a copy done with numerous errors by un indio. This copy was not placed in the archives, but it was used as the basis during the creation of this manuscript, which contains many corrections and amendments both in Spanish as well as in Bisayan (all executed corrections follow). In addition, the manuscript hisp. quart. 44 Contains a chapter entitle Índice bisaya – español added by the person responsible for the compilation, copying and corrections of the other parts of the work (cf. information found on f. 66v°). The manuscript shows a few amendments done by a different hand.10 They may be the work of the next owner, who was Adelbert von Chamisso (1781-

10 Cf. sheets 3r°, 64r° (a, ang); 100r° (Badea, 2 Badea); 104r° (quero); 139r° (Deram); 196r° (signed […] Pedro Paulino, inscriptions Am(rt), Am(…) + pen trials); 219r° (Pay Paa – crossing words); 224r° (decorative inscription (…)ASE(…)); 226r° (ten(r) Reo – crossing words); 227v° (decorative inscription EReAY AusndeStor(z)omas); 254r° ((J)aa(g) Aug(r)o and decorative inscription (S)E Itong (…)ua ca(…) vaad(…) Ang homungi sa(…)vala ba(u)o with drawings of human silhouettes and heads).

1838), a German poet, botanist and traveller of French heritage. The manuscript was in his possession in 1818, which may be inferred from the signature in the initial endpaper, Adelbert von Chamisso 1818. The signature was done by the same hand as in ms. hisp. quart. 50, thus both manuscripts were in the collection of Adelbert von Chamisso at the same time. Probably the subsequent owner had included the German-language note found below, Erwartungen und Ansichten (Kotzebues Reise T III.) p. 40. alphabet (…) p. 50 – 53 [Expectations and beliefs, Kotzebue’s Voyage III p. 40 alphabet pp. 50 – 53], the same as in manuscript hisp. quart. 50. This is a reference to a book written by Adelbert von Chamisso based on documents gathered during a round the world journey commanded by Otto von Kotzebue, in which Chamisso had participated. The book was published in Weimar by the publishing house Gebruder Hoffmann in the year 1821. The mentioned documents gathered during the voyage were transferred by Chamisso to the Royal Library of Berlin in 1823.11 The ownership of the manuscript by Chamisso in 1818 is also confirmed by information from the document Chamisso’s Books.12 The manuscript might have been left without a binding for a certain time, as suggested by contaminations found on sheets 2r° and 334v°. The black leather binding with a cord lock may be the first binding of the manuscript. Leather bindings like these were characteristic for Spanish manuscripts until the 19th century.13 On the spine visible are three straight nerves, and the edges of the sheets are dyed pink. The upper part of the spine includes a very badly damaged piece of white paper with the inscription (…) Vocabulario Bisaya. The initial endpaper bears the signature Ms. hisp. in Q to. 44, whereas sheets 2r° and 334v° bear seals of the Royal Library of Berlin. Lack of an accession number suggests that the manuscript was in the collection of the Royal Library of Berlin before the year 1828, in which the accession registry was created. The manuscript is composed of eight parts. All of these pertain to native languages of the Philippines and were created for use by the missionaries working there.

11 F. Wilken., Geschichte der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, Berlin 1828, p. 145. 12 Cf. 13 Ollero y Ramos, Enciclopedia de la encuadernación, Madrid 1998, pp. 293-295.

The first part, entitled Arte de la lengua […] Libro primero de las declinaciones, y conjugaciones Cap. 1 de las declinaciones (sheets 2r°-63r°) is made up of four books describing various components of Bisayan grammar. Book one, divided into 12 chapters, concerns the declination of the noun and pronouns, the conjugation of the verb, the usage of various tenses, modes and voices;


the second book (20 chapters) explains, among others, the use of prepositions,

Natalia Czopek The Spanish language and the languages of the Philippines in Romance manuscripts of the Berlin collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków

quantifiers and adverbs of location; the third book (3 chapters) explains the imperative mode and future tenses, whereas book four (4 chapters) describes the alphabet and matters of phonology and construction of works of poetry. All the rules are explained in Castilian with examples in Bisayan. The sheets 64r°-65v°, in the second part of the manuscript, entitled Advertencias acerca de algunas partículas de la lengua sugbuana, y Boholana, de las quales no se hace mencion en el arte precedente A o Ha, include rules and examples missing from the first part (i. e. interrogative or demonstrative pronouns). The lower part of sheet 65v° includes short grammatical comments in Latin in the same hand: Verba loquendi similandi adque dicendi / Narrandi et imitandi adque etiam referendi / Commodandi, verba dandi adque vendendi / et quocunque modo rem extramitendi / Tempus et causa instrumentum [etc.] quasi / […] pasivum petunt semper que anteponitur illis and Persona cui datur ex qua que tollitur aliquid / Sit nunc res, sit nunc persona, cun loci teneat rationem / Semper petunt An extremo que addere puta. The third part, bearing the title Vocabulario de lengua sugbuana compuesto por N. P.e fr. Thomas de S. Geronimo Provoncial que fue de la Provincia de S. Nicolas de Tolentino de los Descalzos de N. P. S. Agus.n de Philipinas Reducido a mas rigoroso orden alphabetico por otro individuo de la misma Provincia y aumentado de lo que vera el que Leyere lo siguiente (sheets 66r°-254r°) contains a Spanish-Cebuano dictionary with an introduction in Castilian. The examples in this part are arranged alphabetically. Some of the examples include images: sheet 107r° shows Christ bearing the cross and a soldier with a whip in hand; on sheet 110r° are stars; on sheets 162r°, 197r°, 211r° and 243r° are male silhouettes, and on sheets 233r° and 242r° there are birds. The fourth part, entitled Índice Bisaya español de las raíces contenidas en el Vocabulario español Bisaya que compuso N. P.e fr. Thomas de S. Geronimo Prov.l que fue esta Prov.a de S.n Nicolas de Tolentino de los Descal.os de N. P. S.n Agustin de Philipinas (sheets 255r°-298v°) contains a list of word roots in Bisayan with

their Castilian counterparts, arranged in a similar fashion to the previous part. The text is arranged in two columns separated by a vertical line in black ink. The examples are categorised according to the order of consonants and vowels in the words. The first part on sheets 299r°-301v° and 310r°-v° is an alphabetical listing of words used in Romblon and the islands of Banton, Simara and Sibali with definitions in Castilian (Indice de algunas palabras que se usan en el partido de Romblon especialmente en las islas de Banton Simara, y Sibali). The examples are arranged alphabetically up to the letter o. The sixth part, entitled Confesonario ordenado a fin de que un P.e bago poco experto en el idioma bisaya pudiese confesar en Romblon, y su partido en donde únicamente podra servir por lo particular del Lenguaje (sheets 302r°-309v° and 311r°-317v°) is somewhat of a textbook for missionaries who have „little experience with the Bisayan language”, containing hints on confession (specific questions and sample teachings). The text was written in two columns separated by a vertical line in black ink. The seventh part, found on sheets 318r°-328v°, are teachings concerning the Blessed Sacrament translated into Bisayan and a translation of meditation of brother Luis de Granada (De el Sacramento de el Altar, y de las causas por que fue instituido. Es el paragrapho tercero de la meditacion de el Lunes por la mañana de el V. P. fr. Luis de Granada). Similarly as with the previous part, the text was written in two columns separated by a vertical line in black ink. The eighth and final part, the Rezo en lengua Bisaya Sugbuana, y es el que se enseña, y reza en los Ministerios de Agustinos Descalzos de la Provincia de Bisayas on sheets 329r°-334v° contains translations of prayers into Bisayan, basic truths of faith, a list of cardinal sins and suggestions for those confessing. During the query at the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid the text of the manuscript was compared with texts of the works of brother Alonso de Méntrida: the Arte de la lengua bisaya-hiligayna de la Isla de Panay, Manila 1818 (signature R/7312, other editions 1618 and 1894; the text on sheets 2r°-63r° of hisp. quart. 44 is identical, with few short fragments omitted) and the Vocabulario de la lengua bisaya, hiligueina y haraya de la Isla de Panay y Sugbú y para las demás islas, edition and study of Joaquín García-Medall, Valladolid 2004 (the part entitled Vocabulario contains partially the same entries in Cebuano). Apart from this, from the comparison of the copy of hisp. quart. 44 with a different copy of the

same work, the Arte de la lengua visaya (signature MSS/9874), may be concluded that the text on sheets 2r°-65v° of hisp. quart. 44 is identical. On sheets 66r°-67v° of manuscript hisp. quart. 44 there is an introduction to the subsequent part, in which part the text is identical to the text found on sheets 70r°228r° of the volume bearing the signature MSS/9874 (Vocabulario español


visaya de lengua sugbuana, compuesto por Fr. Tomás de S. Jerónimo, Provincial

Natalia Czopek The Spanish language and the languages of the Philippines in Romance manuscripts of the Berlin collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków

de la Provincia de S. Nicolás de Tolentino de los Descalzos de S. Agustín de Filipinas, corrected and extended by Fr. Anselmo de S. Agustín, abbot of Cebu y Romblon). Sheets 229r°-266v° of MSS/9874 contain the same text as sheets 255r°-298v° of hisp. quart. 44 (Índice visaya español de las raíces contenidas en el Vocabulario español visaya de Fr. Tomás de S. Jerónimo, compuesto por Fr. Anselmo de S. Agustín). Subsequent parts containing the Índice and the Rezo are also the same. Summarising the observed similarities one may suppose that the copy MSS/9874 is a copy from a copy of hisp. quart. 44 (it possesses fragments added to hisp. quart. 44 and the name Anselmo de S. Agustín, who had expanded the version of Tomás de San Gerónimo), or that both copies are copies of one version of the work. The collection of the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid also includes numerous editions of works related to the same issue, i. e. Tomas Oliva, Arte de la lengua zebuana, based on a work by Francisco Encina Agustino Calzado, ed. D.J.M. Dayot, 1836; Tomas Olleros, Apuntes para una gramática bisaya-cebuana en relación con la castellana, Manila 1869; Julian Bermejo, Arte compendiado de la lengua cebuana, Tambobong 1895 or Domingo Ezguerra, Arte de la lengua bisaya de la provincia de Leyte, 1747. Of none of these works one can say with full certainty that they were created based on the textbook by Tomás de San Gerónimo. The mentioned lexicographic works are quite valuable sources of anthropological, ethnographic, historical, religious and cultural information. During their creation considered was a broad social context. The choice of entries in the vocabularies reflected the material and spiritual reality in which the missionaries and indigenous inhabitants of the islands had existed. Analysing these individual works one may note that the entries pertain to different aspects of everyday life (day to day work, trade, agriculture, the social structure, manufacture of goods, etc.), and that they show the unfolding of the process of evangelisation, because the authors had striven to adapt the terms existing in Bisayan to the new reality. Lexicographic studies created in the 18th or 19th

centuries were based to a large extent on the first works of the missionaries from the 17th century, which further underlines their linguistic value.14

14 A. Quilis, op.cit., pp. 75-81 : After the 17th century the knowledge of Philippine languages was not stressed as much; in the year 1765 official teachers of Spanish for each school were appointed, and in the following year the teaching of the catechism in national languages was forbidden, in 1815 Spanish became the official teaching language. In the years 1935-1987 it was, along with English, the official language of the Philippines. Based on Spanish and Portuguese the Creole language was created, used in the Philippines until today – el chabacano. Nonetheless, the number of users of Spanish on the islands is steadily declining.

Anna Rzepka


Manuscripts of Spanish-language historical works from the Berlin collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków The collection of Spanish manuscripts from the former Prussian State Library of Berlin, currently kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków, is rich in handwritten works and documents which are a valuable source for historical research. In this vast collection may be found manuscripts focused around particular topics pertaining foremost to the history of Spain, but also of South American countries1. Apart from this, noticeable is the colourful character of the manuscripts: from letters, reports and diaries, in most cases found in the Miscelánea de manuscritos españoles volumes, to two-volume general studies, presenting an overview of the history of a particular country or the reign of a particular monarch, being individual catalogue entries of the collection. Beside manuscripts also old prints are found in this group. A historic event, the course of which may be traced along its mentionable episodes thanks to the Berlin manuscripts, are the Napoleonic wars in the Iberian Peninsula (1808-1814). A total of several dozens of manuscripts covering these issues are found in six volumes bearing the signatures hisp. Fol. 13-14 and hisp. quart. 53-56. The undertaken research works enabled the determination that all the volumes named above were included in the collection of the Königliche Bibliothek in May of 1832 or in 1833, as purchased from Andreas Daniel von Schepeler (1780-1849), a Prussian officer who had joined the Spanish army in the year 1809, to later reach the rank of colonel. Historic and literary interests of this military man, combined with the experience gained during military operations 1 A few sample manuscripts from the Berlin collection thematically related to historic overseas territories of Spain in South America and the Philippines were presented in the article by Anna Rzepka, „Historic overseas territories of Spain in selected manuscripts from the ‘Berlin’ book collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków”, in Fibula 2/2010 (5).

against the Napoleonic army in the Iberian Peninsula, had fruited in the creation of a three-volume German-language study entitled Geschichte der Revolution Spaniens und Portugals und besonders des daraus entstandenen Krieges (published in 1826-1827)2. Apart from this it was determined that colonel von Schepeler had cooperated with the Library of Berlin, which through his intermediation had made purchases of valuable Spanish books in Madrid in the year 1819 and in subsequent years.3 Considering the topical profile of the mentioned group of manuscripts from Kraków as a whole, one can with much certainty suspect that we are dealing here with materials which von Schepeler used as help or even extensively researched in course of preparation of the mentioned opus; these manuscripts were a few years later entered into the collection of the Berlin library thanks to the ties and cooperation of the colonel with this institution. In turn, the common type of binding of all these volumes [= library binding] is proof that these volumes (hisp. fol. 13-14 and hisp. quart. 53-56) were treated as a particular whole in course of activities conducted at the Königliche Bibliothek; the contents of all of them were described by the same person, most probably by one of the German librarians (descriptions in Spanish with a particular header in Latin). It would be worthwhile to take notice of even minor sample texts from this topically rich manuscript group, providing a suggestive image of a country immersed in the horrors of war: copies of letters from the year 1813 written by the leaders of the Spanish forces, Enrique José O’Donnel y Anethen (1769-1834) or Luis Wimpfen (1765-1831), reports from military and defence activities in different areas of Spain (among others in Andalusia, Murcia, Galicia), reports on the strength of the forces on both sides of the conflict, press articles (including foreign press translated into Spanish) commenting on the individual phases of the war and the general situation in the Iberian Peninsula, manifests as well as patriotic poetry. The volume hisp. fol. 13 gathers materials from the years 1808-

2 Andreas Daniel Berthold von Schepeler, Geschichte der Revolution Spaniens und Portugals und besonders des daraus entstandenen Krieges, Wilhelm Dieterici ed., 3 vol., Berlin, 1826-1827. This work was also published in French and Spanish. On the biography of Schepeler and his historical works cf. Hans Jureschke, „El Coronel von Schepeler. Carácter y valor informativo de su obra historiográfica sobre el reinado de Fernando VII”, in Revista de Estudios Políticos, No. 126 (Número especial sobre la Constitución de Cádiz). 3 Cf. Friedrich Wilken, Geschichte der Königlichen Bibliothek zu Berlin, Berlin 1828, pp. 141-142.

1812 in Spanish and French related to there person of general Pedro Caro y Sureda, marquis de la Romana (1761-1811), an up-and-coming Spanish army leader during the Iberian campaign of the Napoleonic wars, whereas volume hisp. quart. 55 also includes old prints – these are issues of patriotic magazines from the year 1814, i. e. the Diario de Zaragoza or the Diario Provincial de Valencia.


Certainly one of the distinguishing manuscripts in this group is the Diario de Anna Rzepka Manuscripts of Spanish-language historical works from the Berlin collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków

las operaciones del Exercito de Galicia from the volume hisp. quart. 53, made up of two Cuadernos (books): the Quaderno 1.o, que dá principio en 29 de Mayo de 1808, y concluye en 30 de Set. del mismo año (fol. 11ro-66vo) and the Quaderno 2.o. Dá principio en 1.o de Oct. de 1808 (fol. 67ro-96vo). Research concerning the history and textual content of this manuscript enabled the discovery of its relation to the 19th century manuscript kept presently at the Archivo Histórico Nacional in Madrid, bearing the title Extracto del diario del Ejército de Galicia desde el 29 de mayo hasta el 14 de noviembre de 1808 y estados de fuerza del mismo en 1 de julio, 1 de octubre y 24 de octubre, éste último ya como Ejército de la izquierda (signature: DIVERSOS-COLECCIONES.136.N.19). The comparison of both these texts, the one from Madrid and the one from Kraków, enabled us to show that in case of the manuscript stemming from the Archivo Histórico Nacional we are dealing with an abridged version, comprising the most important data corresponding to the contents of the manuscript from the Jagiellonian Library. However, the Madrid manuscript spans a period of time slightly broader than the Kraków manuscript, i. e. the events described in it take place between May 29th and November 14th of 1808, whereas the report contained in the manuscript from Kraków, while beginning with the same date, breaks off at November 11th, 1808. The source on which the copyist of the manuscript from the Archivo Histórico Nacional had based his work was pointed to by him on fol. 49ro. The note reads: Extractado del Diario del Exto de Galicia remitido por el Gl Blake y que se halla en la Carp.ta 12a de la 1.a Camp.a Documto 1o. Considering the quite imposing similarity between the contents of the Madrid manuscript and the contents of the Kraków manuscript one could surmise that the latter is an incomplete copy of the Diario del Ejército de Galicia by general Blake, mentioned in the described note, based on which also the extract of this text retained in the Madrid manuscript had been created. By this assumption it was possible to determine the authorship of the until now anonymous manuscript deposited in the Jagiellonian Library: Capitán General Joaquín Blake y Joyes (1759-1827) was a distinguished officer and leader of the

Spanish forces participating in several victorious battles, establishing the Staff Corps (Cuerpo de Estado Mayor) and leading the Cádiz Cortes (1810), and later (1820-1823) the State Council (Consejo de Estado).4 Here it would be worthwhile to mention the fate of general Blake’s personal archive, which by means of a donation by his great grandson found its way to the hands of general Nicolás Benavides Moro, who in the 1940s was head of the Archivo Histórico Militar in Madrid. Benavides used the materials bestowed upon him to draw up a biographical study on general Blake, published in the year 1960, to later transfer it to the collection of the institution he had hitherto headed.5 In the mentioned biography we find concise information on the Diario of general Blake, as well as numerous quoted fragments of the diary.6 Their comparison to analogous excerpts from the Kraków manuscript had shown a great congruence between the two versions, and even if not fully identical, they do indicate that both texts are related. Blake’s biography also contains a note concerning a copy of the Diario done by Benavides directly from the original and belonging to the legate office. However, both in relation to this copy, as well as the original of the diary, the authors of the biography note that the place of their deposition remains unknown to them.7 Apart from this, the manuscript from the Jagiellonian Library contains a note in Spanish (fol. 95vo), written down by a person other than the copyist, constituting a comment on its contents and at the same time disclosing one of the previous owners of the manuscript: Despues de este dia tomó el Marques de la Romana el mando del exercito; y Blake quedó de segundo – El Diario acaba aqui; y es un documento historico tan interesante, como q[u]e se formó en su mismo estado mayor y a la vista del General. – Sevilla 21 de 9bre [septiembre] de 1809 [signed by] I. de Antillón.

4 An insightful biographical study on general Blake was done by Nicolás Benavides Moro; José Yaque Laurel, El Capitán General D. Joaquín Blake y Joyes, regente del Reino y fundador del cuerpo de Estado Mayor, Servicio Geográfico del Ejército, Madrid 1960. 5 Cf. Collection history on the official website of the Archivo General Militar in Madrid: 6 Nicolás Benavides Moro; José Yaque Laurel, El Capitán General D. Joaquín Blake y Joyes..., op. cit., pp. 113-121. 7 Ibidem, p. 113.

The dating of the note for the year 1809 allows the supposition that we are dealing with one of the earlier copies of Blake’s text, and the signature under it points to one Isidoro de Antillón y Marzo (1778-1814), a Spanish politician, historian, and geographer, made famous as a flame-hearted patriot and liberal politician fighting for liberation and independence of the country. The subject


matter of the manuscript might have thus corresponded to the interests and Anna Rzepka Manuscripts of Spanish-language historical works from the Berlin collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków

deeds of Antillón.8 As may be inferred from the contents of Antillón’s note, still during the time of general Blake the high historical value of the text of the Diario as a document drawn up by a direct participant and observer of the described events was noticed. A similar opinion was expressed also by the authors of the above described current biography of the general: El Diario es muy interesante, no sólo por indicar los movimientos y las situaciones de dicho Ejército en el periodo importantísimo [de la guerra] a que se refiere, sino por noticias y circunstancias de valor histórico que expone.9 With most certainty it was here where the lively interest for the diary had begun, practically ever since it was drawn up by general Blake, as reflected by the Kraków copy, done with certainly before or in the year 1809, and showing through the creation of excerpts or original from copies. It is this group of manuscripts derivative with respect to the original among which most probably the manuscript deposited in Kraków10 should be included.

8 Isidoro de Antillón was most probably the prior owner not only of this manuscript from the Berlin collection, which may be proven by the fact that in a different manuscript, bearing the signature hisp. fol. 9, a note (fol. II ro) signed in the same name, i. e. Isidoro de Antillón, stating that the manuscript is his possession, is found. The mentioned manuscript is a 17th-century copy of historical works of Bartolomé de las Casas. A comparative analysis of the writing of both notes allows the assumption that these notes were created in the same hand, probably by Isidoro de Antillón. 9 Nicolás Benavides Moro; José Yaque Laurel, El Capitán General D. Joaquín Blake y Joyes..., op. cit., p. 113. 10 It is worth mentioning that in course of the research work on the Berlin manuscript considered were also different Spanish manuscripts with similar titles. For example, the collection of the Archivo Histórico Nacional in Madrid owns a manuscript entitled Diario de operaciones del Ejército de Galicia desde el 14 de julio hasta el 10 de agosto de 1808 (signature: DIVERSOSCOLECCIONES.136.N.22). A comparison of the contents of the Madrid manuscript with the one kept in Kraków had shown, however, that we are dealing with different texts. Similarly, the catalogue of the Archivo General Militar

A vast historical work concerning itself with a much earlier stage in Spanish history is the Crónica de los Reyes Católicos Don Fernando y Doña Isabel by Spanish humanist and historiographer Fernando del Pulgar (1430?-1493?). In the Berlin collection kept in Kraków, a copy of this chronicle was included in a volume denoted by inventory number hisp. fol. 17, made up of two further historical texts thematically related to the life and work of the mentioned royal pair: the Memorial o registro breve de los Reyes Católicos by Lorenzo Galíndez de Carvajal (1471-1525) and the Treslado del testamento y codicilos de la Reina Doña Isabel. All three manuscripts were created by the same anonymous copyist. As the date of their creation was assumed the 17th century, basing on codicological hints. The volume was entered into the accession registry of the Berlin library on December 15th, 1845, with the note that it was sold by a person bearing the last name Röse. This laconic information lets us only guess from whom the library might have bought the manuscript: considering their education and interests the most probable person seems to be Bernhard Röse (1795-1857), a German historian.11 Concerning manuscript hisp. fol. 17a, i. e. the chronicle of Fernando del Pulgar, in case of the Kraków manuscript we are definitely dealing with a copy of this opus with which the researchers were quite unfamiliar. As confirmation may serve here the fact that among the sixty-one manuscripts of the Crónica scattered across European and American libraries as listed and concisely described by Isabel Hernández González12 we will not find the Kraków manuscript. Similarly, other studies containing information on the history of the Crónica which had been consulted do not mention the manuscript from the Jagiellonian library.13 Both the history behind the text of Pulgar’s chronicle itself, as well as the question of the heritage as well as the manuscript and lists a manuscript entitled Diario de Operaciones del Ejército de la Izquierda al mando del Teniente General Don Joaquín Blake (Colección Duque de Bailén, 3/4/28), which will be consulted as part of a field session in Spain. 11 Biographical information on this person is available at the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie: 12 Carlos Álvar; José Manuel Lucía Megías, Diccionario filológico de literatura medieval española: textos y transmisión, Castalia, Madrid, 2002, pp. 533-549. 13 Crónica de los señores Reyes Católicos don Fernando y Doña Isabel de Castilla y de Aragón, escrita por su cronista Hernando del Pulgar cotexada con antiguos manuscritos y aumentada de varias ilustraciones y enmiendas, Valencia, en la Imprenta de Benito Monfort, año MDCCLXXX – Editorial Órbigo, A Coruña, 2009.

print publication tradition of this work are considered to be very complex by researchers currently working in this field. Issues which are deemed to still be open pertain to i. e. the initial shape of the text, unfinished by Fernando del Pulgar, the intervention in the text of the chronicle by an anonymous figure, as well as the continuation of the work appended at the end by an unknown


author, the censorship measures or two different versions of the prologue acAnna Rzepka Manuscripts of Spanish-language historical works from the Berlin collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków

companying the printed versions of the Crónica.14 Against this backdrop, the Kraków manuscript seems to become original textological evidence, requiring deeper comparative studies, whereby the research conducted within the framework of this grant should be considered as a kind of initiation with further research necessary in the future. This study had disclosed i. e. a different arrangement of the manuscript from Kraków against the consulted editions, at the same time enabling its placement among copies of Pulgar’s chronicle which do not include the Anónima continuación completing the text. 15 The manuscripts of the Crónica de los Reyes Católicos described by Isabel Hernández González are in most cases parts of larger volumes made up of at least several handwritten texts. More often than not copies of Pulgar’s work are found in these volumes beside works by other historiographers, including Lorenzo Galíndez de Carvajal and/or copies of the testament of queen Isabel the Catholic (or Isabella I of Castile), making up a certain thematically coherent textual corpus – the manuscript from Kraków is thus no exception. Compared with available editions of the work16, the Kraków version of the Memorial o registro breve de los Reyes Católicos by Galíndez de Cravajal (hisp. fol. 17b) exhibits certain textological differences. The basic of these pertain 14 Carlos Álvar; José Manuel Lucía Megías, Diccionario filológico de literatura medieval española... , op. cit., p. 549. 15 A comparative analysis of the Berlin manuscript was conducted using the following editions of the chronicle: Crónica de los señores Reyes Católicos don Fernando y Doña Isabel de Castilla y de Aragón, escrita por su cronista Hernando del Pulgar ..., op. cit., and Fernando del Pulgar, Crónica de los Reyes Católicos: guerra de Granada, Edición y estudio por Juan de Mata Carriazo; presentación por Manuel González Jiménez; estudio preliminar por Gonzalo Pontón, Editorial Universidad de Granada, Granada 2008. 16 Basis for the comparative analysis were both edtions of the text by Galíndez de Carvajal: Lorenzo Galíndez de Carvajal, Memorial o registro breve de los Reyes Católicos (edición facsímil), introducción y estudio por Don Juan Carretero Zamora, Patronato del Alcázar, Academia de Artillería, Segovia, 1992, and Crónicas de los Reyes de Castilla, Ed. de Cayetano Rosell, t. LXVIII, Atlas, Madrid, 1953.

to the initial fragment, where in the manuscript from the Jagiellonian Library, the Proemio, i. e. the introduction, present in two analysed editions, and a final fragment of the text were omitted because the manuscript deposited at the Jagiellonian Library includes attached there one of the royal ordinances (odrenamineto) not included in any of the other consulted editions. Certainly the possibility of considering the manuscript during a possible preparation of a critical edition of the text by Galíndez de Carvajal should be entertained. A textological analysis of manuscript hisp. fol. 17c, in turn, entitled Traslado del testamento y cobdeçilos de la Reyna doña Isabel, had allowed the formation of a hypothesis as to its relationship with the version of this document available in the edition of Diego José Dormer from 1683.17 A copy of the testament and codicil of queen Isabella I from the Jagiellonian Library manuscript remain close to the mentioned edition both on the textual level as well as in terms of layout. However, the Spanish edition also contains a letter by Isabella in which she transfers power to her husband, whereby this text is omitted in the Kraków manuscript. In its place the copyist of the Kraków manuscript had included a copy of a confirmation of the codicil as drawn up by Andrés Martínez de Ondarza y Uzarraga (?-1566), a secretary of Isabella and Ferdinand, and a highranking court official during the term of their descendants, Philip I and Joanna, daughter of the Catholic Monarchs. Apart from this the copyist had attached copies of two letters by king Ferdinand, the contents of which relate to the copied documents, the testament and the codicil. One might thus conclude that the anonymous copyist of manuscript c most probably made use of more than one source, probably selecting the texts he required or those he was interested in, making up a currently thematically coherent block. Similarly, concerning the volume hisp. fol. 17 as a whole, its topics remain the tenure of the Catholic Monarchs described in several texts of different character and high historic value. The Recordación Florida. Historia de Guatemala, a two-volume work by Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzmán (1643-1700), a Guatemalan historian and poet, is represented in the Berlin collection by an anonymous copy (hisp. fol.

17 Discursos varios de historia con muchas escrituras reales, antiguas y notas a algunas dellas recogidos y compuestos por [...] Diego Iosef Dormer [...], Zaragoza, Imp. de Herederos de Diego Dormer, 1683.

20/1 and 2), in relation to which interesting documentation in German had survived. It allows the determination of the circle of persons engaged in the process of obtaining of the manuscript by the Berlin library, according to the entry found in the accession registry of this institution, finally completed in February of 1860. Research conducted hitherto had allowed the identifica-


tion of the intermediary of the sale transaction, one doctor Julius Ludwig Klee Anna Rzepka Manuscripts of Spanish-language historical works from the Berlin collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków

(1807-1867), a philologist and lecturer at the University of Leipzig. A letter addressed to a person bearing this surname, written in German (fol. IIIro), signed by one Hoeck and dated December 3rd, 1856, is bound together with volume I of the Berlin manuscript. The sender was identified with high probability as Karl Friedrich Christian Hoeck (1794-1877), a German philologist, Hellenist, librarian, and beginning in the year 1845, general manager of the University Library in Göttingen. Apart from this, the archive of the Berlin library (Acta III C 37) contains correspondence between Dr Klee and this institution from the years 1859-1860, pertaining to the sale of the manuscript of the Recordación Florida, and a letter by the Count of Salm from Hannover to Georg Heinrich Pertz (1795-1876), senior librarian in Berlin. The count confirms in the said letter that this copy of Fuentes’ work is in his possession and that Dr Klee had turned to him with a proposition of intermediation. The correspondence in general applies to the scientific and material value of the item, and ends with the statement of the sale price of the Recordación Florida. The manuscript was bound after it was entered into the collection of the Berlin library, as proven by the ex libris of the Königliche Bibliothek found on the binding. A concise description of the manuscript in German (vol. I, fol. Iro), drawn up in Berlin, dated October 14th, 1859, was done by Johann Karl Eduard Buschmann (1805-1880), a linguist and librarian of the Berlin library.18 Prior fate of the manuscript, i. e. from a period before it found its way to the collection of the count of Salm, remains uncertain. Codicological data suggests that we are probably dealing with a copy from the 19th century, prepared in Germany, 18 The note is signed with the initial B. A comparative analysis of the handwriting was done based on library notes of confirmed authorship, i. e. done personally by Johann Karl Eduard Buschmann, found in other manuscripts from the Berlin collection available at the Jagiellonian Library (also cf. note in manuscript hisp. quart. 64, signed E. Buschmann). The manuscript was thus processed by the mentioned librarian while entering it into the collection of the library of Berlin.

Spain or Guatemala. The person of the count of Salm himself also requires fuller identification, which is the more difficult due to the numerous branches of the family both German as well as Spanish. The Berlin manuscript of Fuentes seems intriguing also from the textological standpoint. The mentioned letter by Hoeck contains information that the text of the Recordación Florida had not been up to this point (i., e. until the year 1856) printed, which was supposed to underline its scientific value. Actually the work was first published in Madrid in the years 1882-1883, and its further editions stem from the years 1932-1933 (Guatemala) and 1969-72 (Madrid).19 The process of editing of the work by the author himself was decisive for the fact that until today it survives in two handwritten editions: the initial one, incomplete, used for the earliest Madrid edition, and a later one, amended and expanded by a further volume, which had served as the basis for editors of both 20th century editions. The Berlin manuscript without contradiction remains closer to the expanded version of the work stemming from the manuscript presently kept in Guatemala, corrected numerous times by Fuentes himself and other anonymous persons. Carmelo Sáenz de Santa María, author of commentary in the introduction to the up to now most complete edition of the Recordación Florida, based on the two surviving manuscripts, describes as such the Guatemalan manuscript and its printed edition: El manuscrito es borrador más que copia en limpio [...] [así que] la edición de Guatemala abunda en errores. Nos hemos debido contentar con acudir al manuscrito cuando la lectura era ininteligible en la edición de Guatemala, y este procedimiento no basta para garantizar la integridad de la lectura, con la consiguiente duda básica sobre lo que quiso expresar Fuentes.20 The Berlin copy should certainly be considered in case of a possible new critical edition of Fuentes’ opus, in which one would attempt to correct the errors mentioned in the quote, to eliminate discrepancies and fill the gaps ex19 Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzmán, Recordación Florida. Discurso Historial y Demostración Natural, Material, Militar y Política del Reyno de Goathemala, 3 vols., Biblioteca Goathemala, Guatemala, Sociedad de Geografía e Historia, 1932-1933; Obras históricas de don Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzmán, Edición y estudio preliminar de Carmelo Sáenz de Santa María, B.A.E., Madrid, Aldus Valverde, 1969-72. 20 Obras históricas de don Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzmán, op. cit., Introducción.

isting in the edition text at spots where it had turned out to be illegible in Fuentes’ manuscripts. Further still, the manuscript kept in Kraków seems to textologically diverge so far from the editions prepared until now that it may be a copy of the work which was until now unknown to researchers, which would markedly enrich the manuscript tradition of this text, considered the


most important for Guatemalan historiography.21 Anna Rzepka Manuscripts of Spanish-language historical works from the Berlin collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków

Attention of the specialists should also turn not only to the sample manuscripts described above but also the broad and thematically rich group of Berlin manuscripts relating to the history of Spain and Spanish-speaking countries as a whole. They might, alas, supplement the work conducted earlier or become an inspiration for entirely new research.

21 Fuentes y Guzmán fue el primero en elaborar una historia de carácter general, en la que, además de incluir la conquista de cada señorío indígena y la vida político-administrativa de Guatemala, se describe la riqueza natural del suelo en sus tres reinos: mineral, vegetal y animal. Otro aspecto que hizo resaltar Fuentes y Guzmán es su nacionalismo. Señaló con énfasis la lucha de los criollos por igualar sus derechos con los de los peninsulares, como sucedió en la lucha de los frailes por lograr la designación de provinciales y superiores criollos electos alternadamente, y enalteció siempre que pudo la tierra en donde pasó toda su vida; José Edgardo Cal Montoya, “La historiografía guatemalteca hasta Severo Martínez Peláez: trazos iniciales para un debate”, in Caleidoscopio. Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, No 22 (2007), p. 28.

Krzysztof Kotuła

An eighteenth-century collection of political songs. Manuscripts gall. quart. 123-128 from the Berlin Collection Among the manuscripts from the ‘Berlin’ collection is found a very interesting group of manuscripts bearing the call-numbers gall. quart. 123128. They make up the whole: they share both the same copyist as well as identical binding. The Lemm catalogue1 contains but a short description of the contents of these volumes, actually limiting itself to quoting the title of the collection: Recueil de chansons choisies en vaudevilles pour servir à l’histoire anecdotique. Before we commence describing the contents of the manuscripts, it would be worthwhile to say a few words about their external appearance. All six volumes were copied by one scribe, in a most thorough and thoughtful manner. The text is designed in one column located in the centre of the page. Ruling done in brown ink marks out the space containing the lyrics of the songs (187-190) x (163-166 mm), and an additional line at the outside margin determines where the sidenotes serving as commentary to the main text should be placed. The writing is very meticulous. In all volumes we find foliation done by the copyist, and at the end of each one there is a contents list, containing the references of all the songs. The writing is clearly from the eighteenth century. At the same time the bindings of all the volumes, measuring 237 x 179 mm, are done with much precision. The covering is made from marbled leather (meaning – subjected to influence of a corrosive substance). Both the covers, the spine as well as the board edges are decorated with gold and blind embossing. The pastedowns and flyleaves are made of marbled paper

1 Siegfried Lemm, Mitteilungen aus der Königlichen Bibliothek, Berlin, Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1918. p. 21.

typical for the first half of the eighteenth century2. In general their shape is good, despite the traces of bark beetle activity as well as damaged headbands and tailbands. The story of these volumes is very rich, as evidenced by ex libris and old callnumbers found across the pages. In all volumes we will find the signature Phil-


lipps MS 5793. Thus we infer that they used to belong to Sir Thomas Phillipps, Krzysztof Kotuła An eighteenth-century collection of political songs. Manuscripts gall. quart. 123-128 from the Berlin Collection

(1792-1872), a renowned English book lover, who had amassed the largest manuscript collection of the nineteenth century. He was plagued by an intense passion for books, and after the fortune his father had left him ran dry, he borrowed gigantic sums of money, leading his family into debt. His collection was made up, among others, of manuscripts stemming from French libraries, whose collections were split up after the Great French Revolution. Phillipps was of the opinion that the main goal of his activities was the preservation of monuments and protection against destruction. After his passing his collection was sold step by step, a process which had lasted around a hundred years3. The manuscripts bearing call-numbers gall. quart. 123-128 were sold in April of 1903 by Sotheby’s auction house4. They were bought by Karl von Hiersemann, a Leipzig antiquarian. To fol. Iro of manuscript gall. quart. 123 was attached a sheet of white paper containing a description of the contents of the six volumes in German, as well as a price estimate. Fol. Ivo contains the accession number of the Königliche Bibliothek: acc. Ms. 1904. 129. It thus means that the manuscripts were sold by von Hiersemann to the management of the library of Berlin and entered into the registry on December 1st, 1904. The identification of other owners, including those from whom Sir Thomas Phillipps had bought our manuscripts, had proven impossible. All the volumes contain, on the verso of the first flyleaf, historic call-numbers: D. III. 2 A similar type is reproduced in the collection by Richard J. Wolfe, cf. Marbled paper: its history, techniques and patterns : with special reference to the relationship of marbling to bookbinding in Europe and the Western world, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania press, 1990, plate XXIV, no 16. 3 On this unique collection cf. Alan Noel Latimerby Munby, Phillipps Studies, Cambridge University Press, 1951-1960. 4 Cf. Bibliotheca Phillippica : Catalogue of a further portion of the classical, historical, topographical, genealogical, and other manuscripts and autograph letters of the late Sir Thomas Phillipps [...] which will be sold by auction by Sotheby, Wilkinson & Hodge, [...] on Monday, 27th day of April, 1903. The manuscripts gall. quart. 123-128 are catalogued under number 236.

26., n. 119-. and 434/6. The initial pastedown in all volumes contains an ex libris without any motto. Fols. 2vo of manuscripts gall. quart. 127 and gall. quart. 128 contain an oval, within which a steel square, two stars and a threeleaf clover are visible. Finally, fol. 254ro of manuscript gall. quart. 125 includes the initials (?) of the owner painted onto the sheet. All this is evidence of the rich history behind these volumes. Concerning the date of creation of the six volumes, we said already that both the marbled paper used to make the flyleaves and pastedowns as well as the writing all point to the first half of the eighteenth century. The terminus post quem of creation of the collection might be determined thanks to the date 1725 found on fol. 233ro of manuscript gall. quart. 124. Thus all volumes had probably been created in the second quarter of the eighteenth century. Concerning the contents of the set, it bears the title Recueil de chansons choisies en vaudevilles pour servir à l’histoire anecdotique. The six volumes contain in total approximately 1100 political and satirical songs created between the years 1580 and 1721. What is interesting is the fact that browsing the catalogues of European libraries one may stumble upon many collections of songs bearing the same title, differing in dimensions and historical era which they cover. The research work of Claude Grasland and Annette Keilhauer had allowed them to find 21 similar handwritten collections5. The authors had, however, limited themselves to Parisian libraries; even a quick search through catalogues of different libraries allows the determination that the corpus of manuscripts bearing the same title is by far broader6. Claude Grasland and Annette Keilhauer had created a precise list of elements common for all collections they had found. We quote here their full list, because these criteria form a basic reference point for the analysis of the Cracow manuscripts7: „La collection porte en général le titre Recueil de chan-

5 „La rage de collection : conditions, enjeux et significations de la formation des grands chansonniers et historiques à Paris au début de XVIIIe siècle (17101750)”, in Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, vol. 47, no 3 (2000), pp. 458-486. 6 E.g.. Rennes, BM, Mss. 245-246; Bordeaux, BM, Ms. 681, 9 vol.; Provins, BM, Mss. 67-73; British Library, Mss. Egerton 814-817. 7 „La rage de collection...”, op. cit., p. 470 (our translation): „The collection bears the title Recueil de chansons choisies... en Vaudevilles, pour servir à l’histoire anecdotique depuis l’année **** jusqu’en l’année **** (Collection of songs selected

sons choisies... en Vaudevilles, pour servir à l’histoire anecdotique depuis l’année **** jusqu’en l’année ****. Dans chaque volume est inséré sur la page de titre l’intervalle chronologique couvert et souvent, au-dessous du titre, le numéro du volume. Le format des recueils est en général assez uniforme de 230 à 250 sur 165 à 190 mm. Chaque volume comporte entre 400 et 550 pages pagi-


nées à la main du copiste du recueil, plus rarement numérotées par feuilles. Krzysztof Kotuła An eighteenth-century collection of political songs. Manuscripts gall. quart. 123-128 from the Berlin Collection

La reliure est sauf exception très homogène entre les volumes et date souvent de l’époque de l’écriture des recueils. L’écriture, très régulière, est probablement l’œuvre d’un copiste professionnel ou d’un secrétaire. À l’intérieur des volumes, l’ordre chronologique est suivi relativement strictement. Des chevauchements mineurs s’observent parfois entre les volumes successifs. Il semble en effet arriver fréquemment que les copistes profitent de la place restante dans un volume pour glisser quelques chansons qu’ils n’avaient pas la place de mettre dans le volume suivant. La mise en page est généralement assez homogène. La mélodie est toujours notée en premier, soit avec une notation musicale complète, soit avec la simple mention du nom du timbre et ensuite le texte de la chanson (« Chanson sur l’air de... »). Les chansons ont rarement un titre et, en général, les couplets suivent immédiatement la mélodie. Sur une marge assez importante est mentionnée la date de la chanson et éventuellement son auteur ou les événements auxquels elle se réfère. Les from vaudevilles, serving as an anecdotical history from the year **** until the year ****, translator’s note). In each volume, on the title page, the chronological period from which the included songs stem, and often, under the title, the volume number, are denoted. The format of the manuscripts is usually fairly similar and fits in the general limits of 230-250 by 165-190 mm. Each volume contains between 400 and 500 pages, paginated by the copyist, in rarer cases foliated. The binding is always identical across all volumes of the set, and stems often from the same time period as the copy of the text does. The writing, very regular, is probably the work of a professional copyist or secretary. Inside the volumes the chronological order is relatively respected. Small divergences usually may be seen between consecutive volumes; copyists sometimes use the place left free in a given volume in order to transcribe a few songs which were meant to appear in the next one. The page layout is relatively homogenous. The melody is always noted first; the copyist uses the full notation, or limits themselves to specifying the name of the melody (i. e. „To the tune of...”). The songs rarely bear titles. The margins, usually quite broad, contain the date of creation of each song, and if possible data on the author and events referred to in the contents. To the volumes are usually attached indexes of the songs according to their content, or, in rarer cases, tables of incipits or melodies.”

recueils comportent assez régulièrement des index organisés par matières et personnes mentionnées dans les chansons. Plus rarement, on peut avoir des tables des incipit (premier vers des chansons) ou des tables des timbres (Liste des chansons composées sur une même mélodie)”. The manuscripts gall. quart. 123-128 correspond to the decisive majority of the criteria set forth above. One important exception is the methodology of arrangement of the texts within the collection. The songs are not arranged chronologically, but by melody. Such a solution is much rarer, Claude Grasland and Annette Keilhauer mention its existence, but concentrate only on copies in which the works are ordered according to their chronology. Research done in Parisian libraries enabled us to find two sets in which the same solution as the one from Mss. gall. quart. 123-128 was used. The first of these sets are manuscripts 2197-2200 from the Bibliothèque Mazarine, the second covers manuscripts français 9347-9350 from the Bibliothèque nationale de France. The first of these sets, made up of four in-folio volumes, shows the text of the songs in slightly chaotic fashion. Even if the songs are grouped together according to their melody, they are sometimes located in different places across the entire set. Such is the case, for example, with songs following the melody of the Confiteor, which we will find in the first volume on pages 113-114 and in the second volume on pages 379-389. This distinguishes these manuscripts from the set from the ‘Berlin’ collection, in which the order of presentation is rigorously respected across the entire set. The issue is further complicated by the fact that the two last volumes were written down in a different hand, and do not contain the notes of the melodies. This lack of precision stands in visible contrast with the well thought-through structure of manuscripts gall. quart. 123-128. Concerning in turn the manuscripts français 9347-9350 from the Bibliothèque nationale de France, they are stunningly akin to the copies of Cracow. Had it not been a different format (in-folio)8, one could treat them as their faithful reflection. The writing is very similar with the exception of a few differences, and one could even think that the two collections were copied by the same scribe. The same songs (there are but a few differences between both collec-

8 A catalogue description of these manuscripts may be found in Henri Omont, Catalogue général des manuscrits français, ancien supplément français I, Paris, E. Leroux, 1895-1896, p. 384.

tions) are presented in the same order, and supplemented by the same notes on margins explaining the historic context of their creation. The layout of the pages of both sets is uncommonly similar. The four volumes were foliated by the copyist himself, and not paginated, as is the usual in case of other collections. The song indexes are very similar, even if the copyists had given different


titles to a part of the works. Textual variants between the two sets are minimal. Krzysztof Kotuła An eighteenth-century collection of political songs. Manuscripts gall. quart. 123-128 from the Berlin Collection

All this suggests that both collections, the one from Cracow and the one from Paris, belong to the same manuscript family. Similar research might give birth to the question of what would be the point of studying similar manuscripts. For a long time ignored by historians and literature researchers, collections of political songs are a valuable source of information on the state of the people and their emotions from ages past. Through determination as to which occurrences were deemed by them to be of particular importance, and their reactions to them, one may be able to create a panoramic image of the society of a given time period. The manuscripts gall. quart. 123-128 are also valuable for the reason that they are one of the few which present the songs arranged according to melody, providing our scholars with interesting information concerning the method according to which copyists sorted a given corpus of texts. They are one of the many reasons for which the ‘Berlin’ collection is such an interesting area of study.

Watermarks in Romance-language manuscripts from the Berlin Collection at the Jagiellonian Library in Cracow – Part 4 Watermarks that we reproduce on the following pages come from Ro­mancelanguage manuscripts from the Berlin collection presently held at the Jagiellonian Library in Cracow. This collection is not an archive. The cases in which we can precisely determine the date and the place of a manuscript’s execution, thus also about the paper on which the manuscript is made, are not numerous. Among the oldest paper manuscripts, there are a dozen or so in which the watermarks are identical to the reproductions available in the Briquet and Piccard repertories. We were also able to find some of the later watermarks in other repertories (Nostitz Papers, Churchill, Austro-Hungarian Watermarks, Heawood). We do not reproduce here those watermarks that already have been identified and dated in other collections. The references will be listed in the final version of the particular manuscript descriptions on which we are currently working. As we lack comparative tools, especially when it corners to the papers dated after the 16th century, we decided to progres­sively publish in Fibula examples of Italian, Spanish and French watermarks that we were able to date. If the collection were an archive, it would make it possible to prepare a precious repertory of papers. However, the watermarks we dated are not numerous, although we believe that they may be helpful in work with other manuscripts. The collection still is being studied and many of the reproduced watermarks are only a sample of the watermarks from the Berlin collection. In the third issue of our newsletter, we published some examples from the French manuscripts, next we moved to the Italian (Fibula 4) and Spanish ones (Fibula 5). In the present issue, we publish the last portion of the French manuscripts. The reproductions will be listed according to their catalogue number. To make searching easier, an index of motifs appearing in the watermarks will be provided, with references to the relevant cata­logue numbers.



Call number Gall. Fol. 187 Gall. Fol. 196 Gall. Quart. 27 Gall. Quart. 54 Gall. Quart. 82 Gall. Quart. 83 Gall. Quart. 92 Gall. Quart. 143 Gall. Quart. 144

Year 1789 1746 1758 1683 c. 1790 c. 1790 c. 1750 1669 1669

Place Alsace (?) Warsaw (?) (?) France France France (?) Lyons

INDEX OF WATERMARKS Basel coat of arms Beehive Bell CN Coat of arms Double-headed eagle EXTRA FIN DE J PASOUAY EN ALSACE [1]74[2] Horn Horseman JPH [fleur-de-lis] CVSSON FIN AVVERGNE M♣BOWIB Oak nuts PRO PATRIA Saint Mary

Gall. Fol. 187 Gall. Fol. 187 Gall. Quart. 144 Gall. Fol. 196 Gall. Quart. 83 Gall. Quart. 143

Alsace (?) Warsaw (?) (?) France France

Gall. Fol. 187


Gall. Quart. 82, Gall. Quart. 83 Gall. Quart. 54

(?) Lyons

Gall. Quart. 92 Gall. Quart. 144 Gall. Fol. 196 Gall. Quart. 27, Gall. Quart. 92 Gall. Fol. 196

Gall. Fol. 187, 1789, Alsace (?)


Gall. Fol. 187, 1789, Alsace (?)

Gall. Fol. 187, 1789, Alsace (?)


Gall. Fol. 196, 1746, Warsaw

Gall. Fol. 196, 1746, Warsaw


Gall. Quart. 27, 1758, (?)

Gall. Quart. 27, 1758, (?)


Gall. Quart. 54, 1683, (?)

Gall. Quart. 82, c. 1790, France

Gall. Quart. 82, c. 1790, France


Gall. Quart. 83, c. 1790, France

Gall. Quart. 83, c. 1790, France


Gall. Quart. 83, c. 1790, France

Gall. Quart. 92, c. 1750, France

Gall. Quart. 92, c. 1750, France


Gall. Quart. 143, 1669, (?)

Gall. Quart. 144, 1669, Lyons