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Person of theYear


DECE MBE R 19, 2016


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VOL. 188, NO. 25–26 | 2016




Europe’s Populist Uprising BY SIMON SHUSTER PAGE 80

Lessons From Andrew Jackson BY JON MEACHAM PAGE 86


The Short List

NO. 2




MOVIES | 130




NO. 3






NO. 4


Joe Klein’s Teddy Awards


Time December 19, 2016

BOOKS | 149 MUSIC | 152



THE BEST OF C U LT U R E 2 0 1 6





Joel Stein on 2016, the year that lies drove the news cycle THE ENDNOTE | 160

Joe Klein’s ode to the Obamas ON THE COVER:

NO. 6



President-elect Donald Trump at his penthouse on the 66th floor of Trump Tower in New York City on Nov. 28. Photograph by Nadav Kander for TIME

P R E V I O U S PA G E : C H R I S T O P H E R M O R R I S — V I I F O R T I M E ; T H I S PA G E : A P ; G E T T Y I M A G E S (4)

from the editor

The Nov. 28 photo shoot at the President-elect’s residence in Trump Tower

BEHIND THE SCENES TIME cover. In the hours that followed, Nadav photographed Vice President– elect Mike Pence, incoming chief of staff Reince Priebus, senior counselor Steve Bannon and campaign manager Kellyanne Conway, whose portraits accompany Michael Scherer’s profile. “Trump was excited because he plans to meet with Prince Charles in the coming weeks, and offered to take him a copy of the Nadav portrait,” says Scherer. Meanwhile, correspondents Haley Sweetland Edwards, Elizabeth Dias and editor at large Karl Vick visited Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin to talk to Trump voters in counties that Obama won eight years ago. Their portraits are by photographer Lise Sarfati.

SMILE! TIME partnered with NBC’s Today show to create a Person of the Year Snapchat filter allowing fans at the Today Plaza in New York City to see their faces on a Person of the Year cover as TIME editor Nancy Gibbs revealed the choice on the Dec. 7 show. THE WINNER OF THE READERS’ POLL IS . . . India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi won 19% of the vote in TIME’s online poll, which asked readers who they thought should be Person of the Year. Modi beat out a range of other global leaders, including President Barack Obama (7%), WikiLeaks co-founder Julian Assange (7%), Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton (4%) and Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg (2%). This year, in partnership with Opentopic and IBM’s Watson, TIME’s editors were able to track the contenders’ online influence when deciding who would be included in the poll—the results of which provide insight into how the world sees the biggest names in the news.

Nancy Gibbs, ediTor

TIME (ISSN 0040-781X) is published weekly, except for two combined issues in January and one combined issue in February, April, July, August, September and November by Time Inc. PRINCIPAL OFFICE: 225 Liberty Street, New York, NY 10281-1008. Periodicals postage paid at New York, NY and additional mailing offices. POSTMASTER: Send all UAA to CFS (See DMM 507.1.5.2); Non-Postal and Military Facilities: send address corrections to TIME Magazine, P.O. Box 62120, Tampa, FL 33662-2120. Canada Post Publications Mail Agreement No. 40110178. Return undeliverable Canadian addresses to: Postal Station A, P.O. Box 4322, Toronto, Ontario M5W 3G9. GST No. 888381621RT0001. © 2016 Time Inc. All rights reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part without written permission is prohibited. TIME and the Red Border Design are protected through trademark registration in the United States and in the foreign countries where TIME magazine circulates. U.S. Subscriptions: $49 for one year. SUBSCRIBERS: If the Postal Service alerts us that your magazine is undeliverable, we have no further obligation unless we receive a corrected address within two years. Your bank may provide updates to the card information we have on file. You may opt out of this service at any time. CUSTOMER SERVICE AND SUBSCRIPTIONS: For 24/7 service, visit You can also call 1-800-843-TIME; write to TIME, P.O. Box 62120, Tampa, FL, 33662-2120; or email MAILING LIST: We make a portion of our mailing list available to reputable firms. If you would prefer that we not include your name, please call or write us. PRINTED IN THE U.S. uuuuuuu


Time December 19, 2016

T R U M P S H O O T: PA U L M O A K L E Y F O R T I M E ; M O D I : G E T T Y I M A G E S

Power comes in all differenT tones and textures, which makes capturing it visually a particular challenge. It is a testimony to his talent and versatility that Nadav Kander has, for the second time, photographed a newly elected President for our Person of the Year cover. Four years ago it was Barack Obama, fresh off his re-election; this time, Donald Trump, who spoke with Obama the night before our cover shoot. There’s a unique bond between Presidents and their successors, and Trump talked about the surprising chemistry he felt with Obama both when they met at the White House two days after the election and in their conversations since. As Nadav and his team set up lights and equipment in the Trump Tower penthouse, the Presidentelect looked at Nadav’s portfolio, particularly his striking 2013 portrait of Prince Charles that was taken for a

HIS FIRST TIME COVER Jan. 16, 1989, marked the first time that Donald Trump appeared on our cover. Back then, Trump was making headlines for his real estate deals and his bold style—but the main feature, by Otto Friedrich, included this prescient quote: “There has been artfully hyped talk about his having political ambitions, worrying about nuclear proliferation, even someday running for President.” Read the story at



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2016 the year in





‘As I read your report I kept stopping to look at the front cover to make sure I was still reading TIME and not Brave New World.’


RON FLICKINGER of Fort Wayne, Ind., on Alice Park’s July 4 cover story about the gene-editing tool CRISPR

DONALD TRUMP, responding on Twitter to David Von Drehle’s Jan. 18 cover story about the GOP primary race, headlined “How Trump Won”

27 4

‘WONDERFUL PIECE EXPOSING WILLFUL WRONGDOING AT THE HIGHEST STATE LEVEL FOR GREED AND PROFIT.’ TOM SVOBODA of Alsip, Ill., on Josh Sanburn’s Feb. 1 special report about the water crisis in Flint, Mich.



























‘As a widow looking for a nice guy who drives at night, the new technology could offer me some new prospects!’


SUZY HELLER CURTIS of West Bloomfield, Mich., on self-driving cars, the subject of Matt Vella's March 7 cover story







‘A WARM WONDERFUL WOMAN WHO IS SOMETIMES HER OWN WORST ENEMY, BUT THEN AREN’T WE ALL.’ BARBARA GARBER of North Manchester, Ind., after reading Philip Elliott and David Von Drehle’s Aug. 1 cover story on Hillary Clinton 30













‘WE’RE NOT JUST IN DANGER OF LOSING THE INTERNET TO HATE BUT OF LOSING DEMOCRACIES TO IT TOO.’ ANDREW STROEHLEIN, European media director of Human Rights Watch, on Joel Stein’s Aug. 29 cover story about the rise of Internet trolling


‘When I see Colin Kaepernick take a knee during the national anthem, I am proud. That was exactly what I fought for.’

ALFRED SONNY PICCOLI of Bloomfield, N.J., sharing advice he once received from Muhammad Ali; Piccoli was one of many readers who wrote in about their chance encounters with the late boxing legend after TIME’s June 20 commemorative issue

Navy veteran JAMIE MABE of Raleigh, N.C., on Sean Gregory’s Oct. 3 cover story about protests sparked by the quarterback


Time December 19, 2016


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2016 the year in


‘Should be required reading for all those trying to make some sense of the current state of racial relations in America.’ LARRY LASSETER of Brea, Calif., on Joe Klein’s July 25 column about healing in the aftermath of shootings in Baton Rouge, La., Dallas and Minneapolis


‘MILLENNIALS, SHOW THE GENERATION BEFORE YOU THAT YOU ARE PAYING ATTENTION. CHANGE THE WORLD.’ TIM BLOOMQUIST of Traverse City, Mich., responding to Paul Taylor’s Feb. 22 story about politically disengaged millennials


‘Youngsters are so distracted with making a living, getting ahead, overeating, overdrinking and making a lot of noise that understandably they often come up with foolish ideas and idiotic decisions.’


Letters should include the writer’s full name, address and home telephone and may be edited for purposes of clarity and space


Time December 19, 2016

follow us: @time (Twitter and Instagram)

‘THE ARTICLE SHOULD HAVE BEEN AVAILABLE WHEN THE NOBEL COMMITTEE WAS DECIDING THE PEACE PRIZE.’ BOB ROSENBERGER of Spring Hill, Fla., on Jared Malsin’s Oct. 17 cover story about the White Helmets of Syria

‘So humbled that I’m on the same list as a lot of these people I look up to, trying to make a difference.’ CAMILA CABELLO, of the pop group Fifth Harmony, on TIME’s list of the world’s most influential teenagers, which ran in the Oct. 31 issue

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DIANE from San Antonio, responding to Jessi Hempel’s Sept. 12 article about her brother Evan, a transgender man who recently gave birth to his first son

WILLIAM COLEMAN of Kirtland, Ohio, on trying to be an ecofriendly driver, in response to Justin Worland’s Aug. 8 story about the return of “gas-guzzling” vehicles

TOM MADER of Walnut Creek, Calif., on Joel Stein’s cheeky Aug. 29 column, which suggested a maximum age limit for voting

Twitter user @SHEHZAD013, praising Sean Gregory’s March 14 profile of U.S. fencer Ibtihaj Muhammad


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2016 the year in


“I could stand in the middle of Fifth Avenue and shoot somebody, and I wouldn’t lose any voters.”


DONALD TRUMP, nine days before America’s first state presidential contest


“This would be bad for America.” TIM COOK, Apple CEO, refusing an FBI request to unlock the iPhone of a San Bernardino, Calif., shooter

“Ms. Eisenstein, one question.” CLARENCE THOMAS, Supreme Court Justice, breaking a decade-long stretch of not speaking during oral arguments


“He was just black in the wrong place.” VALERIE CASTILE, after her son Philando was fatally shot by a police officer during a traffic stop in Falcon Heights, Minn., sparking national outrage

“Claim the state, claim the nation.”


RECEP TAYYIP ERDOGAN, President of Turkey, calling on citizens to resist a military coup attempt

CHARLES MICHEL, Belgian Prime Minister, after three coordinated suicide bombings

“I wake up every morning in a house that was built by slaves.”

“What we feared has happened.”

“[This] is a story of government failure, intransigence, unpreparedness, delay, inaction and environmental injustice.” FLINT WATER ADVISORY TASK FORCE, in its report on the lead crisis


“Nobody is above the law.” BARACK OBAMA, vowing that political considerations will not affect the federal investigation into Hillary Clinton’s use of a private email server while acting as Secretary of State


“We see you. We stand with you.” LORETTA LYNCH, U.S. Attorney General, addressing the transgender community while announcing that the U.S. will sue North Carolina over a state law prohibiting transgender people’s bathroom choice

“If I do bad, shoot me.” RODRIGO DUTERTE, a mayor known for supporting vigilante killings and promising mass executions of criminals, after being elected President of the Philippines

MICHELLE OBAMA, describing progress at the Democratic National Convention


“I’m not the next Usain Bolt or Michael Phelps. I’m the first Simone Biles.” SIMONE BILES, after winning Olympic gold in women’s all-around gymnastics, one of her five overall medals

“I’m going to continue to stand with the people that are being oppressed.” COLIN KAEPERNICK, San Francisco 49ers quarterback, explaining his decision not to stand during the national anthem


“What matters most now is the well-being of our kids.” BRAD PITT, after his wife, Angelina Jolie, filed for divorce

‘DAWN IS BREAKING ON AN INDEPENDENT UNITED KINGDOM.’ NIGEL FARAGE, pro-Brexit politician, celebrating the nation’s vote to leave the European Union in June


“Grab them by the pussy.” DONALD TRUMP, saying what he’d done to women in a leaked video from 2005

“I’m just a headline: the bad President, the bad guy who is killing the good guys.” BASHAR ASSAD, President of Syria, referring to the nearly 500,000 citizens killed during Syria’s five-plus-year civil war


“It stands, this stands.” POPE FRANCIS, reaffirming the Roman Catholic Church’s position that women will never be ordained as priests

“Give peace a chance.” JUAN MANUEL SANTOS, President of Colombia, signing an agreement between the government and the rebel Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) to end the nation’s 52-year war


“After eight years as your President, I still believe there is so much more that unites us than divides us.” BARACK OBAMA, at his final White House Christmas-tree lighting


“Still here in bathroom. He has us.” EDDIE JUSTICE, one of the 49 people who were killed during the shooting at Orlando’s Pulse nightclub, in a final text to his mom

“Cleveland—this is for you!” LEBRON JAMES, after he led the Cavaliers to win the NBA Finals, Cleveland’s first major sports victory since 1964

‘NEVER STOP BELIEVING THAT FIGHTING FOR WHAT’S RIGHT IS WORTH IT.’ HILLARY CLINTON, conceding the U.S. presidential election to Trump in November


2016 the year in


The boy in the ambulance Syrian 5-year-old Omran Daqneesh after an Aleppo airstrike on Aug. 17


A fight for their lives Migrants jump from a boat during a rescue off the coast of Libya on Aug. 29. More than 4,700 people died or went missing in the Mediterranean during sea crossings in 2016


Show of unity First Lady Michelle Obama embraces George W. Bush at President Obama’s inauguration of the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington on Sept. 24; the photo inspired a series of humorous memes

Time December 19, 2016

A historic win The Chicago Cubs celebrate their 8-7 defeat of the Cleveland Indians in Game 7 of the 2016 World Series in Cleveland on Nov. 2. The edgeof-your-seat finale, which came after Chicago was down 3-1 in the series, marked the Cubs’ first World Series championship in 108 years

Photo finish Usain Bolt of Jamaica enjoys his breakaway in the men’s 100-m semifinal at the Rio Olympics on Aug. 14

Act of defiance Ieshia Evans, who was protesting the shooting death of Alton Sterling by a white police officer in Baton Rouge, La., is confronted and later detained by law enforcement on July 9. The picture became a defining symbol of the Black Lives Matter movement across America

D A Q N E E S H : M A H M O U D R A S L A N — A N A D O L U A G E N C Y/G E T T Y I M A G E S; M I G R A N T S : E M I L I O M O R E N AT T I — A P ; O B A M A : PA B L O M A R T I N E Z M O N S I VA I S — A P ; B O LT: C A M E R O N S P E N C E R — G E T T Y I M A G E S; C U B S : E Z R A S H A W — G E T T Y I M A G E S; P R O T E S T E R : J O N AT H A N B A C H M A N — R E U T E R S

2016 the year in





Beyoncé’s chart-topping Lemonade

Japan’s lost Hitomi satellite

J.K. Rowling’s Harry Potter and the Cursed Child





Costume Heidi Klum’s “clones”

The 3.5-mm headphone jack (for iPhones, at least) Kim Kardashian West’s stolen diamond ring

Barrier Manila Social Club’s $100 Golden Cristal Ube Donut



A U.S. border wall, as evangelized by Trump




James Corden’s karaoke-friendly Range Rover

India’s banned 500- and 1,000-rupee notes

Kellogg Co.’s hot-dogflavored Pringles

Accessory Lady Gaga’s pink cowboy hat

Mylan’s price-hiked EpiPen


Time December 19, 2016



Nike’s self-tying HyperAdapt 1.0

Alcosynth, the (allegedly) hangover-free alcohol

E M O J I : U N I C O D E ; V E H I C L E : C B S; S H O E : N I K E ; D E S S E R T: I N S TA G R A M ; S N A C K -TA S T R O P H E : B U Z Z F E E D N E W S; S PA C E C R A F T: A P ; S C R I P T: S C H O L A S T I C ; B A U B L E , D R U G , C O S T U M E , D R I N K , R E L I C, B A R R I E R , B I L L S , A C C E S S O R Y: G E T T Y I M A G E S

The long-awaited “face palm”

e inn m d cti c onss wo w rld IBM and annd its its loggo, o and Wat W tson son on ar a e ttrad radema rad emarks ema rks of In Inter te na ter nattion ioo al Bu Bus usine neesss Mac M hinnes Cor regis gister terred many juri j r sdi ct r dw wi e. SSe wid / adeemar ma k. Co pp.,, re See ccurrent list at Other ductt and ight ght be trad radema tional nal Bu Machi chi Corp. 2 16. p duc m s migh mpani n es. t rna r tio B sin i ess s Ma Other pro a sser vice name me trad ema em marks off IB I M or othe herr comp comp es ©I nte h nes n Co rp 20 16 Elmo mo © 201 20 6 Sesame Workshop.

What’s Watson working on today?

Between ages two and five, a chiild learns more— and mo m rre rapidly—than anyy time in life. Working with IBM Watson, Sesame Street is helping make the most of each child d’ss potential. They ey’rre he h lping to personalize learning, allowin ng each child to be taught based on th t eir learning style, ab a ilityy and need ds. Thanks, Elmo. This is cog d cation. o niti t ve edu k

W When everything thinks, you can outthink.

The Adonia


First cruise ship to travel between the U.S. and Cuba in nearly 40 years


Cleveland Cavaliers

First Cleveland team to win an NBA title, thanks in large part to Finals MVP LeBron James



Solar Impulse 2






Baylor University Medical Center



First U.S. hospital to perform a livingdonor womb transplant



Bob Dylan



King Rama X

First Thai king crowned since 1946, after the death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej




First musician to win the Nobel Prize in Literature






American Idol Last episode airs on Fox

Kobe Bryant


Last NBA game played by the L.A. Lakers icon



Ringling Bros. and Barnum & Bailey

Last circus show featuring elephants, after a campaign by animal-rights activists MAY

Dilma Rousseff


Last day served as President of Brazil, after the country’s Senate voted to suspend her



Lin-Manuel Miranda

Last night playing the title role in the Broadway smash Hamilton



First solarpowered aircraft to fly around the world

Last game played by the Denver Broncos quarterback, a Super Bowl win



First British soccer club to win a Premier League title by beating 5,000-to-1 odds


C A M P B E L L’S S O U P, P H E L P S : R E U T E R S; F O S T E R , J A M E S , L E I C E S T E R C I T Y, S O L A R I M P U L S E 2 , M I R A N D A : G E T T Y I M A G E S; DY L A N : E PA ; K I N G R A M A X , M A N N I N G , E L E P H A N T, PA S T R A M I : A P ; R O S E T TA : E S A


Leicester City

Peyton Manning





First U.S. state to raise the hourly minimum wage to $15








Last units made in Japan, long a leading manufacturer AUG

Michael Phelps





First woman elected First Minister of Northern Ireland


Arlene Foster


2016 the year in

Firsts & Lasts



First major U.S. food company to announce it will label the genetically modified ingredients in its products


Campbell’s Soup







Last Olympic race swam by the most decorated Olympian of all time




Last day of orbit before the spacecraft, which was the first to orbit a comet, crash-landed on one


Carnegie Deli


Last day that the iconic New York City restaurant will be open for business


2016 the year in


Used by people in Brussels to find and offer housing and car rides after three deadly terrorist attacks Popularized to slam Facebook, Twitter and other sites for censoring comments flagged as hateful








Spread to voice support for actor Leslie Jones, who was inundated with racist and sexist threats on social media; Twitter responded by strengthening its policy against hate speech Used by many after the election to share Donald Trump’s campaign slogan, “Make America Great Again”


Time December 19, 2016


Started by a Zimbabwean pastor to share frustrations with his country’s leadership; thousands followed suit Popularized by women all over the world, who used sarcasm and wit to condemn street harassment Took off as people offered to walk alongside Muslims to and from religious services after an NYC mosque leader was shot





Spread by activists protesting construction of the Dakota Access oil pipeline, which the Standing Rock Sioux tribe said could endanger its water supply; the project has been halted

B R U S S E L S , O R L A N D O, A C A D E M Y A W A R D S : G E T T Y I M A G E S; J O N E S , Z I M B A B W E A N PA S T O R , D A K O TA A C C E S S P I P E L I N E : A P

Shared by millions to uplift the LGBT community after the shooting at Orlando’s Pulse nightclub

Popularized (again) to protest the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, which for the second year in a row nominated only white actors in major categories

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IMPORTANT: The projections or other information generated by the Fidelity Retirement Score regarding the likelihood of various investment outcomes are hypothetical in nature, do not reflect actual investment results, and are not guarantees of future results. Results may vary with each use and over time. There is no opening cost or annual fee for Fidelity’s traditional, Roth, SEP, and rollover IRAs. A $50 account closeout fee may apply. Fund investments held in your account may be subject to management, low-balance, and short-term trading fees, as described in the offering materials. For all securities, see for trading commission and transaction fee details. Guidance provided by Fidelity through the Fidelity Retirement Score is educational in nature, is not individualized, and is not intended to serve as the primary basis for your investment or tax-planning decisions.

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The Fidelity Retirement Score is a hypothetical illustration and does not represent your individual situation or the investment results of any particular investment or investment strategy, and is not a guarantee of future results. Your score does not consider the composition of current savings and other factors.

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The trademarks and/or service marks appearing above are the property of FMR LLC and may be registered. Fidelity Brokerage Services LLC, Member NYSE, SIPC. © 2016 FMR LLC. All rights reserved. 773775.4.0

2016 the year in


15 Minutes


In 2016, everything was contentious. Even a Cincinnati Zoo worker’s decision to shoot a gorilla who had grabbed an intrepid and athletically gifted toddler who scaled a wall and entered its enclosure. When some questioned whether killing Harambe was necessary, others mocked their grief by using hashtags like #DicksOutForHarambe. Weirdly, this was not discussed at any presidential debate. 2



Anthony Weiner

Man, this dude loves to sext. Like, given the options of having his dream job, staying married, electing a President from his party and being able to appear in public or sexting, he would still choose sexting. In September, he got caught allegedly sexting with a 15-yearold, effectively making the documentary about his prior sexting scandals—released in May—totally outdated. As is, most likely, this paragraph. 3

3 4





Ken Bone

Time December 19, 2016

During the Rio Olympics, Lochte filed a police report saying he and three other U.S. swimmers were robbed at gunpoint by criminals with fake badges. At first, America rallied around its Olympic icon. Then we found out the “criminals” were armed security staff who were called after Lochte and his teammates wrecked a gasstation bathroom and urinated around its premises. If you don’t understand how 32-year-old Lochte could act so immature, consider that he once tried to trademark the phrase “Jeah!” 7

5 2

Chewbacca Mom

We’ve all had uncontrollable giggle fits. We’ve all videotaped ourselves. We’ve all been 37, bought ourselves a Star Wars mask that growls when we open our mouths, sat alone in our car and released the world’s pain through our joy and wonder over a technology akin to that found in greeting cards. But only Candace Payne did it on Facebook Live shortly after the feature was created. It was pure, innocent glee that Ken Bone probably insulted on Reddit. 8


Ryan Lochte

Billy Bush

As if the Bush family didn’t suffer enough at the hands of Donald Trump’s campaign,

R AY, R OY, B O N E , L O C H T E , B U S H , W E I N E R : G E T T Y I M A G E S; S M I T H , C H E W B A C C A M O M : A P ; H A R A M B E : R E U T E R S

Beyoncé’s Lemonade is mostly about a relationship. So when fans heard her sing-tell a lover in “Sorry” that he “better call Becky with the good hair,” they quickly concluded that Beyoncé’s husband Jay Z had cheated on her with a mystery woman, and that said woman must be called out on social media. The prime suspects: Rachel Roy, a designer who used to work with Jay Z (she denied the rumors), and Rachael Ray, a celebrity chef whose name happens to resemble Rachel Roy’s. Mixedmartial-arts fighter and former NFL cheerleader Rachel Wray remained uninvolved. Until right now.

J.R. Smith

If you put as much time, money and pain into tattoos as the shooting guard of the Cleveland Cavaliers has, you too might bristle against the convention of covering your upper body with cloth. And so it was that Smith went shirtless to celebrate his team’s NBA championship win— at clubs, on streets and during Game 7 of the World Series. He did suit up for his White House visit, prompting President Obama to thank Smith’s shirt “for showing up.” 6

Becky with the good hair

America was looking for a hero in the second presidential debate. One who could do the important job of keeping us from thinking about the second presidential debate. Question asker Ken Bone filled that role by having the guts and the heart to be named Ken Bone. He didn’t

however, have the foresight to delete his old Reddit posts, which revealed that he also enjoyed looking at hacked nude photos (he later apologized). Ken Bone is a creepy name.

2016 the year in


15 Minutes


a voice that sounded equal parts soothing and sinister: “Damn, Daniel!” The resulting montage, which was posted to YouTube, gave America its most important catchphrase since “Jeah!”

Billy, the anchor of the third hour of the Today show, was pressured to resign for being in a leaked 2005 video in which he awkwardly laughs about sexual assault while a man America approved of as President brags about it. It is highly likely that, to pundits’ surprise, Billy will be the third Bush President.

13 9


Pita Nikolas Taufatofua

Despite not having any visible tattoos on his upper body, the first Tongan to compete in taekwondo in the Olympics hates shirts as much as J.R. Smith. During the Parade of Nations at the opening ceremony, Tonga’s flag bearer put on a traditional Tongan skirt, the traditional gallon of Tongan coconut oil and nothing else, thereby becoming more famous than Tonga. 10

Milo Yiannopoulos

The Breitbart tech editor and alt-right’s de facto spokesperson grabbed national headlines for getting banned from Twitter after the company said he incited his followers to harass actor Leslie Jones for the crime of starring in a remake of Ghostbusters with a feminist bent. He has also, of course, said that he’s “glad Harambe is dead.” 12

Daniel Lara

Earlier this year, then 14-yearold Lara was fortunate enough to have a friend, Joshua Holz, really, really admire his white Vans. So much so that Holz filmed Lara walking around in them, repeatedly, while professing his admiration in


Time December 19, 2016


Liberté Chan

No one knows exactly what happens on local TV news because people over 70 don’t tell us. But apparently this L.A. meteorologist wore a black sequin dress on a Saturday morning. In the middle of her report, anchor Chris Burrous handed her a gray cardigan and asked her to cover up. Though Chan said she was not upset, many people complained that Burrous was slut-shaming her. He apologized a day later, though it’s unclear what he will do when J.R. Smith comes in for an interview. 15

Brendan Dassey

The criminal-justice system is supposed to work perfectly as long as lots of people watch a documentary about your case. Not so for Dassey. Eleven months after the Netflix hit Making a Murderer, a federal judge ruled his 2006 confession—to helping uncle Steven Avery commit a murder— was apparently coerced and should be overturned. Dassey was set to be freed from prison, then an appeals court blocked his release. Ryan Lochte’s lawyers are undoubtedly reconsidering their documentary pitch to Amazon.

G A L A X Y N O T E 7, R O G ATA , L A R A , D A S S E Y: A P ; C H A N : K LTA 5/ F A C E B O O K ; TA U F AT O F U A , Y I A N N O P O U L O S : G E T T Y I M A G E S

Getting airports and pilots to mention your cool, popular new phone sounds like a great marketing move. Unfortunately for Samsung, they were talking about it like it was a bomb. The now recalled phone’s battery got so hot that it often caught on fire, which most consumers found slightly less appealing than Apple’s decision to make an iPhone without a headphone jack. 11


Galaxy Note 7

Stephen Rogata

As millions watched on TV, the 19-year-old from Virginia used suction cups to Spider-Man up 21 floors of Trump Tower in New York City before cops yanked him in through a window. Rogata, who describes himself as an independent researcher, had previously released a YouTube video explaining he was trying to meet with Trump to discuss “an important matter” (though the then presidential candidate was out campaigning). It is entirely possible Rogata will get a Cabinet position.

2016 the year in


Donald Trump vs. Megyn Kelly

Taylor Swift vs. Calvin Harris After reports surfaced that Swift had co-written Harris’ hit song “This Is What You Came For,” the DJ slammed his ex-girlfriend on Twitter, suggesting she had leaked the news in an effort to “bury” him. Swift later covered the song during a concert, and Harris said he felt “blessed” to have worked with her. WINNER: SWIFT

Mike Pence vs. Hamilton The Vice President–elect was booed while attending the Broadway hit, then received a message from the cast: “We, sir—we are the diverse America who are alarmed and anxious that your new Administration will not protect us.” Trump later spent days tweeting insults at Hamilton, but Pence said he was not offended. WINNER: DRAW


Time December 19, 2016

After Swift denied that Kanye West had called her to approve a song lyric in which he refers to her as a “bitch”—and then publicly chastised West for doing so—Kardashian West released audio of the phone call via Snapchat, prompting social-media users to throw a #TaylorSwiftIsOverParty. WINNER: KARDASHIAN WEST

Lilly King vs. Yulia Efimova In Rio, U.S. swimmer King made headlines for saying she was “not a fan” of her Russian rival Efimova, who had used performance-enhancing drugs in the past. Efimova fought back, but King emerged victorious in the pool: she took gold in the 100-m breaststroke, while Efimova took silver. WINNER: KING

Kelly Ripa vs. Michael Strahan After Strahan reportedly blindsided his Live! co-host by announcing he was leaving the show for Good Morning America, Ripa did not show up for work the next day, sparking rumors of a serious rift. However, Ripa kept things polite during Strahan’s send-off. “On behalf of myself and all of us, we couldn’t be prouder of you,” she said. WINNER: DRAW

J.K. Rowling vs. Natalie McGarry After Scottish parliament member McGarry erroneously accused the Harry Potter author of defending “abusive misogynist trolls” on Twitter, Rowling demanded an apology. At first, McGarry doubled down. Later she admitted to making a “misguided inference” based on one of Rowling’s old tweets and apologized. WINNER: ROWLING

S W I F T, K A R D A S H I A N W E S T, T R U M P, K E L LY, K I N G , E F I M O VA , S W I F T A N D H A R R I S , R I PA , S T R A H A N , P E N C E , R O W L I N G : G E T T Y I M A G E S; M C G A R R Y: Z U M A

The President-elect repeatedly slammed the Fox News anchor after she asked him about his misogynistic comments during the first GOP primary debate, at one point suggesting there was “blood coming out of her wherever.” Kelly hit back, then later persuaded Trump to sit for an interview on her first prime-time TV special. WINNER: DRAW

Taylor Swift vs. Kim Kardashian West

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2016 the year in









Pepe the Frog

The fringe comic character, created by artist Matt Furie in 2005, was already a popular Internet meme. But this year Pepe became ubiquitous as the mascot of the alt right movement, which used him in racist, profane social-media posts. In September, the Anti-Defamation League officially declared Pepe a “hate symbol.”

The hit mobile game Pokémon Go used augmented reality to fill city streets and suburban cul-de-sacs with these virtual monsters (including Pikachu), which players could “catch” for perks. Although detractors called the game dangerous and distracting, it became a phenomenon. 7


Harley Quinn Margot Robbie’s twisted ringleader helped bring Suicide Squad $325 million at the box office—and her vexed coupling with the Joker (Jared Leto) catalyzed a debate over abuse and trauma in relationships. Perhaps more impactful still was her look, as Harley Quinn was the year’s top Halloween costume.



Ryan Reynolds’ obscene superhero brought flair, irony and rudeness to the corny, earnest world of comic-book movies, breathing new life into a tired genre. Audiences were clearly ready: Deadpool helped Deadpool score the biggest opening weekend for an R-rated film in U.S. history.


Time December 19, 2016

Joanne the Scammer

The popularity of Branden Miller’s drag alter ego—who gained legions of fans by bragging on Twitter and Instagram about faux exploits such as “robbery” and “fraud”— showed the power of the Internet to elevate niche comedy, especially from nonwhite and queer creators.


Elena Ferrante

The reveal of the author’s putative “real” identity as Anita Raja— which happened a month before the release of a major collection of her writing—raised urgent questions about authorship and privacy rights of the famous.



Daenerys Targaryen

As she charged toward Westeros, the oppressed but resilient star of Game of Thrones (played by Emilia Clarke) felt like a heroine worth rooting for—and her revolutionary style of destroying the patriarchy drew comparisons to a real-life would-be ruler: Hillary Clinton.


People loved Rio’s cartoon Olympic mascot—until a real jaguar was subbed in and then killed after exhibiting threatening behavior during a torch-relay event. The incident fueled a debate over the ethics of keeping animals in captivity.

P E P E : YO U T U B E ; B A R B I E : M AT T E L ; B A R B : N E T F L I X ; P O K É M O N : N I N T E N D O ; TA R G A R Y E N : H B O ; J O A N N E T H E S C A M M E R , G I N G A : G E T T Y I M A G E S; D E A D P O O L , Q U I N N : E V E R E T T

The 57-year-old doll, long identified by her impossibly lithe physique, reinvented herself in 2016, when Mattel introduced several new body types (including curvy and petite) in an effort to boost sales—and to set a more inclusive beauty standard for Barbie’s millions of young female fans.

The surprise star of Netflix’s Stranger Things (played by Shannon Purser) was a dowdy dork in her brief onscreen life, but after a supernatural demise became a symbol for misfits everywhere, inspiring memes and hashtags like #WeAreBarb.


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2016 in the arena

enemies in Cuba and Iran—gestures that will eventually pay off, I believe— and most important, he was confident that our ways will prevail over Islamic extremism (just ask any man or woman in Mosul how they felt about ISIS rule). Some other political Teddys: to Jeb Bush for running the Republican equivalent of the Clinton campaign, stuffed with great policy ideas … to BY JOE KLEIN John Kasich, for running with his heart on his sleeve … to Bernie Sanders, for It Isn’t easy to bestow awards for polItIcal courage giving young people something to care in an election year—and it’s near impossible after a campaign about and, postelection, for speaking like the one we’ve just experienced, which set a sad new stanout against identity politics. And in a dard for ugliness and mendacity. But as an eternal optimist, major break with tradition, I’d like to I proceed with my annual chore and will even say something bestow a prospective pair of Teddys to nice about Donald Trump, who ran the most disgraceful Senators Chuck Schumer and Lamar presidential campaign that I can remember— Alexander, who will have the difficult but, in the course of which, took several positask of reforming—the Republicans tions athwart the traditions of the Republican will call it “replacing”—Obamacare. Party. He supported gay rights and admitted Both are good men, members of that the war in Iraq was a mistake. Granted, the Senate’s sanity caucus, and I these were positions that had long been obvipredict they’ll find a way to get this ous to a majority of Americans, but not to the difficult job done. GOP. He defied evangelicals on the gay-rights And Teddys go to another issue (and also in his support for Planned Parnot the man who points out how unlikely pair: William Kristol enthood) and still won their votes. the strong man stumbles or where and William Galston, who have I wish I could say that Hillary Clinton had the doer of deeds could have done disagreed about many things over similar moments of courage, moments when them better. The credit belongs the years but now agree that there is she defied her party’s entrenched base, but to the man who is actually in a need for a new center movement, she didn’t. She must receive credit, however, the arena, whose face is marred mindful of tradition, stability and for her seriousness, for the honorable detail by dust and sweat and blood, accountability, free from the excesses of her policy papers—roundly ignored in a who strives valiantly, who errs, of left and right. Along those same year when the size of hands loomed larger who comes up short again and lines, courageous work was done than the size of budgets. There are still again ... who spends himself in this year by the conservative writers important things she can do for our country. a worthy cause; who, at the best, who boldly opposed Trump, for all I hope she finds a new role in the arena, after knows, in the end, the triumph the right reasons, and will now pay a suitable time to rest, reflect and wipe off the of high achievement; and who at the consequences of being shut off blood and dust. the worst, if he fails, at least fails from a Republican Administration: while daring greatly.” Pete Wehner and David Brooks of I’ll have more to say about Barack the New York Times, Bret Stephens — T E D DY RO O S E V E LT Obama elsewhere in these pages, but there of the Wall Street Journal and Mike are two important achievements of the PresiGerson of the Washington Post, dent’s time in office that need to be acknowlamong others. edged. One is the stimulus plan he fought I’ve covered 11 presidential for and passed in 2009, which prevented a depression and campaigns, which is more than enough. responsibly laid the groundwork for the economic recovery This one was my last. I’d like to thank my we’re now experiencing. (Those Democrats who believe that editors—Nancy Gibbs, Michael Duffy the 2016 election was lost only because of economand Michael Scherer—for giving me the ics are deluding themselves; it was lost because of freedom to speak my mind, and you, tribalism.) And overseas, Obama made some misdear readers, for your tolerance of my takes, but he got the big things right: he was not oft-cranky centrism. It has been a arrogant, he was not bellicose, he reached out to privilege to serve you. •

The Teddy Awards, even in a year that set new lows for politicians






2016 person of the year


T This is The 90Th Time we have named The person who had the greatest influence, for better or worse, on the events of the year. So which is it this year: Better or worse? The challenge for Donald Trump is how profoundly the country disagrees about the answer. It’s hard to measure the scale of his disruption. This real estate baron and casino owner turned reality-TV star and provocateur—never a day spent in public office, never a debt owed to any interest besides his own—now surveys the smoking ruin of a vast political edifice that once housed parties, pundits, donors, pollsters, all those who did not see him coming or take him seriously. Out of this reckoning, Trump is poised to preside, for better or worse.


For those who believe this is all for the better, Trump’s victory represents a long-overdue rebuke to an entrenched and arrogant governing class; for those who see it as for the worse, the destruction extends to cherished norms of civility and discourse, a politics poisoned by vile streams of racism, sexism, nativism. To his believers, he delivers change—broad, deep, historic change, not modest measures doled out in Dixie cups; to his detractors, he inspires fear both for what he may do and what may be done in his name. The revolution he stirred feels fully American, with its echoes of populists past, of Andrew Jackson and Huey Long and, at its most sinister, Joe McCarthy and Charles Coughlin. Trump’s assault on truth and logic, far from hurting him, made him stronger. His appeal—part hope, part snarl—dissolved party lines and dispatched the two reigning dynasties of U.S. politics. Yet his victory mirrors the ascent of nationalists across the world, from Britain to the Philippines, and taps forces far more powerful than one man’s message. We can scarcely grasp what our generation has wrought by putting a supercomputer into all of our hands, all of the time. If you are reading this, whether on a page or a screen, there is a very good chance that you are caught up in a revolution that may have started with enticing gadgets but has now reshaped everything about how we live, love, work, play, shop, share—how our very hearts and minds encounter the world around us. Why would we have imagined that our national conversation would simply go on as before, same people, same promises, same patterns? Perhaps the President-elect will stop tweeting—but only because he will have found some other means to tell the story he wants to tell directly to the audience that wants to hear it.












































Each square represents an electoral vote in the 2016 presidential election


t h e

d i v i d e d

s t a t e s

It turned out to be a failing strategy when Hillary Clinton, who loves policy solutions and believes in them, tried to make this race a character test, a referendum on Trump. But it was certainly understandable. He presented so many challenges, so many choices about what America values. Her popular-vote victory, while legally irrelevant, affirmed the prospect of a female Commander in Chief. In fact, she crushed Trump among voters who cared most about experience and judgment and temperament, qualities that have typically mattered when choosing the leader of the free world. Even at his moment of victory, 6 in 10 voters had an unfavorable view of Trump and didn’t think he was qualified to be President. But by almost 2 to 1, voters cared most about who could deliver change, and in that category he beat her by 68 points. This is his next test. The year 2016 was the year of his rise; 2017 will be the year of his rule, and like all newly elected leaders, he has a chance to fulfill promises and defy expectations. His supporters and his critics will discover together how much of what he said he actually believes. In the days after the election, everything

o f

a m e r i c a

was negotiable: the wall became a fence, “Crooked Hillary” is “good people,” and maybe climate change is worth thinking about. Far from draining the swamp, he fed plums to some of its biggest gators. Were his followers alarmed? The critics were hardly reassured: nearly half of Americans expect race relations to worsen, and many women fear that his ascent comes directly at their expense. Trump prefers to talk about the alienated workers who flocked to his rallies and believed a billionaire could be their tribune—“I love them and they love me”—and avers that his every action will be on their behalf. But can he devise a New Deal for workers in the age of automation, renegotiate trade deals and reopen factories while simultaneously elevating many of the same people who profit from the trends he denounced? For reminding America that demagoguery feeds on despair and that truth is only as powerful as the trust in those who speak it, for empowering a hidden electorate by mainstreaming its furies and live-streaming its fears, and for framing tomorrow’s political culture by demolishing yesterday’s, Donald Trump is TIME’s 2016 Person of the Year. 45


E EvEn for DonalD Trump, ThE DisTancE is sTill fun to think about, up here in his penthouse 600 ft. in the sky, where it’s hard to make out the regular people below. The ice skaters swarming Central Park’s Wollman Rink look like old-television static, and the Fifth Avenue holiday shoppers could be mites in a gutter. To even see this view, elevator operators, who spend their days standing in place, must push a button marked 66–68, announcing all three floors of Trump’s princely pad. Inside, staff members wear cloth slipcovers on their shoes, so as not to scuff the ▷ President-elect Trump in the living room of his three-story penthouse on the 66th floor of Trump Tower in New York City on Nov. 28 PHOTOGRAPHS BY NADAV KANDER FOR TIME


2016 person of the year


The former head of Breitbart, Stephen Bannon has pushed for a darker, more divisive populism, publishing articles that stirred racial animus. He will be a senior adviser at the White House.



A devout evangelical Christian and a former leader in the U.S. House, Vice President–elect Mike Pence will help Trump navigate the agendas of conservative lawmakers and activists.

shiny marble or stain the plush cream carpets. This is, in short, not a natural place to refine the common touch. It’s gilded and gaudy, a dreamscape of faded tapestry, antique clocks and fresco-style ceiling murals of gym-rat Greek gods. The throw pillows carry the Trump shield, and the paper napkins are monogrammed with the family name. His closest neighbors, at least at this altitude, are an international set of billionaire moguls who have decided to stash their money at One57 and 432 Park, the two newest skyscrapers to remake midtown Manhattan. There is no tight-knit community in the sky, no paperboy or postman, no bowling over brews after work. And yet here Trump resides, under dripping crystal, with diamond cuff links, as the President-elect of the United States of America. The Secret Service agents milling about prove that it really happened, this election result few saw coming. Hulking and serious, they gingerly try to stay on the marble, avoiding the carpets with their uncovered shoes. On his wife Melania’s desk, next to books of Gianni Versace’s fashions and Elizabeth Taylor’s jewelry, a new volume sits front and center: The White House: Its Historic Furnishings and First Families. For all of Trump’s public life, tastemakers and intellectuals have dismissed him as a vulgarian and carnival barker, a showman with big flash and little substance. But what those critics never understood was that their disdain gave him strength. For years, he fed off the disrespect and used it to grab more tabloid headlines, to connect to common people. Now he has upended the leadership of both major political parties and effectively shifted the political direction of the international order. He will soon command history’s most lethal military, along with economic levers that can change the lives of billions. And the people he has to thank are those he calls “the forgotten,” millions of American voters who get paid by the hour in shoes that will never touch these carpets—working folk, regular Janes and Joes, the dots in the distance. It’s a topic Trump wants to discuss as he settles down in his dining room, with its two-story ceiling and marble table the length of a horseshoe pitch: the winning margins he achieved in West Virginia coal country, the rally crowds that swelled on Election Day, what he calls that “interesting thing,” the contradiction at the core of his appeal. “What amazes a lot of people is that I’m sitting in an apartment the likes of which nobody’s ever seen,” the next President says, smiling. “And yet I represent the workers of the world.” The late Fidel Castro would probably spit out his cigar if he heard that one—a billionaire who branded excess claiming the slogans of the proletariat. But Trump doesn’t care. “I’m representing them, and they love me and I love them,” he continues, talking 49

2016 person of the year

about the people of Wisconsin, Michigan, Ohio and Pennsylvania, the struggling Rust Belt necklace around the Great Lakes that delivered his victory. “And here we sit, in very different circumstances.”

THE LAST, GREATEST DEAL For nearly 17 monThs on The campaign Trail, Trump did what no American politician had attempted in a generation, with defiant flair. Instead of painting a bright vision for a unified future, he magnified the divisions of the present, inspiring new levels of anger and fear within his country. Whatever you think of the man, this much is undeniable: he uncovered an opportunity others didn’t believe existed, the last, greatest deal for a 21st century salesman. The national press, the late-night comics, the elected leaders, the donors, the corporate chiefs and a sitting President who prematurely dropped his mic—they all believed he was just taking the country for a ride. Now it’s difficult to count all the ways Trump remade the game: the huckster came off more real than the scripted political pros. The cable-news addict made pollsters look like chumps. The fabulist out-shouted journalists fighting to separate fact from falsehood. The demagogue won more Latino and black votes than the 2012 Republican nominee. Trump found a way to woo white evangelicals by historic margins, even winning those who attend religious services every week. Despite boasting on video of sexually assaulting women, he still found a way to win white females by 9 points. As a champion of federal entitlements for the poor, tariffs on China and health care “for everybody,” he dominated among self-described conservatives. In a country that seemed to be bending toward its demographic future, with many straining to finally step outside the darker cycles of history, he proved that tribal instincts never die, that in times of economic strife and breakneck social change, a charismatic leader could still find the enemy within and rally the masses to his side. In the weeks after his victory, hundreds of incidents of harassment, many using his name— against women, Muslims, immigrants and racial minorities—were reported across the country. The starting point for his success, which can be measured with just tens of thousands of votes, was the most obvious recipe in politics. He identified the central issue motivating the American electorate and then convinced a plurality of the voters in the states that mattered that he was the best person to bring change. “The greatest jobs theft in the history of the world” was his cause, “I alone can fix it” his unlikely selling point, “great again” his rallying cry. Since the bungled Iraq War faded into the rearview mirror, there has been only one defining issue in American presidential politics, spanning 50

Time December 19, 2016


After serving as Republican chair during the chaotic campaign, Reince Priebus will become Trump’s first White House chief of staff, acting as a bridge to the Washington establishment.


A former resident of one of Trump’s buildings, pollster Kellyanne Conway became his campaign manager in August. She is known for her blunt advice, sometimes through TV appearances.



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2016 person of the year

party and ideology. It’s the reason Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren thunders that “the system is rigged” by the banks, and Vermont’s Bernie Sanders got so much traction denouncing the greed of “millionaires and billionaires.” It’s what Marco Rubio meant when he said, “We are losing the American Dream,” and why Jeb Bush claimed everyone has a “right to rise.” President Barack Obama identified it early, back in 2005, as a newly elected Senator delivering a commencement speech at tiny Knox College in Galesburg, Ill. Obama’s hymn to “the forgotten” was his ticket to the White House. “You know what this new challenge is. You’ve seen it,” he said. “The fact that when you drive by the old Maytag plant around lunchtime, no one walks out anymore ... It’s as if someone changed the rules in the middle of the game and no one bothered to tell these folks.” As Obama explained it, the American promise was being put up on cinder blocks, buttressed by TRUMP’S PERCENTAGE-POINT U.S. INCOME GROWTH, massive economic forces.2007–13 His vow, VICTORY WITHIN THESE GROUPS repeated in his final 30-minute-long television ad in0%2008, was change for Those who say bringing change is the struggling, help for those who +68 the most important candidate quality needed it, security for the ones who felt themselves slipping. Four years later, –2 White men with no +48 college education he would return to the same playbook to defeat Mitt Romney, casting the Say the country is +42 on the wrong track Republican nominee as an obtuse –4 Lowerprivate-equity moneybags aiming Say international middle trade takes away +32 to bankrupt Detroit. A quote pulled class U.S. jobs from a focus group—“I’m working Say the economy is +31 –6 behind”—became harder and falling in poor condition POOREST the watchwords of Obama’s 2012 re-RICHEST White women +9 U.S. INCOME DISTRIBUTION elect, hung on walls and placed atop PowerPoints. He had identified the Trump wooed voters who Incomes have stagnated or issue, and as longfallen as his name was on The were looking for change— since the recession. the ballot, no one lower-middle could beat him. particularly economic change class has been that would yield more amongfully the hardest hit, which But Obama never delivered manufacturing jobs has widened the income gap the prosperity he promised. There was certainly help on the margins, slowing cost growth for health care and providing insurance to millions, for example. He started some pilot projects for manufacturing hubs, increased incomes marginally in the past couple of years and led the nation to recover from a vicious recession, with the federal government directly creating or saving millions of jobs. An unemployment rate that peaked at 10% in October 2009 has been halved to 4.6% now, at the end of his term. But the great weather systems of global change continued under his watch. Ultimately, he grew resigned to the Sources: CNN; U.S. Election Atlas; AP; fact that there was only so much he could do in office. Global Inequality: The most recently available data tells the A New Approach for the Age of Globalization remarkable story: between 2001 and 2012, the (figures updated median incomes of households headed by people for TIME by author Branko Milanovic) without college degrees—nearly two-thirds of all 54

Time December 19, 2016

homes—fell as they aged, according to research by Robert Shapiro, an economist who advised Bill Clinton’s 1992 campaign. As American productivity and gross domestic product grew in the first decade of the new century, median wages for all Americans broke away, effectively flatlining. Most Americans making less than the median income, but not so little as to qualify for poverty benefits, suffered income losses of about 5% between 2007 and 2013, according to research by Branko Milanovic, a former World Bank economist. If you lived in the nation’s great cities or held a college degree, you probably didn’t feel the full fury of these forces. Average income declines for top earners were closer to 1% during the postrecession years. Global change is tricky that way. It enriches those in the developed world who can handle bits and bytes, create something new or sell their work at a distance. And it elevates the fortunes of the global poor, largely in Asia, pushing about a billion people from poverty into the beginnings of aU.S. new China-led middle class. POPULATION THAT But for the working men women of developed IS and FOREIGN-BORN countries, many of whom had made good livings in the 20th century, the 15% price of others’ success could be seen all around, in peeling house paint and closed 13.3% storefronts, in towns that went belly-up when one of the two big employers closed shop. The pressures pushed across the 10 Atlantic Ocean. The size of the middle classes, as measured by those who earn 25% above or below the median income, dropped in the U.S. from the 1980s to 5 2013. It also dropped in Spain and Germany, the Netherlands and the U.K. It is no accident that all those countries now find themselves in the midst of political upheaval as well. 0 shifts are more complex than The reasons for the 1860 1900 1950 2000 ’14 the simple offshoring of manufacturing plants to Mexico or China. GlobalUnlike tradethe andEuropean new technology also pressure wagesimmigrant on jobs beyond assembly booms ofthe the early line. When combined with health-insurance 20thrising century, today’s immigrants are largely from costs and incessant shareholder demands, compaAmerica and Asia nies found themselves Latin unable or unwilling to give raises. Automation also accelerated as factories turned to robots, checkout lines retooled with selfoperated terminals, and engineers developed selfdriving trucks and taxis. Political gridlock in Washington, and the mild austerity it created, weighed everything down.

‘I HOPED FOR CHANGE AND NEVER SAW IT’ BuT properly diagnosing The proBlem doesn’t help much if you live in a place that has taken it on the chin. In Shiawassee County, Michigan, which sits like a pit stop between Flint and Lansing, Obama won comfortably in 2008 and by a narrow margin in 2012. Then Trump tromped to victory this year with a 20-point margin. Rick Mengel, a 69-yearold retired pipe fitter, was one of the union members




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2016 person of the year

who voted for the young Illinois Senator in 2008, after seeing him promise to renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement, which Obama once called “devastating” and a “big mistake.” “I hoped for change and never saw it,” Mengel says of the Obama years. “I watched jobs go away, and any jobs that came in were at McDonald’s. I’m not knocking McDonald’s, but it’s a starter job. It doesn’t make the car or house payments.” When a friend bought him a make america GreaT aGain hat this year, Mengel took to wearing it everywhere he went. He never believed the polls that said Hillary Clinton would carry Michigan, because he can’t remember ever sitting down with a group of five or six people and finding more than one for her. “Hillary came along and she just never said what she was going to do,” Mengel explains. “She just talked bad about Trump.” Such voices were easy to find in central Michigan, northeast Pennsylvania and western Wisconsin in the days after the election. Here were historically Democratic counties that Obama had won twice, only to see Trump then win comfortably. They are mostly white parts of the country, with struggling Main Streets and low college-graduation rates, where the local beauty salons do better business than the car dealers. They are places where people start their life stories by recounting the good-paying jobs their grandparents held, or the longgone second homes up on the lake where they used to play as kids. In the 1970s, the bumper stickers on trucks in Prairie du Chien, Wis., would read Live BeTTer. Work Union. Now the sign in the local Walmart says, Save money. Live BeTTer. Joseph Dougherty, a former Democratic mayor of Nanticoke, Pa. who manages an automotive paint store, switched his voter registration this year for Trump. He was one of many in Luzerne County, a gorgeous river valley of rolling hills and former coal mines, who had lost patience. Trump cleared 78,000 votes in these hills, 20,000 more than Romney. “The Democratic Party forgot about its base. It’s all less for us and more for someone else,” Dougherty said, explaining how he could betray the party he was born into. “People are tired of surviving. People want to go on vacation, improve their home, get a better car, invest in their children’s future.” Economists looking at the voting patterns since Election Day have been able to draw clear correlations between the local effects of international trade and voter angst. In counties where Chinese imports



Time December 19, 2016

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In an interview with TIME, President-elect Donald Trump laid out his plans for saving American jobs and discussed his views on leadership and how Americans want to view their President. K E E P I N G J O B S I N T H E U . S . “I have calls in to three other companies that are leaving. They’re not going to leave. They can leave, but we’re not going to allow people to rip off the American worker anymore. As a private individual, there was nothing I could do except talk about it on CNBC or wherever I was interviewed. But now we can do something about it.” M A N U F A C T U R I N G “I said to Tim Cook, it’s my ambition to get Apple to build a great plant, your biggest and your best, even if it’s only a foot by a foot bigger than some place in China.” T A X B R E A K S “I’m going to create jobs. I care more for the workers. But the jobs are produced by companies. My love is for the workers. Not necessarily the companies. The companies are the vehicle to get the workers to work, to get the worker working, to get them jobs.” L E A D E R S H I P “A great leader is a [New England Patriots] Coach Bill Belichick. I guarantee you he deals with different people in a different way. He’ll deal with Tom Brady differently than he’s going to deal with some rookie that just came in, and they don’t know whether or not he’s going to make it. It’s a different form of leadership.” W E A L T H “Others try to hide their wealth. I mean, I could tell you other candidates that have money, they’ll go around and they’ll get into a bad car just before they get to a rally. I don’t believe in that. I don’t believe in that. Because I think aspiration’s a very important word.” HIS RELATIONSHIP WITH RUSSIA “Every time I did something, they’d say, ‘Oh, he did that because of Russia.’ They tried to make it that because— they tried to build up my relationship to Russia. Which is really nonexistent, other than I think I’ll get along with [Vladimir] Putin and I think we’re going to—I think getting along with Putin and getting along with Russia’s a good thing, not a bad thing.”

The hair dryer re-thought

2016 person of the year

grew between 2002 and 2014, the vote for Trump increased over the vote George W. Bush won in 2000. For every percentage-point increase in imports, the economists found an average 2-point increase for the Republican nominee. In some places, the shift was even steeper. In Branch County, Michigan, near the Indiana border, about halfway between Detroit and Chicago, a 3% increase in Chinese imports coincided with an 11% bump for Trump over Bush. The message of renewed protectionism, new tariffs and scrapped trade agreements broke through. “His approach was much more visceral,” says David Autor, a Massachusetts Institute of Technology economist, who co-authored the study. “He seemed to say, ‘We don’t have to adapt to globalization. We can reverse it.’” It’s hard to find any trained economist who believes that’s possible, at least in the terms Trump uses. The supply chains are too broadly dispersed, the pricing efficiencies too embedded in ourU.S. lives, the robots U.S. INCOME GROWTH, POPULATION THAT too cost-effective. Then there are the 2007–13 IS FOREIGN-BORN dangers of massive disruption, the 0% unquantifiable15% costs of trade wars, or the actual wars that could follow.13.3% But Trump’s improvement on Obama’s sales pitch was never about –2 the details. He10communicated on a deeper level, something he has done all his life. His was not a campaign about –4 Lowerthe effects of tariffs on the price of 5 middle batteries or basketball shoes. He spoke class only of winning and losing, us and –6 them, the strong and the weak. Trump 0 tabloids, a master POOREST RICHEST is a student of the 1860 1900 1950 2000 ’14 U.S. INCOME DISTRIBUTION of television. He had moonlighted as a professional wrestler. He knew how Incomes have stagnated or Unlike the European to win the crowd. First hebooms needed to early fallen since the recession. The immigrant of the define the bad guys.20th Then he needed lower-middle class has been century, today’s among the hardest hit, which immigrants are largely from to knock them over. has widened the income gap

Latin America and Asia

THE PRESIDENCY AS IMPROV On Dec. 1, jusT weeks afTer his vicTOry, Trump traveled to Indiana to announce that United Technologies, the 45th largest company in the country, had agreed to his demands and would retain 800 Carrier manufacturing jobs in Indianapolis. This mostly fulfilled a campaign promise he had made after the factory became national news when video shot inside showed the despair of workers discovering their work was headed to Mexico. “Companies are not going to leave the United States anymore without consequences,” he declared at the plant. Three days earlier, Trump met with TIME in his towering dining room. The Carrier deal was basically done, thanks to a mixture of $7 million in state tax breaks, presidential threats and promises of tax 60

Time December 19, 2016





Finland The Netherlands

1980s 2013

Germany Canada U.K. Spain


32% 27%

The U.S. middle class has fallen to 27% of the population, while lower and upper classes have grown. The trend is seen in many advanced countries


T H O M A S A N D E R I CA M C TAG U E , 3 8 A N D 3 3 , P LY M O U T H , PA .

Thomas, a police officer, and Erica, a hairstylist, voted largely on economic issues. “Go back 60, 70 years and this area had industry and people had good jobs,” he says. “When Trump talked about getting rid of all this free-trade stuff, he brought to life the way this country should be going.” 61

2016 person of the year


A fourth-generation resident, Kalinowski says he foresaw Trump’s victory early. “I think people saw us as hicks with pitchforks,” the local reporter says. “But the Trump supporters in this community are small-business owners, firefighters, correctional officers—good people trying to take care of their families.”

and regulatory reform. But it was still a secret. His running mate, former Indiana governor Mike Pence, declined to discuss the deal when a reporter ran into him in Trump’s high-rise kitchen. But Trump could not stop himself. “I’m going to give you this off the record,” he said. “You can use it if they announce.” For both conservative and liberal ideologues, including Sarah Palin and Bernie Sanders, the deal Trump struck with Carrier was an abomination, an example of government using taxpayer money to pick winners and losers. But as Trump told the story in his tower, ideology had nothing to do with it. This was just another tale of a little guy getting his voice heard. “So the other night, I’m watching the news,” 62

Trump began. NBC’s Lester Holt had introduced a segment on the Carrier plant featuring a union representative and a plant worker talking in a bar. The man looked at the camera and spoke to Trump, saying, “We want you to do what you said you were going to do.” Trump claimed this shocked him: “I said, I never said they weren’t going to move, to myself.” But of course he had, as the news segment demonstrated. So Trump says he had no choice. He had to listen to his people. “He energized me, that man,” the President-elect explained. “And I called up the head of United Technologies.” Shortly after he spoke those words, Reince Priebus, the next White House chief of staff, walked into the room. With the tape recorders rolling, Trump

C A S E Y V O S S , 3 6 , A N D D A U G H T E R S I D N E Y, 1 6 , O W O S S O , M I C H .

A beauty-salon owner, Casey voted for Trump because he promised change, the same reason she voted for Barack Obama in 2008. “I’m scared about every dollar that comes into my business. I’m scared about what that means in Obamacare, in taxes,” she says. “Every single thing happening to me is out of my control.”

began to issue new instructions. “Hey, Reince, I want to get a list of companies that have announced they’re leaving,” he called out. “I can call them myself. Five minutes apiece. They won’t be leaving. O.K.?” He was talking as if he had just realized—at that moment, in the middle of an interview—that he had the power to do what he promised to do on the campaign trail. But it was just a show. At that point, Trump had already had a similar talk with Bill Ford of Ford Motor Co., and he boasted of putting out three other calls out to corporations with outsourcing plans. This is the presidency as improv, as performance art, with good guys, bad guys and suspense. It’s a new thing for the United States of America. The report-

ers in the room, the voters who will read this article, the nation, the world—we are the audience. A quick study who grew up in Kenosha, Wis., Priebus is far too Midwestern to be mistaken for a showman. But he got what Trump was trying to do, and smiled. “It worked for you last time,” he told the boss.

MISSING THE MESSAGE History will record tHat clinton foresaw the economic forces that allowed Trump to win. What she and her team never fully understood was the depth of the populism Trump was peddling, the idea that the elites were arrayed against regular people, and that he, the great man, the strong man, the 63

2016 person of the year

D A R R Y L W I M B L E Y, 4 8 , S A G I N A W, M I C H .

After two decades as a car salesman, Wimbley hopes to franchise his hot dog–stand business. This year was the first time he voted for a Republican President over a Democrat. “America is a business. It is not a soup kitchen,” he says. “I have made a lot of money for other people. It is time I make it for myself.” 64

offensive man, the disruptive man, the entertaining man, could remake the physics of an election. “You cannot underestimate the role of the backlash against political correctness—the us vs. the elite,” explains Kellyanne Conway, who worked as Trump’s final campaign manager. His previous campaign chairman, Paul Manafort, put it somewhat more delicately: “We always felt comfortable that when people were criticizing him for being so outspoken, the American voters were hearing him too.” In June 2015, Clinton’s pollster Joel Benenson laid out the state of the country in a private memo to senior staff that was later released to the public by WikiLeaks. The picture of voters was much the same as the one he had described to Obama in 2008 and 2012. “When they look to the future, they see growing obstacles, but nobody having their back,” Benenson wrote. “They can’t keep up; they work hard but can’t move ahead.” The top priority he listed for voters was “protecting American jobs here at home.” That message anchored the launch of Clinton’s campaign, and it was woven through her three debate performances. But in the closing weeks, she shifted to something else. No presidential candidate in American history had done or said so many outlandish and offensive things as Trump. He cheered when protesters got hit at his rallies, used sexist insults for members of the press, argued that an American judge should be disqualified from a case because of his Mexican heritage. He would tell an allegory about Muslim refugees entering the U.S. that cast those families fleeing violence as venomous snakes, waiting to sink their fangs into “tenderhearted” women. And he would match those stories with bloody tales of undocumented immigrants from Mexico who murdered Americans in cold blood. “His disregard for the values that make our country great is profoundly dangerous,” Clinton argued. His rhetoric had in fact opened up a new public square, where racists and misogynists could boast of their views and claim themselves validated. And to further enrage many Americans, Trump regularly peddled falsehoods, without offering any evidence, and then refused to back down from his claims. He promised to sue the dozen women who came forward to say they had been sexually mistreated by him over the years. He said he might not accept the outcome of the election if it did not go his way. He described a crime wave gripping the country based on a selective reading of statistics. For a Clinton campaign aiming to re-create



2016 person of the year

Obama’s winning coalitions, all of this proved too large a target to pass up. Clinton had proved to be a subpar campaigner, so with the FBI restarting and reclosing a criminal investigation into her email habits, her closing message focused on a moral argument about Trump’s character. “Our core values are being tested in this election,” she said in Philadelphia, the night before the election. “We know enough about my opponent. We know who he is. The real question for us is what kind of country we want to be.” The strategy worked, in a way. Clinton got about 2.5 million more votes than Trump, and on Election Day, more than 6 in 10 voters told exit pollsters that Trump lacked the temperament for the job of President. But the strategy also placed Clinton too far away from the central issue in the nation: the steady decline of the American standard of living. She lost the places that mattered most. “There’s a difference for voters between what offends you and what SHIFT IN MARGIN OF affects you,” Conway helpfully VICTORY BY PARTY B E T W E E N 2 0 1 2 A N D 2 0 16 explained after it was over. Stanley Greenberg, the opinionresearch guru for Bill Clinton in 1992, put out a poll around Election Day and found clear evidence that Clinton’s decision to divert her message from the economy in the final weeks cost her the decisive vote in the Rust Belt. “The data does not support the idea that the MORE REP. MORE DEM. white working class was inevitably lost,” Greenberg wrote, “until the Many Rust Belt counties of the Clinton campaign stopped talking Midwest that had voted for about economic change and asked Obama or that had narrowly people to vote for unity, temperament voted for Romney in 2012 and experience, and to continue overwhelmingly supported Trump in 2016 on President Obama’s progress.” Interestingly, Greenberg said turnout among young, minority and unmarried female voters also decreased when the economic message Obama had used fell away.

ANECDOTE, NOT ANALYSIS The irony of This conclusion is profound. By seeking to condemn the dark side of politics, Clinton’s campaign may have accidently validated it. By believing in the myth that Obama’s election represented a permanent shift for the nation, they proved it was ephemeral. In the end, Trump reveled in these denunciations, which helped him market to his core supporters his determination to smash the existing elite. After the election, Trump’s campaign CEO Stephen Bannon—the former head of a website known for stirring racial animus and provoking liberal outrage—explained it simply. 66

Time December 19, 2016

“Darkness is good,” he told the Hollywood Reporter. This is the method of a demagogue. The more the elites denounced his transgressions, the more his growing movement felt validated. Shortly after the campaign, Trump tweeted that 3 million votes had been cast illegally on Nov. 8, a false claim for which he has offered no hard evidence. But when asked about it in his penthouse, he seems eager to talk about the controversy he stirred. “I’ve seen many, many complaints,” he says. “Tremendous numbers of complaints.” In the dining room, a TIME reporter reads to Trump one of Obama’s oft-stated quotes about trying to appeal to the country’s better angels and to fight its tribal instincts. Trump promptly stops the interview in its tracks. The human brain is wired for anecdote, not analysis, and Trump’s whole career is a testament to this insight. Even when his business failures mounted, he could always boast about the ratings of his hit reality show, The Apprentice, or that time he finished construction on the Wollman ice rink outside his window. “So let me go upstairs for one second and get you one newspaper article,” he says. “Do you mind if I take a one-second break?” And then he disappears into his living quarters above. He returns a few minutes later with that morning’s copy of Newsday, the Long Island tabloid. The frontpage headline reads, “exTremely ViolenT” GAnG fAcTion, with an article about a surge of local crime by foreign-born assailants. His point, it seems, is that the world is zero-sum, full of the irredeemable killers that Obama’s idealism fails to see. The details are more compelling than any big picture. “They come from Central America. They’re tougher than any people you’ve ever met,” Trump says. “They’re killing and raping everybody out there. They’re illegal. And they are finished.” A reporter mentions that what Trump is saying echoes the rhetoric of Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte, who has overseen the extrajudicial killing of thousands of alleged drug dealers and users in recent months. The President-elect offers no objection to the comparison. “Well, hey, look, this is bad stuff,” he says. “They slice them up, they carve their initials in the girl’s forehead, O.K. What are we supposed to do? Be nice about it?” Days later, Trump will have a phone call with the Philippine President, who called President Obama the “son of a whore” a few months ago. A readout from the Philippine government subsequently announces that during the call, Trump praised Duterte’s deadly drug crackdown as “the right way.”

POPULISM TAKES CENTER STAGE A yeAr from now, when Trump TrAVels To The U.N. to address the world’s leaders, he is likely to

2016 person of the year

S A R A V A S Q U E Z , 2 7 , S A G I N A W, M I C H .

A student who works part-time in retail, Vasquez sees her grandfather as a role model. A migrant farm laborer from Mexico, he died as a U.S. citizen who she says owned a million-dollar home. “I’m all for immigration if it is done legally, and for people wanting to live the American Dream, like my grandfather did,” she says.

find far more sympathy for this hard-edged populism than any thought possible in 2008. Trump is all but rooting for it. “People are proud of their countries, and I think you will see nationalism,” he says, before describing the growing backlash against Muslim migration in France, Belgium and Germany. “A lot of people reject some of the ideas that are being forced on them. And that’s certainly one of the reasons you had this vote, having to do not with the European Union but the same thing.” In this view, Trump will find common cause with Vladimir Putin, the authoritarian President of Russia who, like Trump, seeks to challenge diplomatic and democratic norms. For reasons that remain unclear, Trump still refuses to acknowledge 68

the U.S. intelligence community’s conclusion that Putin’s agencies were responsible for stealing the Democratic National Committee and Clinton campaign emails released on WikiLeaks. “I don’t believe it. I don’t believe they interfered,” Trump says. Asked if he thought the conclusion of America’s spies was politically driven, Trump says, “I think so.” Since the election, Trump has chosen not to consistently make himself available for intelligence briefings, say aides. He has also so far refused to acknowledge established diplomatic boundaries. When the Pakistani government gave a long, apparently verbatim readout of its President’s call with Trump, India’s leaders reacted with strained nerves. Then Trump

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2016 person of the year

accepted a phone call from Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen, intentionally discarding a policy enforced since Jimmy Carter, which prompted an official complaint from China. In response, he sent out a tweet suggesting that such formalities, a bow to Chinese sensibilities, were ridiculous. “Interesting how the U.S. sells Taiwan billions of dollars of military equipment but I should not accept a congratulatory call,” it read. As he proved in the campaign, there are sometimes few negative consequences in politics for offending or painting a false picture of reality. History suggests the same is less true in international relations, where the stakes are not just votes at the ballot box but also the movement of armies and the lives of citizens. Among the tight circle that has formed around Trump, one can sense some unease as they try to navigate a mercurial boss to a successful first term. There is talk of strategies for steering him when he is wrong, for appealing to his own intention to succeed. And Trump himself, true to his reality-show persona, has a history of allowing his staff to fight among themselves for his attention. “If I had to describe his deliberating style, I would say that it’s very similar to Socratic method, just like in law school,” explains Priebus. “He asks a lot of questions, he wants answers to those questions to be thorough and quick, and he relies on the people giving him the answers to be accurate.” Just a day earlier, Conway had gone on television to suggest that picking Romney, an old Trump foe, for Secretary of State was a terrible idea. Some Trump aides told reporters that this amounted to a betrayal of the boss, who had not yet made up his mind. Trump seemed to enjoy the spectacle. “I might not like it, but I thought it was fine,” he says at the dining-room table. “Otherwise I would have called her up.” At the same time, Trump has tried to curtail some of his own bravado since the campaign. The day after the election, Priebus says, Trump told his aides in his apartment, “Guys, I’m for everybody in this country.” Last year, Trump boasted about the great instincts that led him to support forced deportation for all undocumented immigrants and a ban on Muslims from entering the country. He has since backed off both positions. “I mean, I’ve had some bad moments in the campaign,” he says. But then he notes that his poll numbers seemed to rise after several of them, including his insults of Arizona Senator John McCain’s war service.



Time December 19, 2016


A first-time voter who doesn’t consider herself a Democrat or a Republican, Goodin says Trump earned her support by being “a big poster child for change,” adding, “Politicians don’t appeal to us. Clinton would go out of her way to appeal to minorities, immigrants, but she didn’t really for everyday Americans.” 71

2016 person of the year

J O S E P H D O U G H E R T Y, 4 9 , N A N T I C O K E , PA .

A lifelong Democrat and former mayor of his small town, Dougherty became a Republican to vote in the primary for Trump, who he says is more representative of “hardworking, blue collar workers looking for family-sustaining jobs.” Says Dougherty: “We didn’t leave the Democratic Party. The Democratic Party left us.”

Trump claims that his unpredictability will be his strength in office. It certainly has left the political world guessing. He has so far refused to describe how he will separate himself from the conflict of owning a company and employing his children who do regular business with foreigners. On the one hand, he supports a broad policy platform shared by conservatives in Congress: a reduction in regulations, lower taxes, a pull back from the fight against global warming, and a Cabinet filled with free-market ideologues. On the other hand, he has signaled that he is willing to break from Republican doctrine. His designated Treasury Secretary, the former Goldman Sachs banker Steve Mnuchin, has said Trump would back off his campaign suggestion that he would 72

give large net tax windfalls to the wealthiest. “Any reductions we have in upper-income taxes will be offset by less deductions,” Mnuchin said. While Trump offered public words of support for the Iraq War at the time, he sees George W. Bush’s great adventure as a disaster now. He rejects wholesale the social conservative campaign to keep transgender people out of the bathrooms they choose, but promises to reward conservative ideologues with a Supreme Court Justice of their liking. And he has little patience for the organizing principle of the Tea Party: the idea that the federal government must live within its means and lower its debts. Instead, he seems to favor expensive new infrastructure spending and tax cuts as economic stimulus, much

K I M B E R LY W O O D R O S K Y, 5 3 , W I L K E S - B A R R E , PA .

As the daughter of a Teamster and a textile millworker, Woodrosky always thought of her membership in the Democratic Party “as a birthright.” But the real estate investor says Trump and his promise to bring back jobs changed her mind. “He’s a champion for hardworking people like us,” she says.

like Obama did in 2009. “Well, sometimes you have to prime the pump,” he says. “So sometimes in order to get jobs going and the country going, because, look, we’re at 1% growth.” The next day, the thirdquarter gross-domestic-product estimates would be released, showing an increase of 3.2%, up from 1.4% earlier in the year. He also suggests that some stock analysts may have misread his intentions. The value of biotechnology stocks, for example, which enjoy large profit margins under current law, rose 9% in the day after Trump’s election, a rally of relief that the price controls Clinton had proposed would not happen. But Trump says his goal has not wavered. “I’m going to bring down drug prices,” he says. “I

don’t like what has happened with drug prices.” As for the people who were brought to the U.S. illegally as youths and now have work visas under Obama, Trump did not back off his pledge to end Obama’s executive orders. But he made clear he would like to find some future accommodation for them. “We’re going to work something out that’s going to make people happy and proud,” he says, showing a sympathy for young migrants that was often absent during the campaign. “They got brought here at a very young age, they’ve worked here, they’ve gone to school here. Some were good students. Some have wonderful jobs. And they’re in never-never land because they don’t know what’s going to happen.” 73

2016 person of the year


A baker at Meijer, Hines is a member of the United Food and Commercial Workers Union Local 951, which endorsed Clinton. “You weren’t brought into this world to rely on Ms. Suzy down the street to pay for you,” she says of her vote for Trump. “That was what my grandfather instilled in me, and he was a Democrat.” 74





Lowermiddle class


Incomes have stagnated or fallen since the recession. The lower-middle class has been among the hardest hit, which has widened the income gap

TRUMP’S AMERICA, FOR BETTER AND WORSE The TruTh is no one really knows whaT is going to happen, up to and including the occupants of Trump Tower. “It’s a very exciting time. It’s really been an amazing time,” Trump says, as the country still tries to come to terms with what he accomplished. “Hopefully we can take some of the drama out.” That’s not likely to happen anytime soon. Following a President who prided himself on sifting drama through the sieve of careful consideration, Trump’s methods, for better and worse, tend to be closer to the opposite. And this is now Trump’s America to run, a victory made possible either because of historical inevitability or individual brilliance, or some combination of the two. It’s an America with rising stock markets despite the tremors of a trade war. A country where a few jobs saved makes up, in the moment, for the thousands still U.S. POPULATION THAT MIDDLE-CLASS POPULATION This is a land where a man ISdeparting. FOREIGN-BORN AS PERCENTAGE OF COUNTRY POPULATION will stand up in a plane headed to 0 20 40% Allentown, Pa., to demand allegiance 15% Finland to the new leader—“We got some 13.3% Hillary bitches on here? Come on 1980s The man, Trump! He’s your President, Netherlands 2013 10 every goddamn one of you!”—and Germany then get banned by the airline from ever traveling again. It’s where a hijabCanada wearing college student in New York 5 U.K. reports being attacked and jeered at in the next President’s name, where Spain American-born children ask their 0 32% citizen parents if Trump will deport U.S. 1860 1900 1950 2000 ’14 27% them, where white supremacists throw out Nazi salutes in Washington Unlike the European The U.S. middle class has fallen meeting halls forearly their President-elect. immigrant booms of the to 27% of the population, while It’s a country 20th century, today’s where many who lower and upper classes have immigrants are largely from grown. The trend is seen in felt powerless have a new champion, Latin America and Asia many advanced countries where much frustration has given way to excitement and where politics has become the greatest show on earth. Here men in combat helmets and military assault rifles now patrol the streets outside a golden residential tower in midtown Manhattan. And almost every day at about the same time they let pass a street performer who wears no pants, tight white underwear and cowboy boots, so he can sing a song in the lobby for the television cameras with Trump’s name written in red and blue on his butt. It’s an America of renewed hope and paralyzing fear, a country few expected less than a year ago. Because of Donald John Trump, whatever happens next, it will never be like Notes: Canada data from 2010; it was before. —With reporting by Zeke J. Miller/ middle class is defined new york; eliZabeTh Dias/saginaw, Mich.; as the median income each country, plus haley sweeTlanD eDwarDs/nanTicoke, pa.; in or minus 25% of that and karl Vick/lancasTer, wis. • income 75



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2016 person of the year


DonalD Trump meT wiTh his firsT foreign ally just a few days after winning the U.S. presidency. But it wasn’t one of the world’s leading statesmen who got the invitation to Trump Tower. It was Nigel Farage, a man once considered a footnote in British politics—but who, in 2016, found himself on the snug inside of one of history’s hairpin turns. As the face of the United Kingdom Independence Party, a right-wing group on the fringe of British politics, Farage campaigned for 17 years for the U.K. to leave the European Union, styling himself as a “middle-class boy from Kent” who was not afraid to tell hard truths about the failures of the European project, from out-of-control immigration to the coddling of radical Islamism. On June 23, British balloters finally granted Farage his wish, voting to leave the E.U. in the stunning Brexit referendum. PHOTOGR APH BY NADAV K ANDER

The result was one that Europe’s pundits, pollsters, bookies and politicians said would never happen. Farage then spent weeks in the U.S. stumping for Trump, who took to calling himself “Mr. Brexit.” The outsiders won again with Trump’s victory on Nov. 9, and Farage has become a kind of roving ambassador for Trumpism ever since, giving speeches and campaigning for the dawn of a new world order—or at least the destruction of the old one. It’s a movement, a revolt, that is rising throughout Europe, including core E.U. nations like France and Germany. “I’m in no doubt that the European project is finished,” Farage told TIME over a pint of stout in London one chilly afternoon Farage worked for years to convince Britons to leave the E.U.—and in 2016, he succeeded


2016 person of the year

in late November. “It’s just a question of when.” But even Farage, the 52-year-old soothsayer with the arsonist’s grin, has no clear idea of what to put in place of that establishment. The contours he describes (and apparently longs for) cast Europe as a kind of patchwork, broken down to its constituent nation-states and unbound by what he calls the “false identity” of Europeanness and all its prim ideas of tolerance and multiculturalism. He also has a deep mistrust of institutional power. Real power in the modern day resides, Farage says, ever more “massively” in personalities, not formal titles. What keeps it alive is the charisma of those who possess it, their ability to rally the masses and make deals and connections as expediency dictates. It is a world of horse traders, not bureaucrats. Given how fast the dominoes are falling in Farage’s direction, that world might soon be upon us, for better or worse. Italy’s populist parties helped swing a referendum result on Dec. 4 that forced Prime POPULIST PARTIES’ Minister Matteo Renzi to resign. The SHARE OF ELECTION VOTES Netherlands and France have crucial 0 10 20% elections scheduled next year, and Danish People’s Party front runners in those countries are Freedom Party tapping the same veins of anger at of Austria the establishment that fueled the Jobbik 1998– rebellions of 2016. Marine Le Pen, the (Hungary) 2006 leader of the far-right National Front 2012– True Finns in France, has chosen a blue rose as the 2015 (Finland) logo for her presidential campaign, a National Front (France) symbol, she says, of the freak events that now seem almost natural. “I think UKIP (Britain) the British, with the Brexit, then the Swedish Americans, with the election of Donald Democrats Trump, did that,” she tells TIME. “They made possible the impossible.” Growing anti-establishment, Not even Germany looks like such a anti-immigration and stable pillar of the Western world these pro-nationalist sentiments have fueled right-wing days. Angela Merkel, who has served as electoral gains across Europe Chancellor since 2005, plans to run for a fourth term next fall. But her party, like her country, has felt the backlash against slow economic growth and mass migration across Europe. A November poll found that 42% of Germans want a referendum on E.U. membership. After Brexit, that’s more than enough to make TIME’s 2015 Person of the Year and her allies nervous. “What we are seeing is a re-emergence of state egotism and nationalism,” says Norbert Roettgen, a senior lawmaker in Merkel’s center-right party, the Christian Democratic Union. “This is our disease, and it goes right to the foundations of the European idea.” By voting to leave the E.U., the British people showed that the integration of the West is neither inevitable nor irreversible, a message that Trump’s campaign drove home by calling for the U.S. to pull back from its commitments around the world 82

Time December 19, 2016

and to focus on “America first.” It is a world where the international agreements of the past are up for renegotiation and the interests of the nation-state are not bound by an established global order. “None of us conform to any of the rules by which politics is operating,” Farage says. “And people like that!”

MAKING A NEW WORLD ORDER For more Than a generaTion, The WesTern elites settled into a consensus on most major issues— from the benefits of free trade and immigration to the need for marriage equality. Their uniformity on these basic questions consigned dissenters to the political fringe—further aggravating the sense of grievance that now threatens the mainstream. That is what helped Farage, Le Pen and other European populists find an audience in 2016. They wanted Europe to be a mosaic of states instead of an integrated commonwealth with a shared currency and open borders. They wanted, in short, for Europe to look more like it did before the E.U.’s grand experiment, never mind that this experiment was designed to prevent the nations of Europe from engaging in an endless cycle of wars. “What we’ve tried to do in Europe is go against all the trends globally,” says Farage. “Globally, the world is breaking down into smaller units.” The desire to reverse that trend shows Europe’s “complete lack of understanding of how human beings operate.” In the world of Farage and his allies, people gravitate more toward tribal notions of identity than to lofty principles of integration. The coming months and years will test that theory. While most European leaders were still scrambling on Nov. 12 to establish contact with Trump, Farage was sitting with the President-elect in his penthouse in midtown Manhattan. They even posed for a photo together that day, grinning in front of the gilded doors of Trump’s apartment; Farage sent a chill through European capitals when he posted the picture online. Christoph Heusgen, who has served as Merkel’s top foreign policy adviser since 2005, says the image was “very confusing.” Farage does not hold any formal power in Britain and never has. Yet there he was, leapfrogging the line of world leaders desperate to arrange a meeting with America’s President-elect. Adding insult to injury, Trump’s transition team broke with the tradition of arranging all calls with foreign leaders through the State Department. So the Australian government had to get Trump’s cell-phone number from one of his golfing buddies. Heusgen tells TIME the Germans were forced to seek advice from Henry Kissinger, the German-born former U.S. Secretary of State, who suggested reaching Trump through his son-in-law Jared Kushner. “That has been proven successful,” Heusgen says.

2016 person of the year

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The leader of the Five Star Movement helped secure defeat of Italy’s constitutional referendum on Dec. 4, winning support from both left and right.

The former WikiLeaks activist leads the Pirate Party, which won a mandate to form the country’s ruling coalition on a platform of direct democracy.

The head of Podemos, a far-left party that attracted Spaniards frustrated by the economic crisis, is opposed to austerity measures and big corporations.

He leads the far-right Party for Freedom and is known for his hostility toward Islam. He wants to ban the Quran and was accused of inciting racial hatred.









The leader of the far-right Alternative for Germany has said border police should shoot at migrants attempting to enter the country illegally.

The Prime Minister’s nativist policies saw razor-wire fences erected on the country’s borders and a referendum on E.U. migrant quotas.

The National Front leader aims to distance the party from its neofascist roots, gaining new support with anti-immigrant rhetoric and protectionist policies.

Although his far-right Freedom Party did not win Dec. 4’s presidential runoff, Strache is likely to figure prominently in 2018’s legislative elections.

Time December 19, 2016

then forced to issue an equally bizarre response, reminding the President-elect that its Washington embassy had “no vacancy.” Farage found this all rather amusing. “A bolt from the blue!” he says. “I had no idea it was going to happen.” Trump’s tweet came as he was sleeping in Strasbourg, the seat of the European Parliament, and Farage says his phone didn’t stop ringing all night. “It’s been an amazing year,” he says after draining the rest of his pint. What comes next is far less certain. Putting Brexit into effect has been monstrously difficult, and while the British economy has proved more resilient than expected, growth is still predicted to be slower than if the Brits had opted to remain in the E.U. But as Trump takes power and France ponders whether to put an icon of the far right in the Élysée Palace, the West seems to belong to the populists. Only the brave would bet against them after the year they’ve had. —With reporting by ViVienne WalT/Paris •


But it’s not exactly comforting. Trump has already risked infuriating China by accepting a call from the leader of Taiwan, which Beijing considers a breakaway province, and his breezy pledge to Pakistan’s Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to “play any role you want me to play” in future talks left Indian diplomats aghast. So either the incoming U.S. President has no idea how diplomacy works or he doesn’t care for its niceties. Heusgen prefers to believe the former, which at least allows room for a “learning curve,” he says. Farage has a more simplistic answer: “If [Trump] believes in you, if he trusts you, then you’re the man he wants to deal with.” And sure enough, a week and a half after their meeting in New York City, the President-elect tweeted that “many people” would like to see Farage as London’s new ambassador to the U.S. “He would do a great job!” Trump wrote, as though it had somehow become his job to pick the envoys of foreign nations. The British government was 84





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2016 person of the year


iT was dusk on monday, sepT. 3, 1827, when The party from South Carolina drew up at the Hermitage, Andrew Jackson’s plantation near Nashville. One of the travelers, a young woman named Julia Ann Conner, left a diary account of her surprise at finding that Jackson, whom she had expected to be a wild backwoodsman with a dictatorial bent that led his opponents to call him an American Bonaparte, was in fact nothing of the sort. He was, she recorded, a “venerable, dignified, fine-looking man, perfectly easy in manner.” The Hermitage was filled with history. A brace of pistols that the Marquis de Lafayette had given to George Washington were on the mantelpiece, a gift to Jackson from the Washington family. “They are preserved with almost sacred veneration,” as was a small pocket spyglass of the first President’s, Conner wrote. And most important, the visitor benefited from her host’s help during a game of chess. An “excellent player,” Jackson “frequently directed my moves—apparently much interested in the fate of the game . . . there were no traces of the ‘military chieftain’ as he is called!” This sketch of Jackson the tactician—a player of chess, a game that rewards careful thought and foresight—explains much about his character. He could at times seem reckless, but more often he played the games of politics and war with skill and patience. And Conner was surely right when she observed that Old Hickory was “much interested in the fate of the game”—he was always interested in the fate of the game, or of the battle, or of the vote. She had detected something deep and fundamental about Jackson in her days under his roof: he was more than a frontier politician or a mindless populist rabble rouser. His enemies—and much of posterity—never quite understood that the largest fact about Jackson 86

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was not a problem with his “passions” (or temper, in contemporary terms) but his ability, more often than not, to govern them and harness the energies that would have driven other political figures to ruin. With Donald Trump’s rise to power as America’s 45th President, those in search of an illuminating analogy have frequently cited the example of the seventh. Steve Bannon, now Trump’s senior White House strategist, has made this explicit, arguing that the Trump revolution is akin to Jackson’s populist insurgency in the 1820s and ’30s. There are, of course, surface similarities. Both movements gained popularity based on freeing the country from established, ossified interests with a promise to return the nation to greatness (in Trump’s formulation) or to Jeffersonian republican simplicity (in Jackson’s). Both startled the existing order (the Clintons and the mainstream media in Trump’s case; John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay in Jackson’s). And both had powerful personalities at the head of the ticket. There is, however, an essential difference, one that will tell us much about the coming years in U.S. life and politics. For all his bombast, Jackson was an experienced public figure—he had served as a judge, a Senator and a general—who understood his weaknesses and took care to compensate for them. He could thunder and storm; he was prone to fits of rage and temper. Yet he was self-aware, and with that came a kind of self-restraint. He was, as his visitor to the Hermitage noted, as at home with a chessboard as he was with charging blindly forward. We simply don’t yet know whether Trump possesses the kind of discipline that Jackson brought to the presidency. Jackson’s character and worldview reflected a genuine conviction in the ultimate wisdom of the


They may have popular insurgencies in common, but Trump has much to learn from Jackson’s self-restraint, self-awareness and discipline

people. He was no opportunist. He came to his populism not as a political device but as a result of his experience. Born at the lower end of white colonial society—he never knew his father, who died before he was born—Jackson had been orphaned during the Revolution yet rose through force of will and a good marriage to the slave-owning planter class. A self-made man, he saw his political mission in stark terms: to remove what he believed to be corrupting influences (the Second Bank of the United States, entrenched federal appointees, monied speculators) so that ordinary Americans—what he called “the planter, the farmer, the mechanic and the laborer”— could rise to prosperity. Jackson could be woefully wrong. He was an unapologetic defender of slavery and the main architect of Native American removal. (Even before he was President, his many Indian wars destroyed much of tribal culture in a headlong grab for land.) In each of these instances, he was largely a creature of his time and place. This is not to excuse his culpability in the twin American sins of slavery and removal. It is to say, though, that history requires us to judge the figures of the past not by our own moral standards but

by those of the ages in which they lived and worked. Yet the Jackson example also offers us a way of assessing the moral climate and stakes of our own time. If generations past could get things so badly wrong, then we are forever vulnerable as well, and the moral utility of history may well lie in its capacity to remind ourselves that we are always at risk of falling short in the unending search to perfect the Union. That was true in the age of Jackson, and it is surely true in the age of Trump. For another lesson of Andrew Jackson is that we have only ourselves to blame—or to credit. “Great is the confidence which he has always reposed in the discernment and equity of the American people,” Senator Thomas Hart Benton said in summing up Jackson’s presidency. “I have been accustomed to see him for many years, and under many discouraging trials; but never saw him doubt, for an instant, the ultimate support of the people . . . He always said the people would stand by those who stand by them.” Such is the covenant of democracies—and the fate of that democracy lies both in the hands of the people and of the President. And now it is President Trump’s move. • 87

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HILLARY CLINTON THE WINNER OF THE POPULAR VOTE LEAVES A COMPLICATED LEGACY BY CHARLOTTE ALTER Winners get to Write history. Losers, if they are lucky, get a ballad. Hillary Clinton made history for three decades as an advocate, a First Lady, a Senator, and a Secretary of State, but she will now be remembered as much for what she didn’t do as what she did. A female candidate in an election that didn’t hinge on gender after all, she became a symbol in a fight that was about much more than symbolism. She’s the woman who was almost President, she is what might have been and what will yet be. In the autopsy of the doomed Clinton campaign, there is no shortage of fatal causes. Expectations certainly missed their target: the race between the first plausible female presidential candidate and a man who bragged about grabbing women “by the pussy” did not boil down to gender. In interviews across the country in the year leading up to the election, many voters suggested that shattering the glass ceiling wasn’t an urgent priority for


them. Some took it as a given that a woman will be President one day, and it wasn’t worth electing someone they believed was the wrong woman just to show it could be done. To some, other issues—economic anxiety, cultural values, a desire for change—mattered more. Of the 70% of voters who said Donald Trump’s treatment of women bothered them, 29% voted for him anyway. The female coalition was a mirage, splintered by party, race and education: Clinton won 54% of all women, but Trump won 88% of Republican women, 52% of white women and 61% of white women without a college degree. She walked away with a lead of more than 2.5 million votes, but not the White House. In that final, conflicted tally, Clinton represents both the tantalizing possibility that a woman can be President and the obstacles that a woman candidate must overcome: complex hopes and hurdles woven into the same pantsuit. Whether you admire her or

2016 the short list | hillary clinton

despise her, she has come closer to winning the presidency than any other woman in American history— twice. While Clinton’s campaign did not become a triumphant milestone in the fight for women’s equality, it is a stepping stone further than any to come before it. Which ensures that even if the 2016 election wasn’t ultimately about gender, her legacy surely will be.

ADMIRED AND REVILED long before she ever ran for office, clinTon built up a sturdy shield. Decades of attacks on her looks, her judgment, her marriage and her motivations left Clinton reflexively contained and guarded. But armor both insulates and obscures, and those self-protective traits may have led to some of her most damning mistakes, like the creation of a private email server and her fumbling rationale for it. For all of the “Lock her up” vitriol, Clinton has repeatedly been one of the most respected women in the world. Gallup named her the most admired woman in the country a record 20 times, including 14 times in a row. As a Senator from New York and then Secretary of State, her public approval rating hovered near 60%. But it plummeted when she sought higher office. What is it about Clinton that makes her more popular while doing a job than while auditioning for it? The answer now means more to other women than to Clinton herself, who is all but certain to have run her last race. Because of Clinton, the next generation of women candidates can reasonably expect to win a debate, or a state primary, or a major party’s nomination, or the popular vote. Her discipline and tenacity will be their footholds; her caution and secrecy will be hazards to avoid. She has primed the American public to accept a woman candidate talking about issues like child care and paid family leave without sacrificing authority. By getting more votes than any other candidate, she has proven that millions of Americans will vote for a woman. That brought hope to many young girls. “I thought, Oh when Hillary becomes President, girls will be treated better,” says Diana Zorek, 10, who was at Clinton’s election-night event in New York City. “Boys wouldn’t boss them around anymore.” Some fellow female politicians, however, can’t help but see the race as a setback. “To me it feels like we have been sent back to square one,” says Kristin Boggs, a Democrat who won her first election—to the Ohio House of Representatives—the night Clinton lost the battle for the White House. Nine months



Time December 19, 2016

pregnant with a daughter, Boggs says her thinking about the role of a candidate’s gender has shifted. “Would I sacrifice putting up a woman candidate if I don’t think she can win?” she says. “I’m not sure.” A fellow Clinton diehard, Renata Ramsini, sees the outcome as evidence that the rules of the game are changing just as women get strong enough to compete. “Hillary did everything right, she checked all the boxes, and clearly that doesn’t really win,” says Ramsini, an attorney in Columbus, Ohio. “If a woman can’t beat this guy, then who can she beat?” Clinton may be among the most admired women in the country—but she’s also among the most reviled. And there is no shortage of women, especially Republican women, who are relieved to finally hear the end of her saga. They are fatigued at having to explain why, despite their shared anatomy, they never supported her and never would. They weren’t inspired by her run or deflated by her loss, and they resent the implication that they should be. “I understand there was excitement about breaking the glass ceiling, but that didn’t really factor into my decision one way or the other,” says Ruth Malhotra, an anti-Trump Republican in Georgia who cast her ballot for third-party candidate Evan McMullin. “I’d like to see a woman President at some point, but I’d like to see someone who shared my values.” Malhotra recalls how Barack Obama’s campaign spoke to voters in her conservative community in a way that Clinton’s never did. “There was a sense that we were atoning for our past,” she says. “With Hillary, I really didn’t get that sentiment from a lot of people.” She wasn’t alone. Throughout the slog of the 2016 race, even loyal Democrats wished that Clinton could be something other than what she is—more dynamic, less entrenched, more relatable, less conflicted. But that wasn’t possible, of course, and her establishment identity made her particularly ill-suited for this moment. In September, Obama, who used the promise of hope and change to thwart Clinton’s first White House bid, lamented that she was unfairly burdened by her experience. “We always like the new, shiny thing—I benefited from that when I was a candidate,” he said in a stump speech for Clinton. “And we take for granted sometimes what is steady and true.”

WHAT IT TAKES The appeal of The poliTical newcomer is particularly troublesome because it doesn’t reflect how women tend to reach positions of power. That path often tracks with Clinton’s: women who are careful and thorough, who are not too radical, who have the right connections, who do their homework and pay their dues. Indeed, leadership qualities that make men seem strong can make women seem inaccessible, as Sheryl Sandberg explained in Lean In. Men are promoted on potential, according to a 2011 McKinsey

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2016 the short list | hillary clinton

report, while women are promoted on experience. Sandberg cites internal research at Hewlett-Packard to suggest that men seek a promotion when they meet 60% of the prerequisites, while women wait until they have 100%. Clinton’s status as a former First Lady alienated voters wary of dynasty, though family ties are a common precursor of female ascendance: the first women to run India, Pakistan, Argentina and Indonesia were daughters or wives of former leaders. “There’s that tension: you have to be perceived as qualified, but if the American public is looking for an outsider, how do women prove their qualifications?” says Debbie Walsh, director of the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University. “The idea that you could have a woman with Donald Trump’s résumé get elected President is unthinkable.” Carly Fiorina ran as a business-minded outsider—and never won a Republican primary. Elizabeth Warren has all the insurgent popularity of Bernie Sanders— but chose not to run. These failures and demurrals made Clinton’s way, tortured as it was, seem like the surest path. But to women who viewed the campaign as an exercise in double standards, Clinton came up short because of Goldilocks-style expectations: she was called too established but not qualified enough, too liberal

but not progressive enough, at once too aloof and too familiar. “We’ve seen that women are held to a different standard at every single level,” says Marcy Stech of Emily’s List, which raises money for pro-choice Democratic women candidates. “If it were easy to elect women Presidents, we would already have one.” Activists like Stech fear that what they hoped would be a legacy of confidence may sour into one of hesitation. Yet there are already signs that the opposite is happening. Usually the period immediately after an election is a fundraising dry spell for Emily’s List, but this year they raised more than $500,000 after Nov. 8, mostly without solicitation. The Center for American Women and Politics says registrations for its annual workshop for aspiring women leaders are up 40-fold. “Now there’s a lot more anger that we had it, that it was our time, and that was taken,” says Ramsini. “We’re not going to play nice anymore, we’re not going to wait our turn.” In her 1969 commencement address to her class at Wellesley College, Clinton called politics “the art of making what appears to be impossible possible.” In this, she has succeeded. Like an American Moses, she was an imperfect prophet, leading women to the edge of the Promised Land. Now it’s up to another woman to enter it. •

Supporters cheer for Clinton during a campaign event in Concord, N.H., on Feb. 6


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THEY MADE VULNERABILITY THE NEW NORMAL AND TOOK AIM AT DEMOCRACY ITSELF BY MATT VELLA hackers have a bad name everywhere, it seems, except in Silicon Valley, founded as it was on the virtues of creatively overcoming technical limits by any means. This tradition produced the likes of Bill Gates, Steve Wozniak and Mark Zuckerberg, who, on the eve of Facebook’s initial public offering four years ago, lamented the “unfairly negative connotation” of the word. Hacking, he wrote, “just means building something quickly or testing the boundaries of what can be done. Like most things, it can be used for good or bad.” This year will be remembered for the bad. Hardly a week passed without news of some kind of digital breach, somewhere in the world, often establishing some kind of record—for sheer scope, for novel tactics or for setting an ominous new precedent. Hackers broke into the U.S. Department of Justice, the Internal Revenue Service and likely the National Security Agency. They stole or tried to sell data from


private companies including Adult FriendFinder, LinkedIn, and Yahoo. They leaked the confidential medical records of elite athletes Simone Biles and Serena and Venus Williams, the private photos of celebrities including comedian Leslie Jones and, along the way, the embarrassing password choices of a billionaire hacker named Zuckerberg. They blocked millions of Americans from accessing the Internet one day this fall by remotely taking control of legions of web-connected gadgets, such as baby monitors and digital video recorders, to unleash floods of bogus traffic. They shut down the San Francisco municipal railway over Thanksgiving weekend after an IT administrator allegedly clicked one wrong link embedded in a malicious email. In 2016 hackers took aim at American democracy itself. The presidential campaign coasted on a steady stream of leaked documents and emails stolen in a series of sophisticated digital break-ins. Though

2016 the short list | the hackers

there is no indication the machines 128 million American voters used to cast a ballot on Nov. 8 were compromised, the question—could they be?—was repeatedly and credibly raised. Which may have been the whole point. In a nation where every vote is supposed to count, the lesson of the past 12 months was that a few lines of malevolent code can crack open more than a computer system.

years ago. Its primary intention was not to destroy lab equipment but to undermine Iranian confidence. “The intent was that the failures should make them feel they were stupid,” an American participant told the New York Times in 2012. To some extent, even if you are not building centrifuges in Iran or running a major Hollywood studio or sending nude selfies, all hackers have the same power over you: to humiliate.

THE FACELESS Who are They? “Somebody SiTTing on Their bed that weighs 400 pounds,” as Donald Trump put it in the first presidential debate, somehow forgetting about the black hoodie? Or dead-eyed drones sitting in a windowless room, serving a nation-state? The truth, as security researchers have shown in recent years, is both more malignant and more mundane. There are the good, the bad and every morally ambiguous shade in between. There are those sponsored by a state or a terrorist organization. There are the freedom fighters, the truth campaigners, the anarchists, the tinkerers. There are criminal kingpins and, yes, even working stiffs. A recent survey of 10,000 hackers in the U.S., U.K. and Germany found that on average the annual salary for hacking was $28,744. When hackers took an entire Los Angeles hospital hostage in February, the ransom demanded to restore employees’ access to email and patients’ electronic health records was all of $17,000. For individuals hoping to retrieve their hijacked information, the average ransom demand was $679 in 2016, double the average last year. It adds up: the FBI estimates that ransomware—programs that infect a computer or network and hold data hostage until a fee is paid—this year will generate $1 billion for criminals. Businesses stand to lose much more from hacks—at least $400 billion globally, according to the British insurer Lloyd’s, though that estimate is surely low. Because hacking has a much longer half-life than conventional crime, it’s very likely that this year’s biggest breaches have yet to come to light. That very uncertainty feeds the booming cyberdefense, cyberforensics and cyberinsurance industries, projected to be worth nearly $200 billion annually by the close of the decade. Yet the bottom line isn’t money but vulnerability and uncertainty. Consider Stuxnet, the computer worm jointly developed by Israeli and U.S. intelligence to infect the Iranian nuclear program seven

HACKING DEMOCRACY The democraTS goT The WorST of iT. in The most notorious break-ins since Watergate, hackers stole thousands of pages of documents from the Democratic National Committee and the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee as well as Hillary Clinton’s campaign and the Gmail account of its chairman, John Podesta. Then, using a network of online allies like WikiLeaks and fake websites with names like DC Leaks, information gleaned from the breaches was seemingly deployed to maximally blunt the Democrats’ progress. An easily searchable database of Clinton campaign emails published by WikiLeaks gave the press fodder for round after round of stories about everything from the Clintonian focus testing of jokes to Podesta’s preferred method of cooking a creamy risotto. True bombshell revelations were few and far between. But that wasn’t the point. In this style of conflict, the objectives are to provide distracting grist, however innocuous, for the media mill and, more important, to sow doubt about the integrity of the electoral system. “As you see the U.S. presidential elections are becoming a farce,” hackers purporting to have breached the DNC crowed after its chairwoman was forced to resign just before the party’s July convention. When the DNC sought assistance from CrowdStrike, the Irvine, Calif., cybersecurity firm tracked the hacks to two groups, Fancy Bear and Cozy Bear. The first, CrowdStrike said, worked in a way that suggested affiliation with the GRU, the main foreignintelligence agency of the Russian military. The other was linked to the FSB, successor to the KGB. By the fall, the U.S. government seemed to agree, formally accusing Russia of hacking the Democratic Party and alleging that Moscow was attempting to “interfere” with the election. Espionage and disinformation have a millennialong tradition in statecraft. Both the Soviets and the U.S. interfered with foreign elections during the Cold War. What changed in 2016—what made the DNC and its sibling hacks sobering and, to many, terrifying—was Russia’s apparent skill in weaponizing information and aiming it at the foundations of the U.S. system. Russian President Vladimir Putin calls this kind of campaign, with its noxious combinations of fabrication


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2016 the short list | the hackers

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Hacks cost the global economy $400 billion annually. In 2016, several of the biggest data thefts came to light. Here’s how many accounts or records were stolen from each firm: MOSSACK FONSECA

MYSPACE* 427,000,000

MINECRAFT 7,000,000


W E E B LY 43,000,000




YA H O O 500,000,000




Muni Car

BANNER H E A LT H 3,700,000


User names, emails and passwords to the network of adult sites were stolen and offered for sale online.


DOJ DOJ DOJ Pro-Palestinian hackers leaked some 30,000 stolen employee files to make a point.


IRS agency IRS Bitcoin The said a Bitcoin 2015 breach was larger than initially believed, growing to include 700,000 taxpayer records.


i n f r a s t r u c t u r e

EAST COAST OSurveillance UTAG E Camera Bitcoin



Hackers used infected gadgets like surveillance cameras to disrupt Internet access for a day.

S . F. M U N I DOJ

IRS Muni Car Hackers locked up transit-system computers, forcing the city to give free rides for two days.


Some $65 million in digital currency was stolen from one of the world’s largest Bitcoin exchanges.

Bitcoin Surveillance Camera


The firm revealed 2 5 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 TELEGRAM that a 2014 hack of user accounts was 15,000,000 much larger than previously thought, making it the biggest CLIXSENSE breach in history.


J U S T I C E D E P T.

DNC DNC DNC The party was hacked by Russian spies to “influence” the election, the U.S. government concluded.

11,500,000 Terabytes of leaked data from the Panamabased law firm showed how celebrities, billionaires and criminals avoid paying taxes.


Russian hackers released the medical records of 41 athletes from 13 countries.

and fact, deniability and distrust, hybrid warfare. How to fight back, now that the encryption around Pandora’s box has been cracked? Nineteen months ago, CIA Director John Brennan announced the most sweeping reforms of the agency in 69 years, spurred largely by cyberthreats. And on Dec. 1, the FBI and other law-enforcement agencies gained a powerful new legal tool that expands their ability to search multiple computers, phones and other devices across the country, and even overseas, on a single warrant. Private firms, meanwhile, would do well to emphasize security awareness to users and make disclosure of breaches more transparent. The more fundamental challenge is to societies that have seen their reliance on free information used against them. At the state level, because there is no equivalent to military pageantry in cyberspace, it’s unclear how the U.S. projects its power to the rest of


A collective cracked into the social-media accounts of CEOs and celebrities, seemingly just to show it could.

the world. Nor have the rules of engagement been defined. A pact signed last year between China and the U.S. seems to have resulted in fewer governmentled hacks, but the efficacy of treaties in this digital frontier may be limited. Indeed, retaliation seems to be the norm. In December, Russian officials alleged that widespread hacking of their banking infrastructure was American payback for meddling in the election. The country’s central bank said hackers had managed to pilfer 2 billion rubles, about $31 million, this year. No one has said publicly who they were or why they did so. Where does that leave the rest of us? Grappling with an acutely modern form of disquiet—the suspicion that the information we have become used to creating in mass quantities, almost constantly, may come to light, out of context and as destructive payload. • 105

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When a rogue faction of turkey’s military moved to seize control of the country on the night of July 15, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan was on vacation in the Mediterranean city of Marmaris. Alerted to the coup attempt, he escaped his hotel just ahead of commandos sent to capture or possibly kill him, clinging to power by a thread. Yet in response he flew not to the capital, Ankara, where warplanes were bombing the parliament building, but to Istanbul, where he had come of age and begun his career in politics, and is still remembered as the mayor who brought running water to the city’s slums. The capital was slightly closer and contained the levers of power


that the putschists scrambled to control. But Erdogan placed his bet on the people who had known him longest—and who he knew would fight for him. For much of that night, doubt clouded the one thing that had been clear for close to 14 years in Turkey: who was in charge. A turning point came when Erdogan—unable to address the public on TV stations commandeered by coup plotters—connected to a private Turkish newscaster over the iPhone app FaceTime. As the anchor held her phone up to the camera, the President urged his supporters to take to the streets. It was after midnight. In the hours that followed, more than 265 people would be killed, but

2016 the short list | erdogan

by dawn, troops participating in the coup were fleeing. Later that day, a triumphant Erdogan appeared before throngs in Istanbul, calling for prosecution of the plotters. “We want execution!” the crowd chanted back. The President had emerged from his near-death experience stronger than ever—and ever more determined to tighten his grip on power. Watershed moments have not been scarce in the Middle East lately, but in recent decades it has been rare for one to take place in Istanbul, the city that reigned over the entire region for 400 years. The sultans of the Ottoman Empire ruled from palaces overlooking the Bosporus Strait, but when their empire collapsed after World War I, what followed was not royal drama but process—the methodical construction of what would replace empires in organizing the world: a nation-state. The new Republic of Turkey, founded by the indomitable Kemal Ataturk, was democratic and oriented to the West, which in the early years of the Cold War made it the easternmost member of NATO. And the hope ardently voiced by visiting U.S. diplomats—and by the Turkish generals who repeatedly succeeded in deposing elected governments deemed too religious or unpredictable— was that it would inspire secular, democratic imitators in nearby lands. It never did. Not even, as it turned out, in Turkey. Erdogan, 62, had survived, and with him, his grip on power. In the neighborhood around Erdogan’s house, one group pushed through the crowd, carrying the Turkish flag—the banner of what surveys count as one of the most nationalistic nations on earth—and chanting “Allahu akbar!” or “God is great!” “We believe,” said Ayse Kol, 20, on a corner two blocks from the President’s home, “that Recep Tayyip Erdogan is a world leader.” He is that, if only by dint of how much of the world gathers around him, awaiting his decisions. The strands of crises from both Europe and Asia now collide in Turkey. The European Union has all but outsourced its refugee crisis to Erdogan and, with it, the future of Europe’s own elected leaders, if not the E.U. itself. The democratic leaders of Western Europe now implore and bargain with the Turkish autocrat to cease the flow of Syrian refugees and other migrants into a continent whose politics is increasingly defined by backlash to outsiders. At the same time, Erdogan has inserted Turkey directly into the wars raging on its borders—sending troops into Iraq, whether they are welcome or not, in the assault on ISIS-held Mosul, and crossing the border


108 Time December 19, 2016

into Syria’s inferno. In both countries, Turkey’s goal is both to suppress the radical extremists of ISIS— the jihadists who have repeatedly drawn blood on Turkish soil—and also to check the military might of Kurdish guerrillas who are fighting ISIS within Syria even as their brothers battle the state inside Turkey. And just as authoritarianism surges back onto the world stage, Erdogan shows all the signs of a strongman in full. He has company. To the north lies Russia, the massive threat that Turkey has mistrusted since the days of competing empire, through the Cold War to the chilly equilibrium Erdogan now maintains with Vladimir Putin. The Turkish leader clashed with President Obama, but now Erdogan has welcomed the election of a fellow populist in Donald Trump. The President-elect’s first conversation with the Turkish leader, however, made news for Trump’s raising his own business interests in Turkey, quoting his business partner to Erdogan as “your great admirer.” In a speech in Ankara on Nov. 9, Erdogan said Trump’s election would bring “a new era” in U.S.-Turkey relations. “Half of the country adores Erdogan, and half of the country loathes him,” says Soner Cagaptay of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Cagaptay says he expects Turkey to remain, “in the best-case scenario, in a perpetual state of crisis.” Erdogan’s authoritarian impulses—on display for years as he jailed journalists, critics and perceived rivals—have intensified. In the month following the coup, up to 36,000 people were detained, including so many F-16 pilots that the U.S.-led coalition attacking ISIS had to scramble to pick up the slack, according to U.S. Air Force Secretary Deborah Lee James. Since the coup, human-rights groups have documented an increasing use of torture by security forces, but Turkish officials are unrepentant. “In a state of emergency, we’re not in a situation to compete with Sweden or Denmark in terms of human-rights issues,” says Egemen Bagis, Turkey’s former chief negotiator in talks to enter the E.U. Instead of providing a model for democracy, Turkey’s leader represents a throwback: an elected autocrat, tolerated by the West for maintaining a certain stability within and without, overseeing a procedural democracy with a pliant press and a dominant political party that serves only his wishes. His housing reflects his indispensability. The presidential mansion completed in 2014 that Erdogan calls home has more than 1,000 rooms, including one with a lab dedicated to detecting poison in the President’s food. The decor, heavy on red carpets, marble and chandeliers, suggests a return to Ottoman glory.

FROM ISLAMIST TO POPULIST erdogan is a deeply religious man in a country where the elites are staunchly secular. It is a ten-

P R E V I O U S PA G E : G E T T Y I M A G E S R E P O R TA G E ; T H I S PA G E , T O P : E M R E TA Z EG U L— D E P O P H O T O S/A B A C A P R E S S; B O T T O M : B U R A K K A R A — G E T T Y I M A G E S

sion that defines both Erdogan’s place in his nation’s history and his country’s complex place in the world. When Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (known by its Turkish acronym AKP) swept into parliament in an election in 2002, its leader was still barred from office for espousing Islamism. (Erdogan even spent four months in jail in 1998 for reciting a religious poem—one likening minarets to bayonets.) Turkey is so secular that female civil servants were banned from wearing headscarves until 2013. Since taking office, Erdogan has survived mass protests and a devastating corruption scandal, along the way sidelining anyone in Turkish politics who could conceivably challenge his hold on power. After Erdogan moved from the Prime Minister’s office to the presidency in 2014, his party briefly lost its majority in parliament in 2015. But it prevailed again in a snap election later that year, which followed the resumption of a long-running civil war with militants from the country’s Kurdish minority. The renewed fighting undermined a pro-Kurdish party that had lured away many AKP voters. In early November, authorities jailed Selahattin Demirtas,

Erdogan, below, used FaceTime to call his supporters to the streets on the night of the coup—and they came out. Above, in Izmir

the leader of the party, a former human-rights lawyer noted for his opposition to Erdogan’s bid to amend Turkey’s constitution so that the presidency, his new office, would hold unprecedented powers. Thanks to the coup attempt, Erdogan is poised to push through the change, cementing his rule for years to come. Through the early years of Erdogan’s premiership, Turkey’s economy grew and the middle class expanded, while his government moved to make peace with some of the nation’s internal contradictions. It granted more rights to the minority Kurds— an ethnic group in southern Turkey as well as in surrounding countries—and entered into talks with the outlawed guerrillas of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, or PKK. Erdogan occasionally alarmed liberals with retrograde proposals, like a 2004 plan to criminalize adultery, but he rarely followed through. For years his government also had a nasty habit of jailing journalists and critics. But Turkey had its first government grounded in the mutual regard of voters from the Anatolian heartland—religious and conservative, but also intensely nationalistic. There was even talk of exporting its success. If 109

2016 the short list | erdogan

Erdogan is a survivor, he is also a political operator who adapted his message to match the shifting winds of international politics. In 2011, as the Arab Spring toppled despots and left populations in Tunisia, Egypt and elsewhere casting about for a system of government, the AKP’s brand of moderate Islamism appeared to offer a model. In those days the party’s vision was outward-looking, seeking to establish Turkey as a leader of the Sunni Muslim world, yet keeping alive the hope of one day joining the E.U. This is the Erdogan paradox. In 2011, he cast himself as an exemplar for the Arab Spring. Five years later, he stands as an icon of both populism and repression. In the aftermath of the failed July coup, he oversaw the arrest of dozens of journalists and opposition leaders—including many with no apparent tie to the coup’s alleged ringleader: the onetime Erdogan ally turned nemesis Fethullah Gulen. The moderate Muslim cleric, 75, is regarded as a cultlike figure who operates a global educational and religious empire from exile in rural Pennsylvania. Erdogan has demanded the extradition of Gulen, whom he considers a terrorist. The Obama Administration says it is reviewing the request. The postcoup clampdown has not isolated Erdogan internationally. In Europe, the right is gaining. In the Middle East, authoritarian leaders are snuffing out what remains of the Arab revolts, presenting themselves as the only alternative to the chaos in Syria, Iraq and lawless Libya. And in the U.S., Trump is rewriting the rules of politics, ushering in a new era of chauvinism.


ISTANBUL BORN AND RAISED erdogan was born in isTanbul To a father who migrated to the city from the Black Sea coast and at one point worked as a ferry captain in Istanbul. It was the era of Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, whose coalition of poorer, slightly more conservative, more overtly religious people prefigured the AKP, and likewise chafed at the rule of the so-called White Turk Western-facing elites. Toward the end of his rule, Menderes turned increasingly to authoritarian methods, and he was overthrown in 1960 in the first of Turkey’s military coups. Erdogan advisers say he remembered hearing his father weep while listening to the news of Menderes’ execution by hanging. “Erdogan is basically the result of Turkish political evolution in the last 90-plus years, which has always been a game of rough politics,” says Burak Kadercan, a political scientist 110 Time December 19, 2016

at the U.S. Naval War College in Rhode Island. Istanbul’s Kasimpasa neighborhood is draped on a hillside on the city’s European side. The rows of apartment buildings are wedged close to each other, and the roads slope vertically. Erdogan spent the latter portion of his childhood and the first part of his adulthood there. After he graduated from a religious school, he became a semiprofessional soccer player, a businessman and a leader in the emerging world of Islamist politics in the 1980s. His associates often say Erdogan’s faith grants him a rare patience and self-assuredness. Can Paker, a businessman and intellectual who has known Erdogan for years, says, “In many talks, I have seen that he believed that whatever comes will come from God and is his destiny.” Even on the night of the coup attempt, the President later told Paker, he had been thinking, “Whatever will come is from Allah.” But people who knew him in the early days of his political career say his real strength was retail politics: connecting with individual people. Semha Karaoglu, 50, who runs a convenience store across the street from Erdogan’s old apartment, remembers him as a polite man who worked long hours and bought sweets for the neighborhood children. Erdogan stayed in touch, even inviting the shopkeeper to his daughter’s wedding. On the night of the coup, she says, she felt a personal fear for Erdogan’s family. “But when I saw Tayyip Erdogan on TV, I relaxed and I knew everything would be O.K.” Around the corner, the manager of a tea shop approaches. “I could write a book about Erdogan, but in a negative way,” he says. “The economy is going down; the sources of growth, industries like textiles, are shutting down.” He declines to give his name. “I don’t want to go to prison just because I talked to you,” he says before walking away. After nearly 14 years in national office, Erdogan’s lifestyle is no longer his old neighbors’. But former speechwriter Huseyin Besli, who has known the President for some 40 years, said Erdogan makes a point of eating street food wherever he goes, cajoling his aides to join him. “When he’s going to a TV interview at night, if he has time he’ll go to a taxi stand and sit with the drivers and listen to them,” he says. That charisma and political talent can veer into the realm of a personality cult. He appears keen to cast himself as the new Ataturk and has pushed aside any who would question him, even mild-mannered Ahmet Davutoglu, who resigned as Premier in May. By surviving the July coup, Erdogan also managed to vanquish two other powerful rivals: One was the military—already largely neutered by prosecutions of past coup plots and a 2010 referendum that allowed officers to be tried in civilian courts. The other was Gulen, whose vast network of loyalists insinuated themselves within the state for decades, at least according to the government and some

2016 the short list | erdogan

Supporters loyal to Erdogan chant slogans during a progovernment rally in Ankara on July 16, the night after the coup attempt

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Muslim but not Arab, Turkey also is handicapped by the burden of its Ottoman legacy—a source of pride among Turks, but of apprehension among those they once ruled. Yet that doesn’t mean Erdogan won’t try. This was the year he mended fences with Russia after downing one of its warplanes, and with Israel after six years of strife, even as the chance that Turkey will ever actually join the E.U. became ever more remote. But Erdogan’s foreign policy was branded “neo-Ottoman” even before he justified sending troops to Iraq and Syria by questioning the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, which set the borders of the state that followed the empire. “We cannot act in the year 2016 with the psychology of 1923,” he said on Oct. 18. Adding, “We did not voluntarily accept the borders of our country,” he urged that young Turks be taught that Mosul was once theirs. In another speech, he cast a growing regional conflict not in terms of nations but of sects. “What you call ‘Baghdad’ is an administrator of an army composed of Shi‘ites,” he said. “Peace at home, peace abroad” was the slogan Turkish schoolchildren learned from Ataturk. Under Erdogan, the country may end up with neither. □

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experts. Erdogan has used the coup attempt to purge around a third of the military’s top leadership and decimate the ranks of the judiciary and other bureaucracies. The crackdown didn’t stop there. Erdogan expanded the sweep to include political rivals who had nothing to do with the coup. In early November, police arrested the leaders of the People’s Democratic Party, a leftist, pro-Kurdish group that controls the third largest share of parliament. A week earlier, authorities rounded up the editors and top reporters of one of Turkey’s oldest and most respected newspapers, Cumhuriyet, joining dozens of papers, radio stations and websites closed after the failed putsch. “Erdogan has become so paranoid, so power-hungry, he doesn’t even allow institutions to flourish,” says Gonul Tol, a Turkey analyst at the Middle East Institute in Washington. “It has become a one-man show.” And abroad? As Turkey’s “bad neighborhood” grows rougher still, it remains far from certain that Erdogan will ever exert anywhere near the same dominance over the Middle East that he has at home.


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Dr. Carl June’s lab at the university of Pennsylvania looks like any other biology research hub. There are tidy rows of black-topped workbenches flanked by shelves bearing boxes of pipettes and test tubes. There’s ad hoc signage marking the different workstations. And there are postdocs buzzing around, calibrating scales, checking incubators and smearing solutions and samples onto small glass slides. Appearances aside, what June is attempting to do here, on the eighth floor of the glass-encased Smilow Center for Translational Research in Philadelphia, is anything but ordinary. He’s built a career trying to improve the odds for people with intractable end-stage


disease, and now, in the university’s brand-new cellprocessing lab, he’s preparing to launch his most ambitious study yet: he’s going to try to treat 18 people with stubborn cancers, and he’s going to do it using CRISPR, the most controversial new tool in medicine. Developed just four short years ago by two groups—Jennifer Doudna, a molecular and cell biologist at the University of California, Berkeley, together with Emmanuelle Charpentier, now at the Max Planck Institute in Berlin; and Feng Zhang, a biomedical engineer at the Broad Institute of Harvard and MIT—CRISPR allows scientists to easily and inexpensively find and alter virtually

These scientists are working to show how gene-editing technology can revolutionize medicine

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Scientists used CRISPR to disable genes that lead mushrooms to brown. Because Mushrooms the edits don’t involve nonmushroom DNA, the USDA won’t regulate them.

Since only females bite, some researchers have rewritten the species’ Mosquito Embryo genome to produce more males; others have edited the DNA so the bugs are resistant to malaria.

Once HIV infects a cell, it’s Mosquito HIV hard to reverse the disease process.Mushrooms But HIV CRISPR Soy Beans Dogs makes it possible to splice out HIV from the genomes of cells, rendering them HIV-free again.


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as sickle-cell anemia and cystic fibrosis, and chronic conditions like Type 2 diabetes and Alzheimer’s. It may sound far-fetched, but studies like this one are an enormous first step in that direction. Using CRISPR on humans is still hugely controversial, in part because it’s so easy. The fact that it allows scientists to efficiently edit any gene—for some cancers, but also potentially for a predisposition for red hair, for being overweight, for being good at math—worries ethicists because of what could happen if it gets into the wrong hands. As of now, the National Institutes of Health (NIH), by far the world’s largest sponsor of scientific research, will not fund studies using CRISPR on human embryos. And any new way of altering genes in human cells must get ethics and safety approval by the NIH, regardless of who is paying for it. (The NIH also opposes the use of CRISPR on so-called germ-line cells—those in an egg, sperm or embryo—since any such changes would be permanent and heritable.) To fund his study, June was able to attract support from Sean Parker, the former Facebook executive and Silicon Valley entrepreneur behind Napster. Parker recently founded the $250 million Parker Institute for Cancer Immunotherapy, a collaboration among six major cancer centers, and June’s study is its first ambitious undertaking. “We need to take big, ambitious bets to advance cancer treatment,” says Parker. “We’re trying to lead the way in doing more aggressive, cutting-edge stuff that couldn’t get funded if we weren’t around.” That’s not to say June’s study will necessarily cure these cancers. “Either it’s back to the drawing board,” he says, “or everyone goes forward and studies a wide variety of other diseases that could potentially be fixed.” In reality, both things are probably true. Even if June’s study doesn’t work as he hopes, experts still agree it will be a matter of months—not



P R E V I O U S PA G E : R E D U X (2); A P ; G U I D O V I T T I F O R T I M E ; S I PA ; T H I S PA G E : I L L U S T R AT I O N S B Y L O N T W E E T E N F O R T I M E

any piece of DNA in any species. In 2016 alone it was used to edit the genes of vegetables, sheep, mosquitoes and all kinds of cell samples in labs. Now, even as some scientists call for patience and extreme caution, there’s a worldwide race to push the limits of CRISPR’s capabilities. June’s ultimate goal is to test CRISPR’s greatest potential: its ability to treat diseases in humans. “Before we were kind of flying in the dark when we were making gene changes,” he says of earlier attempts at genetic tinkering. “With CRISPR, I came to the conclusion that this technology needs to be tested in humans.” The trial, which will start treating patients in a few months, is the first to use this powerful technique in this way. It represents the most extensive manipulation of the human genome ever attempted. Soon, June’s 18 trial patients will become the first people in the world to be treated with CRISPR’d cells—in this case, cells genetically edited to fight cancer. Like many people with cancer, the patients have run out of options. So, building on work by Doudna, Charpentier and Zhang, June’s team will extract their T cells, a kind of immune cell, and use CRISPR to alter three genes in those cells, essentially transforming them into superfighters. The patients will then be reinfused with the cancer-fighting T cells to see if they do what they’re supposed to do: seek and destroy cancerous tumors. A lot of hope hangs on the outcome of the trial, but whether it succeeds or fails, it will provide scientists with critical information about what can go right and wrong when they try to rewrite the genetic code in humans. The hope is that studies like June’s will bear out CRISPR’s therapeutic potential, leading to the development of radical new therapies not just for people with the cancers being studied but for all of them, as well as for genetic diseases such

Mosquito HIV


When cooked at high heat, Mushrooms Potatoproduce potatoes can acrylamide. Mushrooms Potato Potato cancer-causing Embryo Cancer Scientists are editing out the gene responsible, making them healthier when browned.



There’s still a lot that’s Potato Mushrooms unknown HIV Mosquito Embryo Potato Mushrooms about how HIV human embryos develop. CRISPR can delete genes in studies to see which ones may effect not-so-healthy development.


Soy is an easy crop to grow, Soy Beans Embryo Potatobut Mushrooms DogsSoy Beans Embryo Potato processing its oil addsCancer Dogs unhealthy trans fats. A biotech company has edited soy’s genome so it produces oil that’s nutritionally more like olive oil.

years—before other privately funded human studies get launched in the U.S. and abroad. An ongoing patent battle over who owns the lucrative technology hasn’t stopped investors from pouring millions into CRISPR companies. So simple and inexpensive is the technique, and so frenzied is the medical community about its potential, that it would be foolish to bet on anything else. “With a technology like CRISPR,” says Doudna, “you’ve lit a fire.”

A YEAR OF PROGRESS CRISPR’S jouRney fRom lab benCh to CanCeR treatment may seem quick. After all, as recently as a couple of years ago only a minuscule number of people even knew what clustered regularly interspaced short palindromic repeats—that’s longhand for CRISPR—was. But the technology is at least hundreds of millions of years old. It was bacteria that originally used CRISPR, as a survival mechanism to fend off infection by viruses. The ultimate freeloaders, viruses never bothered developing their own reproductive system, preferring instead to insert their genetic material into that of other cells— including bacteria. Bacteria fought back, holding on to snippets of a virus’ genes when they were infected. The bacteria would then surround these viral DNA fragments with a genetic sequence that effectively cut them out altogether. Bacteria have been performing that clever evolutionary stunt for millennia, but it wasn’t until the early 2000s that food scientists at a Danish yogurt company realized just how clever the bacterial system was when they noticed that their cultures were turning too sour. They discovered that the cultures were CRISPRing invaders, altering the taste considerably. It made for bad dairy, but the scientific discovery was immediately recognized as a big one.


Chinese scientists have used Soy BeansEmbryo Cancer Dogs Soy Beans CRISPR to create superdogs, by editing the muscleinhibiting gene myostatin. Could the bulked-up canines be a prelude to CRISPR’d athletes?



In the first-in-human Cancer CRISPR treatments, researchers are editing immune cells to make them better cancer fighters and reinfusing them into patients.

About a decade later, in 2012, Doudna and Charpentier tweaked the system to make it more standardized and user-friendly, and showed that not just bacterial DNA but any piece of DNA has this ability. That was a game changer. Scientists have been mucking with plant, animal and human DNA since its structure was first discovered by James Watson and Francis Crick in 1953. But altering genes, especially in deliberate, directed ways, has never been easy. “The idea of gene correction is not new at all,” says June. “But before CRISPR it just never worked well enough so that people could do it routinely.” Within months of Doudna’s and Charpentier’s discovery, Zhang showed that the technique worked to cut human DNA at specified places. With that, genetics changed overnight. Now scientists had a tool allowing them, at least in theory, to wield unprecedented control over any genome, making it possible to delete bits of DNA, add snippets of genetic material and even insert entirely new pieces of code. Now, that theoretical potential took shape in a remarkable array of real-world applications. CRISPR produced the first mushroom that doesn’t brown, the first dogs with DNA-boosted cells giving them a comic-book-like musculature, and a slew of nutritionally superior crops that are already on their way to market. There are even efforts to use CRISPR’d mosquitoes to fight Zika and malaria. On the human side, progress has been even more dramatic. In a lab, scientists have successfully snipped out HIV from infected human cells and demonstrated that the process works in infected mice and rats as well. They’re making headway in correcting the genetic defect behind sickle-cell anemia, which stands to actually cure the disease. They’re making equally promising progress in treating rare forms of genetic blindness and muscular dystrophy. And in perhaps the most controversial 119

2016 the short list | crispr pioneers

application of CRISPR to date, in 2016 the U.K. ap­ proved the first use of the technology in healthy human embryos for research. At the Francis Crick Institute in London, developmental biologist Kathy Niakan is using CRISPR to try to understand one of the more enduring mysteries of human development: what goes wrong at the earliest stages, causing an embryo to die and a pregnancy to fail. To be clear, Niakan will not attempt to implant the embryos in a human; her research is experimental, and the embryos are destroyed seven days after the studies begin. Like Niakan, June is looking for answers to one of human biology’s more vexing problems: why the immune system, designed to fight disease, is nearly useless against cancer. It’s an issue that’s kept him up at night since 2001, when his wife, not responding to the many treatments she tried, died of ovarian cancer. “This trial is about two things: safety and feasibil­ ity,” he says. It’s about testing whether it’s even pos­ sible to successfully edit these immune cells to make them do—in human bodies, not a petri dish—what he wants them to do. Either way, the study will yield critical information, paving the way for eventual new treatment options that are more targeted, less bru­ tal and far smarter against tumors than systemwide chemotherapy will ever be. As much as has been done in 2016, this is only the beginning of a kind of medicine that stands to effectively change the course of human history. “CRISPR is an empowering technology with broad applications in both basic science and clinical medi­ cine,” says Dr. Francis Collins, director of the NIH. “It will allow us to tackle problems that for a long time we probably felt were out of our reach.”

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s c i e n T i s T s


Charpentier and Jennifer Doudna were the first scientists to demonstrate the use of CRISPR to edit out pieces of raw DNA. The bacterial-genetics expert is now the director of the Max Planck Institute for Infection Biology in Berlin.


Doudna and Charpentier are the original CRISPR pioneers, bringing to the world a landmark new technique in gene editing that can be applied to practically any DNA. She is a professor of chemistry and cell biology at University of California, Berkeley.


June, working out of a cancer lab at the University of Pennsylvania, is preparing to begin the first-ever CRISPR-based treatment in humans. His trial will attempt to arm human immune cells with the qualities they need to successfully fight certain kinds of cancer.


To better understand what can go wrong during the earliest stages of human development, Niakan received the first government approval in the world to use CRISPR on human embryos. Her study will take place at the Francis Crick Institute in London.


Zhang, who works out of the Broad Institute of Harvard and MIT, was the first to demonstrate that CRISPR can be used to cut and edit human DNA—a critical step in opening up the possibility of CRISPR-based treatments for disease.

Z U M A P R E S S; G E T T Y I M A G E S; R E D U X ; A P (2)

THE HURDLES AHEAD Because iT’s so easy To use, Zhang, along wiTh the other CRISPR pioneers, says careful thought should be given to where and how it gets employed. “For the most part I don’t think we are getting ahead of ourselves with the CRISPR applications,” he says. “What we need to do is really engage the public, to make sure people understand what are the really exciting potential applications and what are the immediate limitations of the technology, so we really are applying it and supporting it in the right way.” Regulatory scrutiny is a given with CRISPR, and any new tool for rewriting human DNA requires fed­ eral approval. For the current Penn trial, June got the green light from the NIH Recombinant DNA Advisory Committee, established in the 1980s to assess the safety of any first­in­humans gene­therapy trials. While there are still dangers involved in any kind of gene therapy—the changes may happen in unexpected places, for example, or the edits may have unanticipated side effects—scientists have learned

T h e

2016 the short list | crispr pioneers

h o w

c r i s p r

e d i T s

d n a

Every cell in the body carries a copy of genetic code—a blueprint for who we are. CRISPR allows scientists to edit that code with more control than ever before CELL

Chromosome N u cleus


Mutation located

The CRISPR protein can be programmed to search for specific sequences, like mutated ones that cause disease, among the 3 billion letters in the human DNA code

Once the mutated section is found, CRISPR unzips the twisted DNA strands, breaking them to cut out the targeted sequence with its molecular scissors

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Healthy DNA inserted

The cell can repair the break on its own or scientists can patch in a corrected sequence

If done inside an egg, sperm or embryonic cell, the changes will be passed on to future generations

With CRISPR, changes can be made more precisely and easily to practically any living thing

of their editing—and how comfortable consumers and advocacy groups are with those studies. As CRISPR goes mainstream in medicine and agriculture, profound moral and ethical questions will arise. Few would argue against using CRISPR to treat terminal cancer patients, but what about treating chronic diseases? Or disabilities? If sickle-cell anemia can be corrected with CRISPR, should obesity, which drives so many life-threatening illnesses? Who decides where that line ought to be drawn? Questions like these weigh heavily on June and all of CRISPR’s pioneering scientists. “Having this technology enables humans to alter human evolution,” says Doudna. “Thinking about all the different ways it can be employed, both for good and potentially not for very good, I felt it would be irresponsible as someone involved in the earliest stages of the technology not to get out and talk about it.” Last year, Doudna invited other leaders in genetics to a summit to address the immediate concerns about applying CRISPR to human genes. The group agreed to a voluntary temporary moratorium on using CRISPR to edit the genes of human embryos that would be inserted into a woman and brought to term, since the full array of CRISPR’s consequences isn’t known yet. (Any current research using human embryos, including Niakan’s, is lab-only.) For researchers like June and Niakan, Doudna and Zhang, and others, proceeding carefully with CRISPR is the only way forward. But proceed they will. The sooner more answers emerge, the sooner CRISPR can mature and begin to deliver on its promise. “There are thousands of applications for CRISPR,” says June. “The sky is the limit. But we have to be careful.” •


more about the best way to make the genetic changes, and how to deliver them more safely. So far, animal studies show CRISPR provides enough control that unexpected negative effects are rare—at least so far. The role of regulatory oversight is less clear when the technique is used to alter food crops. Even before June’s patients get infused with CRISPR’d T cells, farmers in Argentina and Minnesota will plant the world’s first gene-edited crops for market. CRISPR provides an unparalleled ability to insert almost any trait into plants—drought or pest resistance, more of this vitamin or less of that nutritional villain du jour. Dupont, for instance, is putting the finishing touches on its first drought-resistant corn, and biotech company Calyxt has created a potato that doesn’t produce cancerous compounds when fried; it’s also planting its first crop of soy plants modified to produce higher amounts of healthy oleic-acid fats. These edits involve deleting or amping up existing genes—not adding new ones from other species— and the U.S. Department of Agriculture has said this kind of gene-edited food crop is not significantly different from unaltered crops and therefore does not need to be regulated differently. In the coming months, the National Academy of Sciences is expected to issue guidelines that might address some of the challenges posed by CRISPR, focusing on how and when to proceed with developing new disease treatments. The report is expected to launch much-needed discussion in the scientific community and among the public as well. Whether more regulation will eventually be required likely depends on how far scientists push the limits

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Having problems is tHe Human condition. but there is a particular complication that comes with being black in America. “Between me and the other world there is ever an unasked question,” W.E.B. Du Bois wrote in his classic The Souls of Black Folk. “How does it feel to be a problem?” In 2016, Beyoncé, a pop star, chose to be a problem. This could not have been a light decision. An artist who rose to fame in the late 1990s as lead singer of the teen girl group Destiny’s Child, she has since rocketed to the sort of first-name-only global superstardom that theoretically relieves her of the heaviest burdens of being a problem. Her brand seemed carefully crafted to speak to girl power more than to black power. Four years ago, sociologist Ellis Cashmore identified Beyoncé as “beyond black,” describing her flamboyant individualism as a commodity sold to Middle America as evidence the nation’s racial dilemma had ended. So much for that. With Lemonade—an album, an Emmy-nominated film and, as America looked on, an experience— Beyoncé publicly embraced explicitly feminist blackness at a politically risky moment. For three years, the stream of cell-phone videos of fatal encounters between African Americans and local


police sustained a national controversy that, in some quarters, came down to a choice between one and the other. She chose blackness even as many Americans rejected it, taking sides and never wavering. From the moment its first single, “Formation,” dropped in February, Lemonade was a phenomenon. Rolling Stone described it as “her most powerful, ambitious statement yet” and later named it best album of the year. A spate of other music awards followed, along with nominations in the upcoming Grammys, including Album of the Year. And this being 2016, when pop superstars make their fortunes less from digital downloads than by selling tickets, Lemonade provided raw material for a breathtaking, $256 million–grossing world tour in which the choreography featured a cadre of naturalhaired black women led by Beyoncé, barefoot, in ankle-deep water performing a fierce kinetic dance as she proclaimed, “Freedom! Freedom! Where are you? ’Cause I need freedom too! I break chains all by myself.” Typical arena fare it was not. Beyoncé had found a distinct voice, many iterations evolved from her childhood competitions on Star Search. But that alone doesn’t account for the reception to Lemonade: the headlines it generated,

2016 the short list | beyoncé

the memes it launched, the countless nerves it hit. Rather, it was the strategic, deliberate way Beyoncé deployed her artistry to elicit, reveal and invert dynamics of power, race and gender just when those very elements carried their greatest charge. And in so doing, she offered a recipe for transforming the bitter politics of 2016 into the sort of lemonade Southern black women have been making for generations.

EMBRACING BLACKNESS Beyoncé released “FormaTion” on The eve oF the Super Bowl and at the outset of Black History Month. Scheduled to perform the game’s halftime show, she used what may be America’s biggest unofficial holiday to affirm her preference for kinky hair and big noses, evoke Hurricane Katrina, signify the Ferguson protests and mark a history of AfricanAmerican organizing. In the stunning music video, she lies atop a New Orleans police car as it slowly sinks beneath rising waters that threaten to drown the city. Later, the camera is trained on a black boy in a hoodie, dancing defiantly before a row of armed police officers. He finishes with his arms outstretched, facing the officers, who throw their hands up. With that, Beyoncé threaded the needle between the joyful movement of a single black body and a political movement of black bodies. This became the origin point for her vernacular “slaying,” a double entendre of “killing it” and literal death. Black Lives Matter instantly gained its most visible ambassador. At the video’s close, Beyoncé returns to a wide-brimmed hat she wore earlier to defiantly raise both middle fingers. Now she mouths the lyrics, “You know you that bitch when you cause all this conversation.” She is fully aware of what she has done. The backlash began the next day, when she and her dancers performed at the Super Bowl in outfits that paid homage to the Black Panthers. Former New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani called the show “outrageous” and “ridiculous.” Law enforcement criticized what they said was Beyoncé’s anticop message, and police unions around the nation encouraged members not to work security at her upcoming tour. Beyoncé took the criticism head on, telling Elle, “I have so much admiration and respect for officers and the families of officers who sacrifice themselves to keep us safe. But let’s be clear: I am against police brutality and injustice.” In short order, Beyoncé had appropriated her own controversy,


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selling BoycoTT Beyoncé T-shirts at her concerts. To cynics, Beyoncé’s evolution was little more than a marketing move, a 34-year-old established act trying to appear edgy and interesting to younger consumers. But the months ahead provided painful validation. A hideous July brought the deaths of two black men at the hands of police that were caught on tape, prompting public outcry and the assassination of five Dallas police officers in revenge. By the month’s end, Beyoncé’s full-throated embrace of blackness was not going to be mistaken for trend setting. More than six months after Beyoncé closed one NFL season with a radical political statement, Colin Kaepernick opened another with one of his own. When the San Francisco 49ers quarterback dropped to his knee during the national anthem to protest the fatal police shootings of black men and racial injustice more broadly, it touched off a movement that spread from pro stadiums to gradeschool sidelines and prompted the President and a Supreme Court Justice to weigh in. Months later, in November, Beyoncé courted controversy of a different sort when she performed her single “Daddy Lessons,” about a woman whose father teaches her armed self-defense, alongside the Dixie Chicks at the Country Music Awards. The appearance caused an epic social-media backlash. Two days later she donned a polka-dot pantsuit to headline a campaign rally for Hillary Clinton. It became unmistakable that the command for women to get in formation was not Beyoncé calling out steps to dancers in a club (as she does in her 2006 hit “Get Me Bodied”) so much as issuing a call to arms. Women, she warns, are about to find themselves at the center of a larger social and political clash, and will need to display calculated poise to rise above those who seek to drag them down. “Always stay gracious, best revenge is your paper”—your money, your success—Beyoncé cautions. For her fellow Clinton supporters, those words took on additional layers of meaning after Clinton was defeated by a man with infinitely less political experience who muttered “nasty woman” to her face. Beyoncé’s call for women to stay prepared, to rise above the fray and to remember that they will ultimately triumph may prove her most prescient lesson yet.

THE POLITICS OF THE PERSONAL The compleTe Lemonade alBum hiT in april, building on the foundation of “Formation” with paradigm-shifting visuals and richly textured representations of black womanhood. Its arc is a story of infidelity: a man has cheated on a woman who has loved him better than he did her, sacrificed her heart only to learn he was not worthy. Through mourning, anger and eventually empowerment,


ALZHEIMER’S DISEASE IS They’re out there, and they’re going to hold on to everything the disease steals away. And the Alzheimer’s Association is going to make it happen by funding research, advancing public policy and spurring scientific breakthroughs. And by providing local support to those living with the disease and their caregivers, we’re easing the burden for all those facing it until we accomplish our goal.   But we won’t get there without you. Visit to join the fight.


2016 the short list | beyoncé

Beyoncé’s avant-garde film version of Lemonade led to criticism that it was anti-police, a claim she dismissed as “completely mistaken”

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“When you hurt me, you hurt yourself,” she roars in “Don’t Hurt Yourself,” speaking to the interconnectedness of citizens in a democracy. “Daddy Lessons” reminds black women of their Second Amendment rights. “Freedom” declares black women’s ability to carve out spaces of liberation for themselves even in the most constrained and oppressive circumstances. Nowhere is this more visible than when Beyoncé allows us to see Sybrina Fulton, Lezley McSpadden and Gwen Carr, who, along with other women, came to be known as the Mothers of the Movement. These are the parents whose slain children—Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown, Eric Garner—have become touchstones of Black Lives Matter. When they appear in the video’s “Redemption” section, it leaves no doubt that the song is their anthem of painful, ongoing, endless struggle. This is the lesson captured by Hattie White, Beyoncé’s grandmother-in-law. In a snippet of home video from her 90th birthday incorporated into “Freedom,” White gives the album its dynamic motif: “I had my ups and downs, but I always find the inner strength to pull myself up. I was served lemons, but I made lemonade.” Du Bois asserted that to be black is to be a problem. Feminist activists have long insisted the personal is political. For Lemonade, Beyoncé used personal resilience and political resistance to transform the sour into something sustaining. Harris-Perry is the Maya Angelou Presidential Chair at Wake Forest University and the editor at large for

S E C O N D PA G E : I N V I S I O N F O R PA R K W O O D E N T E R TA I N M E N T/A P ; T H I S PA G E : C O L U M B I A R E C O R D S

she learns to love herself and demand equity. At the first encounter, this is a personal story. In May 2014, surveillance footage caught an aggressive altercation between Beyoncé’s husband Jay Z and her sister Solange inside an elevator at the Standard Hotel in New York City. The clip has no audio but clearly shows an angry Solange making repeated attempts to hit and kick her brother-inlaw. Beyoncé remains calm throughout the incident, moving to stand rigid between her family members while private security defuses the situation. In this tabloid light, Lemonade would explain Solange’s motives. Even while showing the reconciliation of her marriage, it offers an explanation and justification for rage. Spend more time, and Lemonade is a political allegory. Some have drawn a parallel between the album’s themes of infidelity, public humiliation, reconciliation and womanly strength and the Clinton marriage. And when the President-elect revived President Bill Clinton’s infidelity to deflect accusations of sexual assault against him during the campaign, the idea became painfully salient. But Lemonade is a specifically black feminist political story. Black women have spent much of American history laboring at the margins to ensure the future of black families and communities. The work of black women in social and political organizing has often been thankless, unacknowledged. “What a wicked way to treat the girl that loves you,” Beyoncé sings in “Hold Up,” aptly describing how America has treated black women whose labor helped build the nation.

































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André Holland, left, and Trevante Rhodes portray an elusive friendship in Moonlight









7. Tower

A love story, a mother-and-son story, a story about being closed off from the world until you realize there’s no way forward unless you join it. Barry Jenkins’ Moonlight engages on multiple levels, but it’s also a work of astonishing delicacy, a picture that sweeps you up like a wave and drops you, gently, in a place you never expected to be. Three marvelous actors play a single character, Chiron, at various stages in his life—from his youth in Miami to his adulthood as a street-toughened drug dealer— but the picture boasts an off-the-charts number of superb supporting performances too, from the likes of André Holland, Naomie Harris, Mahershala Ali and Janelle Monáe. Every small, enveloping detail counts in this rapturous picture.






1. Moonlight

2. Paterson Adam Driver gives a wondrous performance as a bus driver navigating the streets of Paterson, N.J. He also happens to be named Paterson, and in the spare slivers of his day, he writes poetry. Director Jim Jarmusch has written a love letter to our mixed-up, amazing American cities, and he shows how the things we do in our spare time can come to define who we are.

3. Loving Slavery was abolished in the U.S. in 1865, but as recently as 1967 it was still illegal in some states for interracial couples to marry. Jeff Nichols’ film tells the story of Richard and Mildred Loving (played by Joel Edgerton and Ruth Negga), a white man and a woman of color who fought the antimiscegenation laws in their home state, Virginia, and won. Nichols’ beautifully restrained approach makes the Lovings’ story feel immediate and vital. It’s also a reminder that change often happens in the margins.

4. Elle ▷ Right: Naomie Harris is just one of the actors who make Moonlight radiate

Paul Verhoeven just can’t leave well enough alone—which is one reason, whether you love him or hate him, to pay attention. Isabelle Huppert, in all her autumnal glory, stars as an upperclass Parisian who’s attacked and raped in her home and lives to tell the tale. The picture is a minefield of complex sexual politics, and Verhoeven and his star creep to the edge of the boundaries of

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like people you know. Sometimes they’re people you don’t like very much. But somehow, by the end, they’re your people.

good taste (and maybe beyond) in their exploration of the wild unknowability of women’s sexual desire. This is one of the boldest, most challenging movies of the year—and, when you least expect it, one of the funniest.

5. Silence Adapted from Shusaku Endo’s novel, Martin Scorsese’s Silence is a grave, gorgeous movie about the nature of faith and the meaning of God. That’s a lot to tackle, but if anyone can handle it, Scorsese can. Andrew Garfield and Adam Driver give finely wrought, intense performances as 17th century Portuguese Jesuits who travel to Japan to spread Christianity. Their story, as Scorsese tells it, is meditative and melancholic, an elaborately illuminated prayer book of brutal beauty.

6. Manchester by the Sea Casey Affleck stars as an embittered, grieving loner who suddenly finds himself entrusted with the care of his teenage nephew. That’s the “what happens” of Kenneth Lonergan’s Manchester by the Sea, but the film’s sturdy, subtle magic lies in the “how”—the way Lonergan and his actors capture the way people talk, and what they care about, in a way so detailed, it’s almost Dickensian. Like all of Lonergan’s movies, this one allows you to live with characters until they feel

Keith Maitland’s nonfiction account of the Aug. 1, 1966, University of Texas shootings, in which 16 people were killed by a gunman perched in a clock tower, is unlike any other documentary ever made. Maitland combines archival footage, eyewitness testimony and animation to vivid and terrifying effect. But the picture is noteworthy for another reason: What does it mean to have a stranger risk his or her life to save yours? Tower brings that feeling home.

8. La La Land Some days, this world just doesn’t seem big enough or generous enough for a modern musical. But with La La Land, Damien Chazelle has carved space for one, and the world is better for it. Emma Stone and Ryan Gosling play singing, dancing lovers with all of Los Angeles as their fantasy playground. Nothing works out exactly as they plan, but that’s the bittersweet charm of this luminous, openhearted picture. It’s a film in love with a city and with love itself.

9. Everybody Wants Some!! Richard Linklater has called this joyous curveball of a film—a play-by-play of the misadventures of a group of college baseball players in the days preceding the fall semester, circa 1980—a “spiritual sequel” to his 1993 Dazed and Confused. It’s that and more, an affectionate and buoyant comedy that captures the essence of all kinds of youthful desires, both those that are easily identifiable and the more aching, unnameable kind.

10. The Shallows In Jaume Collet-Serra’s smart, tense woman-vs.-nature thriller, ace surfer Blake Lively outwits a great and terrible creature of the deep. Sometimes the greatest movie pleasures have nothing to do with awards bait. To mangle one of Jean-Luc Godard’s favorite maxims: All you need for a movie is a girl and a shark.




7. Emma Stone, La La Land




It’s cheating, sure, to wedge three actors into one “best” slot. But in Moonlight, the performances of Hibbert, Sanders and Rhodes—all playing one character at different stages of life—are so spiritually intertwined that they practically merge into one soul. Hibbert’s Little is a spring green leaf of self-sufficiency and resilience. Sanders’ Chiron, as narrow and watchful as a whippet, perches cautiously between self-protection and tenderness. And Rhodes’ Black, the bulked-up grownup, hides behind layers of muscle. The slow burn of his smile, when he finally cracks one, hits like the final movement of Beethoven’s Ninth—the thing you’d waited for without knowing you were waiting.

2. Ruth Negga, Loving As Mildred Loving—who with her husband Richard fought for the right to be legally married in their home state, resulting in the landmark 1967 Loving v. Virginia decision—Negga takes all the qualities we think a strong woman ought to possess and renders them in surprisingly quiet watercolor tones that build, gradually, in richness and depth. This is heroism spoken in a whisper.




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1. Alex Hibbert, Ashton Sanders and Trevante Rhodes, Moonlight

3. Ethan Hawke, Born to Be Blue West Coast jazz trumpeter, singer, heartthrob and junkie Chet Baker was a rough guy with a troubled life. The man Hawke plays here is, intentionally, more a dream image of Baker, the one we want to believe in when we lie back in the embrace of his trumpet sound, as soft and strong as a willow’s bough, or revel in his feathery crooning. Hawke captures all of Baker’s radiant, roughed-up physical beauty, playing it as if it were a ballad—a valentine more fervent than it is funny. Singin’ in the sunshine: Emma Stone keeps the rain at bay in La La Land

4. Isabelle Huppert, Elle In this gloriously twisted provocation, Huppert plays an entrepreneur, a rape victim, a woman who barely understands her own appetites. Is she a goddess of destruction or pleasure? Huppert’s measured

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coolness will keep you guessing, and sometimes laughing. If it’s possible to live life with blasé gusto, this character does.

5. Casey Affleck, Manchester by the Sea Grief is rarely a soft, benign thing. It’s often fierce and belligerent, and those are qualities that Affleck brings to his role here as a grieving loner who is suddenly charged with the care of his teenage nephew. Sometimes Affleck allows his character to be deeply unlikable, but that’s the key: the impulse to reach out to him is greater than the urge to shrink away.

6. Annette Bening, 20th Century Women In this semiautobiographical comedy-drama from Mike Mills, Bening plays a liberated 1970s single mom who is both superhero and irritant to her young son (Lucas Jade Zumann). She cares for him so much that she can’t tell if she’s smothering him or allowing him to be too free—and meanwhile her own hopes and desires fall by the wayside. Bening gives so much shape and texture to middle-aged loneliness that she turns it into something inclusive rather than alienating. By drawing us close, she makes us feel alone, together.

As a singing, dancing coffeecounter girl with big Hollywood dreams, Stone glows from within. Her luminous charm is both modern and retro. No wonder Ryan Gosling’s struggling jazz pianist falls so hard for her: he’s the polka dot to her moonbeam.

8. André Holland, Moonlight Holland’s Kevin is a guy who has done jail time and is now rebuilding his life and working as a cook. Impulsively, he reaches out to a man he knew long ago (Trevante Rhodes), a person he loved in ways he couldn’t, back then, admit to. Holland brings shades of regret and wistfulness to this warm, resplendent performance. But mostly, he shows what it means to reach a point where there’s no other choice than to charge at happiness, and at life.

9. Michelle Williams, Manchester by the Sea Most of life, really, is moving on—or at least convincing yourself you’ve done so. Here, Williams plays the ex-wife of one exceedingly angry and troubled guy (Casey Affleck). Even though she has remarried and started a new family, she can’t bring herself to speak to her ex in anything other than clipped, angry tones—until, in the movie’s most devastating scene, she confronts him with a rush of feeling so raw that it cuts like the New England wind. Williams pushes a little further, maybe, than you think she should—and reaches something close to perfection.

10. Lily Gladstone, Certain Women In Kelly Reichardt’s triptych drama, Gladstone plays a reserved young woman who is more comfortable with horses than with people—until she meets a recent law-school grad (Kristen Stewart) who comes to her small Montana town every week to teach an adult-ed class. Gladstone’s performance, though contained and compact, maps oceans’ worth of solitude and longing. It’s a thing of unadorned beauty. I L L U S T R AT I O N B Y T O M I U M F O R T I M E








1. The People v. O.J. Simpson: American Crime Story, FX This majestic dramatization of O.J. Simpson’s 1995 murder trial made complex arguments about gender, race, class and celebrity with unparalleled confidence. The 10-episode miniseries was fair to its characters: all of them, from Simpson (Cuba Gooding Jr.) to widely mocked defender Johnnie Cochran (Courtney B. Vance) to hated prosecutor Marcia Clark (Sarah Paulson), get their humanity back. But it’s relentless in showing their complicity in a system that, on many levels, failed to deliver justice. It’s hard not to wish that, like the trial itself, this series could have gone on for months more. But the cohesive style throughout—complete with an ending rightly adopting the tones of Greek tragedy—makes a compelling case for the miniseries as TV’s perfect form.

2. The Girlfriend Experience, Starz Riley Keough plays Christine, a “girlfriend experience” prostitute who mimics being in love. Christine has a virtuosic ability to present powerful men with only the angles she wants, denying herself an inner life. But her determination to remake herself into a success at both sex work and corporate law makes a provocative statement about our era of class divide and social-media-fragmented selves.

3. The Americans, FX Only on a series with the textured history of The Americans could the fights hurt this much. This year, Keri Russell and Matthew Rhys’ married Soviet spies faced a series of existential threats—including doubts about their line of work. The show’s contemplation of what it means for a married couple to grow distant, and the pain of that uncoupling, gives rise to an unusually rich viewing experience. Catch up before Season 5, and start from the beginning.

4. Late Night With Seth Meyers, NBC Many established comedy shows were caught flat-footed by the Trump phenomenon. That makes Meyers’ work in 2016 all the more impressive. His “A Closer Look” segments, devoting meaningful airtime to comic examinations of the day’s news, stand out both for their best-in-field humor and for their

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plainspoken ability, in a traditional format, to cut to the heart of a rapidly shifting political reality.

5. Atlanta, FX A white optometrist throws a Juneteenth party at which he reads poetry about racial justice to his wife’s black friends. A kids’ cereal ad depicts a mascot brutalized by police for trying to steal a bowl. Justin Bieber shows up at a charity basketball game, and he’s black now. Atlanta depicts the struggles of Earn (show creator Donald Glover), an aspiring rap manager who is just scraping by. It also surrounds him with odd extremity, as if the intractability of America’s halted conversation about race has morphed reality. Part of a wave of superlative shows that embraced the points of view of characters less commonly seen on TV, Atlanta is a fully formed world.

6. O.J.: Made in America, ESPN While FX’s Simpson series has a cipher at its center, this documentary, a perfect complement, investigates the athlete’s motivations with exhaustive, single-minded obsession. Director Ezra Edelman uses archival footage and probing interviews to argue that Simpson spent his life trying to outrun his race, only to see his white friends abandon him after the racially divisive trial. That projects as accomplished as 2016’s two O.J. stories could coexist shows us just how relevant this tabloid story still is.

7. Better Call Saul, AMC In its second season, the Breaking Bad spin-off stood on its own to tell a story both pettily human and larger than life. Yearning to impress his brother as a serious lawyer but burdened with a gift for grifting, Jimmy (Bob Odenkirk) underwent a moral journey whose twists had real sting. Rhea Seehorn emerged as one of TV’s ablest stars playing Jimmy’s lover Kim, an attorney for whom rebellion against a system determined to crush her spirit is just a fantasy.

8. Veep, HBO It doesn’t matter that real life outpaced fictional politics this year. What makes Veep great has less to do with its fealty to the particulars of Washington than with its laser-like focus on people. Selina Meyer (Julia Louis-Dreyfus) was at her most juicily complicated this season, at once relishing her presidency and watching it slip away. TV’s best show about politics is now a masterly look at the psychic effects of disempowerment.

9. Speechless, ABC This story about the life of a family touched by disability is frank and brutally funny. As matriarch Maya DiMeo, Minnie Driver steamrolls anyone standing in her son’s way. Young actor Micah Fowler (who has cerebral palsy in real life) deserves special mention for wringing charm and wit out of each moment he’s onscreen, without a single word. It all adds up to a dispatch from a tough, loving America everyone should be lucky enough to inhabit.

10. Love, Netflix Love comes on slowly. Functioning addict Mickey (Gillian Jacobs) and pedantic writer Gus (Paul Rust) are alienating at first; both cover real soulfulness and hurt with obnoxious coping mechanisms. But the slow process by which Mickey and Gus come together after a chance meeting draws upon a sophisticated understanding of human nature as well as openness to life’s odder possibilities. Those possibilities include the frustrations that are part of any worthwhile love story—as well as redemption.

□ Paulson delivered the year’s best performance, as Simpson prosecutor Marcia Clark







1. ‘Fish Out of Water,’ BoJack Horseman, Netflix


An animated series about a talking horse ended up delivering the year’s most heartening, artful surprise. The surrealities here only begin with the fact that the titular BoJack (Will Arnett) is a depressed equine movie actor; the undersea film festival BoJack is contractually obligated to attend in this episode executes Hollywood satire with astounding visual flair. Underwater, BoJack’s inability to communicate with anyone is literal—the episode, thanks to his restricting diving helmet, is practically a silent film—and his attempts at forming a nonverbal connection with abandoned sea-horse babies provides only temporary distraction. This episode is a perceptive, painful look at what it’s really like to confront regrets. It’s also among the most creative TV installments in memory.

2. ‘Toast Can’t Never Be Bread Again,’ Orange Is the New Black, Netflix




C U LT U R E :

The prison drama aired its strongest season this summer, building to the startling death of inmate Poussey (Samira Wiley) at the hands of a guard. The show has flirted with comedy, to mixed results, but this season finale has a grim mastery of tone. The episode feels terribly painful as it tracks the aftermath of Poussey’s murder while flashing back to her life as a free woman, building to a moment of catharsis that was only illusory. The guards always win.

3. ‘Hope,’ black-ish, ABC An acquittal in a fictional racially motivated police-misconduct case sets off the action of this episode, sophisticated even by black-ish’s high standard. The talk that ensues—over whether to raise children with hope or fear, or to protest or stay indoors—feels even more salient now than when the episode aired in February.

BoJack Horseman changed its setting but kept its eye for wellwrought detail

4. ‘Marcia, Marcia, Marcia,’ The People v. O.J. Simpson: American Crime Story, FX A showcase for actor Sarah Paulson, “Marcia, Marcia, Marcia” incisively looks at all the ways Clark internalized critiques and misread what the public wanted of her. The ending, in which she

140 Time December 19, 2016

flaunts a grievous new perm in a last attempt at humanizing herself, is heartbreaking stuff.

5. Interview with Newt Gingrich, The Kelly File, Fox News Accused by the former House Speaker of being “fascinated with sex” for reporting on assault allegations against Donald Trump, Megyn Kelly defends her work and herself in surprisingly sharp terms. With this compelling exchange, Kelly confirmed that she’s the most interesting figure in TV news, standing in for the anti-Trump voter while making clear she is no Clinton defender. Postelection, the clip resonates all the more—raising the question of what the future may hold for a bête noire of the President-elect on a network disinclined to oppose him.

6. ‘The Winds of Winter,’ Game of Thrones, HBO The sequence ending with the destruction of the Great Sept of Baelor is among the show’s most memorable. The growing sense that gears are finally clicking into place for an endgame is crowned by a remarkable final shot—spectacle enriched with consequence.

7. ‘Fallen Heroes,’ The Carmichael Show, NBC The strongest installment in a terrific season applied Jerrod

Carmichael’s love for debate to the subject of Bill Cosby. Every character has a strong opinion— or several, butting up against one another. Cosby’s impact, after all, is proved by the fact that a sitcom about a black family is closer to unremarkable today than in the 1980s. The whole series is a debate about its NBC ancestor; this episode brilliantly moved the matter from subtext to text.

8. ‘Meth(od),’ High Maintenance, HBO This installment of the shaggy Brooklyn-set series tells the tale of a gay man (Max Jenkins) who realizes that his relationship with his BFF (Heléne Yorke) is toxic but can only replace it with more drama. Their story goes to daring, necessary places: Jenkins’ character is as much entranced by gay stereotypes that thrive in media as he is a refreshing corrective to them.

9. ‘San Junipero,’ Black Mirror, Netflix We start off in the 1980s in a party-centric beach town—and journey unimaginably forward. Throughout, technology provides the backdrop for the most human of stories. Skittering through time to tell a tale of unexpected love, “San Junipero” has its share of spectacular twists, but it’s the strength of its writing and acting that holds the viewer’s focus and keeps the episode sharply embedded in memory.

10. Stephen Colbert’s Live Election Night, Showtime This live special had clearly been planned with a different electoral outcome in mind: as host Colbert announced state after state rallying behind candidate Trump, the studio audience groaned, with less hope each time. Seams showed throughout, and a panel discussion found comedians, left without jokes, at a bitter loss for words. And yet this record of half of America’s experience of election night made it a raw and revealing piece of television. The only thing that doesn’t ring true is the closing benediction about the civic ties that hold Americans together. The shock, though—that endures.





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1. The Underground Railroad In this reimagining of American history, the Underground Railroad is a literal one. After Cora, a slave on a Georgia plantation, is beaten and raped by her master, she flees north, encountering more peril along the way. Although the setting is surreal, the characters are grounded in the harsh reality of AfricanAmerican history, toiling ever harder for survival even as the promise of freedom looms around the bend. Whitehead’s novel has earned well-deserved praise across the board, from being selected for Oprah’s Book Club to winning the National Book Award for fiction; as America’s first black President leaves office, its narrative power will continue to reverberate in the new year.






By Colson Whitehead

2. Another Brooklyn By Jacqueline Woodson

Four young women growing up in 1970s Brooklyn deal with racism, sexual assault, poverty, grief and other traumas. Some overcome these obstacles; some don’t. Yet through her poetic narration and exquisitely detailed observations of life on the margins, Woodson cultivates deep empathy for fragile lives, capturing the significance of their dysfunction in a breathless 200 pages.

3. Commonwealth By Ann Patchett

△ Top: Whitehead’s eighth book has won widespread acclaim and a National Book Award

An encounter at a christening party breaks up two marriages and drastically alters the lives of the children of both families. Years later, when the child from the baptism grows up, she confesses her family’s secrets to a lover—who later uses them in a novel, inciting turmoil once again. The family drama explores not only the metafictional concerns of how writers wreak havoc on their subject matter but the ways that all of us use and abuse the people we love most.

4. Homegoing By Yaa Gyasi

This debut novel alternates between two sides of a family tree, each chapter focusing on a different descendant from two half sisters in 18th century Ghana. While one remains in Africa, the other is sold into slavery, bound for America. Gyasi’s narrative skips some of the more familiar events in African-American history (like emancipation and the March on Washington) in favor of lessdocumented moments (like when Alabama inmates were forced to shovel coal) and shines an equally harsh light on the social inequity back in Ghana. It documents the horrors of the past, and searches for a new way forward with grace and gimlet-eyed hope.

5. All the Birds in the Sky

By Charlie Jane Anders As the world threatens to crumble, two friends who haven’t seen each other since childhood realize that the fate of humanity depends on them. While one is part of a community with magical powers, the other has accomplished incredible feats of engineering— and both will be necessary to save the world. Anders builds a fantastic world filled with talking birds and outrageous inventions, yet presents characters who are immediately recognizable in our own world.

6. Imagine Me Gone By Adam Haslett

After a son inherits his father’s severe depression and anxiety, his family spends years searching for a way to ease his pain. Even as a solution grows closer, the



mental illness ripples through his siblings’ personal relationships.


7. Swing Time


Two girls growing up in public housing in London both have a love for dance; only one has the talent to make a career of it. In adulthood, the narrator trades the poverty of London for the poverty of Muslim West Africa— until events send her back to her domineering mother and largerthan-life friend. While returning to some of the same thematic territory she charted in previous novels, Smith provides new insights on the complications of female friendships.





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By Zadie Smith

8. The Trespasser




By John Lewis, Andrew Aydin and Nate Powell

Congressman Lewis concludes his trilogy of graphic memoir with this volume about his civil rights activism. The comic book, which won the National Book Award for young people’s literature (though it’s for adults as well), covers everything from the 16th Street Baptist Church bombing to the emotional Inauguration of Barack Obama, conveying tragedies and setbacks with raw pain and dramatizing the behind-the-scenes work that made the Voting Rights Act possible. The powerful combination of words and images serves as a monument to the men and women who risked their lives to make the country a better place for all Americans.

2. Hillbilly Elegy: A Memoir of a Family and Culture in Crisis

In the latest installment of the Dublin Murder Squad series, a gritty detective who doesn’t fit in with her all-male squad tries to solve the murder of a beautiful young woman in her own home—encountering suspicious resistance from her colleagues along the way. French crafts a narrative that will keep both thriller fans and literary readers furiously flipping the pages, while raising profound questions about identity and our complicated reasons for reinvention.

By J.D. Vance

The author pays tribute to his family, who aspired to transcend their white working-class roots, while investigating issues like domestic abuse, poverty and alcoholism that plague the culture they came from. Vance and his memoir have proved valuable guides to one landscape of Middle America following the confusion many have felt during and after the election season.

9. My Name Is Lucy Barton

3. You’ll Grow Out of It

By Elizabeth Strout

By Jessi Klein

A visit from the narrator’s estranged mother while she’s in the hospital for a severe infection leads to ruminations on a life of alienation, from her childhood rooted in rural poverty to an urban adulthood marked by loneliness. In spare prose with pain pushing through the seams, Strout offers an ode to a life that is both specific and universal.

The head writer for Inside Amy Schumer brings her sense of humor to her essay collection, which takes on her misfit childhood, her relationship with lingerie and modern womanhood at large. As with all great personal comedy, Klein combines vulnerability and swagger to tell a story unique to her own experiences that nevertheless resonates with a wider community.

10. Here I Am

By Jonathan Safran Foer

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1. March: Book Three

By Tana French

As the Blochs are on the verge of divorce, a tragedy causes upheaval in the Middle East, and American Jews like the Blochs question what they owe Israel— and what they owe each other. Even as Foer reaches to tell a story on a more epic scale, he remains a faithful documentarian of the emotional lives of families.


Jessi Klein turns everything from Barbies to pregnancy into comedic gold

4. Known and Strange Things: Essays By Teju Cole

The novelist turns to nonfiction for a collection of essays on a broad range of subjects: fellow authors, like W.G. Sebald; the death of the last Tasmanian tiger; the African-American photographer Roy DeCarava; and

a Nazi performance of Beethoven. His sharp eye and impeccable prose lift these subjects to divine heights.

5. Hidden Figures: The American Dream and the Untold Story of the Black Women Mathematicians Who Helped Win the Space Race By Margot Lee Shetterly

During World War II, the U.S. desperately needed coders for the aeronautics industry. One group of supremely talented AfricanAmerican women answered the call to a challenging job, even while racism bubbled in the culture. Shetterly celebrates their courageous accomplishments in this book, whose movie adaptation starring Taraji P. Henson, Octavia Spencer and Janelle Monáe will be released on Christmas Day.

6. Shirley Jackson: A Rather Haunted Life By Ruth Franklin

The author of “The Lottery” and The Haunting of Hill House gets the biographical treatment in a book that explores her work and life, from an interest in witchcraft to a complicated marriage. In addition to crafting a compelling narrative of a life, Franklin successfully makes the case that Jackson deserves a more lauded spot in the American canon. I L L U S T R AT I O N B Y T O M I U M F O R T I M E

As usual, you saw that coming. There are a lot of things that are easy to see coming, like man buns and homemade kombucha going out of style, but some things are a little harder to detect. Like that pedestrian unexpectedly jaywalking. That’s why Toyota Safety Sense™ P,1 including a Pre-Collision System2 with Pedestrian Detection,3 comes standard on the new 2017 Corolla.

Toyota Safety Sense™ Standard

Prototype shown with options. Production model may vary. 1. Drivers should always be responsible for their own safe driving. Please always pay attention to your surroundings and drive safely. Depending on the conditions of roads, vehicles, weather, etc., the system(s) may not work as intended. See Owner’s Manual for details. 2. The TSS Pre-Collision System is designed to help avoid or reduce the crash speed and damage in certain frontal collisions only. It is not a substitute for safe and attentive driving. System effectiveness depends on many factors, such as speed, driver input and road conditions. See Owner’s Manual for details. 3. The Pedestrian Detection system is designed to detect a pedestrian ahead of the vehicle, determine if impact is imminent and help reduce impact speed. It is not a substitute for safe and attentive driving. System effectiveness depends on many factors, such as speed, size and position of pedestrians, driver input and weather, light and road conditions. See Owner’s Manual for details. ©2016 Toyota Motor Sales, U.S.A., Inc.

7. Lab Girl

By Hope Jahren Jahren, a geobiologist who has built three labs, has had some challenges unique to her status as a woman in science. She’s also had many inspiring moments and one especially meaningful professional relationship. Her memoir, rich in feeling and in facts, is an ode to her profession and to the natural world.

8. Kill ’Em and Leave: Searching for James Brown and the American Soul By James McBride

The author pursues the truth about the Godfather of Soul, revealing details about his mysterious childhood and his personal influence on everyone from Al Sharpton to Michael Jackson. With flair and insight, McBride tells the story not only of Brown’s life but of the uniquely American forces that shaped this unique artist—and that he shaped in turn.

9. The Constitution Today: Timeless Lessons for the Issues of Our Era By Akhil Reed Amar

A book on the Constitution may not have felt so urgent or timely in any other year, but in the wake of the Khan family’s appearance at the Democratic National Convention—and the President-elect’s subsequent affront—Amar’s expert framework of our nation’s most fundamental document is desperately needed.

10. Girls and Sex: Navigating the Complicated New Landscape By Peggy Orenstein

Orenstein examines the current state of affairs for teen girls, their social health and their cultural sexuality. Her examination of hookup culture questions the role of porn in the expectations girls set for themselves, and it grapples with the conditions surrounding assault. Orenstein strives to avoid the hand-wringing that usually comes with this subject, and grants her subjects agency in explaining their own situations.

152 Time December 19, 2016







1. Frank Ocean, Blonde






Frank Ocean has become pop music’s leading ascetic, a less-is-more devotee who’d rather let his melodies do all the talking. Released after four years of increasingly interminable when-will-it-drop hype, Blonde finds Ocean leaving behind the rich arrangements and narratives of 2012’s Channel Orange in favor of radical simplicity: little percussion, unobtrusive guest stars, lyrics that are both stunning and opaque. “Nights” is a multipart suite—like Ocean’s previous “Pyramids”—given an acid bath and stripped to spare parts. “Solo” and “Godspeed” are breathtaking modern hymns. (They’re queer too, and so deeply felt that they make a song like Channel Orange’s “Forrest Gump” sound cloying.) If that album made Ocean a star, Blonde confirms that he’s a singular one.

◁ Ferocious indie rocker Mitski gave adolescence a new spin on Puberty 2

2. Solange, A Seat at the Table Solange enlisted her friends and family to help make A Seat at the Table, an album that captures the joy and pain of being a black woman in the world. The music is elegant and warm, and the messaging is gentle but firm. “Don’t Touch My Hair” addresses routine personal invasion, while “Cranes in the Sky” is a slice of fluttering R&B that doubles as a collection of coping mechanisms for women disrespected by the world around them.

3. Mitski, Puberty 2 Puberty 2 is a raw, graceful rock record that taps into a rarely touched strain of millennial anxiety. To Mitski, “Happy” isn’t a feeling—it’s a sloppy houseguest, one who offers fleeting pleasure before taking off and leaving behind a dirty apartment. She one-ups herself with the explosive “Your Best American Girl,” tracing a relationship undone by expectations. Veering between delicate melodies and howling distortion, she captures the emotional, financial and existential stresses that define contemporary young adulthood.

4. Angel Olsen, My Woman My Woman feels less like an album than two distinct EPs, each anchored by Olsen’s astounding voice. The first half’s handful of brisk guitar songs pull from folk and country in equal measure; the second half is cosmic and expansive, a cross

between Neil Young’s craziest jams and Cat Power’s intense confessionals. It’s on that second half that Olsen really shines: she meditates on femininity and nostalgia, whips a wicked band into shape on epics like “Sister” and “Woman,” and imbues every new note with trembling intensity.

5. The Range, Potential When producer James Hinton needed vocalists and samples for his new music, he didn’t turn to friends or artists he admired. Instead he trawled YouTube for little-watched bedroom cover artists and struggling amateurs, and he filled Potential—his second LP as the Range—with their voices. The resulting electronic music is curious and humane, full of skittering rhythms and bright keyboard melodies.

6. Radiohead, A Moon Shaped Pool A Moon Shaped Pool is Radiohead’s return to form, a collection of new music that’s intricate and surprisingly playful. Whether they’re nodding at populism’s global rise (“Burn the Witch”) or writing about climate change (“The Numbers”), Thom Yorke and his crew find new energy by engaging with the world around them. Heartbroken waltz “Daydreaming” and slinky bossa nova “Present Tense” find the band at their most straightforward and stirring, three decades into their time together.


7. Rihanna, Anti Rihanna is one of the most charismatic performers in the world, but Anti is her first album to recognize that her charisma is her greatest strength. The music moves from dancehall to stoned soul to grimy trap-pop to a psychpop Tame Impala cover without blinking. It relies on her force of personality to hold everything together. The result is a record that eschews trend chasing for trailblazing.




C U LT U R E :


8. Blood Orange, Freetown Sound Dev Hynes’ dreamy album is full of unexpected voices and sounds, including guests like Empress Of and Nelly Furtado, sampled black luminaries like Marlon Riggs and Ta-Nehisi Coates and field recordings of Hynes’ beloved New York. The resulting music is fluid, nonlinear and devoted to exploring the pain black and queer people experience. On percolating dance jam “Best to You,” Hynes creates the kind of joy that often proves elusive in the lives Freetown Sound explores.





Where do you start with “Formation”? It’s an unapologetic, specific document of black womanhood for a nation struggling with systemic racism. It’s the perfect epilogue for Lemonade, the “visual album” that mined Beyoncé’s personal life for high drama and reinforced her complete command of her medium. It was the foundation for a world tour and the centerpiece of the most entertaining Super Bowl halftime show since—well, since the last time she graced that stage. So maybe you start here: it’s the boldest, most subversive song she’s ever made, a banger sturdy enough to bear all that cultural weight.

2. The 1975, ‘The Sound’ The 1975 approach rock stardom like a gang of freshman philosophy majors—they’re pretentious and proud. “The Sound” is their best song yet, gleaming pop-disco with lyrics like, “A sycophantic, prophetic, Socratic junkie wannabe.”

3. Dawn Richard, ‘Not Above That’ “Not Above That” is a post-genre dispatch from pop’s near future. Dawn Richard and collaborator Machinedrum toss the whole Billboard Hot 100 into a blender, blurring the lines between synthetic and organic.

Having proved her jazz bona fides with the graceful one-two punch of 2010’s Chamber Music Society and 2012’s Radio Music Society, Esperanza Spalding explores new ground. Songs like “Judas” and the ferocious “Rest in Pleasure” sound less like jazz than art-jazz-rock hybrids, with serpentine melodies unfolding over robust rhythm sections. Spalding emerges from the fray sounding like both Janelle Monáe and Steely Dan.

4. Chance the Rapper, ‘No Problem’ (feat. Lil Wayne and 2 Chainz) On this ebullient slice of popgospel, Chicago star Chance the Rapper affirms his commitment to independence. Musical antidepressants don’t get much more potent than this.

10. Jean-Michel Blais, Il

154 Time December 19, 2016


1. Beyoncé, ‘Formation’

9. Esperanza Spalding, Emily’s D+Evolution

In a difficult year, there’s relief to be found in music that embraces simplicity. On his debut, Il, Canadian pianist Jean-Michel Blais strings together stunning improvisations and composed pieces that harken back to Chopin, Satie and modern minimalists like Harold Budd. The album is remarkably physical: you hear Blais’ pedals being pushed. It’s music that invites you to stop and celebrate the sound of the world around you.


5. Fifth Harmony, ‘Work From Home’ (feat. Ty Dolla Sign) Chance the Rapper stole the spotlight on Kanye West’s 2016 track “Ultralight Beam”

Nothing posed a greater threat to productivity in 2016 than this girl group, who celebrated the joys of telecommuting with squelching synths and vocal pyrotechnics.

6. D.R.A.M., ‘Broccoli’ (feat. Lil Yachty) This affable, filthy ode to getting high and hooking up became a

surprise summer hit, thanks to D.R.A.M.’s irrepressible melodic instincts.

7. Whitney, ‘No Woman’ Whether you’re hearing it for the first time or listening on repeat, “No Woman” sounds like a secret you’re sharing with a friend. When it comes to debut singles, songs like this—warm, stirring pieces of country-soul—are rare.

8. Joyce Manor, ‘Fake I.D.’ Joyce Manor’s pop-punk short stories are concise, hilarious and surprisingly piercing. “Fake I.D.” moves from a fantasy hookup gone wrong to an elegy for a late friend in just over two minutes, all while referencing Kanye West and John Steinbeck.

9. Mac Miller, ‘Dang!’ (feat. Anderson Paak) A half-decade after launching his career as a frat-rap star, Mac Miller is all grown up: “Dang!” is a sensitive, earthy examination of a relationship on the rocks.

10. Kanye West, ‘Famous’ “Famous” is the latest, greatest piece of evidence that Kanye West’s musical vitality and personal volatility are intractably intertwined. Chords cribbed from Nina Simone and a classic reggae sample coexist with an ill-advised lyrical shot at Taylor Swift. It’s all part of West’s complicated, maddening and undeniable genius.


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7. She Loves Me


1. Shuffle Along, or the Making of the Musical Sensation of 1921 and All That Followed





It was submerged by the Hamilton tidal wave, but in any other season George C. Wolfe’s splashy, talent-packed re-creation of a landmark black musical of the 1920s (and the story of its creation and troubled aftermath) might have been the toast of Broadway. Part revival, part theater history, part backstage drama, the show was not only a tribute to the African-American contribution to the Broadway musical but also—thanks to an all-star team of performers like Audra McDonald, Brian Stokes Mitchell and Billy Porter, as well as Savion Glover and his exuberant tap-dancing choreography—a showcase for the contemporary fruits of that grand tradition. Sadly, when a pregnant McDonald had to leave the cast early, the show said a premature goodbye.

▷ Pitch Perfect’s Ben Platt stars in the Broadway hit Dear Evan Hansen

2. Love, Love, Love A couple hook up in the freespirited, drug-fueled ’60s, then (in two successive acts, spaced 20 years apart) see their marriage, kids and lives unravel. This piercing play from Mike Bartlett (King Charles III), making its New York debut in a sharp off-Broadway production directed by Michael Mayer and starring the terrific Amy Ryan, is admirably lean and mean, a portrait both of two severely mixed-up characters and of an entire generation’s dubious legacy.

3. Dear Evan Hansen A misfit teenager becomes an unwitting high school hero after the suicide of a classmate. This small musical has big ideas— about parenting, about the Internet and about our desperate need for connection—as well as a big new star in actor Ben Platt, who gives an intense and intensely moving performance as Evan (and will certainly be around at Tony time). The score, by hot songwriting team Benj Pasek and Justin Paul, is only serviceable. But few musicals are as psychologically acute or strike as powerful an emotional chord as this one.

4. Natasha, Pierre and the Great Comet of 1812 Dave Malloy’s engaging pop-rock musical, based (sort of) on War and Peace, doesn’t have quite the immersive fizz it did in two earlier

156 Time December 19, 2016

the showstopping number “I’m Breaking Down.”

incarnations as a downtown cabaret-style show. Still, it has made the transfer to Broadway with its bold theatricality intact. Malloy’s infectious score, ranging from electro-pop to Russian folk, is one of the best in recent years. And pop singer Josh Groban, taking over the central role of the brooding Pierre, has the pipes that a big Broadway house needs.

5. Red Speedo A swimming pool takes center stage—and not just for show—in this deftly turned drama about the ethical choices faced by an Olympic-hopeful swimmer and his entourage when drug charges surface. Playwright Lucas Hnath (The Christians) builds the stakes in punchy, stylized scenes that lift the play beyond mere issue drama to something more subtle and resonant.

6. Falsettos William Finn and James Lapine’s pioneering gay-themed musical—a combination of two one-acts written a decade apart, before and after the AIDS crisis— might seem like a relic of the bygone ’80s. But it looks as fresh and winning as ever in Lapine’s brisk new Broadway production, starring Christian Borle as the sexually confused husband and father, Andrew Rannells as his gay lover and Stephanie J. Block as his suffering wife, who freaks out wonderfully in

The 1963 Jerry Bock, Sheldon Harnick and Joe Masteroff musical about a love-letter romance in 1930s Budapest— based on a Hungarian play adapted famously in 1940’s classic The Shop Around the Corner—is one of Broadway’s little gems, and it got a near perfect revival last spring, directed with delicacy by Scott Ellis and starring the delightful Laura Benanti as the stubborn shopgirl who gets won over by ice cream.

8. Maestro One-man bio-plays can be tedious things. But not Hershey Felder’s tribute to the life and work of composer-conductor Leonard Bernstein. Refreshingly, he bypasses the usual “and then I wrote” chronology and offers a more impressionistic, affectionate but evenhanded portrait, embellished with a bounty of Bernstein’s music, performed with flair by Felder at the piano.

9. Skeleton Crew Tensions rise among four employees at a Detroit auto plant facing the prospect of layoffs in Dominique Morisseau’s incisive portrayal of working-class anxieties during the Great Recession. Along with Lynn Nottage’s Sweat (about Pennsylvania steelworkers whose jobs are about to be outsourced to Mexico), it made off-Broadway theater this year seem more in touch than most with the political winds that propelled Donald Trump to the White House.

10. Notes From the Field Anna Deavere Smith has virtually created a genre of her own with her solo stage works drawn from her reporting on events like the Crown Heights and Los Angeles race riots. Her focus here is a bit more diffuse—America’s failing education system and its impact on black America, with digressions to the civil rights movement of the 1960s—but once again she proves a master of turning committed journalism into dynamic stage pieces.

2016 the awesome column

In 2016, lies, the whole lies and nothing but the lies BY JOEL STEIN

Lying used To be dangerous. your nose mighT grow, your trousers could combust or a wolf might eat you. But this year, lying proved profitable, even for those who got caught. After a deluge of fake news stories, concocted debate facts and ads at the bottom of Internet articles for stories about how I will not believe what 1990s celebrities look like now when they actually look just like I thought they would—a lot of people are saying that 2016 was the Year of the Lie. If lying had been this acceptable in 1789, George Washington would have had the President’s residence constructed entirely of free cherrywood.

158 Time December 19, 2016

the Year Of the lie was great for the National Enquirer, which Donald Trump has written for since it is run by his friend. The paper reported that Clinton suffered from multiple sclerosis, depression and alcoholism. Infowars editor Alex Jones—whose radio show Trump loves and appeared on—believes that the moon landing was faked, 9/11 was faked and the Sandy Hook massacre was faked. And also that it’s O.K. to run your Cyber Monday sale of Infowars’ Super Male Vitality Formula way past Wednesday. Trump mastered the lie. He saw Muslims in New Jersey celebrate the falling of the Twin Towers. He claimed that Clinton started the birther movement instead of him. He vowed to save $300 billion a year from Medicare’s prescription-drug program, which costs $78 billion a year. After he won the presidency, he lied that millions of people had voted for Clinton illegally. It was the kind of year when you could even lie about being cheated after you won. The only thing you were punished for this year was telling the truth. Larry Wilmore’s Comedy Central show was canceled. James Comey decided to be totally up-front about every single thing he was thinking about and got persecuted for it. And a bunch of fact-checking organizations covered the election, only to be made fun of for being nerdy elites who care about facts. It was a better year to be a columnist than a reporter. I look forward to at least four more. •


OxfOrd dictiOnaries chOse post-truth as the word of the year. Is that true? Is there even an “Oxford Dictionaries”? Facts like that don’t matter in a year when people cared so little about lying. Mendacity created so little furor that for the first time in 34 years, no one bothered to start a rumor that Abe Vigoda had died, possibly making Abe Vigoda feel so ignored, it caused him to die. The Chicago Cubs were embraced despite being caught lying for 71 years about being cursed by a goat, when their real problem was that no one in the organization had ever thought to hire all the executives and players from the Red Sox. Pro-Brexit ads on the sides of buses—many of which were twice as high as normal bus ads—claimed that Britain paid £350 million every week to the E.U. and would redirect that cash to the National Health Service; most people knew neither was true, but it didn’t stop Brexit from winning. Hillary Clinton spun such an enormous, complicated web of cover-ups about her email server that not one person understood what she had done, including Hillary Clinton. North Carolina got away with passing a law by lying about men lying about being transgender to peep at women in bathroom stalls—which wouldn’t even make sense if free porn didn’t exist. Senate Republicans kept their majority even though they wouldn’t vote on confirming Supreme Court appointee Merrick Garland because, Mitch McConnell said, it is necessary to “let the American people decide” this, even though the Constitution specifically says the American people should definitely not decide this. Brock Turner lied about sexually assaulting an unconscious woman at Stanford and got convicted, but served only three months in jail. Olympic swimmer Ryan Lochte claimed men with badges robbed him

at gunpoint in Rio, though it turned out it he just got yelled at by a gas-station attendant for vandalizing the bathroom. Yet weeks later he was on Dancing With the Stars, an honor second only to being President, according to the actions of Rick Perry, who signed up for the show after quitting the race.


Thailand: A New Era T

he land of smiles is experiencing an unprecedented year-long period of mourning following the passing of the world’s longest-reigning monarch, King Bhumibol Adulayadej. The Thai people are grieving their revered king, who was instrumental in the country’s rapid economic transformation from agriculture to industry and who lifted many to middleclass status, uniting the nation through more coups than any other nation has experienced in recent history. The year 2017 welcomes a new era for generations unaccustomed to life without the constant presence of Bhumibol as the head of state. With the promise of an election and a growing economy, prospects remain bright. GDP is projected to strengthen moderately, at 3.3% in 2016 but is expected to grow between 3% to 3.9% in 2017. Exporting thE thai brand Global economic recovery is fuelling growth in Thailand’s export market, which has contracted of late. In 2017, exports are expected to increase by 1.8%, much of which can be attributed

to the strong pharmaceutical and food and beverages industries. Biopharm Chemicals Co. Ltd., has been in the pharmaceuticals distribution industry for 25 years. Already exporting 20% of their products, they hope to boost this to 50% in the coming years, proving the strength of the export industry. While many Thai companies look to form export partnerships to extend the Thai brand and mark of quality, such as Biolab Co. Ltd., specialists in pharmaceutical manufacturing. Thailand is placed perfectly within the center of the AEC (Asean Economic Community) to exploit its export capabilities. Chaiwat Kovavisarach, president of Bangchak Petroleum, defines the logistical advantages for exporting products: “Thailand occupies the most advanced infrastructure in the entire peninsula. In the energy industry, we see plenty of opportunities.” Efforts to export both the Thai product and brand effectively can be seen in none other than the Thai energy drink Carabao. In November 2016, Carabao and the English Football League announced a three-year partnership

Scan the QR code to access the enhanced Thailand Ebook featuring multimedia content and info at

deal for Carabao to be the title sponsor of the competition from June 2017 to 2020, watched by billions worldwide every year. Carabao is already the official sponsor of English Championship club Reading FC and is a principal commercial sponsor of the Premiership’s Chelsea FC. Sathien Setthasit, CEO of Carabao Group, comments, “Before spreading our brand locally and internationally, we needed to find a strong partner, so we can ensure that our international expansion is effective.” Cross-sector international partnerships appear to be the way for Thailand to extend its global reach. Dr. Virachai Techavijit, founder and chairman of Regent’s International School, is behind a move to elevate Thailand’s education system to the ranks of internationally acclaimed institutions: “Regent’s group of schools is aiming to assist in reforming Thailand’s education system by introducing international qualifications with partners like the University of London.” Adrian Lee, the director and CEO of Raimon Land, a property development company from Singapore, sees the Thai property market as a reflection of quality across the country: “Thailand is the most interesting country in AEC when it comes to growth and opportunities, as the cost structure and quality of products produced are so competitive.”

This section has been produced by The Correspondent, S.L.


2016 the endnote

Amazing grace BY JOE KLEIN

160 Time December 19, 2016

Their tastes were an eclectic combination of high and low: her sophisticated and never-errant fashion sense; his unabashed love of ESPN and late-adopted passion for golf. He will be remembered for his eulogies, the terrible skein of laments over the bodies of American citizens murdered. He could convey a cathartic sadness, and the potential for uplift, in the face of tragedy. His most perfect moment came at the funeral of the Charleston, S.C., churchgoers who had been killed by a sick white man. The families of the dead had already forgiven the shooter—a stupendous act, but not uncommon in the black church and the African-American experience. How to respond to that? Words couldn’t cover it ... so he sang “Amazing Grace,” a moment of bravado, humility and passion entwined. Boring? Not for a moment. Thank you, Mr. President and First Lady, for leading us so elegantly. □


eighT years ago, Toward The end of The 2008 presidential campaign, Michelle Obama asked me, “Klein, are you going to write a book like Primary Colors about us?” referring to my satirical novel about the 1992 campaign. I spluttered a bit; the thought had never occurred to me. Her husband started to laugh. “Klein can’t write a book like that about us,” he said. “We’re too boring.” That was nonsense, of course. The first African-American President of the United States was never going to be boring. But Obama was right too. There would be little melodrama and absolutely no hint of scandal during his time in office. The conservative fever swamps would be no less pustulent than they were during the Clinton presidency—indeed, the level of racebased hatemongering was frightening—but somehow the Obamas never let it get to them. They radiated a sense of militant normality, a mother-knows-best family on the world’s brightest stage. The First Lady let the White House staff know that Sasha and Malia would make their own beds. The President went up to the residence for family dinner most nights. The First Lady planted a vegetable garden. She gave her husband grief when he got too full of himself. When the President received the Nobel Peace Prize, he was asked to sign his name and leave a brief message in the same book that previous recipients, like Albert Schweitzer and Martin Luther King Jr., had signed. Obama sat before the book and, in his precise, architectural left-handed script, began to write and write ... and write. Finally, Michelle intervened: “Honey, are you writing a book?” Their physical, emotional and intellectual grace was daunting. They never lost their cool in public. He controlled a supersharp sense of irony; he was never harsh. He made plenty of mistakes, as all Presidents do. He declared a “red line” in Syria and did nothing when it was crossed. He did not pretend to like the social ceremonies of politics; he despised flattery. I once asked a top aide why the President didn’t invite his opponents over to the White House for a drink

or a movie more often and was told, “He believes they’d see right through it.” True enough, but there isn’t a soul in Washington who isn’t thrilled by an invitation to the White House. The impact of the Obamas on American culture was subtle but substantial. In the Klein household these days, Dad is reading a book (Sapiens, by the Israeli historian Yuval Noah Harari) that the President included in his list of 10 essential books, while the kids are watching the First Lady’s epic Carpool Karaoke and the whole family dances together to the President’s daytime playlist. The Obamas demonstrated that you can get down without losing your dignity.

Time USA Diciembre 19 2016  

Time USA Diciembre 19 2016

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