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kxlEpaK kmunis parti KANGLEIPAK COMMUNIST PARTY KCP


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Tha taruk khudinggi puthokpa

Vol. XI, Issue No. 02 October, 2018 NINGTHAM-CHEPHONG

Aphongba: Department of Information & Publicity Kangleipak Communist Party K C P.


14 SUBA MIYAMGI FINGANG LANMI GI MAPOK KUMWON DA MAC GI CHAIRMAN NA MIYAMDA PIJABA YAIPHA-PAOJEL August 13, 2018 Kum 2018, August 13, Ningthoukaba numit asida, Kangleipak Communist Party gi Lanmigi Sanglup, Miyamgi Fingang Lanmi (MFL) gi 14 suba Mapok Kumwon thokle. Numit asina lakpada eina MFL/KCP gi mahut sinjaduna WESEA lamdamda khundaminnariba phurupchasing, apunba WESEA lamdam asigi yawol touminnariba Yawollupsing, Yawol Lanmising, loinana eikhoibu sougatpiriba leibak pumnamakki maphamda kumsi chahigi yaipha-paojel pijari. MFL gi mapok kumwon numit, August 13 asi, Kangleipak (Manipur) gi Athoubasinggi ningsing numit amasuni. 1891 gi British ka soknakhiba lanphamda eikhoigi ipa-ipusingna maithigani khangna khangna thawaina pontha piduna ‘Ningtam Urong’ khinbirammi. Asigumba mutnaidraba Urong asi tunggi mirolna ningtambagi khong-gul lirakpa ngamnabani. Ngasigi mirol eikhoinadi tungda lakkadaba mirolsinggidamak kari touramba ngamgadouri? Ngasi, India amadi Kangleipak ki marakta leinariba senmitlon amadi leisemlon-gi mari asi mapu manaigi marakta leinaba marini. Asigumba mari asidagi thoklakpa Power Relation aduga houkhiba chahi kharasida thok-khriba leibakki thoudokwathoksingga kari mari leinei? Eikhoigi miyamna ‘Eikhoisi’, ‘Eikhoini’ haidana leirakpa matam yamna kure. Asigumba Leibak miyamgi mahut sinduna leingak pairiba Kangleipak ki i


MLA, Minister sing asisu asukki matik sonjei, makhoina lamdamsigi miyamgi ihul, aningba amadi apamba khanglabasu, miyamgidamak karimatta touba ngamjade. Makhoina pairiba Power asidi Delhi leingakki thouda adukhaktang pangthoknabani. Kangleipak ki leingakna haifam thokpa, toufam thokpa achumba amatta haiba amadi touba ngamjade. Aduna, makhoina miyamda hanjin hanjin oidaba ngangbada amadi namthak toubada ikaiba khangdaba, karimatta nachungdaba haibasina makhoigi lisang sitpa machat oirakli. Maramdi, makhoidi Delhi gi achanba khoubunai oidaba yadabani. Delhi gi yathang makhoina indrabadi makhoida Power sinnarakloi. Kangleipakki leingakki mathoudi Delhi gi yathang inbani, makhoigi khoubunai oibani. Loi-machasingga loi-mapugagi marakta leinafam thokpa mapu- manaigi mari haibadu masimakni. Aranba wafam ama Loi mapunabu chummi hairabadi, aranbani haiba khanglabasu, khoubunaidi mapuda onkhattuna lalli haiba ngamjade, mapugi yaka yengduna chummi adummak haigani. Khudam oina, handak Manipur University da ‘Adya Prasad Pandey’ kouba mayang macha amakhakpu Vice-Chancellor gi thabaktagi irai laina louthokpa yabada khurou thanghanduna asummak thamlibasini. Kangleipak kanbadagidi Pandey sougatpana henna maru oiriba karigino? Ngasigi leingak asina Manipur University gi matangda louriba saklon amadi mawong-matou pumnamak asi India ga Kangleipak kagi marakta leinariba mapu-minai gi mariduna oihallakpa ngaktani. Masimak, Kangleipak, India gi loilamni haibasigi taseng tasengba masak adu ifong fongna uthorakpani. Manipur University gi ii


wathok asikhakta nattana ngasi thengnariba leibakki atei wathok-lanthoksing, haibadi, leibakki aruba wafam kayada eikhoi masen tokhai tanaduna, amaga amaga yengthinahalliba pumnamak asisu Delhi gi khujil-thourangna thokhanba ngaktani. Maram aduna loisinpham khangdraba wathok lanthoksing asi matam chuppagi oina loisinduna achumbagidamak leppa, masagi oijaba thadokpa, miyamgi khanba chaokhatpa khunnai (Just Society) ama purakke hairabadi ngasi lamdamsida chat-thariba India gi Loilam leingak asi maru fukna mut-thatkhigadabani. Masigidamak Revolutionary Conciousness sagattuna yawol ihou toufam thok-e. India dagi eikhoi tokhai taba nattana waroisin puraknabagi eikhoigi atei atoppa lambi amatta leite. Chaokhatpa haibasi ningtambani, Ningtamba haibasi chaokhatpani. Miyam leibagi Yawolloisingna hingbani, Yawolloisingna yawol touribasi miyamgini. Eikhoina karigumbadasu miyamda amadi eikhoi masen marakta minamloidabani. Delhi gi khoubunai, Kangleipakki leingakloisingna toubagumna makhoi masen marakta amadi miyamda oidaba ngangbada halengdaba, chin chenthi chenthi thibada karimatta ikaiba khangdabagumna Yawolgi sinfamda leiraba eikhoidi touroidabani amasung tounaroidabani. Lalhoubagi sinfamda mirot oirabasinggi taibangpan, amaromda mapanda fongna leibasinggi taibangpan, taibangpan anisigi punsi marenda mannaba/mannadaba kaya lei, adubu anisi amana amada ithildi pinei. Fatte khanglaba mapan-gi ithildi eikhoida changhalloidabani. Masina eikhoigi yawol khongchatta yeikhai-thingaiba pirakloi hainingai leite. iii


Nungsijaraba Comrade sing, Eikhoi masengi marakta lamjel tannaba haibasiga, punna chatminnaba haibasiga anisi machangda khennei. Khennabasi eikhoi khangminnasi. Lamjen tannabadadi akal-athou utnei, kallak-kanjaoba poknei, amana amabu namthananaba hotnei amadi lamthungfam youbada ahan-akon nai. Punna chatminnaba haibasidadi, ason-ana, akal-athou thidana, achaoram amatta yaodana, amaga amaga mateng pangnaduna, awa-ana puminnaduna matam amattada lamthungfam chap mannana youminei. Punnasu chatminnaba, aduga lamjelsu tannaba haibasigi mahei kari oifam thok-e? Eikhoigi pandam amatani hairagasu eikhoi punna thabak touminnanabagi asengba kanglon adudi hanna thiminnaba chang-e. Puwarigi torei-tuthek khudingmakta eikhoigi lanmi karamna semgatkadage haibasigi lambi thiba leploidabani. Mayang lanmiga Eikhoigi Yawol lanmiga khennaba machat adu masak thokna utkadabani. Eikhoidi miyamgidamak kathoklaba yawol lanmini. Aduga mayang lanmidi imungmanung thaknapa lanmi oibani. Yawol lanthengna matam sangna chatharakliba makhei, makhal-makha kayagi aruba fivam sing maiyoknarakpa haibasisu masana taba wafamni. Fivam khudingmakta eikhoi khangba kanbaga loinana singnarakpa khudingmak maiyoknagadabani. Madutada eikhoi khudingmak maru changba lanmi amamam oiba ngamgadouribani. Aka-akum naiba yawolgi fivam pumnamakta eikhoi hotnaba leppa yade. ‘Tamba’ amasung ‘Thijinba’ haibasigi mapan naiba natte. Chairman Mao na haibirammi: People’s Liberation Army iv


haibasi lanmisinggidi achouba School ama oihan-gadabani. Asigumba chaoraba School asida eikhoigi lanmisingna Leisemlon, Lanmigi tougadaba thabaksing amasung Naat tamgadabani. Mahakna asumnasu makha tarammi: Army Unit khudingmak asi Lou-u-sing-u-ba, Sinsarol amadi miyamga loinaba, hairiba lamsing asigi manungda lam amada natragana lam ama/anida thabak touduna leihangadabani. Masi hai haidunasu matam amatada lam ahummaksidi fangjinnaduna touhalloidabani. Asumna thabak su-nomba asina lanmisinggi tangaifadana changda yadabasing adu kharagi makheidi menkhatpa ngamhangani. Comerade sing, eikhoigi hotnajamal maheina Yawol lanthenggi liklamda achouba ahongba ama puraklasi. Achouba ahongba ama purakpa haibasigi wahanthokti ngasigi oirakliba yawolgi fivamga channa-chunaba wakhalmityeng thabakta pansinduna anouba khongthang loukhatpa haibani. Khongthang asina yawolbu khumang chaosilhangani amadi masi leptana chat-thaduna leigadaba thouwong amani. WESEA lamdamgi miyam pullasi! Loumi-sinmi miyamna mai paklasanu!

Kangla/August 13, 2018

(Ksh. Laba Meitei) Chairman Military Affairs Committee President Kangleipak Communist Party

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EDITORIAL

EIKHOI PUNSI HAIRABADI KEIDOUBA TAI! 20 suba chahichada miyamgi panggalna malemda maning tamdana leiramba leibak kaya ningtamnakhi. 21 suba chahicha hourakpadadi malemgi machi machi khudingda mapung oina senmitlon khudum chansinduna namthaba leingaksinggi maiyokta micham miyamna phongna leptuna pendaba amadi yaningdabagi khollao kaya laonarakli. Loinana masing thingamdraba miyam amana lambi-lamjaoda thoraktuna palliba leingak adubu pendaba/ yaningdabagi wakat-mipham amadi wakat-khongchat nachingba makhal-makha kayagi khongjang changsinduna ihou hounarakli. Kumja 2010 gi paringda Middle East (Arab ki leibaksing), Europe, US amasung Chile da touning touningba touba miyamgi khandaba miwotpa leingaksinggi maiyokta hourak-khiba miyam huppa ihousing adu eikhoina ngasisu phong phong sana ningsingnariba ngaktani. Tunisia dagi houraga Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Syria amadi North Africa youna sandorak-khiba ‘Arab Spring’ haina khangnaba miyamgi ihou asiga mari leinana Arab ki atei leibaksing, haibadi, Algeria, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Oman nachingba leibaksing asidasu mawong vi


amada natraga amada changsilliba miyamgi lantheng eikhoina ngasisu uriba asini. Asigumba miyamgi yaningdaba, pendaba amadi kuina khangduna leiraklaba wakatsinggi khollaoga loinana changsillakpa ihousing asida eikhoina mapung oina uba masak-mawong khara haiba tarabadi ihousingduda saruk yariba miwoisingdu makok-mathang haina amuk thak khaidoktaba, luchingba amakhakki makhada ihousingdu chatthadaba amadi ihou aduda mipum tingna saruk yaminnaba hairibasing asini. Masi khunnaigi ihouda Participatory Democracy haibaduni haina Francesca Polleta na hai. Participatory Democracy haiba wahei asimakti 1962 da Students for Democratic Soceity (SDS) kouba anouba Left kangbu amana pak-sanna miyamda khanghallakkhibani. SDS ki thoumisingna waheisi amuk Arnold Kaufman dagi lourakkhibani hai. Participatory Democracy leiba Lup natraga Khunnaidadi luploising/ mikoksing adu loina pullaga amatta oina warep louminnei, poram yatminnei, luploising/mikoksing adu mana makokni, aduga mana mathangni haina amuk thaak khaiba toude, amaga amaga mangam chap mannei, amadi luploisingna/ mikoksingna wakhal- mityeng amatta khennadraba, haibadi, wakhal-mityeng chap mannaraba matamdata warep khudingmak loubagi chatnabi (Consensus) pumnamakna ngakminnei. Asumna toubada mayam pumnamakki makokthongba luchingba ama thamba, loinana makok-mathang khaiduna amaga amaga thaak khennahanba haiba waphamsing asidi yamna lapna leikhre. Thoumisingna ngasigi malemda Horizontal vii


Structure gi yumphamdagi sagatlakpa lupki machatna ihou touba haibasina yamna henna khumang chaosilli haina khannei amadi pumnamakna masibu yamna pamna lounei. Eikhoigi lamdamsigi lup natraga luptin sagatpagi fibham amadi leibakki ihou changsinbagi mawong Participatory Democracy gi machatsing leihange tourabasu ngamde. Sagatluraga thambou tekpagum pok pok hekta tek-ee. Laphu kabadouna khara kakhatluraga hekta nantharak-e. Masi kari asoiba amadi awatpa leibadagi asumna touribano? Malem pumbana Digital Computer automation gi aroibi thakta chaokhatnakhrabasu eikhoigi lamdamsidadi Loucha khunnai (Feudal Society) gi lemhoukhak machat leihouri. Loina loinana loumisingna lou sallaga uri. Loupuda lousal tambagi chatnabi mutri. Lai haktaktagi sijinnaraklaba Louu sing-ubagi khuju-khulaising adu ngasi phaoba eikhoina sijinnari. Aduga maikei amaromdana Ningtamlaba Bharat ta ningtamdriba miyam amana ningtam laan houri. Bharat leingakna makhoigi laanmigi panggal sijinnaduna WESEA lamdamgi miyambu namthari. Senmitlonda kham thengna makhoigi mapan tanghalli, eikhoigi miyambu minai oihalli. Aduna mityeng asidagi yengbada eikhoigisi Semi Feudal amadi Semi Colonial oiba khunnaini haina louba yai. Eikhoigi ihou asi Feudal Society gi Feudal Lord kharagi Interest ngaknaba oirabadi miyamgi ihouni karamna haigani. Matang asida Pierre Bourdiue gi Habitus haibadu ningsingba yai. Masi ‘Psychosomatic mind’ ni, haibadi kanagumba amada angang oiringeidagi magi luda-tongda viii


paktuna yaorakkhraba hongdokpada hekta ngamdaba lichatni. Masi, Primary amasung Secondary Socialization gi matamda semkhiba mi amagi lichat lonchat amani. Asigumbasing asi eikhoi ningtam ihou houribasingna khanthaba mathou tai. Ningtam ihou houringeidasu eikhoi isana khangna Declass toupham thok-i. Irabot na masana masabu Declass touramdrabadi loumigi leibakta mahak loumigi luchingba oiramdaba yai. Mannaba khunnaigi mang mangsi hairabadi Marxism-Lennism-Maoism na eikhoigi Ideology oigadabani. Masigidamak eikhoi pumba Proletarian morality leiba tangai phadabani. Punnabagi wakhallon (Ideology) gi oiba achetpa yumpham ama thondana matam matamgi khudongchaba yengduna natraga kannaba phangnaba naksinna tinnaba asidi tasengna punsi haiba natte. Eikhoi keidoubagi pungadouribano? Eikhoi amatta oina punsinba, punsinba asidagi apunba miyamgi ihou ama sagatlakpa haibasi eikhoigi wakhal tabagi thak aduna leppham thok-i. Wakhal taba haibasidadi eikhoigi wakhal khanbagi paring chumba chang-e. Wakhal khanbagi paring chumlagadi thabak thoubagi paramsu tarakkani. Wakhal khanbagi paring chumba haibasida eikhoigi Ideology haiba ama leitaba yarakte. Punba haibasi manaba ideology amagi makhada punna thabak touminnabaduni. Asigumba Ideology amagi makhada lanthengminnaraba matamdata eikhoigi ningtam laanhougi pandam phanggadourigani amadi eikhoibu chaokhatpa khunnaigi panthung youna lamjinggadouribani. Eikhoina manaba khunnai ama semnaba ihou touba oirabadi Marxism-Leninism-Maoism ix


bu eikhoigi ideology oina louroidouribagi maram karigino? Masina miwoiba khunnaibu macha khaina neinaduna takpa ngambata nattana karamba maikeida khunnaibu honghangadage haibadusu uhanba ngammi. Tasengnamak masidi yawol laanthenggi wangulonni. Eikhoigi miyamgi Values karina padam oiduna lepkani? Values haibasi Ideology amaga amaga yamna tongan tonganna lounei. Kanagumba luchingba kharana masagi Class ki Interest ngaknabagidamak miyamda ningtamba pigani haina minamlabadi miyamna mabu yapham thokte. Adugumba wakhal khanbagi aranba paring aduna khunnai amabu tasin-khomjinba haibasi oithoktabani. Adunadi, miyamgi ngaklou phangdaba tabani, mameida miyamgi ihou leirakloi. Eikhoigi ihou asi, masa manunggi asonba amatta leitaba ihou oihansi hairabadi eikhoi meitei waikhu oiba toknagadabani, amana amabu chingthanabagi heinabi matam chuppagi oina thadoknagadabani. Aduk wana wana matam changna semgatlakkhiba apunlupsing adu karigidamakta irai irai laina thugaikhribano? Punsi hairabadi eikhoi wakhal-mityeng-thawai amatta oina pungadabani.

Editor

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YAOPHAM-TAKPA

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14 SUBA MIYAMGI FINGANG LANMI GI MAPOK KUMWON DA MAC GI CHAIRMAN NA MIYAMDA PIJABA YAIPHA-PAOJEL EDITORIAL....... EIKHOI PUNSI HAIRABADI KEIDOUBA TAI! POTHOK PUTHOKPAGI MAWONG (MODE OF PRODUCTION) : KHUNNAI AMAGI POTCHAK KI YUMPHAM (MATERIAL FOUNDATION)

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AMILCAR CABRAL GI ‘CLASS SUICIDE’ AMADI ‘SOCIALIST REVOLUTION’

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SENMITLON AMADI MIWOIBAGI LAMCHAT -SAJAT (MORALITY)

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OF POLITICAL ECONOMY AND THE WAY FORWARD

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INDIAN COLONIAL RULE AND HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN KANGLEIPAK

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WHY SHOULD WE DEMAND FOR RESTORATION OF PRE-MERGER POLITICAL STATUS OF MANIPUR

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PHOTO GI LAMAI

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POTHOK PUTHOKPAGI MAWONG (MODE OF PRODUCTION) : KHUNNAI AMAGI POTCHAK KI YUMPHAM (MATERIAL FOUNDATION)

Historical materialism neinabada eikhoina ihan hanna

khanggadabasi khunnai amana chaokhatlakpasi khunnai adugi pothok puthokpagi mawong (‘mode of production) na leppi haibasini. Aduga pothok puthokpagi mawong haibasina khunnai aduna pothok puthokpada mee amaga mee amagagi marakta leinariba mari amadi khunnai dugi pothok puthokpagi pangan, hairiba pothok puthokpagi machan ani asina punduna oibani. Meewoibana chana-thaknaba chinjak, leinnaba yum (leipham) setna-innaba phirol amadi attei potlam kaya yaodana hingba yade. Mahousa (nature) na hairiba potlam sing asi hekta sijinnaba yaraba mawong pibibasu natte. Hairibasing asi puthokke hairabadi meewoibna thabak suba tai. Maram asina su-nomba(labour) haibasina meewoiba khunnai punsi (social life) ki yumpham ni hairibani. Masinani meewoibabu mee oihalliba.

Su-nomba (labour) amadi pothok-puthokpa haibasi leitrabadi taibang mewoibagi punsi haibasi amuk leiroi. Asumna meewoiba khunnaina mapung marei pharakpa haibasi karina 1


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI leppage haina neinarabadi mapung oina khunnai adugi pothokputhokpa (material production) na leppi haibada karimatta lailaroi. 1. Pothok pangan (productive forces): Meewoibana su-nombagi pangal amadi heisingba (labour) sijinnaduna mahousadagi phangjaba potsingbu makhoina pamba mawongda semdok-sadok-e. Khudam oina hairabada mewoibana yotpu mahi langthokhanduna steel semlaga makhoida mateng pangba khutsu khutlai sing sai. Pothok-puthokpa haibasi ‘objects of labour’ amadi ‘means of labour’ yaodanadi oiba yaba natte. “Objects of labour” hairagadi mewoibagi pangan lousing (labour) thadariba potcheising aduni, aduga “means of labour” hairagana thabak subada sijinariba khutsu-khutlai, machine sing, lambi-thong amadi pothok-puthoksang asinachingbabu khangnei. Hairiba “objects of labour” amadi “means of labour” ani asina punlaga eikhoina pothok puthoknabagi pambei(means of production) haina khangnei. Mewoibana pothok puthokpada sijinnariba khutlaising asi yamna maru oi. pothok puthokpada sijinariba khutlaising asi yaodanadi kari mattaoithokpa yaba natte. Khutlaising asigi mapan na mewoibana hingba ngambani, khutlai asi phariba makhei meewoibana hingbada henna laihalli nungaihalli. Pothok puthokpa haibasi puthoknaba khutlaidu ngaktanadi yaba natte. Khwaidagi phare haina leiriba machine asi masibu sijinnanaba meewoiba yaodrabadi madu kanadaba yotki mapei oiduna tokkani. Adugisu mathakta machine 2


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI hairibamaksisu meewoibana saribani. Meewoiba khaktana machine sing asibu sijinnaba amadi masibu sijinnaduna pothok puthoknaba thabak touba hei. Maram aduna meewoiba haibasi pothok puthokpa haibasida yaodaba sungya yade. Eikhoina pothok pangan (productive forces) hairibasi mewoiba khunnai na pothok puthoknabagidamak sariba khutsukhutlaising adubu khangnei. Pothok pangan na mee amadi mahosa anigagi marakta leinariba maridu leppi. Pothok pangan asina chaokhatlibamakhei meewoibana mahousabu khudum chanduna mahakki kannaba mawongda sijinnaba ngamgaduribani. Khunnai amagi Pothok pangan onbada mee haibasina mapung oi. Khutsu khutlaisu meewoibana sabani, aduga masibu sijinnaduna meewoibagi mathou tabasing phanghandouribasu meewoibanani. Pothok mari (Production relation): Pothok putokpada meewoibna mathou taribasi pothok pangan (productive forces) ta natte. Pothok puthoknabagidamak khunnai amada leiriba khunnaichasingna makhoi masengi marakta akaknaba mari ama sagatpa mathou tai. Maramdi pot puthokpa haibasi naitom touba yaba natte, punna touminnaba chang-i. Punna touminaba chang-i haibasinani meewoi-bagi su-nomba (labour) haibasi gi magi machatta khunnai oi hairibasi.Asumna pothok si punna puthokminarabanina chakthung yennaba haibasi masana tarak-e. Asumna punna pothok puthokminbasidagi khunnaichasingdugi marakta akaknaba mari ama sagatlak-e, hairiba mari adubu eikhoina pothok mari, 3


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI haibadi ‘production relation’ haina khangnei. Marx masamakna asumna hairammi, “Makhoina pothok puthoknaba makhoi masengi marakta achetpa mari ama sagatli, amadi hairiba mariduda yumpham oiduna makhoina mahousabu khudum challi amadi pothok puthok-e.” Meewoibagi puwaribu hangatna yenglabadi eikhoina ugani madudi meewoi kanglup amagi pothok puthokpagi mawong (mode of production) asi khunnai dugi pothok pangan (productive forces) amadi pothok mari (production) anisina amatta oina punsinduna sembani. Nganlingei (primitive society) da khunnaicha sing asi sumin nominnaduna hing-e. Sumin nominaba haibasina khunnaichasing naksinnahalli, aphaba mari leinahalli. Asumna su-nomba (labour) haibasina khunnaidugi yumpham oi. Sadanduna koichat chatlaga hingba meewoi kanglup (nomad hunting tribe) singdadi sadanminnaba haibasina makhoigi pathok-mari (production relation) ni. Adubu khunnai gi pothok pangan na chaokhatlakpa amadi sinpham khaidoklakpa (division of labour) matmdagidi khunnai amagi khunnaicha sing gi marakta leinaramba mari adu henna henna lapthorak-e. Sinpham khaidorakpadagidi mari asi khutheibasing, loumeesing, sa-san yokpasing amadi lallonbasinggi marakta leinaba maridu oirak- e.Pothok-sangda sijinnaba machine sing puthoraklaba matamdadi khunnai adugi pothok mari (production relation) asi mamai kaya longba mari oirak-e. Thangeisengbadi pothok mari (production relation) haibasidi 4


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI pothok-puthoknabagi- pambei(means of production) kanana mapu oi (form of ownership) haibaduna leppi. Londa amada hairabadi pothok puthokliba meeyamga pothok pambei (means of production) leinaba marina pathok mari gi masak leppi haibani. Maphamsida eikhoina pothok-khutlai (means of production) hairaga lam, khongdagi- thokpa-pothok, umang-wamang, ising, pothok-puthoknaba-machak, pothoksang amadi pothok puthokpada sijinariba khutsu khutlai pumnamak khangnei. Khunnai amada mathak thangna leina meewoi kanglup amadi makha-thana meewoi kanglup haina thoklaklibasi Pothokpambei kanana mapu oi (form of ownership) haibadugi makha ponbani. Karigumba pothopambeising adu meeyam na mapu oirabadi pothok- mari adu amana amaga tengbangnaba amadi ot-neiba haibadu yaodaba mari oigani. Masigumba makhal gi pothok mari asi eikhoina ‘socialism’ da ugani. Karigumbada pothok pambeigi masing yamdraba amadi meeotpa meewoi kharana masigi mapu oirabadi pothok mari adu mathak-thangna leiba amadi makha-thana leiba meewoi kanglup anigi marakta leinaba mari oigani, mari asi capitalism da ugani. Masi sungsoi soidana thoklagadaba phibhamni, maramdi asigumba yengthinaba kanglup ani leiba khunnai (antagonistic class society) amada su-nomduna hingba pothok-pambei mapu oijadaba meewoi kanglup (working class) pu pothokpambei mapu oiba meewotpaingidamak hingdabadi yadabanina makhoigi thabak subiba tabani. Asumna 5


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI thokhallibasi mode of production dugi maheini. Chakthung yenthokpagi mawong (form of distribution) asisu pothok-pambei kanana mapu oi haibaduna lepi. Lannaai meewoi kharana pothok-pambei pumba mapu oiba (private capitalist ownership) matamda khunnaidugi lan-thum yenthokpagi mawong asi kanglon yamna kai, chang yamna mannade. Thabak suba sungyao yaodana (haibadi labour conrtribution pidana) pothok pambeigi mapu oibasingna puthokliba pothokki ayamba saruk makhoina phang-e. Pothok pambei meeyamna mapu oiba socialist khunnaidadi chak-thung haibasi mee amana suriba thabkki changna leppi, masida amana amabu namja namtheknade. Socialism dadi khunnai gi lanthum asi meeyam gi khutta lei, meeyam na mapu oi. Pothok mari haibasina konsinlibasida pothok pambeigi mapu oibagi mawong (form of ownership of means of production), adugi mahei oina khunnaigi tongan tonganba meewoi kanglup singna pothok-puthokpa aduda leiba thaksing amadi puthokliba pothoksing adu karamna chakthung yennei hairibasing asi yao-i. Pothok mari haibasi meegi aningba apambagi makha ponde. Khunnai amagi Pothok-pangan gi makha ponna khunnaidugi pothok mari thokcharakpani. 2. Pothok pangan (productive forces) amasung pothok mari (production relation) ani gi marakta leinaba mari Pothok puthokpasisu ahongba nai, tapna tapna hongduna 6


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI mapung marei pharak-i. Honghalloi haiba yaba natte maramdi meewoibana hinge hairabadi pot puthokpa tai, pothokki changsu matamgi matung inna hongba tai. Malemda leiriba meegi masing asi leppa leitana hengatlaklibani, masiga loinana makhoigi mathou tabasu hengatlaklibani. Meihourol matamgi mee (primitive man) gi mathou taba potsi yamde: chanaba chinjak, setnaba sawul gi phi, leinaba yum aduga me asitani. Nakal amaromdana, nat kibu oiro, potchei gibu oiro, houjik matamda meewoibada changba mathou tabasingsidi onthokna yamkhre. Asumna leptana hengtlaakliba mewoibagi mathu tabasi phanghange hairabadi pothok puthokpasi henna pakthok chaothokhanba tai, aduga hannadagi phagathanba tai. Pothok henna puthokpa haibasi pot ki oiba mathou taba (objective) duni, masi meewoiba khunnaigi kanglon ni. Mewibagi puwari haibasi khunnaiduna hingnabagidamak pothok puthokpa si mawong henna phagathanbagi warini, masi hanna leiramba pothok puthokpagi mawong adu henna phaba pothok puthokpagi mawong amana mahut sinjinbaduni. Karam haina pothok puthokpa phagathanbage? Pothok puthokpasi phagathange hairabadi pothok-pangan (productive forces) asi hongdokpa tai. Eikhoina mamangda pankhibagum productive forces haibasidi pothok puthoknaba khutlaising amadi khutlaidubu sijinagadouriba mee sing duni. Hairiba maram anisigi marakta karambana hanna chaokhathanba tai? Puwari na tak-e, madudi pothok puthoknaba khutlaina hanna puthok-e. Thabak subada henna lainaba 7


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI amadi pangal iyam yamna changdana pothok yamna phanghanba ngamnaba meewoibana hanna leiramba khutlaising henna phagathalli amadi anouba khutlaising sai. Pothok puthokpada sijinariba khutsu khutlaising na phagatakpa haibasi thabak suriba meewoising adugi thabak ki maheini. Aduga khutsu-khutlaising asi henna chaokhathanbana, haibadi phagathanbasina amuk mewoibabu singathalli amadi khumang chaosilhalli. Lisang sitna yengba tarabadi thabak subada sijinnariba khutlaising henna phagatlakpana thabak suriba mee (worker) singbu henna singathalli amadi heithoi-singthoihalli. Masiga iroinana pothok puthokpada amaga amagagi marakta leinariba marisu honghalli. Pothok-mari (production reation) si pothok pangan gi makha polli. Amaromda hairadi pothok pangan na pothok marigi masak leppi. Masi haidunasu pothok mari asina ateipotsaksingda ithil piba ngamdaba natte. Masina pothokpangan bu ithil pee, karigumbada pothok pangalgi mapangan kankhathalli, karigumbadana mapanngan sonthahalli. Pothok-pangan ga channaba pothok-mari thoklak-e. Adubu pothok-pangana henna fagalakpakandadi hannagi pothokpangan duga chanana leijaramba pothok mari adu anouba pothok-pangan duga channarakte. Matangsidadi pothokpanganbu chaokhathanbada mateng panglamba pothok-mari adu pothok pangan gi maikokta lak-e. Matangsidadi anouba pothok mari amagidamak khunnaiduda yawol-ihou ama laktaba yararoi. 8


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Masina kanglupki-lantheng (class struggle) purakpa ngammi. Khunnaina chaokhatlakpagi tangkak khudingda meewoi kanglup amana leingakloi oiduna makoigi leingak chathei, masida makhoina state pu khutlai oina sijinei. Khunnaigi yawol ihou (social revolution) haibasi leingak pairiba mewoi kanglup amabu atoppa meewoi kanglup amana sindokpapabu khangnei. Socialist khunnai laktriphaobadi eikhoina yawol haibasida uribasisu mee-otpa meewoi kangbu amana mee-otpa kangbu amagi mahut sinduna meeyambu ot-neibaduni. Socialist evolution laktuna simee meeyamna power pairaklabadi meena meebu otpa haibadu leiraroi. Mathakta hairibasidagi eikhoina uribasi khunnai amana chaokhatke hairabadi pothok mari ga pothok panganga chanagadabani haibasini. Eikhoina apiba pothok-puthokpagimawong (mode of production) amagi manungda khunnaibu neinarabadi eikhoina sungsoi soidana ugani madudi (mode of production) amagi ahouba saruktadi pothok-marisi pothok pangan ga punna chatminaba yai, maduna maram oiduna khunnaidu manglomda chatli. Adubu khara leiraga kuisinlaklaga pothok pangan duna chaokhatlaklaba matamdadi pothok mari adu mallaba amadi matamga chunnadraba pothok mari oirak e. Masigi mahei oina ariba pothok- mari du anouba pothok pangan duga muknarake. Muknaba asi khudakta hekta oiba pot naatte, masi khunaigi oiba pothok puthokpa (social production) gi manungda 9


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI hannadagi yaojaraba machatsingdagi oirakpani. Pothok puthokpada pothok pangan haibasina khwaidagi hongganba pot ni. Makhoisi leptana hongduna lei.yamna pikpa pothok puthokpagi mawong amagi (mode of production ) amagi manungdaphao hong-e. Asumna toubada pothok-marisidi ihong hongande. Aduna pothok-panganna hongkhibagi khongjenga channana chatpa ngamde, nanthaduna lehuwee. Masigi mahei oina pothokpangan duda khurou thang-e, asumna pothok-mari ga pothok panganga muknarak-e. Mameida pothok-pangan na leptana chaokhatlakpa matamdadi muknaba (contradiction) adu sum sum wangkhatlaktuna angam tannarak-e. Matangsida ariba pothok-marisi manghankhiduna anouba pothok mari ama semnanaba khunnaigi yawol ihou (social revolution) ama mathou tarak-e. Masini kanglup naiba khunnai amada pothok-mari amadi pothok pangan anigi marakta leinaba dialectics hairibase. Makha tana amuk eikhoi masigi mari (dialectics) asina mewoibagi khunnai na chaokhatlakpada louba thoudang du yeng si. 3. Mode of production honglapaga iroinana khunnai honglakpagi puwari Modes of production na khunnai ama chaokhatlaknabagi yumpham oibanina meewoibagi khunnaina honglakpa asi kanglon amagi matung inna mode of production na mathang mathang honglapagi puwariduni haina loubasu yai. Houjik phaobada meewobagi puwari da mathang manao 10


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI naiba mode of productin manga lei. Makhoising adudi, 1. Meihourol khunnai (primitive society) gi pothok puthokpagi mawong 2. Minai loiba khunnai gi puthok puthokpagi mawong 3. Loucha khunnai gi puthok puthokpagi mawong 4. Senjao tanba khunnai gi pothok puthokpagi mawong amadi 5. Mannaba khunnai gi pohok puthokpagi mawong. 3.1 Meihourol matamgi khunnai (primitive society) Miwoibana yumling khulingba hourakpadagi meewoibagi puwarisi houkhribani. Sa-ngadagi dadagi top topnac henba meewoibagi magun si khutsu-khutlai saba heibasini. Sunomba haibasina meewoibabu mee oihallibani. Thabak subanomba haibasina mewoibabu henna henna mapung marei phahalli, natraga henna henna mee oihalli. Asigumba meewoibagi su-nomba asidagi khunnai haibasisu thoklaklibani. Meihourol khunnai (primitive-communal society) meewoibagi khwaidagi hanthaba makhalgi organization ni. Hiariba sanglaba matamsigi manungda mewoibana mahousagi khutlaising, haibadi nung amadi utup-watup sijinnabata natana khutsu-khutlai sajaba ngamle. Ahanbadi masi nung, saru amadi u-na saba icham chamba khutlaisingni. Khudam oina hairabada nunggi singjang, khoijei, thang-ta asinachingbani. Matam gi matung inna khutlai sing ashi henna nanna amsung mawong marin naina saba heirak-e. Matung tarakpada henna phagatlaba ten, hi amadi kangpot na chingba khutsu-khutlai sing sarak e. Meewoibagi chaokhatpada anouba meewoibagi kok su henna mapung marei pharak-e, makhoina touba thabaksing henna phagatlak-e. 11


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Mahousa (nature) da phangba uhei-wahei, mana-masingna chingba khomduna charambadagi meewoibana louwusingwuba amadi uching-waya, sa-san yokpagi thabak touraki. Lamda leiba sa phaduna charambadagi sasingbu tehanduna yumda loiba hourak-e. Khwaidagi hanthaba pothok-pangan da yumpham oiba khunnaisidasu masiga chanaba pothok-mari adum leijei. Asigumba khunnaida meewoina amaga amaga pothok puthokpada leinaba marisi pothok-puthoknabagi-pambeisi punna mapu oiminnabana amaga amaga mateng pangnaba haibaduna oi. Asigumba mari asi kadaidagi oirakpano hairagadi, matamduda makhoina sijinnaba khutlaising aduna mahousabu maiyoknage hairabadi punna maiyoknadaba yadabagini. Asigumba puwarigi tangkaksingda meewoibana punlap punna leiminnei, makhoigi mari asi kanglupki natraga sagei (clan) gi oiba mari (consanguineous) ni. Makhoina makhoigi apunba loufamda punna thabak suminnei, makhoina sijinnaba pothok pambeising iman mannei. Mahousagi khudongthibasing ngakthokminanaba makhoina leipham amada punna leiminnei. Makhoi na punna puthokminnaba pothoktu chap mannana yennaduna chaminnei. Meihourol khunnai (primitive society) daphao pothok pangan (productive forces) khongchat tapcharabasu chaokhatpadi chaokhatlibani. Thabak subada sijinaba khutlaising tapna tapna phagatlak-e. Masiga loinana makhoigi hei singbasu 12


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI asum khajik khajik hengatlak- e. Nungna saba khutsu-khutlai sijinnarambadagi yotna saba khutsu-khutlai sijinarakkhiba asi achouba awonba amani. Masina anouba pothok pambei, haibadi longkhum toppa langgol amadi yot ki singjang nachingba saba ngamhanduna pothok pangal angakpa phangna hengathankhi. Masigi mahei oina mahei-marong pak sanna thaba amadi sa-san yokpa hounarakhi. Sa-san yokpa amadi mahei-marong thaba asi tokhai tokhai tounarakpadagi khunnaida ahanba oina sinpham khidokpa (division of labour) haibadu lakhi. Matam kharagi matung da khutsu-khutlai amadi phisa-lonsasu pothok puthokpagi lamda tokhaiba masa ama oina thoklak-khi. Asumna khunnaida sinpham khaidorakpadagi pothoksing asi onthok onsin tounabagi thabak hourakhi. Asumna pothok puthokpagi pangansina hengatlakpa matamdadi hanna punna punna leirambadu imung -manung oina khaidokrak-e. Imung-manung (family) haibasi asumna thoklak-e. Lanaigi lan-thum thoklak-e aduga imung-manung singduna lanaigi lan leijaba yabagi maikeida lak-e . Makhoina sem-saba khutlaising henna mapung marei pharakpaga loinana lan-thumsingdugi mapu oirak-e. Adumakpu pothokpambei ayambadi hannagi kanglup oina leiringeida kangluptugi natraga sagei (clan) dugi makok (clan nobility) singgi khutta lei. Pothok pambeising marang kairabanina makhoina pothok sijinnaba ngamba changdagi hendok pathokna puthok-i. Asigumba sijinnaba ngamba changdagi henna pothok puthorakpa asidagidi khunnaidugi mewoi kharadi lan-thumsi thabak sudana tanba hourak-e. Attopabu thabak 13


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI suhallaga inak khunba meewoising thoklak-e. Houjik eikhoina meihourol khunnaida hangatna yenglabadi ugani madudi khunnai amana honglakpa asi khunnaidugi pothok puthokpagi mawong adu honglakpaga iroinana chathei haibasi. Lannai lan-thum thuna yamkhatlak-e, pot-chei leina-yonnabasu khongjen yangkhatlak-e. Matamsidadi eemarida yumpham oiduna semba kanglup (clan) haibadu kaithare. Nganlingei matamgi thongmannaba haibadu leiraktre, khunnaida manadaba (social inequality) haibadu thoklak-le. Masigi mahei oina khunnaida ihan hanba oina yengthinaba kanglup (antagonistic class) haibadi meenai (slave) amadi minai mapu (slave owner) haiba kanglup ani asi thoklak-e. 3.2 Minai loiba khunnai (slave society) Nganlingei khunnai gi pothok-puthopagi pangan (productive forces) asi minai loiba khunnai da amuk henna phagat-hallake. U amadi nung na saba khutsu khutlai amata sijinakhidre. Yot amdi kori na saba khutsu khutlaising na mahut pumsin sinkhre. Lou khoibada yotki longkhum y, lou khaonaba yotki thangon amadi atei khutsu khutlaising gi mapandagi pothoksi yamna hengatle. Mahei-marong thabadagi hendoktuna uheiwahei tharakle. Miyamna ithei-loukhong amadi ising soknaba khutlaising asinachingba semduna louwu-singwubagi ising pire. Kol (Mill) semduda mahei-marong takhaiduna yam puthokle. Leinungdagi khonggi pothoksing louthoknaba khutlai puthokkle amadi yot sungdoknaba gi lousing lakle. Sinpham khaidokpagi thabak asi hengatlakle. Khutsa heibagi 14


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI thabak (craft) asi makhal-makha kaya thoklakle. Yot sungthok-sungjin, khusu-khutlai saba, fi-rol saba, khongup tuba, sawul noiba, chaphu saba asinachingba panba yai. Heejao amadi khutsu khutlai saba asi yamna chaokhatlakhi. Keithel kaya semgattuna lalon-itik pak sanna tounaba hourakhi. Minai loiba khunnaida pothok-puthokpagi pangan asuk yamna kanlibasi matamdugi pothok puthokpada leinariba mari haibadi pothok-mari (relation of production ) adunani. Pothok marisi matamduda karamna toubage haibada pothok puthoknaba khutlai amadi pothok puthokliba mee (minai) sing amadadi puthoklaba pot sing pumnamak minaigi mapu (slave owner) sing gi khutta leibani. Minai mapuna minaising da piribasi makhoigi thabak subiba ngamnaba sibaphaodi sidanabagi chang adutani. Asigumba khunnai sida leinariba mari asi tuhat -neihatpagi marini. Missing yamdaba minai mapu sing na minaisingbu tuhatpiba marini. Matam kharadi marisina pothoksi yamna puthokpa ngamhalammi, adubu matung tarakpadadi pothok puthokpa (social production) maning hanlak-khi, pothok puthokpa ngamhanlakte. Pothok puthokpagi mawong asina khutsu khutlaising henna phagathanba mathou tarak-e. Thabak suriba meesing henna hei -singba mathou tarak-e. Adubu thabak sugadouriba meenai sing aduna maduda karimatta nachunglude maramdi maduna makhoigi punsi henna phagathanbadi oiroi haiba makhoi khang-e. Madugi mathakta pothok puthokliba meenaising asi 15


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI minai mapuna makhoida toubiriba mawongduna masa mawu phathandabata nattana wakhalbu yamna apha-apunnahalli. Matam asum kuisinlaklagadi pothok-pangan amadi pothok mari ani asigi chanadaba asi hengatlaktuna minai sing gi lalhou thoklakhalli. Mannai singna makhoibu ot -neibiriba minailoibasinggi maiyokta houba laan ni. Asum touduna minai sing na laan hourakpa amadi khullonnabada leiba yengthinaba meewoi kanglup sing na lan hourakpana maram oiduna minai loibagi khunnai asi mutkhiduna, loucha khunnai (feudal society) maru hukhi. 3.2 Loucha Khunnai (Feudal society): Tangkak asidasu pothok pangan henna henna phagatlakpa asi leptri. Matam asidani meewoibana masagi pangal dagi hendoktuna ising amadi nusit tagi phangba pangansu sijinnaba houre. Hee thouba matamda nungsittagi phangba pangan (power) sijinare, isingdagi phangba power (pangan) sijinare. Mewoibana yotpu yeithoktuna mapak oina puthokpa ngamle, che puthokle, nongmei kantruk puthokle, lairik namba heire. Masida nattana attopa potlam kaya amasu puthokrakpa matamni. Hairibasing asina meewoibagi puwarida achouba ithil pi. Khutsa-heibagi thabak su henna khumang chaosinlakhi. Anou anouba khutlai kaya puthorakpada nattana hanna sijinaramba kayabusu henna phagat-hallak-e. Phirol puthokpadadi (textile production) henna masak thokna hengatlakpa ukhi. Maramdi matamsida meewoibana lang nainaba khutlai (spinning mill), machine , phisakol (ribbon 16


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI loom), langchaknaba khutlai (twisting machine) nachingba khutlai kaya puthoktuna sijinarammi. Khutheibasing gi thabak subagi mawong asi yamna akaknaba lam amada touba hourakkhi, masina maram oiduna pothok yamna puthokpa ngamhankhi. Misu potthok-puthokpada sijinariba khutlaidusu minai mapusing na loina mapu oi Anou anouba phou mahei-marong amadi uhei -wahei makhanmakha kaya puthoktuna louwu singwubasu henna chaokhatlakhi. Lou khoibasu henna phajana ningthina khoire, har sijinnaba hourakhre. Sa-san loibasu awonba lakhi. Ising ikang khangna thamba ngamba maphamda sa-san sing pak sanna loirakkhi. Matou asum touduna sa-san gi pothok marang kaina pothokle. Loucha khunnaida pothok-pangan (productive forces) hengatlapa asi matamdugi khunnaida leiriba pothok mari (relation of production) adunani. Pothok mari asida Feudal lord singna pothok pambei(maphamsidadi lam) gi mapu oi aduga, yamna yamdaba lamgi saruk kharadi loucha-nai (serf)na makhoi masagi oina lou ujei. Loucha naisingna loupu (feudal lord) singgi thabak subiba tai. Minai loiba khunnaida toubagumna loucha khunnai da leiriba pothok puthokpagi mari (relation of production) asi mee na meebu ot-neibagi marini. Feudal lord sing na serf singbu otneibagi marini. Adum oinamak minai loiba khunnaidagidi loucha khunnaisina henna phei, progressive oi. Maramdi maphamsidadi pothok puthokliba loucha-naising na masagi oiba thabak kharatasu 17


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI sujari amdi madugi maheisu phangjari. Loumeesingna masagi maran-mathum khara leijaba yai. Loupugi thabak subirabasu Loumeesingna masagi lam khara, sa-san khara amadi lou unnaba khutsu khutlai kharagi mapu oiba yai. Sinnaibasingsu feudal lord sing gi toupham thokpa mathousing toururaga masagi achamba khutsu khutlai kharagi mapu oijaduna masagi oiba thabak sujaba yai. Maram aduna makhoina lou uba amadi thabak subagi anouba mawongsing thiba amadi puthokpada mathwai yaowee. Matamgi matung inna pothok puthokpagi pangan asi tapna tapna chatkhatlak-e. Masi 16 suba chahi chada Europe ta ising khongchat chattuna America amadi India youna chatpa lambi puthokkhiba asinachingbana henna inot hapkhi. Houjik malem gi oiba potki keithel ama thoklakpa houre, pot khudingmakki demand hengatlakle. Asumna hengatlakliba pot ki demand asi konnadi piba ngamlamde. Maduna maram oiduna khutsaheibagi tabak asi sinsurol (industry ) na mahut sinlak-e. Factory thoklakpadagidi loucha khunnai gi pothok mari (production relation) ga anouba pothok pangan asina mathou tariba pothok mari ga chanaraktre. Loucha khunnaigi pothok mari asina louchanai (serf) sing asi loucha mapu singgi lamda punduna thambagum thabak suhanbani aduga industry lingduna thabak sunaba asida mathou tariba asidi factory da laktuna thabak suba yaba , hannadagi khara henna maning tamba sinmi singni. Factory da pothok puthokpana henna chaoba malemgi oiba 18


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI keithel mathou tarak-e. Masiga loucha khunnai gi lam manungda touba lalon-itik mawong duga yamna khennana pothok marina mahut sinba mathou tarakkhi. Masigidamak ‘Bourgeosie revolution’ ama mathou tai. Hairiba yawol (revolution) asi bourgeosie sing na chingduna louchanai (serf) amadi mayol lamdaleiba thak-khara nemba amadi lairaba meewoising na hougadabani. 3.3 Senjao tanba khunnai (capitalist society) Machine sijinnaduna pot-chei yamna pak sanna puthokpa haibasina senjao-tanba khunnai (capitalist society) gi pothokpangan gi top toppa masak ni. Mahousabu khudum chanba, machine sing, louwu-singwuba amadi sinsang (industry) da pothok puthokpada chemistry sijinnaba, ising manilgi engine sijinnaduna hee honba, train lambi, electric telegraph, lowu singwunaba lam kokthokpa,turen singdagi ising punaba khong semba asinachingba asibuni Marx amadi Engels na senjao tanbagi pothok pangan haina “ Menifesto of the communist party” da iribasi. Tenkhraba chahi cha kharagi manungda capitalist productive forces asi angakpa phangna chaokhatlakhi. Masi atei mamang gi puwari gi tangkaksingda amukta thokhidriba changdani. Masigi yamna ngakpa yabagi changda pothok-pangan hengatlaklibasi senjao tanbagi pothok- mari (capitalist relation of production) adunani.

Senjao tanbagi chatnabi (capitalism) da, pothok puthokliba sinmi (proletarian) sing asi wayellondagi yengbabadi maning tamba meesing ni. Makhoi loucha khunnaida toubagumna loucha mapusinggi sungsoimak soidana thabak sugadabani haibadu leite. 19


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Makhoi senjao paiba mee (bourgeoisie) amagi factory da hekta thabak suba yai. Adumakpu makhoi bourgeoise class tagi di maning tamba phangde. Bourgeosie ama natraga amagi makhada leiba tabani. Makhoina pothok-pambei amatagi mapu oide maram aduna makhoina makhoigi pangan adu senjao paibasingda yonba tabani. Pangan Yonba sinmi amana magi pangan du sijinnaduna senjao paibagidamak thabak subi, thabaktugi mamal oina makhoida lupa khara pirak-e. Masi pangan yonbaga chap mannei. Senjao paibasing na makhoigi pangan gi mamalsu leppi. Asumna makhoibu otpi-neibi. Asigumba pothok mari asigi manungdani capitalism haibasida pothok puthoklibasi. Masi senjao paibasingna sendong tannabani. Makhoina pothok puthoknaba khutsu khutlai, louwu- singwubagi mawong nachingba phagathalliba pumba meewoiba khunnai nungai yaiphanaba natte, makhoi gi sendong tannabakhakkini. Sinmi sing ga factory mapu singga leinariba mari asi manglom da chatkadaba mari oide, maramdi mari asina sinmisingda kannaba phanghande. Masina maram oiduna loucha khunnaigi pothok mari adudagi senjao-tanbagi pothok mari asina pharedi haibabu masina sinmisingda kannabadi iphang phangde. Makhoibu otpi-neibi. Numit chuppa ama thabak suhallaga khutsumal khajiktamak pee. Adubu pothok puthokpagi mawong asida pothoksi angakpa changda puthok-e. Senjaosi yamna ka henna talli. Talliba senjao asi sinmi kaya amabu factory singda maru-mayang thudektuna thabak suhallaga tanlibani. Aduga masigi mahein thabak sungsu sudaba factory mapu sing aduna phanglibani. 20


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Masi capitalism gi manungda leiba khwaidagi chaoba muknabani. Aroibadadi hairiba capitalism asi masak mawong honglaktuna imperialism oirak-e, masi capitalism gi aroiba tangkak ni. Imperialism haibasidadi monopoly haibadi suppai paisinba haidu laktoini. Free competition leiroi. Capitalist mayam ama punsilga association semgani. Semliba association asina pothok puthokpa amadi puthoklaba pothok yonbagi thabaksing suppai paisilli. Monopoly gi pandam di khwaidagi chaoba sendong (super profit) tanbani. Masi phangnabagidamak capitalist singna makhoi masagi leibakta henna henna ot-neigadouribani. Maduta nattana makhoigi loilam amadi makhoida tangjaba leibaksingbusu neigadouribani. Imperialism na capitalism gi contradiction si maton lomna wanghalli. Maru oina contradiction asi pothok puthokpada khunnaibu neiba amadi meewoi kharana lainaigi lanthum tansinba asini. Contradiction asigi mahei oina thabak phangdaba thoklak-e. Bourgeosie class amasung proletariat anigi marakta akanba laan ama thoklak-e. Lan asi socialist revolution gi yumpham ni. Socialist revolution asi mai paklabatada senjao tanbagi pothok mari asi muthattuna manaba khunnai gi pothok puthokpagi mawong (mode of production) semgatpa ngamgani.

21


AMILCAR CABRAL GI ‘CLASS SUICIDE’ AMADI ‘SOCIALIST REVOLUTION’ SANANU

Amilcar Cabral gi yawollon (theory of revolution) asi malemgi chaokhatriba leibak sing (Third world) gi khunnai amadi senmitlon gi phibam (socio-economic condition) da yumpham oiduna ibani. Marxist ama oina mahaknasu mewoibagi puwari bu semliba saphu (motive forces) asi khunnaidugi pothok puthokpagi pangan (productive forces) ni haibasida achetpa thajaba thamlammi. Tasengbasu tongan tonganba pothok puthokpagi mawong (Mode of production) singna tongan tonganba khunnai-kayatlon (social structure) sing puthok-libani. Mahakna Gunea Bissao gi khunnai bu neinabada makhagi asumna phang-e. Loilam leingakki senmitlon (colonial economy) amadi loi mapuna yatpa louwu singubagi thousin-thourang na pothok puthokpasi Engine sijinnaduna puthorakpana Gunea Bissao manunggi oiba khunnai phibamsing pumhong honghakhi. Engine sijinaduna pothok puthorakpadagi khunnaichasingna apik apikpa lamsingda masagi panganna sujaduna lou ujarambadu, inak khunbasing lamjao lamjaosing mapu oiba khunnai oirakle. Asigumba phibamsida khunnai aduda mee amana lamgi mapu oiba 22


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI amadi mahei masin haibadi ‘technical knowledge’ gi changda yumpham oiduna khunnai si kanglup ani thokna khaidorak-e. Mapan lamdagi atangba pothok khutlai(machine) sing leibana mapan lamgi senjao tanbasing (capitalists) bu mapangan kan-khathalli. Loina loinana mapan leibakki capitalist sing asiga punna chatminaba leibak manung-gi meewoisingbusu henna henna mangak thek-kat-halli. Loi-leingak asigi mahei oina yelhoumisingna masagi manat amasung masaktam thadoktuna European singgi nat amasung saktam da lupsinarak-e. Cabral gi meetyengda “Imperialism” haibasi otneiba (exploitation) ni haina louwee. Awot-anei asigi manungda ‘imperialist power’ aduna attopa khunnai/leibak amagi pothok- pangan (forces of production) bu khudum chanduna leibak natraga khunnaidugi puwari bu khudum challi. Mahakna ‘Imperialism’ na pot-thok-puthokpagi-pangan (forces of production) asi masak mawong honghankhre khangbaga loinnana leibaksida (Gunea Bissao da) sinmee (proletariat) sing gi masing asi iyam yamde haibasisu mahakna urammi. Guinea Bissau gi ayamba meesing asi loumee oirami. City sing asi ‘lumpen proletariat’ amadi khungangdagi haigatlakpa meenousing na thanlammi. Leibaktuda ‘petty-bourgeoisie’ kharasu uba fang-e, makhoibu awangba phamthol paiba amadi khara hanthaba pham-paibasing haina makha tana makhal ani thokna khaidokpa yai. Ahanbagi thaak khara wangba ‘petty-bourgeoisie’ sing asina ‘imperialists’ singgi ‘politics’ ta yaosilli aduga khara thak-hanthaba ‘petty bourgeoisie’ sing adudi hakthengnana loilam leingakki 23


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI cheitheng amadi awot-anei phangbanina leibakki ningtam lalhouda yaoningbagi apamba lei. ‘Comprador elite’ singsu khunnai da thoklakpa yai. Masi ‘Global Capitalism’ gi manungda matailamsingda uba phangliba kanglup khaibagi mawong (class structure) ni. Tasengbasu matai lamgi khunnaising asi mahousana loumee, petty- bourgeoisie amadi ‘national elite’ sing gi khunnai oigalli. Cabral nadi matailamgi khunnai (peripheral society) asi loumising gi khunnai oina ui, aduga makhoina khunnaida awonba puraknabagi lantheng (social revolution) da khwaidagi chaoba pangan (forces) oina louwee. Cabral na ‘Monopoly capitalism’ matamsidadi chaokhatriba leibak (third world country) sing na ‘imperialism’ gi maiyokta houba ihouna maru oiba thoudokni. Asengba ahongba (real social chage) haibasi yenhoumeesing na pothok pambei gi mapu oibaduni, maming tagi oina ningtamba (political independence) phangle haibadunadi yaroi, madudi ‘imperialism’ bu ‘neocolonialism’ oina masak honghanbani haina hai. Leisemlon gi ningtamba (political independence) hibasidi ningtam ihou (liberation struggle) gi pandam natte, masidi nintam ihoudugi manungda leiba tangkak amakhak ni. Puwari haibasimaksu pothok pambei chaokhatlakpadagi oirakpani, maram aduna meewoi kanglup amana masagi puwari bu makhoigi oijage hairabadi makhoi masagi pothok pangan adu maning makha tamhangadani, haibadi ‘forces of production’ makhoi masagi khutta thamgadabani. Masidagi khajiktang hek hanthabada madu ningtamba haibadu natre, madudi ‘neocolonialism’ haibaduni. Cabral na Guinea Bissau gi khunnai neinabadagi urarakpa wapham 24


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI amana, class amakhaktana yawol (revolution) purakpa ngamloi haibasini. Matai lamgi khunnai (Peripheral society) da kanglupki muknaba asi ‘imperialism’ bu sougatliba leibak manung amadi mapangi meewoi sing na nakal amada leiraga leibak meeyam pumbana nakal amatada lepkadabani haibasini. Leibak meeyam asibu mahakna ‘nation class’ haina kouwee. Yawol (Revolution) ama thok-hanba haibasi tongan tonganba khunnai gi kanglup sing (social class) haibadi loumee amadi pettybourgeoisie na punsinduna ‘imperialism’ gi maiyokta apunba ama semlaba matamda oigani haina hairammi. Hairiba phurup amabu class ama oina loujarabasu khunnaida awonba (social revolution) purakpa haibasidi ‘radical’ oiba meewoi kanglup amana luchingduna tourabadata oigani haibasini. Chaokhatriba leibak (Third world country) ayambada ‘class structure’ asi mathakki asumna touwee. Maram aduna ‘Socialist revolution’ se maphamsidadi working class yaodana touba tai. Asigumba ‘working class’ leitaba khunnaisida ‘working class consciousness’ piba mathou tai. Makhoigi mahutta masing yamkhraba loumising asi yawol toubagi (revolution gi ) ‘physical forces’ haibadi yawol tougadouriba meewoi kanglup ni. Wakhallon amadi luchingba yaodana yawol laan houba yaroi. Matangsida luchingba (leadership) hairibasi ‘socialist theory’ khangba pettybourgeosie singdagi lakkadaba oi, adubu mahak adu ‘class suicide’ ti touba mathou tai. Class Suicide (Henna khudongchaba phangba thak pu thadoklamlaga meecham meeyamga mannana hingba) Matai lamda leiba leibak amana maning makha tamlaba matungda 25


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI manaba khunnaigi ihou (socialist revolution) touba haibasi ‘pettybourgeosie’ sing gi thoudang ni. Maphamsida petty bourgeoisie hairibasi mamangda panjakhiba lairik laisu heiba ‘socialist revolutionary theory’ khangba ningtam lanhoubu luchingliba meewoi kangbu adubuni. Adubu chingnariba wapham amadi, makhoisu neocolonialism gi maming tagi oiba ningtamba (political independence) haibaduda penthokkadouribajatla ? Makhoisu makhoigi ‘power’ du ‘ruling class’ puthoknabagi khutlai oina sijinnagadouribajatla? Adumna tourabadi, makhoina purakliba ningtamba (political independence) adu asengba ningtamba, haibadi pothok puthokpagi pangan (forces of production) asi meeyamgi khutta leihanba haibadumadi oiraroi. ‘Global capitalism’ gi manung da ‘nationalist leader’ singna makhoi gi ‘class interest’ tada thabak tourabadi, ‘petty bourgeoisie’ sing asi henna khudongchaba phangba meewoi kanglup (social class) oiraktuna, mameidadi progressive oidraba meewoi kanglup haibadi ‘pseudo-bourgeoisie’ oirakpa tabani. Asigumba ‘petty bourgeoisie’ singgi wakhalda poklakpa yaba kalak-mihoubasing asina maram oiduna makhoibu ningtamlaba matungda ‘power’ paibada mihoujaba mee oihallakpa yai. Adubu ‘social revolution’ haibasidadi petty-bourgeoisie singna masagi class adu hundoklamlaga ‘class suicide’ touduna meeyamga mannana chatminnaba ama chang-i. Petty-bourgeoisie singna ‘class suicide’ touba hairibasi mahak masagi‘revolutionary consciousness’ adu mahak masana wakhal tajaba aduni. Masidi mahakki ‘social class’ tuna mangonda piba khudongchaba du louba natte. 26


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI ‘Class suicide’ haibasidadi mee aduna mahakki khunnaida leiba thak, phamduna maram oiduna mangonda piba khudongchabasing amadi power sing adu tungwoinaramlaga loumee sinmee singga loinana chatminnabaduni. Masigumba oithokpa yaroidouba manba thouwong asi petty bourgeoisie sing gi kok ta leiba ‘revolutionary consciousness’ tuna oithokhallibani. Asigumba ‘class suicide’ ki wakhallon asi hujik hujikmak ‘socialist revolution’ purrakkani haiduna laan houribasing gi maphamda Cabral na pibiramba khwaidagi chaoba yawol gi khudol ni. Class suicide toudanadi ‘socialist society’ purakani haina houriba lan sing machin ipang panggani. Ningtamlaba matungda khunnaida ‘socialism’ puraknaba hotnaba yawolgi tangkakta luchingbasingna ‘class suicide’ toudrabadi ‘socialist revolution’ lakpagi mahutta authoritarian statism, haibadi ‘state capitalist’ ki mawong da thoklakpa yai. Leibak amana ningtamlaba matungda leibak adugi luchingbasingna makhoigi miyamdubu hannagi loi mapu singna otpadouna otpa yaoriba asi luchingbasing (petty bourgeoisie) sing aduna makhoigi apamba (class interest) thungnanaba ‘socialist transition’ toudaduna ‘capitalist transition’ tubadagi thoklibani Kanagumbana ‘socialist revolution’ asi miyamdagi maranai thoklakkadaba pot oina uba yaowee. Masina hairibadi lup (political organization), meeyam amadi luchingba singgi tongan tonganba pupham thokpa thudang yatthoktana ‘socialist revolution’ lakpa yai haibani. Karigumba awonba (Revolution) amata lup amadi luchingba 27


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI yaodana oithokpa natte. Wakhalon amana punba lup, luchingba amadi tung-inba yaodana masa matomta thokchaba meeyam gi ihou amana ‘socialism’ purakpa yai haina hairabadi madu socialism haibasi sungoi oirodaba pot amani haibaga chap mannei. Ngasi ‘Third world country’ singda uriba ‘socialist revolution’ gi masak asi top toppi. Masidi sinmee amasung loumee singbu ‘petty bourgeoisie’ singdagi thoklakpa luchingbasingna lamjingduna houba ihouni. China da Mao, Cuba da Che amadi Castro, Vietnam da Ho chih min aduga Zimbabwe da Mugabe na lamjingkhiba ‘socialist revolution’ sing khudam oina ningsingba yai. Luchingbasing asi yaodanadi loupu singgi yamlaba louphamsing adu loumisingna oiningba, munduna louningba asigumba makhoigi apamba asi nattana makhoi asi khunnaida tuhat-neihatpiraba mewwoi kanglup amani, maram aduna thong mannaba khunnai ama lingge hairabadi ‘socialist revolution’ touba mathou tai haibasi makhoi khanglamloi. Loumee-sinmee sing asina ‘socialist theory’ khangba ‘political leadership’ amana chingduna chatlabadata manaba khunnai (socialist society) puraknabagi khwaidagi chaoba saphu natraga pangal oirak-e. Mannaba khunnai lingbagi kanglon (scientific theory) sing asi kanagumba amana tambidana khangba yaba natte. Aduna pomitlon (theory) asibu khangba petty-bourgeois singna ‘socialist revolution’ sing gi luchingba oirak-e. Maramdi makhoi lairik laisu heiba meesing oibata nattana loilam leingakki awaba cheithengsu masak khangba meewoi kangbu ni. 28


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Eikhoina ‘class suicide’ touraba petty bourgeoisie singna yawol lup sing gi luchingba oiduna matai lamsingda yawol tougani haibasi mangdrang gumba pot natte. Manipur dasu loumee sinmi sing gi ihou chingkhiba Hijam Irabot su ‘class suicide’ touduna Panchayat Member gi pham thadokhribaduni.

29


SENMITLON AMADI MIWOIBAGI LAMCHAT-SAJAT (MORALITY) MELEI

Khunnai amagi apunba lamchat sajatki kanglondubu eikhoina ethic natraga morality kouwee. Masida yumpham oiraga khunnai amana achum-aran, apha-phatta, mamalleiba leitaba haibanachingbasing asigi padam leppi. Masiga legal rules gadi khennei, lamchat (morality) haibasidi law da isinduna thamba natte. Masidi meeyamgi aningba, chatnabi, heinabi amadi mahei-masin tamba nachingbagi khuthangda khunnai adugi miron amadagi amada mathang mathang chatnaduna leihanba potni. Masi hai haidunasu khunnai amagi lichat (morality) haibase lengda-hongdana leiba pot amadi natte. Hairiba lichat (morality) asina khunnai ga khunnaichasingi marakta leinaba mari tak-pada nattana lanai meewoi amaga imung-manungi meewoi singga leinariba mari aduphaoba masak tak-libani. 30


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Meewoibagi lichat (morality) haibasi meewoiba khunnaina leirakngeidagi leirakhrabani. Khunnai amagi manungda khunnaichasingduna chatkadaba lichat khara yattuna thammi adubu hairiba lichatsing asi hongba naidaba potsak amadi natte. Karigumba khunnai amagi pothok puthokpagi mawong da ahongba laktuna pothok mari da ahongba laklabadi masi hong e. Meihourol khunnai (primitive society) da achum-arangi mityeng (morality) haibasi mee amaga mee amaga khennaba leite, imanda mannei. Adubu khunnaida kanglup haibadi ‘social class’ thoklakpa matamdagidi ‘morality’ asi meewoi kanglup (social class) amaga kanglup amagagi marakta manaraktare. Asumna yengthinaba meewoi kanglup (social class) ani thokna khaidokpa khunnai amada mathak thangba meewoi kanglup sing gi lamchat (morality) aduga makha thaba meewoi kanglup singgi lichat (morality) haidana lichat (morality) gi makhal ani thoklak-e. Mathak thongba meewoising sing gi lichat (morality) duna makhathaba meewoi kaglup sing gi lichat (morality) na mapangal henna kangani amadi henna mamal leina lougani. Minai loiba /leibagi chatnabi khunnai (slave society) da minai mapugi gi lichat (morality) na mathak thaggani, haibadi dominate tougani. Loucha khunnai (Feudal society) dana loumapu (Feudal lord) ki lichat (morality) bu thak wangna lougani. Senjao tanba khunnai (capitalist society) da senjao tanbasing (capitalist) gi lichat (morality) na khunnai duda henna chatnagani, pamnagani amadi aphabani lounagani. 31


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Masiga onna-teinaba mawongda meenai, loumi amadi thabak suba sinmeesing gi lichat (morality) asidi tongan tana leigani amadi hanthaba thakta thamgani. Khunnai amagi lichat (morality) haibasi khunnai gi mathakkikayat, haibadi ‘superstructure’ gi machak ni. Maram aduna masina mewoibagi punsibu maram kayada ithin amadi sawong piba ngammi. Khunnai amana hingduna leinabagidamak pothok puthokpa matamda meeyamna pothok puthokpagi thouwongduda yengliba meetyeng, haibadi makhoigi ‘attitude’ aduna khunnaidugi senmitlon (economy) da sawum pee. Communist ki lichat sajat (communist morality) na leibakki lan-thum bu asengba pot ni, masibu kanagumba meewoi amatana amotpa mityengna yengba yaroi haina laothoktuna manaba khunnai gi yumpham semmi. Meewoibagi lichat (morality) ga leisemlon (politics) ka naknaba mari leinei. Leibak amagi leisemlon ga mari leinana loukhatpa thabak thourang pumba matam chuppada leibak meeyam gi makhoigi achum-arangi-mityeng (morality) na yaningba natraga yaningdaba haiba ama adum leigani. Leibak meeyam gi wakhal na yaninba haibadi ‘moral support’ leirabadi hairiba leingakki thabak (political action) sing adu mai pakpa ngamgani. Kanglup naiba khunnaida lichat/achum-arangi-mityeng (morality) makhan anikhak thoklak e. Makhal ani adudi: communist sing gi achum-aran mityeng (communist morality) amadi senjao tanbasing gi achum-aran-gi-mityeng 32


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI (bourgeoisie morality) haiba ani asini. ‘Bourgeoisie morality’ na khunnaigi chaokhat lambiba ayetapan pi. Khunnai adubu chaokhathande. Lichat (Morality) asigi maru oiba pandam di lannai lanthum peisinba, meebu sumduna chaba amadi namja namthekpani. Asigumba phibam da meeyamna ot-neiba amadi namjanamtheknabagi maiyokta laan hourakhandanaba ‘Church’ nachingba lainingsangna na meeymda aranba wakhallon sing takpi tambi. Makhoina khangba kanba amadi mikha thana tonna hingbagi mahei oina hayeng siraga laireibakta nungaina leini haina lainingna paotak pi. Asigumba laininglon gi paojen-paotak asi mewot-meenei gi kanglon, haibadi ‘oppressive structure’ gi manung challi haidunani Karl Marx na laininglon bu yaninglamdabadu. Mahakti laininglon asi meeyambu pangthahalliba kani (opium) ni hairibani. Senjao -tanbasing gi lichat kanglon (Bourgeoisie morality) haibasi lanai lan-thum khomjinbada yumpham oibanina meesing si amaga amaga yengthinei amadi ningthina punba yade maram di makhoigi pandam si atei ama natte achouba sendong (super profit) tanba haibadukhaktani. Sendong tannaba laknabada meewoibagi oiba machattu tungoinarak-e. Hingminariba atei meewoising gi punsigi maramda karisu nachungba phaode. Khunnai gi yaiphaba amadi tunglamchatkidaamak makhoina nongmata warude, sungkhanmak khanlude haiba yai. Taibangpan asida makhoina khwaidagi maru oina hek 33


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI khanjabasi makhoi masakhaktani. Ka henna masagita khanba haibasina ‘bougeoisie morality’ gi masak ni. Senjao tanba khunnai (Bourgeosie society) amada mapan phana leiba lichat kanglon (morality) di makhagi asini: (1) Angam angam settuna chanadouni. (2) Ei isa si eigini, eigi bu kanaradi attopa meegi punsida sokpa soktaba haibadu khallubagi mathou tade. Adubu mathakta haikhribasiga pumwon onnaba mawongda communist lichat-kanglon (communist morality) haibasinadi khunnai dugi mee pumbagi khalli, su nomliba mee pumbagi aningba apamba (interest) yengee. Lichat kanglon asida meewoibana meewoibabu ot-neibagi maiyokta thengnakhiba lantheng singdagi phanglakpa meewoiba haibasi asum tougadabani haiba kanglon sing aduda yumpham oi . Hairiba lichat kanglon sing asida yaoribasi mee gi yumpham oiba machatsing haibadi thouna phaba, ahal lamanbu ikai khumnaba, pukchen sengba, kalak meehoudaba, meebu hulandaba, meegi phattababa toudaba haiba sing asi yaowee. Su nomduna hingliba meesing gi lichat (morality) asi ‘communist morality’ sagatpagi yumphamni. Communist ki lichat kanglon natraga achum-arangi-mityeng (Communist morality) asi senjao tanbagi khunnailon (capitalism) gi manung da sunomduna hingliba (proletariat) singna khunnaida mannaba leitabagi maiyokta houba ihoudagi thoklakpani. 34


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Masi amaga amaga marup mapang oiba marida yumpham oiba meeyam gi leingak lingba pamlakpadagi thoklaklibani. Adubu senjao-tanba khunnai (capitalist society) dadi ‘communist morality’ asi mapangan kande. Lichat kanglon (communist morality) asi senjao tanbagi kanglon (capitalism) bu thugaiduna manaba khunnai (socialist society) thoklaklaba matamdata oi. Asumna eikhoina mewoi kanglup amagi achum arangimityeng(morality) asi meewoi kanglup adugi pothok puthokpagi mawong (mode of production), haibadi khunnaiduna makhoina mathou taba potsing puthokpada makhoi masengi marakta leinariba mari amadi puthoklaba pothok tu kanana kayam phangbage haibadugi makha polli haibani. Mannaba khunnai (Socialist society) dadi pothok puthokpagi mawong (mode of production) da pothok khutlai (means of production) asi khunnaina mapu oi. Pothok puthok pada amaga amaga mateng pangnei amadi puthokliba potsingdu chakyen-fiyen phajana yelli. Asigumba khunnai da meewoibagi machat asi taru tanalli phejei. Meena meebu hanthana yeng de, namja-namtheknaba yaode awot-anei ude. Masibu suri-nomliba meewoisinggi lichat kanglon (proletariat morality) ni haiba yai. Adubu senjao tanbagi pothok puthokpagi mawong (capitalist mode of production) tadi pothok puthoknaba pambeising (means of production) asi mee kharagi khutta lei, pothok puthokpada leinariba mari asi mamal piraga leiraba sinmee sing ga makhoigi thabak subagi pangan bu leiduna sijinnariba 35


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI pothoksang (factory) gi mapusing-gagi marakta leinaba marini. Amana hanthaba thakni, aduga amana awangba thakni. Masigi mathakta pothok puthoknabagidamak simee singbu namja namtheknei haibadi ‘exploit’ touwee amadi puthokliba pothok tugi ayamba saruk na thabak sungsu sudaba mapusingduna phang-e, potsingdubu tasengna puthokliba sinmee singgi khutsuman na heigru manada yomduna pi. Asigumba pothok puthokpagi mawong (mode of production) amadi pothok-puthokpagi mari (production relation) asidagi thoklakpa lichat (morality) adu mee ot-neibana mapung oiba lichat oi. Maram aduna meena meebu ottaba amadi meebu mamal leina louba khunnai ama semge hairabadi senjao paibagi chatnarol (capitalism) muthattuna pothok puthokpagi pambei asi meeyam na mapu oiba khunnai (socialist society) ama lingba tai.

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OF POLITICAL ECONOMY AND THE WAY FORWARD LUCKY

The socio-economic and political relation between Delhi and Imphal is, as described by many Kanglei thinkers, is purely based on patron-client sort of relationship. Incidents and events which have thrown Manipur into deep social and political crisis in the last 60 years can be understood as direct products of Indo-Kanglei power relation borne out of this relationship. The MLAs and MPs whom we think as representing Manipur and its people cannot be taken as ones who truly represent the real interests of the people. They get the power which helps them legitimize a false rule over the people only after they ensure that the interests of the Delhi mandarins are protected. It is next to impossible for these political class to freely express their views on social issues as often witnessed here in Manipur. To them, the idea of truth or justice is just to 37


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI follow the path dictated by their patrons. And in it lies their political wisdom, for as mentioned above, their power flows from efforts to please the dictates of New Delhi. It is more than clear that, if Delhi’s interests are not served, then there will be no power. How is this different from what we understand as colonial rule? The colonized people and their minds will see what is reality depending upon what their masters think and act. What has been perceived as injustice will be justice as long as their masters call it justice. Manipur government’s inability to remove the Armed Forces Special Powers Act or AFSPA 1958 is one of the many examples defining the relation. So, in order to bring an end to all these things and bring about a just society, ending Indian colonization for good is the only way out for the future. Then, what do we need to politically decolonize Kangleipak from Indian colonial clutch? To answer this we can refer to Amicar Cabral’s theory of decolonization where it speaks about the liberation of productive forces. He said “to get a group of people completely colonized, first colonize their productive forces.” If once succeeded in doing that, the people whose productive forces has fallen off their hands will no longer be in charge of their history. Now we have seen that we are no longer in charge of ourselves and our history. To understand this we have to relook at our political economy, which is completely controlled by India. In other words, there is a need to ponder on as to how India have changed the operative forces of production in 38


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Manipur thereby resulting in a new form of slave-mentality among us including Kanglei political class. Concluding this piece, I would like to appeal to all the revolutionary organizations and Kanglei people to decolonize ourselves. Let’s uncage our caged political economy. For this there is a need to inject revolutionary consciousness into the minds of the people, including revolutionary leaders to enable ourselves move on the correct path leading to our long cherished dream.

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INDIAN COLONIAL RULE AND HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN KANGLEIPAK S. MANGAL

This article is all about human rights violation where a bigger or more powerful group of people suppresses and oppresses the powerless and marginalized. It deals specifically with a group of people living in a suppressed geopolitical space called Manipur. One will be indeed shocked when one discovers evidence of human rights violations the Indian state perpetrates to the people from the periphery despite the projection of itself as a democratic nation with norms and values as the world’s largest democracy. To give a brief account on how India, while wearing a democratic mask, abuses human rights in Manipur and treats the people from here as lesser human beings is the principal focus of this write-up. 40


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI More interestingly, India that unflappably violates human rights in Manipur was party to basic human rights instruments on which almost every international human rights law bases. The instruments which are being referred to here can be named as under: Universal declaration of human rights; International covenant on economic, social and cultural rights; and international covenant on civil and political rights. Looking from another perspective, Indian political or ruling class is nothing, but hypocrites. They are hypocrites, for nonchalantly and unflappably they have violated what have been agreed to abide by in the instruments being talked about above. The nature and structure in which they abuse human rights of the people populating the state of Manipur is purely an open breach of international human rights instruments it had been a party to. The instruments we are talking about here cannot be taken as mere law, as it is these laws where international human rights laws have anchored. Frequently, it has been referred to as international bills of human rights. Generally, if we are talking about human rights, it is always the text of the three instruments we will be discussing about. And it is also worth remembering that, as written in the instruments, these bills were made to specifically recognize the inherent and equal and inalienable rights of the members of the human family building the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world. Here what is worth remembering is that these bills were 41


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI passed to specifically recognize inherent, equal and inalienable rights of the members of the human family aiming at building the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world. From our observation, it is more than clear that India as a nation was built on the very concept of colonialism which they experienced when they were ruling over them, sitting on their heads. After the British left India, they never tried to bring about a society where every Indian citizen stands on equal footing. The place where the British colonial rulers stood were replaced by spaces of new political elites who think on the same old line inherited from their colonial masters, the British. Following the same path which their masters went on, they have begun to annex small sovereign nations like Manipur in the name of a confederacy, which they call the union of India. It was on 15 October 1949 that India forcibly annexed Manipur into India. If one reads royal chronicle, the Cheitharol Kumbaba, it can be seen evidently that Manipur has a history of more than 2000 years old, where its sovereign kings ruled its people proficiently crafting an egalitarian society unlike other monarchical rules that human history ever witnessed. Even in Burmese Royal chronicle you will see that Burmese people recognized our sovereignty as early as 550 BC. Speaking the truth, Manipur was never a part of any other states or nations, be it British or Burmese. Long before India has had its own constitution, we held our first democratic election in August 1948 under Manipur Constitution Act 1947. But this democratic process was strangulated by India making Manipur last sovereign King Bodhachandra to sign the Manipur merger agreement under 42


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI duress on Oct. 15, 1948 relegating Manipur to the status of the Part C state. There was no referendum or plebiscite of the people of Manipur was held in connection with this merger issue. This is the clearest example of how India violated the right to selfdetermination which is written in the article 1 of the International covenant on civil and political rights (ICCPR) as well as in the article 1 of the international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights (ICESCR) in which India is a party. Apropos to the rights violation, what has to come has followed. Kanglei people voicing their dissent started launching armed struggles against occupation of Manipur, which India calls terrorism or anti-national. In form and structure, the movement is purely to pursue their hijacked rights— right to self-determination which is inalienable as per laws put down in the UN’s basic human rights instruments mentioned above. What is more, India declared those Kanglei revolutionary organizations demanding the rights to self-determination as terrorist under unlawful activities (prevention) act. Thus rights to self-determination are unlawful in India. In an effort to conceal its fascist face, Indian constituent assembly while drafting its constitution included basic human rights enshrined in the UN charter and the UDHR. India calls it fundamental rights, and they are written in its constitution’s part III (article 25 to article 35). 43


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI However, absolutely inconsistent with how it portrays itself to be, human rights violation litters here and there across the state particularly suppressing people from the periphery. To subdue the movement, India imposed the armed forces special powers act 1958 which the people of Manipur call draconian law. Under this law anyone can be killed on mere suspicion as written in section 4 (a) of the act. Thus, if in Manipur you are suspected, you are dead. Here, what one can see is that India unashamedly violates rights to life of Kanglei people, which is against article 14 of the ICCPR. Extrajudicial, summary and arbitrary execution, which we often hear in Manipur is a product of the act. The 1528 victims of extrajudicial killing mentioned in the case between the EEVFAM vs. Union of India are the most perspicuous instance of how rights to life of Kanglei people are violated by India, an Asiatic pseudo-democratic nation. In 2004, a Kanglei chanu named Manoarama was arrested, tortured, raped and brutally murdered by Indian paramilitary forces under the act, AFSPA 1958. Soon after the heinous act on July 15, 2004 a group of elderly Kanglei mothers, registering their protest against the act, stripped off their clothes before Kangla Gate sloganing “Indian Army, Rape us’’, a powerful body politics by Manipuri women. The Justice Jeevan Reddy Commission set up in 2004 in the wake of agitations launched by Kanglei people against the killing of Manorama advised the government to replace the act by a more humane act as they have found the act as 44


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI inhumane and diabolic. However, regrettably the act is still imposed in Manipur demonizing Indian security forces occupying schools, colleges, hillocks, agricultural lands, health centers and cultural sites to kill any Kangleicha who is perceived as a threat to Indian sovereignty. Protesting the act, Irom Sharmila was fasting more than15 years beginning from 5 November 2000 after MALOM MASSACRE. Her single point demand was to repeal the armed forces special powers act 1958. She was honored with numerous awards; India is not ready to repeal the act though. The question is ‘Why so’? The answer is, if India has to continue its colonial rule in Manipur it needs to get the people living there compressed and feared, so that they cannot raise the voice of dissent against their master, the India. The truth is that this AFSPA is meant to repress the people of Manipur, not the insurgents. Its sole aim is to inject fear into the minds of Kanglei people so that fear it becomes a part of their life accepting Indian rules over them and deleting their history. Without hesitations it can be said that India deliberately uses its armed forces to engage in the very act infusing fear into the minds of Kanglei people to continue Indian colonial rule in Manipur. That is why India gives legal immunity to the army from prosecution for any act they do under the AFSPA. Thus freedom from fear that lies at the core of the UDHR is just a dream in Manipur. It is fear that defines life here in Manipur. Skeletons dug out from Tombisana High school in 2014 say about the rights to life of Kanglei people under the Indian 45


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI colonial rule started from 15 Oct. 1949. Here we must remember that this place is a place formerly occupied almost three decades by the central reserve police forces, the border security forces and Manipur police commando. Besides, it is very close to Joint Interrogation Cell. Now, you can make sense of who would be those skeletons and how did they get buried there. And from the possible verbal abuse, psychological tortures, the blindfolding, hooding, electric shocks and water-boarding that they might have gone through before they bit the dust and get buried, one can measure the amount of fear we are made to live under Indian rule. Living in India, in sum, is complete disaster. Almost every human rights beginning from right to life to rights to selfdetermination have been violated here in the state. They have been trying all our historical memories to be deleted from our collective mind as a result of which we begin to forget that once Manipur was also a sovereign state with an own democratic constitution. The way India has treated us in the post-annexation period is much worse than how they had been treated by the British when they were under them. Now is the time for India to remember that it was a signatory of international bills of human rights drafted by the UN. Also the time to respect Manipuri People’s right to selfdetermination as per general assembly resolution 1514, international covenant on civil and political rights, international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights, and declaration on the rights of indigenous people to seek a 46


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI political solution to the ongoing armed conflict in Manipur.

DR.

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(Hannagi makha chatharakpa- aroiba saruk)

WHY SHOULD WE DEMAND FOR RESTORATION OF PRE-MERGER POLITICAL STATUS OF MANIPUR DR. L.K. Meitei-Naga Ties There are many legends to suggest that the Meiteis and the Nagas originated from a common ancestor. Col James Johnston (18771886) is quoted, “There can be little doubt that some time or other the Naga tribes to the North made one of their chiefs “Raja of Manipur” who even after “adopting the civilization of the country, retain some of their old customs”. T.C Hodson said “ the origin of Meiteis from the surrounding hill tribes is the proper and only conclusion to be arrived at “Some valley people, driven out from the Valley by the Ningthoujas, fled to the Tangkhul Hills merged among the Kabuis and the Tangkhuls carrying with their original Salais of Meiteis. It is also commonly cited that King Garib Niwaz or Pamheiba (1709-1748) was a descendent of a Meitei father and Naga mother. Prof. Gangumei Kamei (1985) observed that the name “Anal” is given by the Meitei. This argument is accepted by the authority of the Anal tribes. Nagas do not have a common language, common dress, common ornaments, common festivals etc.. Christianity and head-hunting are common.

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Meitei-Tangkhul Ties The oral history of Tangkhuls says that the Meiteis and Tangkhuls were brothers being descendants of the same ancestors in the distant past. The theory that Tangkhuls and Meiteis emerged from the same one ancestor is found in the Sana Puya. Meitei is considered as the younger brother of Tangkhuls. In early days, the kings were escorted by two or three Meitei armed guards in Tangkhul war dress and weapons. This practice was continued even after conversion of the Meiteis into Hinduism. The Meitei King specially designed the “Elephant Cloth” (Leirungphi), resplendent with complex animal designs, worn by the Nagas of Manipur, has its origin in the wish of the ruler of Manipur in the mid-seventeenth to present his Naga allies with a special cloth. The popular Tangkhul shawl “Changkhom” is also known as “Karaophi” in Manipur. The Tangkhul dance (pheichak) was known as “Chingkheirol” among Meiteis, from the fact that it came from “Chingkhei” (North East of Imphal). References to the Tangkhul were found as early as the 12th century during the reign of Thawanthaba (1195-1231 AD) of Ningthouja Meitei dynasty. There was a trade relations between Tangkhuls and Meiteis. The Tangkhuls supplied cotton to the valley. They sell and purchased in Sanakeithel in Imphal. Manipuri coin of bell-metal, locally called ‘sel’ introduced by Khagemba (1597–1652) was used extensively in both hills and valley. Meitei –Kuki Ties The names of Manipuri kings like Taothingmang (264-364 A.D), Naothingkhong ( 663-763 A.D) , Naofangba(428-518 A.D), Naokhamba (411-428 A.D) Sameirang (518-568 A.D) tend to suggest that they may not be Meiteis but Khongjais or Kukis. . Cheitharol Kumbaba (Manipur Royal Chronicle) records that in the year 186 Sakabda (264 CE) Meidungu Taothingmang, a Kuki,

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI became king of Manipur. According to the Puyas, “two Kuki Chiefs named Kuki Ahongba and Kuki Achouba were allies to Nongba Lairen Pakhangba (33-153 CE), the first historically recorded king of the Meiteis.” The Meitei ritual of Sagei Khunthoklon illustrates that two-thirds of all Meiteis were assimilated Kukis. Gangte argued that if all the Bengali and Hindi vocabularies are removed from the Meitei language, the remainder is part of a Kuki dialect. In the Ava Lan, (Burmese war), the Chasad Ningthou killed the Burmese King and brought his head and presented it as a trophy to the Meitei Ningthou. As a token of appreciation, the present Haokip Veng near the Kings’ Palace has been given to the Haokip Kuki Chief. During the “Ava Lan” (war) in 1810, the Meitei king Chourajit was not fully equipped to fight his enemy. He therefore sought the help of Kukis and declared, “Chingna koina pansaba, Hauna koina panngakpa, Manipur sana leimayol” (Meaning-the hills surround Manipur the Golden Land, and like a barricade the hill people guard the precious Manipur.) When King Chandrakirti (18501886) was taken prisoner by the Kamhau Sukte Chin King, the Kukis of Zale’n-gam sent 1,200 warriors and fought against the Kamhaus and restored him to the throne. King Chandrakirti held a grand occasion at which the honourable people of Zale’n-gam and Kangleipak were invited. King Chandrakirti acknowledged the help of Kukis on various occasions in the past. Many smaller hill tribes were absorbed into Meitei community. This further showed that we were one people with common ancestors and common origin Discriminatory provisions of Article 371C of Indian Constitution 1. This article divides Manipur into Hill and Valley although there are many hillocks in the valley and many valley areas in the hills. Manipur is more than 90% hills.

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI 2. It divides the same Manipuri people from a common ancestor into valley people and Hill people, into Nagas and Meiteis, Kukis and Meiteis, Tribals and Non-Tribals. It creates a false sense of superiority among the non-tribal over the tribal. There is no equality of people in Manipur, leading to hatred and conflict situations among the ethnic groups. 3. It divides the same people into Schedule Tribes and General, Schedule Tribes and OBC. The Meiteis fulfil all the criteria of Schedule Tribes although branded as General. 4. It leads to enactment of a discriminatory law by the Indian Parliament. The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act, 1960 came into force on 1st June, 1961 vide order no. 140/1/60(vi) dated 31 May, 1961. The Act was passed by Indian Parliament vide bill no. 95-F of 1959 Act, no, 33 of 1960 to make a special provision for protection of Scheduled Tribes under section no. 180 while Manipur was an Union Territory. Under this Act the land in the valley was subject to “Patta System� and any hill people can buy this land the valley whereas the valley people cannot buy land in the hill areas. 5. There are more than 200 villages in the valley, which the hill people (Tribals) have purchased from the Meitei (valley people). Once they have purchases the Meiteis cannot purchase back from them. 6. The first dream of the hill MLAs is to purchase land in the valley and construct a palatial building. 7. Most of the hill MLAs used to sell away their share of CGI, cement, rice and other items to Imphal market before reaching the hills. 8. No hill people got elected in the election unless he/she

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI blamed the Meiteis for their under development and poverty. 9. Almost all the heads of civil societies who are shouting antiMeitei slogans are settled and based at Imphal. 10. The hidden agenda of the hill people is to occupy the occupy valley and convert the Hindu Meteis into Christianity. Hat is why the number of Meitei Christians are increasing by leaps and Bounds. 11. The hill people will construct churches in any vacant and even in the Patta lands like the Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS) by encroaching the Patta lands. When any attempt was made to evict the unauthorised and illegal constructions, they will term it “oppression of the minority Christians.� 12The hill people settled in the valley and used the vacant lands as Cemetery (graveyards) in many places whereas they do not allow even cremating dead bodies of Hindu people in the hill areas. 13. This creates a sense of discrimination against majority nontribal leading to disunity, distrust among the ethnic groups in Manipur. The act was deliberately passed by the Indian Parliament to incite the non-tribal community to fight with tribal. This Act encouraged the violent minority to violate the human rights of the sleeping majority. This Act also violates the Article 19(e) of Indian Constitution. 14. The small land area in the valley (less than 10%) of Manipur occupied by majority Meitei community is always open to sale to hill people and outsiders threatening the very existence of the valley people whereas the Meiteis cannot buy the land in the hills. With the arrival of Railways and Look East Policy, the

52


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI future of valley people of Manipur will be in jeopardy. Where will the valley people go? In spite of these discriminatory practices, the Meiteis never complain Historical blunders become a source of perpetual conflicts. For the last 69 years, the Government of India have committed a series of blunders against Manipur According to the statement of G.K. Pillai, former Union Home Secretary, which was published on 27 September, 2011 in the Telegraph newspaper. According to him, the repeal of the draconian act AFSPA -1958 was one of the first steps towards resolving the vexed conflict of Manipur’s valley and hills. He said that “the ancient kingdom of Manipur had a constitution even before India wrote her own and had a proud history and was overnight turned into a C-category state in 1948. He further added “we have to build trust by dealing with the core issues. An apology, say by the Prime Minister or the Home Minister, for the past mistakes could be a start”. But we, Manipuris do not want any apology. We want the Government of India to rectify the blunders and mistakes in order to restore the love, unity, solidarity, peace, liberty and development by restoring the Pre-Merger political Status of Manipur. In addition to the series of blunders commmitted by the Government of India, the immediate cause of hill-valley divide is the Naga Peace Agreement signed on 3rd August, 2015. The Government of India and the NSCN-IM signed the Naga Peace Agreement:On 3rd August 2015, the Government of India’s Interlocutor for Naga Peace Talks, Shri Ravindra Narayan Ravi (R.N. Ravi) signed

53


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI the Naga Peace Agreement, a “Framework Agreement” on behalf of the Government of India with Shri Isak Chishi Swu, Chairman and Shri Th. Muivah, General Secretary of NSCN-IM in presence of Shri Narendra Mod, the Hon’ble Prime Minister of India at the residence of the Prime Minister. (1) Hon’ble Home Minister, Shri Rajnath Singh, National Security Adviser, Shri Ajit Doval and other high dignitaries of the Government of India. The Prime Minister announced the signing of a Naga Accord and described it as “historic agreement.” However, Shri Narendra Modi refused to divulge the details of the historic agreement. The Hon’ble Prime Minister spoke of his vision for the transformation of the northeast region and expressed confidence that the agreement will open “a glorious new chapter for the Naga people to build a bright future for Nagaland.” Shri Kiren Rijiju, Hon’ble Union Minister of State for Home Affairs, and T.R. Zeliang, the Nagaland Chief Minister have now clarified that it was only a “Framework Agreement”, which means that it is an agreement to pave the way for a final settlement by laying out the framework on which it will be worked out. Shri Rijiju further said “the Indian Government has accepted the uniqueness of Naga history and culture. The Nagas have accepted the primacy of the Indian Constitution. The demand of NSCN-IM for sovereignty has been addressed by stating that sovereignty lies with the people and not governments and that Nagas have as much right over India as India has over Nagaland. “ According to R.N. Ravi, the agreement is based on two points which will shape a shared sovereignty model as follows:1. Indians and Nagas will live through sharing of sovereign power (shared sovereignty) between Indians and Nagas. The “shared sovereignty” means a power-sharing model where the sovereign jurisdiction over a single political territory can be shared by two

54


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI or more consenting powers. It is generally arrived through an agreement which legitimised equal distribution of power and rights among administering bodies. 2. The two entities (India and Nagaland/-lim) will have peaceful co-existence in the spirit of equality and respect for each other based on Uniqueness of Naga History and Situation. The NSCN-IM has engaged internationally reputed legal experts to give the leaders of the outfit legal opinion for the talks with the Government. The legal experts engaged by the outfit are Michael Van Walt Van of Prague, Anthony Regan of Australia and Kenyan national Yash Ghai. According to M.K. Narayanan, the former National Security Advisor of India and former Governor of West Bengal commented (The Hindu, 11 September, 2015) the NSCN- IM does not represent all Naga communities. It is a debilitated entity, though it seeks to convey a different impression. The NSCN (Khaplang), the NSCN (Konyak-Kitovi) and the Eastern Nagaland People’s Organization, all act independent of the NSCN- IM. The Naga Hoho, the tribal council of the Nagas, has not endorsed the Muivah’s leadership of the Naga cause. Additionally, there are intrinsic conflicts between the Sema, the Angami, the Ao, the Lotha and the Konyak tribes, which further weaken the NSCN- IM’s claim. The fact that Mr. Muivah is a ‘Tangkhul’ Naga from Manipur also affects his leadership claim. Consequently, any expectation that an agreement with the NSCN (I-M) will be the harbinger of peace in the region will be a mistake. (6) What is Sovereignty? The definition of Sovereignty is best captured in the words of Steven Groves Sovereignty is a simple idea: the United States is

55


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI an independent nation, governed by the American people that controls its own affairs. The American people adopted the Constitution and created the government. They elect their representatives and make their own laws. The Founding Fathers understood that if America does not have sovereignty, it does not have independence. The Founders believed in sovereignty. In 1776, they fought for it. But why does sovereignty still matter to America? When America declared its independence on 4 July, 1776, the Declaration described Americans as “one people” who had the right “to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them.” With these words, the United States declared its sovereignty. It became a separate nation, entitled to all the rights of existing nations. It therefore claimed the “full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do.” But the existing nations of the world were mostly monarchies. The Founding Fathers had a different vision for America. The United States is legitimately sovereign not because of a monarch’s decree, but because, in America, the people rule In short, Sovereignty is supreme authority over some polity to govern itself without any interference from outside sources or bodies. In international law, sovereignty means that a government possesses full control over affairs within a territorial or geographical area or limit. What is “Shared Sovereignty” in the eyes of Nagas: The Nagas envisage the following as the components of “Shared Sovereignty” likely to be granted to them. 1. A special and Separate Budget

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI 2. A separate Naga Constitution 3. Separate Flag and Passport 4. Reunification of Naga inhabited areas (popularly known as integration). 5.Restricted Area Permit - the introduction of a restricted area permit as a means to protect the Nagas’ identity and to restrict ‘outsiders’ from settling in Nagaland and other states with substantial Naga presence. 6. Formation of two army under Indian Army and four paramilitary force battalions for the NSCN-IM cadres who surrender to the State Government or the Indian Government. 7. The Government of India will recognise the so called ‘unique history’ of the Nagas which may mean expanding the political influence of the Nagas in Manipur. This could take the shape of increasing the number of seats for Nagas in the Manipur Legislative Assembly, which may lead to delimitation of the constituencies in Manipur’s hill districts which are home to about 3 lakh Nagas of various clans. 8. Joint Defence – It may mean a joint defence of Nagalim only, for the security of both countries. 9. Joint Foreign Affairs 10. Joint Communication 11. Permanent UN representation and right to run Naga embassies across the globe. 12. Use of currency- Nagas will have the right to create its own currency, (4)

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI The NSCN-IM had then agreed to no re-drawing of state boundaries as early as 2011.but more autonomy. After signing the Naga Peae Agreement on 3rd August, 2015, the Nagas becme excited and started to search for any possible reason for fighting with the Meiteis. Similarly, the Kukis want to assert their freedom. They should not allow themselves to be left behind. Both the Nagas and Kukis wanted to show to the world that the Meiteis are highly communal and they cannot live together with the Meitei. They played the communal card very well using all the resources and network at their command. The opportunity of fighting with the Meiteis came on 31 August, 2015 when the Manipur State Assembly passed three bills namely - (1) the Manipur Peoples Protection Bill-2015 (2) the Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill 2015 (3) the Manipur Shops & Establishment (Second Amendment Bill -2015. On the same day at about 6 pm before knowing the details of the Bill, a mob of young Kuki people of Churachandpur erupted into violence ransacking and setting fire on the houses of Shri Phungzathang Tonsing , Hon’ble Health Minister, Shri Vungzagin Valte, Hon’ble MLA of Thanlon Constituency. The mob also attacked the residences of Ginsuanhau, Hon’ble MLA of Singhat, shri Manga Vaiphei, Hon’ble MLA of Henglep On constituency. Shri Lunminthang Haokip, Deputy Commissioner imposed CrPC144 with effect from 7 pm of the same day to control the mob. Till date nine precious lives have been lost and many are injured due to police firing. The indiscriminate police firing leading to death of nine innocent people should be condemned in the strongest terms and the Government should give adequate compensation for the loss. This kind of violent reaction has already happened in Moreh

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI where the young Kuki people burnt the houses of Meiteis. This type of violent reaction may come up in Jiribam where there is already demographic imbalance due to heavy influx of illegal migrants from Bangladesh and Myanmar. This kind of violent reaction is due to anxiety and frustration over the possibility ol foreigner Kukis, who have settled down in Moreh, Churachandpur and other places being identified as foreigners and being deported. The three Bills are meant for protection of indigenous people of Manipur including hill people and there is nothing wrong about it. Clarification of the Hill Areas Committee, Manipur Dr. Chalton Lien Amo, Hon’ble Chairman of Hill Areas Committee, Manipur declared on 1 August, 2015 that the three Bills passed by the Manipur State Assembly do not contain anything which may impinge upon the interest of the tribal people and the violent reactions which erupted was the result of misunderstanding . (Sangai Express dated 2-8-2015) Clarification by the State Government Shri Gaikhangam, Hon’ble Deputy Chief Minister, Manipur clarified on 2 September, 2015 that “the Bills are meant to protect the indigenous people and not against any community. People should read, study and analyse the three Bills before agitating against the Bill.” Are the three Bills Communal? The eruption of violence even before the three Bills are made public shows that the protestors have not studied or read the three Bills between the lines. There is nothing communal in the

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI three Bills. The foreigner Kukis in Moreh, Sajik Tampak and Churachandpur and also some Bengali Hindus in Jiribam are trying to project the three bills passed by the Manipur State Assembly as a communal issue to evade being identified as a foreigner. The fact that they are objecting to cut off date -1951 shows that they themselves are foreigners. The Government of Manipur may be aware that the Kukis, Muslims, Nepalese and Bengalis Hindus who are objecting to the cut off year 1951 are not the indigenous Kukis or indigenous Meitei Pangans or indigenous Hindu Bengalis or indigenous Nepalese. The indigenous people has nothing to worry about. Further these three Bills are mainly targeted against the outside migrants from other states of India. All foreigners will be dealt under the Foreigners Acrt-1946.The present Bill has nothing to do with foreigners. This is not a Hindu-Muslim or Meitei –Kuki issue. This is an issue as to how can the indigenous Kukis protect the foreigner Kukis, how can the indigenous Meitei Pangans protect the foreigner Muslims, how can the indigenous Bengalis protect the foreigner Bengalis or how can the indigenous Nepalese protect the foreigner Nepalese. They should also consider how to protect the indigenous Meiteis from extinction or being reduced into minority in the next one or two decades due to unabated influx of foreigner Kukis, foreigner Muslims, foreigner Nepalese and foreigner Bengalis from Bangladesh and Myanmar and outside migrants from other states of India. They may also consider whichis the better option they will choose -protecting Meiteis or protecting foreigners although they have love, attachment and ethnic ties with the foreigners. Thus the root cause of uprising of the tribal population is not the Inner Line Permit System. It is solely because of the Naga Peace

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Agreement. Restoration of Pre-Merger Political Status of Manipur Considering the proud history of Manipur as a Sovereign Kingdom for more than 2000 years, recognising the series of blunders the Government of India has committed against Manipur during the last 69 years and recognising the various demands of the ethnic groups, the people of Manipur should assert that the Government of India, may grant “RESORATION OF PRE-MERGER POLITICAL STATUS OF MANIPUR” without further delay in line with the Shared Sovereignty of the NSCN-IM. Since the Government of India is planning to grant Shared Sovereignty to Nagaland, there is nothing unconstitutional or nothing illegal about it. The idea and the contents of Restoration of Pre-Merger Political Status of Manipur is the same with the Instrument of Accession which Maharaja Bodh Chandra signed on 11 August, 1947 and accepted by the Governor General of India on 16 August, 1947. The relationship between Government of India and Manipur will be like the relationship between United Kingdom and Scotland or Hong Kong and China. Any thoughtless action by the Government of India may bring unexpected consequences for which Government of India will be held responsible. The PRE-MERGER POLITICAL STATUS OF MANIPUR may consist of the following components:1.Separate constitution for Manipur based on Democracy to be prepared by representatives of all ethnic groups in Manipur 2 Separate Parliament including both Lower house and Upper House 3.Separate Prime Minister 4. Separate President 5. Separate Flag (Malem Puba Paphal flag – Pakhangba flag) 4.Separate Supreme Court 5. .Separate Passport and Visa system for Manipur 6. Separate Administrative System 7. Separate Legal System 8. Separate Service Cadres for Manipur at par with Indian

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Administrative Service, Indian Police service, Indian Foreign Service, Indian Forest Service etc. 9. Separate Currency at par with Indian Rupees 10. Separate representatives to the United Nations Organisation (11) Separate Embassies in Countries of our own choice (12) Separate representation of Sports team in international events and Olympic (13) Joint Defence (14) Joint External Affairs (15) Joint Communication (16) Separate and special Central grant and budget from the Government of India. (17) Right to conclude commercial Business and Trading Agreements with foreign countries. Manipur will remain as a part of India with shared Sovereignty. Without restoration of PREMERGER POLITICAL STATUS OF MANIPUR, fulfilment of any other demands will be meaningless. Manipur will continue to be a part of India. We, the Manipuris will have our own country with all the ethnic groups living in harmony and peacefully to together and compete with the best brains of the world. “Karaophi” in Manipur. The Tangkhul dance (pheichak) was known as “Chingkheirol” among Meiteis, from the fact that it came from “Chingkhei” (North East of Imphal). References to the Tangkhul were found as early as the 12th century during the reign of Thawanthaba (1195-1231 AD) of Ningthouja Meitei dynasty. There was a trade relations between Tangkhuls and Meiteis. The Tangkhuls supplied cotton to the valley. They sell and purchased in Sanakeithel in Imphal. Manipuri coin of bell-metal, locally called ‘sel’ introduced by Khagemba (1597–1652) was used extensively in both hills and valley. Meitei –Kuki Ties The names of Manipuri kings like Taothingmang (264-364 A.D) , Naothingkhong ( 663-763 A.D) , Naofangba(428-518 A.D),

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Naokhamba (411-428 A.D) Sameirang (518-568 A.D) tend to suggest that they may not be Meiteis but Khongjais or Kukis. . Cheitharol Kumbaba (Manipur Royal Chronicle) records that in the year 186 Sakabda (264 CE) Meidungu Taothingmang, a Kuki, became king of Manipur. According to the Puyas, “two Kuki Chiefs named Kuki Ahongba and Kuki Achouba were allies to Nongba Lairen Pakhangba (33-153 CE), the first historically recorded king of the Meiteis.” The Meitei ritual of Sagei Khunthoklon illustrates that two-thirds of all Meiteis were assimilated Kukis. Gangte argued that If all the Bengali and Hindi vocabularies are removed from the Meitei language, the remainder is part of a Kuki dialect. In the Ava Lan, (Burmese war), the Chasad Ningthou killed the Burmese King and brought his head and presented it as a trophy to the Meitei Ningthou. As a token of appreciation, the present Haokip Veng near the Kings’ Palace has been given to the Haokip Kuki Chief. During the “Ava Lan” (war) in 1810, the Meitei king Chourajit was not fully equipped to fight his enemy. He therefore sought the help of Kukis and declared, “Chingna koina pansaba, Hauna koina panngakpa, Manipur sana leimayol” (Meaning-the hills surround Manipur the Golden Land, and like a barricade the hill people guard the precious Manipur.) When King Chandrakirti (1850-1886) was taken prisoner by the Kamhau Sukte Chin King, the Kukis of Zale’n-gam sent 1,200 warriors and fought against the Kamhaus and restored him to the throne. King Chandrakirti held a grand occasion at which the honourable people of Zale’ngam and Kangleipak were invited. King Chandrakirti acknowledged the help of Kukis on various occasions in the past. Many smaller hill tribes were absorbed into Meitei community . This further showed that we were one people with common ancestors and common origin

Discriminatory provisions of Article 371C of Indian Constitution 63


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI 1.This article divides Manipur into Hill and Valley although there are many hillocks in the valley and many valley areas in the hills. Manipur is more than 90% hills. 2.It divides the same Manipuri people from a common ancestor into valley people and Hill people, into Nagas and Meiteis, Kukis and Meiteis, Tribals and Non-Tribals. It creates a false sense of superiority among the non-tribal over the tribal. There is no equality of people in Manipur, leading to hatred and conflict situations among the ethnic groups. 3.It divides the same people into Schedule Tribes and General , Schedule Tribes and OBC. The Meiteis fulfil all the criteria of Schedule Tribes although branded as General . 4.It leads to enactment of a discriminatory law by the Indian Parliament. The Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act, 1960 came into force on 1st June, 1961 vide order no. 140/1/60(vi) dated 31 May, 1961. The Act was passed by Indian Parliament vide bill no. 95-F of 1959 Act, no, 33 of 1960 to make a special provision for protection of Scheduled Tribes under section no. 180 while Manipur was an Union Territory. Under this Act the land in the valley was subject to “ Patta System� and any hill people can buy this land the valley whereas the valley people can not buy land in the hill areas. 5.There are more than 200 villages in the valley, which the hill people (Tribals) have purchased from the Meitei (valley people). Once they have purchases the Meiteis cannot purchase back from the them. 6.The first dream of the hill MLAs is to purchase land in the valley and construct a palatial building. 7.Most of the hill MLAs used to sell away their share of CGI, cement, rice and other items to Imphal market before reaching

64


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI the hills. 8.No hill people got elected in the election unless he/she blamed the Meiteis for their under development and poverty. 9.Almost all the heads of civil societies who are shouting antiMeitei slogans are settled and based at Imphal. 10.The hidden agenda of the hill people is to occupy the occupy valley and convert the Hindu Meteis into Christianity. Hat is why the number of Meitei Christians are increasing by leaps and Bounds. 11.The hill people will construct churches in any vacant and even in the Patta lands like the Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS) by encroaching the Patta lands. When any attempt was made to evict the unauthorised and illegal constructions, they will term it “ oppression of the minority Christians.� 12The hill people settled in the valley and used the vacant lands as Cemetery (graveyards ) in many places whereas they do not allow even crematin dead bodies of Hindu people in the hill areas. 13. This creates a sense of discrimination against majority nontribal leading to disunity, distrust among the ethnic groups in Manipur. The act was deliberately passed by the Indian Parliament to incite the non-tribal community to fight with tribal. This Act encouraged the violent minority to violate the human rights of the sleeping majority. This Act also violates the Article 19(e) of Indian Constitution. 14.The small land area in the valley (less than 10%) of Manipur occupied by majority Meitei community is always open to sale

65


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI to hill people and outsiders threatening the very existence of the valley people whereas the Meiteis cannot buy the land in the hills . With the arrival of Railways and Look East Policy, the future of valley people of Manipur will be in jeopardy . Where will the valley people go ? In spite of these discriminatory practices, the Meiteis never complain Historical blunders become a source of perpetual conflicts. For the last 69 years, the Government of India have committed a series of blunders against Manipur According to the statement of G.K. Pillai, former Union Home Secretary, which was published on 27 September, 2011 in the Telegraph newspaper. According to him, the repeal of the draconian act AFSPA -1958 was one of the first steps towards resolving the vexed conflict of Manipur’s valley and hills. He said that “the ancient kingdom of Manipur had a constitution even before India wrote her own and had a proud history and was overnight turned into a C-category state in 1948. He further added “we have to build trust by dealing with the core issues. An apology, say by the Prime Minister or the Home Minister, for the past mistakes could be a start”. But we ,Manipuris do not want any apology. We want the Government of India to rectify the blunders and mistakes in order to restore the love, unity, solidarity, peace, liberty and development by restoring the Pre-Merger political Status of Manipur. In addition to the series of blunders commmitted by the Government of India, the immediate cause of hill-valley divide is the Naga Peace Agreement signed on 3rd August,2015. The Government of India and the NSCN-IM signed the Naga Peace Agreement:-

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI On 3rd August 2015, the Government of India’s Interlocutor for Naga Peace Talks, Shri Ravindra Narayan Ravi (R.N. Ravi) signed the Naga Peace Agreement, a “Framework Agreement” on behalf of the Government of India with Shri Isak Chishi Swu, Chairman and Shri Th. Muivah, General Secretary of NSCN-IM in presence of Shri Narendra Mod, the Hon’ble Prime Minister of India at the residence of the Prime Minister. (1) Hon’ble Home Minister, Shri Rajnath Singh, National Security Adviser, Shri Ajit Doval and other high dignitaries of the Government of India. The Prime Minister announced the signing of a Naga Accord and described it as “historic agreement.” However, Shri Narendra Modi refused to divulge the details of the historic agreement. The Hon’ble Prime Minister spoke of his vision for the transformation of the northeast region and expressed confidence that the agreement will open “a glorious new chapter for the Naga people to build a bright future for Nagaland.” Shri Kiren Rijiju, Hon’ble Union Minister of State for Home Affairs, and T.R. Zeliang, the Nagaland Chief Minister have now clarified that it was only a “Framework Agreement”, which means that it is an agreement to pave the way for a final settlement by laying out the framework on which it will be worked out. Shri Rijiju further said “the Indian Government has accepted the uniqueness of Naga history and culture. The Nagas have accepted the primacy of the Indian Constitution. The demand of NSCN-IM for sovereignty has been addressed by stating that sovereignty lies with the people and not governments and that Nagas have as much right over India as India has over Nagaland. “ According to R.N. Ravi, the agreement is based on two points which will shape a shared sovereignty model as follows :1.Indians and Nagas will live through sharing of sovereign power (shared sovereignty) between Indians and Nagas. The “shared

67


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI sovereignty” means a power-sharing model where the sovereign jurisdiction over a single political territory can be shared by two or more consenting powers. It is generally arrived through an agreement which legitimised equal distribution of power and rights among administering bodies. 2. The two entities (India and Nagaland/-lim) will have peaceful co-existence in the spirit of equality and respect for each other based on Uniqueness of Naga History and Situation. The NSCN-IM has engaged internationally reputed legal experts to give the leaders of the outfit legal opinion for the talks with the Government. The legal experts engaged by the outfit are Michael Van Walt Van of Prague, Anthony Regan of Australia and Kenyan national Yash Ghai. According to M.K. Narayanan, the former National Security Advisor of India and former Governor of West Bengal commented (The Hindu, 11 September, 2015 ) the NSCN- IM does not represent all Naga communities. It is a debilitated entity, though it seeks to convey a different impression. The NSCN (Khaplang), the NSCN (Konyak-Kitovi) and the Eastern Nagaland People’s Organization, all act independent of the NSCN- IM. The Naga Hoho, the tribal council of the Nagas, has not endorsed the Muivah’s leadership of the Naga cause. Additionally, there are intrinsic conflicts between the Sema, the Angami, the Ao, the Lotha and the Konyak tribes, which further weaken the NSCN- IM’s claim. The fact that Mr. Muivah is a ‘Tangkhul’ Naga from Manipur also affects his leadership claim. Consequently, any expectation that an agreement with the NSCN (I-M) will be the harbinger of peace in the region will be a mistake.(6) What is Sovereignty ?

68


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI The definition of Sovereignty is best captured in the words of Steven Groves Sovereignty is a simple idea: the United States is an independent nation, governed by the American people, that controls its own affairs. The American people adopted the Constitution and created the government. They elect their representatives and make their own laws. The Founding Fathers understood that if America does not have sovereignty, it does not have independence. The Founders believed in sovereignty. In 1776, they fought for it. But why does sovereignty still matter to America? When America declared its independence on 4 July, 1776, the Declaration described Americans as “one people” who had the right “ to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them.” With these words, the United States declared its sovereignty. It became a separate nation, entitled to all the rights of existing nations. It therefore claimed the “full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do.” But the existing nations of the world were mostly monarchies. The Founding Fathers had a different vision for America. The United States is legitimately sovereign not because of a monarch’s decree, but because, in America, the people rule. In short, Sovereignty is supreme authority over some polity to govern itself without any interference from outside sources or bodies. In international law, sovereignty means that a government possesses full control over affairs within a territorial or geographical area or limit. What is “Shared Sovereignty” in the eyes of Nagas: The Nagas envisage the following as the components of “Shared

69


LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Sovereignty” likely to be granted to them. 1. A special and Separate Budget 2. A separate Naga Constitution 3. Separate Flag and Passport 4. Reunification of Naga inhabited areas (popularly known as integration). 5.Restricted Area Permit - the introduction of a restricted area permit as a means to protect the Nagas’ identity and to restrict ‘outsiders’ from settling in Nagaland and other states with substantial Naga presence. 6. Formation of two army under Indian Army and four paramilitary force battalions for the NSCN-IM cadres who surrender to the State Government or the Indian Government. 7. The Government of India will recognise the so called ‘unique history’ of the Nagas,. which may mean expanding the political influence of the Nagas in Manipur. This could take the shape of increasing the number of seats for Nagas in the Manipur Legislative Assembly, which may lead to delimitation of the constituencies in Manipur’s hill districts which are home to about

3 lakh Nagas of various clans. 8. Joint Defence – It may mean a joint defence of Nagalim only, for the security of both countries. 9. Joint Foreign Affairs

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI 10. Joint Communication. 11.Permanent UN representation and right to run Naga embassies across the globe. 12. Use of currency- Nagas will have the right to create its own currency, (4) The NSCN-IM had then agreed to no re-drawing of state boundaries as early as 2011.but more autonomy. After signing the Naga Peae Agreement on 3rd August, 2015, the Nagas becme excited and started to search for any possible reason for fighting with the Meiteis. Similarly, the Kukis want to assert their freedom . They should not allow themselves to be left behind . Both the Nagas and Kukis wanted to show to the world that the Meiteis are highly communal and they can not live together with the Meitei. They played the communal card very well using all the resources and network at their command. The opportunity of fighting with the Meiteis came on 31 August,2015 when the Manipur State Assembly passed three bills namely -(1) the Manipur Peoples Protection Bill-2015 (2) the Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill 2015 (3) the Manipur Shops & Establishment (Second Amendment Bill -2015. On the same day at about 6 pm before knowing the details of the Bill, a mob of young Kuki people of Churachandpur erupted into violence ransacking and setting fire on the houses of Shri Phungzathang Tonsing , Hon’ble Health Minister, Shri Vungzagin Valte, Hon’ble MLA of Thanlon Constituency. The mob also attacked the residences of Ginsuanhau, Hon’ble MLA of Singhat, shri Manga Vaiphei , Hon’ble MLA of Henglep On constituency . Shri Lunminthang Haokip, Deputy Commissioner imposed CrPC144 with effect from 7 pm of the same day to control the mob.

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI Till date nine precious lives have been lost and many are injured due to police firing. The indiscriminate police firing leading to death of nine innocent people should be condemned in the strongest terms and the Government should give adequate compensation for the loss. This kind of violent reaction has already happened in Moreh where the young Kuki people burnt the houses of Meiteis. This type of violent reaction may come up in Jiribam where there is already demographic imbalance due to heavy influx of illegal migrants from Bangladesh and Myanmar. This kind of violent reaction is due to anxiety and frustration over the possibility ol foreigner Kukis, who have settled down in Moreh ,Churachandpur and other places being identified as foreigners and being deported. The three Bills are meant for protection of indigenous people of Manipur including hill people and there is nothing wrong about it. Clarification of the Hill Areas Committee, Manipur Dr. Chalton Lien Amo, Hon’ble Chairman of Hill Areas Committee, Manipur declared on 1 August, 2015 that the three Bills passed by the Manipur State Assembly do not contain anything which may impinge upon the interest of the tribal people and the violent reactions which erupted was the result of misunderstanding . ( Sangai Express dated 2-8-2015) Clarification by the State Government Shri Gaikhangam, Hon’ble Deputy Chief Minister, Manipur clarified on 2 September, 2015 that “the Bills are meant to protect the indigenous people and not against any community.

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI People should read, study and analyse the three Bills before agitating against the Bill.� Are the three Bills Communal ? The eruption of violence even before the three Bills are made public shows that the protestors have not studied or read the three Bills between the lines. There is nothing communal in the three Bills. The foreigner Kukis in Moreh, Saji Tampak and Churachandpur and also some Bengali Hindus in Jiribam are trying to project the three bills passed by the Manipur State Assembly as a communal issue to evade being identified as a foreigner. The fact that they are objecting to the cut off date -1951 shows that they themselves are foreigners. The Government of Manipur may be aware that the Kukis, Muslims, Nepalese and Bengalis Hindus who are objecting to the cut off year 1951 are not the indigenous Kukis or indigenous Meitei Pangans or indigenous Hindu Bengalis or indigenous Nepalese. The indigenous people has nothing to worry about. Further these three Bills are mainly targeted against the outside migrants from other states of India. All foreigners will be dealt under the Foreigners Acrt-1946.The present Bill has nothing to do with foreigners. This is not a Hindu-Muslim or Meitei –Kuki issue. This is an issue as to how can the indigenous Kukis protect the foreigner Kukis, how can the indigenous Meitei Pangans protect the foreigner Muslims, how can the indigenous Bengalis protect the foreigner Bengalis or how can the indigenous Nepalese protect the foreigner Nepalese. They should also consider how to protect the indigenous Meiteis from extinction or being reduced into minority in the next one or two decades due to unabated influx

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI of foreigner Kukis, foreigner Muslims, foreigner Nepalese and foreigner Bengalis from Bangladesh and Myanmar and outside migrants fromother states of India. They may also consider which is the better option they will choose -protecting Meiteis or protecting foreigners although they have love, attachment and ethnic ties with the foreigners. Thus the root cause of uprising of the tribal population is not the Inner Line Permit System It is solely because of the Naga Peace Agreement Restoration of Pre-Merger Political Status of Manipur Considering the proud history of Manipur as a Sovereign Kingdom for more than 2000 years, recognising the series of blunders the Government of India has committed against Manipur during the last 69 years and recognising the various demands of the ethnic groups, the people of Manipur should assert that the Government of India ,may grant “RESORATION OF PRE-MERGER POLITICAL STATUS OF MANIPUR� without further delay in line with the Shared Sovereignty of the NSCN-IM. Since the Government of India is planning to grant Shared Sovereignty to Nagaland, there is nothing unconstitutional or nothing illegal about it. The idea and the contents of Restoration of Pre-Merger Political Status of Manipur is the same with the Instrument ofAccesssion which Maharaja odhchandra signed on 11 August, 1947 and accepted by the Govenor GeneralofIIndia on 16 August,1947. The relationship between Government of India and Manipur will be like the relationship between United Kingdom and Scotland or Hong Kong and China. Any thoughtless action by the Government of India may bring unexpected consequences for which Government of India will be held responsible. The PRE-MERGER POLITICAL STATUS OF MANIPUR may consist of the following components :-

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LANTHENGMINNASI EIKHOI 1.Separate constitution for Manipur based on Democracy to be prepared by representatives of all ethnic groups in Manipur 2 Separate Parliament includig both Lower house and Upper House 3.Separate Prime Minister 4. Separate President 5. Separate Flag (Malem Puba Paphal flag – Pakhangba flag) 4.Separate Supreme Court 5. .Separate Passport and Visa system for Manipur 6. Separate Administrative System 7. Separate Legal System 8. Separate Service Cadres for Manipur at par with Indian Administrative Service, Indian Police service, Indian Foreign Service, Indian Forest Service etc. 9. Separate Currency at par with Indian Rupees 10. Separate representatives to the United Nations Organisation (11) Separate Embassies in Countries of our own choice (12) Separate representation of Sports team in international events and Olympic (13) Joint Defence (14) Joint External Affaires (15) Joint Communication (16) Separate and special Central grant and budget from the Government of India. (17) Right to conclude commercial Business and Trading Agreements with foreign countries. Manipur will remain as a part of India with shared Sovereignty. Without restoration of PREMERGER POLITICAL STATUS OF MANIPUR, fulfilment of any other demands will be meaningless. Manipur will continue to be a part of India. We, the Manipuris will have our own country with all the ethnic groups living in harmony and peacefully to together and compete with the best brains of the world.

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PHOTO GI LAMAI

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KCP/MFL GI 131 TC DA MFL GI 14 SUBA LAANMIGI NUMIT PANGTHOKPA

KCP/MFL GI 141 UBC CAMP TA MFL GI 14 SUBA LAANMIGI NUMIT PANGTHOKPA 78


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UBC DA LEIBA 141 CAMP GI KCP/MFL GI LANMISINGNA INGKHOL KOINABA SEM-SABA

UBC DA LEIBA 141 CAMP GI KCP/MFL GI LANMISINGNA LOU KHAOBA-1 79


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UBC DA LEIBA 141 CAMP GI KCP/MFL GI LANMISINGNA LOU KHAOBA-2

UBC DA LEIBA 141 CAMP GI KCP/MFL GI LANMISINGNA LOU YEIBA 80


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Lan Oct. 2018  

A half yearly journal analysing different issues confronting Kangleipak/Manipur where one will see almost every dimension starting from poli...

Lan Oct. 2018  

A half yearly journal analysing different issues confronting Kangleipak/Manipur where one will see almost every dimension starting from poli...

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