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Electronic Newsletter of the ECPR-SG on Extremism and Democracy

e-Extreme

Sept. 2012 Volume 13 Number 2/3


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Managing Editor Mark Pitchford King’s College, London Email: mark.pitchford@kcl.ac.uk Book Reviews Editor Janet Dack Teesside University, UK Email: j.dack@tees.ac.uk

The e-Extreme is the newsletter of the ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy and is published quarterly. For any enquiries about the newsletter, please contact the managing editor, Mark Pitchford. For inquiries regarding book reviews please contact the book reviews editor, Janet Dack. Copyright Š 2012 by the ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, in any form or by any means, electronic, photocopying, or otherwise, without permission in writing from the ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy.

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Table of Contents

Standing Group Announcements …………………………………………………………… 4 Conference Report ……………………………………………………………………………… 5 Book Reviews .…………………………………………………………………………………… 9 Publications Alerts ……………………………………………………………………............ 13

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Standing Group Announcements

Visit the website Please do visit our website for details of forthcoming conferences and workshops: www.extremism-and-democracy.com Also, remember that the website contains a database which enables members to browse and search for other members by research interests, as well as by name. If you would like to update your own details please just email us at: info@extremism-and-democracy.com Please also do encourage colleagues and PhD students to join the Standing Group.

Keep us informed! Please keep us informed of any upcoming conferences or workshops you are organizing, and of any publication or funding opportunities that would be of interest to Standing Group members. We will post all details on our website. Similarly, if you would like to write a report on a conference or workshop that you have organized and have this included in our newsletter, please do let us know. Please also tell us of any recent publications of interest to Standing Group members so that we may include them in the ‘publications alert’ section of our newsletter, and please get in touch if you would like to see a particular book (including your own) reviewed in e-Extreme, or if you would like to review a specific book yourself. Finally, if you would like to get involved in the production of the newsletter, the development of our website, or any of the other activities of the Standing Group then please do contact us. We are always very keen to involve more members in the running of the Standing Group! Email us at: info@extremism-and-democracy.com

Section at the General Conference in Bordeaux The ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy is supporting the 'Perspectives on the New Right' section at the 7th General Conference in Bordeaux in September 2013. The deadline for panel proposals is 5th October 2012. All information can be found on the ECPR website at http://new.ecprnet.eu/Conferences/General/2013_Bordeaux/Default.aspx (click on ‘Additional Information).

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Conference Report

Cultural Dimensions of Right-Wing Extremism Co-organizers Dr. Cynthia Miller-Idriss (New York University) and Dr. Fabian Virchow (Fachhochschule Düsseldorf). This mini-conference was funded by an award from the New York University Provost’s Office Global Research Initiative and was hosted by NYU-Berlin, 4-5 May 2012.

Introduction Most research on the far right in North America and Europe has focused on either predictors of right-wing extremist behaviour or on political parties. Significantly less attention has been devoted to cultural dimensions of far right groups, including areas such as subcultural style, the role that symbols, myths and narratives play, and aspects of the lifeworlds and identities of members of far right groups or adherents of right-wing ideologies. As a starting point to address this gap, a mini-conference was organized by Cynthia Miller-Idriss (New York University) and Fabian Virchow (Fachhochschule Düsseldorf) in May 2012. Twelve invited papers and one film documentary were presented by 14 researchers from the European Union, Scandinavia, the United Kingdom and the United States, covering cultural developments in the U.S., Russia, Norway, Sweden, Spain, the U.K., and Germany. The four panels were organized as follows: • • • •

How the Extreme Right Uses and Deploys “Culture” Myths and Narratives in the Extreme Right Modernity, Traditionalism and (Self)-Segregation Subcultures/Countercultures and Right-Wing Extremism

From these panels, two main themes emerged: subculture development and narrative construction.

Subculture Development Betty Dobratz (Iowa State University) began the conference with a presentation on language used by White Separatists. Building on the work of Ann Swidler, Dobratz expanded Swidler’s notion of a “cultural tool kit” to include language. “Words are meaningful and create solidarity within the group,” she explained. Pete Simi (University of Nebraska-Omaha) drew attention to the settings of racist language. The “free spaces” Simi described pay heed to the American Civil Rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. Just as the AfricanAmerican pastors and parishioners saw the church as a place to come together and stand up to society’s injustices, so too do today’s White Power movement members meet to form bonds and lay the groundwork for future activism. Fabian Virchow (Fachhochschule Düsseldorf) focused his talk on the concept of “organic racial nationalism.” This understanding of subcultural development emerges from cultural expression directly related to a group’s folkish character. Virchow shared that the contemporary German right wing sees itself as racial nationalists, primarily concerned with creating a white nation. Hilary Pilkington (University of Warwick) presented her original

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research on Russian skinheads. Skinheads have only been part of the Russian right-wing milieu since 1992. Their development into a subcultural group was predicated on preexisting xenophobic conditions and state-legitimated racist violence. About the particular group from Vorkuta she studied, Pilkington noted “the group wasn’t necessarily anything remarkable. They were simply a ‘friendship brigade’ who happened to be skinheads.” While the group was involved in illegal activities including drug usage and violence, there was little linking them to others in the worldwide White Power movement, unlike those in Europe or the United States. Their geographic isolation, 100 kilometres from the Arctic Circle, likely contributed to this lack of interconnectedness. Jan Schedler (Ruhr University of Bochum) introduced a paper on “Autonomous Nationalists,” a recent development on the German far right scene. Notably, their adoption of black clothing and style similar to left-wing youth separates them from the mainstream while also rejecting skinhead culture. As Schedler explained, “one can be a neo-Nazi without dressing like a skinhead.” The Autonomous Nationalists believe that in order for their revolution to be successful, it needs to take place on the streets. They have been seen across the German landscape, protesting at rallies and festivals, wearing their traditional black clothing, and creating what has been referred to as a “black bloc.” The group’s sheer size and dark clothing is intended at once to obfuscate individual identities and to mark their presence to society at large. In contrast to Schedler’s findings on Autonomous Nationalists, Graham Macklin (University of Huddersfield) presented a different tale about the “New Right” in the United Kingdom. Rather than focusing their activity in the public, at rallies, and at concerts, the New Right gathers in smaller group meetings of 40-60 participants. For this subgroup, the key idea is racial nationalism, harkening back to primordial values, rather than the focus on antiimmigration as is more common in Germany. They see establishing cultural hegemony as crucial to future political success and their efforts are in line with this philosophy. Gideon Botsch (University of Potsdam) interpreted the German right wing using the sociological concept of “pillarization.” Rather than seeing right-wing concepts and ideas move to the mainstream, Botsch’s research has shown the right-wing idealists moving to society’s periphery and becoming increasingly isolated from the social mainstream. When the right wing fell out of favour in Germany in the mid-1960s, xenophobic tendencies were seen in marginalized groups such as soccer hooligans and motorcycle gangs. A frequent topic of discussion at the conference, highlighted in multiple scholars’ papers, was on the role of music in the White Power movement. Martin Langebach (Fachhochschule Düsseldorf) and Jan Raabe explained how music has modernized and evolved in the White Power movement. In the 1970s, the music used to bring the movement members together had the sound of a classic battle hymn. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the band Skrewdriver changed the White Power music scene and helped it to morph from an old feel of the German Volk, to one focused on hard rock and punk. The more modern White Power music has drawn many younger members to the Far Right and has had a trickle-down effect to include fashion shifts that correspond with the new music subculture. The emergence of the skinhead culture in the 1980s, for instance, coincided with the rise of punk rock, and as Langebach and Raabe explained, “being a skinhead was a lifestyle, not just a political view. They saw themselves as fighters, standing up against the middle-class lifestyle.”

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Narrative Construction In addition to the development of subculture as described above, one common theme in the various right-wing groups is the presence of a metanarrative establishing their group’s position at the top of a historical social hierarchy and a desire to reclaim that standing in today’s political environment. Tore Bjørgo (Norwegian Police University College) explained that in modern Scandinavia, the right wing has traditionally used two different but parallel narratives: White Power and the anti-immigrationists. The neo-Nazis or White Power movement has presented itself as “the Aryan resistance movement, fighting the Zionist Occupation Government (ZOG) and the racial traitors.” The anti-immigration movement, in Norway and Denmark in particular, presents itself as “the new resistance movement (with reference to the World War II resistance), fighting the Muslim invasion and the present-day national traitors”. The 22 July terrorist, Anders Behring Breivik, tried to introduce a new uniting narrative, presenting his alleged movement as “the New Crusaders, resisting the Muslim’s third attempt to invade Europe, and the traitors who collaborate with them.” The German right wing abounds with anti-Muslim tendencies and Bjørgo explains that similar sentiments are prevalent in some circles in Scandinavia as well. Crusader imagery has emerged both in North America and in Europe. Clothing companies such as Thor Steinar and Erik and Sons have embraced Viking symbols, introducing historical symbols into the mainstream through popular brands. Most notably, these brands direct their marketing to emerging adults. A complex transnational narrative has begun to develop as well. Cordelia Heβ (Stockholm University) and Gabriel Kuhn shared images illustrating the adoption of the Palestinian keffiyeh by members of the European Extreme Right. Heβ and Kuhn explained that the Middle East “serves as a field for ideological projection, using Jews and Palestinians as ideological pawns,” yet it too is complicated. While many in the European right wing are anti-Muslim within their own countries (Germany, Spain, etc.…) some have adopted this traditional Muslim garb because of its connotation of being anti-Israel or anti-Semitic. The transnational narrative explained above is represented through symbols used by Thor Steinar and Erik and Sons as well as on independently manufactured clothing in Germany. In a comparison of how the far right deploys symbols in the U.S. and Germany, Cynthia Miller-Idriss (New York University) highlighted three types of symbols currently used in the U.S.: co-opted Nazi-era symbols such as the swastika, historically referenced symbols borrowed from the United States’ past including imagery of lynching or the confederate flag, and the newest category referencing the right-wing’s extremist position on Islam. Other symbols that have been adopted both in Germany and in the United States include body modification such as growing a toothbrush moustache akin to the style worn by Adolf Hitler and alpha-numeric codes that have been created to circumvent the various national bans present in Germany. One well-known example of these codes is “88” where the 8 is in reference to “H,” the eighth letter of the alphabet making 88 synonymous with “HH,” or “Heil Hitler.” These codes are emblazoned on clothing worn by members of the right wing and are used in tattoos, on license plates, and in telephone numbers by movement members. Miller-Idriss further explained that the narrative construction in Germany places an aspirational racially pure nation, the German Volk, as the primary focus and racial purity is implied, whereas in the United States there is no national origin myth. Xenophobia is the

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uniting factor and national pride is merely a backdrop, such as using an American flag as a tablecloth at a White Power movement gathering. Frauke Büttner discussed the impact of a historical narrative to the right-wing movement in Spain. References to Spain’s Falange movement’s leadership, Francisco Franco and Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera, are common. The Spanish far right also uses a double-headed eagle with origins in both Spanish and German history as one of its icons. While there are common symbols used by members of the right-wing movement in Spain, due to the lack of legislation against the swastika, coding is simply not as necessary as in Germany. As is seen in the nationalist tendencies across countries, the Spanish far right’s use of symbols and rhetoric refer to the period of the Reconquista when the Spanish reclaimed their land from the Muslim Moors. By lauding this period, the contemporary right wing effectually makes an anti-Muslim statement toward today’s Muslim community in Spain.

Future Research Just prior to the conference’s close, a roundtable discussion was held to ascertain joint interests for further research. One proposition was to embark on a comparative view of symbols and national narratives, maximizing the network’s international representation, and as such focusing on transnational themes since much of the existing work in the field has focused on national concepts. An additional area of expressed interest was in the arena of education. Attention was given as to how to address the question of what can be done to work with children who have grown up in right-wing homes to ensure that they reject the ideas and lifestyles in which they have been indoctrinated. Given the heightened interest in researching global terrorism, it is clear that this network has merely begun the process of examining both a theoretical and practical framework for future studies on right-wing extremism and its impacts on greater society. Plans for an edited volume including the conference papers are underway.

Conference Participants Cynthia Miller-Idriss (New York University) - Co-organizer Fabian Virchow (Fachhochschule Düsseldorf) - Co-organizer Tore Bjørgo (Norwegian Police University College) Gideon Botsch (University of Potsdam) Frauke Büttner (Independent Scholar) Betty Dobratz (Iowa State University) Cordelia Heβ (Stockholm University) Gabriel Kuhn (Independent Scholar) Martin Langebach (Fachhochschule Düsseldorf) Graham Macklin (University of Huddersfield) Hilary Pilkington (University of Warwick) Jan Raabe (Independent Scholar) Jan Schedler (Ruhr University of Bochum) Pete Simi (University of Nebraska-Omaha)

Prepared by Benjamin Lewis, a doctoral student at New York University, who served as conference rapporteur.

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Book Reviews Die extreme Rechte in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1949 bis heute (The Extreme Right in the Federal Republic of Germany from 1949 to the present day) By Gideon Botsch (WBG Darmstadt, 2012), 151 pp., ISBN 978-3-534-23832-3. Reviewed by Dr. René Wolf

Royal Holloway, University of London Gideon Botsch ‘Die extreme Rechte in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1949 bis heute’ (The Extreme Right in the Federal Republic of Germany from 1949 to the present day) is part of the ‘Geschichte kompakt’ (history compact) series from the WBG publishing organization. As such, it is intended as a short, compact reference work of about 150 pages and offers a well organized and comprehensive overview of the post-1949 German far right. What particularly strikes the reader are the short and illustrative boxes indicated by an ‘E’ for explanations, or a ‘Q’ for relevant quotations, as well as all new key terms noted in the side margins; ideal for finding relevant sections. The work itself is structured in three distinct, chronographically arranged sections, all focussing around the concept of ‘national opposition’ (Nationale Opposition), which was viewed as the core value of all nationalist and far-right organizations in the (post-1949) Federal Republic. The first of these sections ‘National Opposition in post-war Society’ (Nationale Opposition in der Nachkriegsgesellschaft) highlights the move of a number of former Nazi functionaries and organizations into the new political landscape and underground under the apt subheading ‘The path to fundamental opposition’ (Der Weg in die Fundamentalopposition) – explained with comprehensive flair and detail. The second part of this chapter ‘National Gathering’ (Nationale Sammlung), focussing on the years 1960 – 1969, is the most lucid part of the book, clearly delineating the far-right from other conservative organizations and opposition groups and tracing the initial electoral successes of the NPD, and their eventual failure at the ballot box in 1969. The second part ‘National Opposition in Transition’ (Nationale Opposition im Übergang) is again subdivided into two chronological periods: 1970 – 1979 as ‘Disintegration and Change’ and 1980 – 1989 ‘Between Terror and Electioneering’. The former period denotes the splintering (and dying off) of the old guard and the formation of ‘The New Right’, whereas the latter (the 1980s) describes with great precision the formation of the new, party-political groups such as the Deutsche Volksunion (DVU) and the Republikaner (REP), as well as terrorist actions such as the bombing of the Munich Oktoberfest in 1980. Botsch also notes that this period is marked not only by an increased willingness for violent action, but also extreme xenophobic rhetoric accompanying pogrom-like actions; a turning point from previous decades, which were more concerned with public representation of the recent German past. In the third section ‘National Opposition in the Unified Germany’ the pattern of the ‘New Right’ in Germany becomes evident – partial electoral successes of a various nationalist parties in the Länder legislatures, accompanied by violence and intimidation, followed by (sometimes) successful bans on these organizations, followed by a re-organization and new name. Here Botsch manages to skilfully integrate many of the new phenomena of the

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extreme right – such as the Skinhead music scene and on-line far-right organization – and also mentioning some of the more established (and bizarre) youth organizations such as the Ludendorff movement (Bund der Gotterkenntnis). Also remarkable is the author’s detailed research of the 2009 elections, pointing to the distinct regional variations and the reemergence of the NPD as the ‘Social Homeland Party’ (Soziale Heimatpartei) with the slogan Work, Family, Fatherland (Arbeit, Familie, Vaterland). Whereas the introduction From Kaiserreich to the end of the War’, as well as the definitions of the terminology at the beginning of ‘Die extreme Rechte in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1949 bis heute’ appear dated in their theoretical framework, the main body of the volume is a very coherent reference work for all interested in the history – and current activities of the far right, posing a considerable threat to democratic institutions in the Federal Republic of Germany. This is particularly pronounced in the conclusion, which carries a very up-to-date look at the debacle surrounding the unmasking of the activities of the Nationalsozialistischer Untergrund (national-socialist Underground - NSU) in Thüringen, the involvement of and subsequent cover-up by the authorities and security services. Despite the absence of footnotes/endnotes (but with an excellent index) Gideon Botsch has managed to combine scholarly analysis with a sharp narrative to produce a valuable addition to WBG’s ‘Geschichte kompakt’ (history compact) series.

Uwe Backes and Patrick Moreau (eds), The Extreme Right in Europe: Current Trends and Perspectives, By Uwe Backes and Patrick Moreau (eds), (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2012), 472 pp., ISBN: 978-3-525-36922-7. Reviewed by Nigel Copsey Teesside University, UK

This is an ambitious volume, running to some 472 pages, boasting no fewer than 18 contributors. For the most part a product Franco-German co-operation, this collection was occasioned by the 2009 European elections (when 14 or so countries elected close to 40 extreme-right MEPs of various hues). As Gilles Ivaldi, the first of the book’s many contributors points out, these MEPs comprise just 5.2 per cent of all MEPs (a marginal increase on the 2004 figure of 4.8 per cent). Behind this figure, there is, of course, much inter-country variation, but as a transnational political force in Europe, and contrary to much media reportage, the far right did not experience a dramatic upsurge in support. In fact, as Ivaldi notes, across all seven waves of EP elections since 1979, the extreme right has remained a relatively stable yet marginal transnational political force. Nevertheless, as the expansive scope of this volume bears out, academic interest in the subject shoes no sign of abating. In a concise introduction, the volume’s editors – Uwe Backes and Patrick Moreau – maintain that three (laudable) aims underpinned this project: rather than offering a countryby-country case study as the basis for each chapter, each contributor would deploy a transnational comparative approach; second, the volume would help re-balance existing scholarship by covering the less well-researched countries of Eastern Europe; and third, it would move the field beyond the usual focus on party politics, to examine not only militant

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scenes and subcultures but also the broader realm of transnational cultural trends and political ideas. As for what constitutes the ‘extreme right’, the editors are wise enough not to get stuck in a definitional quagmire. Instead, they opt to view it (loosely) in terms of opposition to the liberal egalitarian values of Part 2 of the Lisbon Treaty. The editors further point out that their intention is not to consider the most effective ways of resisting rightwing extremism since this has been covered elsewhere (c.f. Bertelsmann Stiftung (ed.), Strategies for Combating Right-Wing Extremism in Europe). It is, of course, impossible to discuss each chapter at any length in such a short review. My intention here is to only reference some of the more important points to emerge from this collection. In the first (and largest) section on parties and elections, key points are: the far-right electorate on the European level has not grown significantly (Ivaldi); voters of far-right parties are typically male and their formal education is below average (Arzheimer); ‘old-fashioned’ racism is not a strong predictor of far-right voting patterns; more important is an aversion to cultural diversity, particularly opposition to Islam and Muslims (Roux); the incorporation of Islamophobic programmatic elements does not necessarily guarantee electoral success however, and this is especially true for Eastern Europe (Moreau); indeed party success/failure depends on a diverse range of factors and even where there is high demand, success is not guaranteed (Backes); extreme-right parties can be relatively attractive as coalition partners - they are often weak enough to be dominated (De Lange); what makes the extreme-right in Central and Eastern Europe different to Western European forms is the focus on autochthonous minorities and territorial disputes rather than issues related to immigration (Meznok and Thieme); and transnational co-operation between far-right parties is limited by territorial disputes although ideological hardliners inspired by inter-war fascism find it easier to co-operate than ‘softer’ parties who struggle to reach a minimal consensus beyond Euro-scepticism and hostility to immigration and Islam (Vejvodová). The second section, on militant scenes and subcultures, captures paramilitary formations in several Central and Eastern European countries (Stojarová); vigilante activity against Roma in East Central Europe (Mareš); and the subcultural world of the ‘Grey Wolves’ amongst Turkish immigrant communities in Western Europe (de Tapia). The standout contribution in this section is the second chapter by Jean-Yves Camus. He first traces the development of neo-Nazism in Europe and he is right to emphasise the importance of transatlantic links; he then offers a very engaging discussion of Holocaust denial. Even though Holocaust denial more usually appears as an integral element of extreme-right culture, what captured my attention here is the forgotten involvement of elements of the extreme left (the Holocaust must have been fabricated because capital would have exploited all Jews for productive labour rather than see them systematically slaughtered). The final section of the volume considers the ideological bases of transnational networking amongst right-wing extremists. The opening chapter deals with pan-Aryanism (which no longer simply mimics Hitlerian slavophobic ideology but appeals to Eastern Europe and Russia in its defence of the ‘white race’), and anti-globalism (where globalisation is understand in terms of the age-old world Jewish conspiracy) (Grumke). No reference was made, however, to the emerging international counter-jihad movement (which finds sponsors amongst pro-Zionist elements). A sophisticated analysis of the New Right (Bar-On) follows, which deploys Roger Griffin’s idea of ‘mazeway resynthesis’ and maintains that despite its opening to the New Left, the New Right has never exited extreme-right political space. Equally sophisticated in its approach is David Art’s thoughtful contribution on memory politics. For Art, the success or failure of the extreme right needs to be understood in the

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context of the historical environment, that is to say, in terms of the extent to which there is a ‘culture of contrition’ - a historical consensus amongst political elites on the importance of recognising past atrocities from the fascist era. Where a culture of contrition obtains (e.g. Germany) the far right is marginalised, where it does not (e.g. Italy) space has opened up for historical revisionism and the far right. The penultimate chapter covers right-wing esotericism (Hess-Meining), which offers further confirmation that some of the traditional stereotypes about the ‘lunatic fringe’ are indeed true! The final chapter discusses the various musical subcultures/subgenres (Oi, industrial music, black metal) that right-wing extremists have targeted as a way of disseminating their ideas into youth milieus. To its credit, this volume does expand the base of our knowledge and certainly does set ‘new accents’. The problem lies, literally, in the translation. Native English speakers will find that few of the chapters flow particularly well and unfortunately this does detract from an otherwise valuable contribution.

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Publications Alert

Akhter, J. (2012) Islamophobia hurts us all. Nation, 295, 2-2. Allievi, S. (2012) Reactive identities and Islamophobia: Muslim minorities and the challenge of religious pluralism in Europe. Philosophy & Social Criticism, 38, 379-387. Alterman, E. (2012) Right-wing racism: past, present-and future. Nation, 294, 10-10. Aronoff, M. J. (2012) Theocratic democracy: the social construction of religious and secular extremism. Perspectives on Politics, 10, 153-154. Ashton, B. A. (2012) Colonialism, Antisemitism, and Germans of Jewish descent in Imperial Germany. German Quarterly, 85, 368-370. Astor, A. (2012a) Memory, community, and opposition to mosques: the case of Badalona. Theory and Society, 41, 325-349. Bailey, G. (2012) The new extremism in twenty-first century Britain. British Politics, 7, 83-84. Barham, J. (2012) Seeing Mahler: music and the language of Antisemitism in fin-de siecle Vienna. Music & Letters, 93, 255-257. Berkowitz, M. (2012) Antisemitism and its opponents in modern Poland. Slavonic and East European Review, 90, 378-380. Brandt, M. J. & Reyna, C. (2012) The functions of symbolic racism. Social Justice Research, 25, 4160. Burnett, J. (2012) After Lawrence: racial violence and policing in the UK. Race & Class, 54, 91-98. Choma, B. L., Hodson, G. & Costello, K. (2012) Intergroup disgust sensitivity as a predictor of Islamophobia: the modulating effect of fear. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 48, 499-506. Cohen-Almagor, R. (2012) Freedom of expression, internet responsibility and business ethics: the Yahoo! saga and its aftermath. Journal of Business Ethics, 106/3, 353-65. Dahlstrom, C. & Sundell, A. (2012) A losing gamble. How mainstream parties facilitate antiimmigrant party success. Electoral Studies, 31, 353-363. Downs, D. M. & Cowan, G. (2012) Predicting the importance of freedom of speech and the perceived harm of hate speech. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 42, 1353-1375. Dumitru, D. (2011) Attitudes towards Jews in Odessa: From Soviet rule through Romanian occupation, 1921-1944. Cahiers Du Monde Russe, 52, 133-+. Eichenberg, J. (2010) The dark side of independence: paramilitary violence in Ireland and Poland after the First World War. Contemporary European History, 19, 231-248. Ekeli, K. S. (2012) The political rights of anti-liberal-democratic groups. Law and Philosophy, 31, 269-297. Encarnaci贸n, O. G. (2012) Justice in times of transition: lessons from the Iberian experience. International Studies Quarterly, 56, 179-192. Gidley, B. & Kahn-Harris, K. (2012) Contemporary Anglo-Jewish community leadership: coping with multiculturalism. British Journal of Sociology, 63, 168-187. Grady, T. (2012) Creating difference: the racialization of Germany's Jewish soldiers after the First World War. Patterns of Prejudice, 46, 318-338. Green-Pedersen, C. (2012) A Giant Fast Asleep? Party Incentives and the Politicisation of European Integration. Political Studies, 60, 115-130. Halikiopoulou, D., Nanou, K. & Vasilopoulou, S. (2012) The paradox of nationalism: The common denominator of radical right and radical left euroscepticism. European Journal of Political Research, 51, 504-539. Hall, J. R. (2012) Theocratic democracy: the social construction of religious and secular extremism. Contemporary Sociology-a Journal of Reviews, 41, 179-181. Iannaccone, L. R. (2012) Extremism and the economics of religion. Economic Record, 88, 110-115.

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Jacobs, D., Veny, Y., Callier, L., Herman, B. & Descamps, A. (2011) The impact of the conflict in Gaza on antisemitism in Belgium. Patterns of Prejudice, 45, 341-360. Kaplan, P. (2012) A convenient hatred: the history of Antisemitism. Library Journal, 137, 76-77. Kebbell, M. R. & Porter, L. (2012) An intelligence assessment framework for identifying individuals at risk of committing acts of violent extremism against the West. Security Journal, 25, 212228. King, C. (2012) Can there be a political science of the Holocaust? Perspectives on Politics, 10, 323341. Kunst, J. R., Tajamal, H., Sam, D. L. & Ulleberg, P. (2012) Coping with Islamophobia: the effects of religious stigma on Muslim minorities' identity formation. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 36, 518-532. Lalami, L. (2012) Islamophobia and its Discontents. Assailed by the right as a fiction, anti-Muslim bias is all too real for those who live with it. Nation, 294, 20-22. Lampert-Weissig, L. (2012) Left behind, the Holocaust, and that old time Antisemitism. Journal of Popular Culture, 45, 497-515. Lettinga, D. & Saharso, S. (2012) The political debates on the veil in France and the Netherlands: Reflecting national integration models? Comparative European Politics, 10, 319-336. Lucassen, G. & Lubbers, M. (2012) Who fears what? Explaining far-right-wing preference in Europe by distinguishing perceived cultural and economic ethnic threats. Comparative Political Studies, 45, 547-574. Macklin, G. (2012) Transatlantic connections and conspiracies: AK Chesterton and the new unhappy Lords. Journal of Contemporary History, 47, 270-290.

Mammone, A., Godin, E. & Jenkins B. (2012) Mapping the extreme right in contemporary Europe: from local to transnational. Abingdon: Routledge. Mandaci, N. (2012) The radical right parties in Europe and their Balkan cousins: the bells ring for Turkey. Uluslararasi Iliskiler-International Relations, 9, 41-71. Monahan, J. (2012) The individual risk assessment of terrorism. Psychology Public Policy and Law, 18, 167-205. Moore, R. (2012) Antisemitism: a history. Church History, 81, 148-148. Musolff, A. (2011) How (not) to resurrect the body politic: the racist bias in Carl Schmitt's theory of sovereignty. Patterns of Prejudice, 45, 453-468. Omelianchuk, I. V. (2012) The right-wing parties and P.A. Stolypin. Otechestvennaya Istoriya, 6276. Pels, T. & de Ruyter, D. J. (2012) The influence of education and socialization on radicalization: an exploration of theoretical presumptions and empirical research. Child & Youth Care Forum, 41, 311-325. Peter, F. (2012) Nation, narration and Islam: memory and governmentality in Germany. Current Sociology, 60, 338-352. Rip, B., Vallerand, R. J. & Lafreniere, M. A. K. (2012) Passion for a cause, passion for a creed: on ideological passion, identity threat, and extremism (vol 80, pg 573, 2012). Journal of Personality, 80, 1146-1146. Rosenberg, A. (2012) Fascism as a mass-movement (1934). Historical Materialism-Research in Critical Marxist Theory, 20, 144-189. Saha, A. (2012) 'Beards, scarves, halal meat, terrorists, forced marriage': television industries and the production of 'race'. Media Culture & Society, 34, 424-438. Smith, D. (2012) Antisemitism everywhere: today in France. Modern & Contemporary France, 20, 138-140. Spicer, K. P. (2012) Offenders or victims? German Jews and the causes of modern Catholic Antisemitism. German Studies Review, 35, 164-166. Thomas, N. A., Loetscher, T., Clode, D. & Nicholls, M. E. R. (2012) Right-wing politicians prefer the emotional Left. Plos One, 7.

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Tyrer, D. & Sayyid, S. (2012) Governing ghosts: race, incorporeality and difference in post-political times. Current Sociology, 60, 353-367. Van Hiel, A. (2012) A psycho-political profile of party activists and left-wing and right-wing extremists. European Journal of Political Research, 51, 166-203. Wunschmann, K. (2010) Cementing the enemy category: arrest and imprisonment of German Jews in Nazi concentration camps, 1933-8/9. Journal of Contemporary History, 45, 576-600. Yilmaz, F. (2012a) Right-wing hegemony and immigration: how the populist far-right achieved hegemony through the immigration debate in Europe. Current Sociology, 60, 368-381. Younge, G. (2012a) Europe: hotbed of Islamophobic extremism. Nation, 294, 10-10. Zaal, M. (2012a) Islamophobia in classrooms, media, and politics. Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy, 55, 555-558.

ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy Convenors: David Art (David.Art@tufts.edu); Elisabeth Carter (e.carter@keele.ac.uk)

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