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Electronic Newsletter of the ECPR-SG on Extremism and Democracy

e-Extreme

Electronic Newsletter of the ECPR-SG on Extremism & Democracy

September 2009 Volume 10 Number 3


e-Extreme

Volume 10, No. 3, September 2009

Managing editor Nigel Copsey Teesside University, United Kingdom Co-editors Sarah de Lange University of Amsterdam, Netherlands Matthew Goodwin, University of Manchester, United Kingdom

The e-Extreme is the newsletter of the ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy and is published quarterly in March, June, September, and December. For all enquiries about the newsletter, please contact newsletter@extremism-and-democracy.com. Copyright Š 2009 by the ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, in any form or by any means, electronic, photocopying, or otherwise, without permission in writing from the ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy

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Table of Contents Standing Group Announcements……………………………………………………..3 News from Standing Group Members……………………………………………….3 Book Reviews.……………………………………………………………………………..4 Publications Alerts…………………………………………………………………….....9

Standing Group Announcements Welcome to our revamped newsletter. We hope you like it. The launch of the new newsletter coincides with the tenth anniversary of the Standing Group‘s founding, as well as the launch of our new Extremism and Democracy website (http://www.extremism-and-democracy.com). The e-Extreme is now available in pdf format so that it can be easily printed. The major changes to content are that the conferences and calls for papers, fellowship and grant opportunities, and online resources have now migrated to the new website. From the next issue (December 2009) we will also include sections devoted to reports from the Extremism and Democracy Standing Group, and to news from our members. So if you have any announcements that you wish to make (e.g. awards; prizes; promotions; job moves; successful grant bids; books; PhD completions etc), please email newsletter@democracy-and-extremism.com with the details. News from Standing Group Members We are proud to announce that Cas Mudde, one of the founders of the ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy, has won the 2009 Stein Rokkan Prize for his book Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe (Cambridge University Press, 2007). The co-convenors of the Standing Group, as well as the editorial team of the e-Extreme, congratulate Cas on this outstanding achievement!

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Book Reviews The Coming Balkan Caliphate. The Threat of Radical Islam to Europe and the West. Christopher Deliso (Westport and London: Praeger, 2006), 240 pp., ISBN: 978-0275995256. Maya Shatzmiller

The University of Western Ontario Public US bashing, especially of its foreign policy is no longer the preserve of hostile governments but is now ‗de rigueur‘ among American academics and journalists abroad. While most critics quibble about the Bush administration‘s invasion of Iraq, the book under review returns to the Clinton administration‘s decision to intervene in the Balkan war of 1992-1995. The thesis of the book is simple: the misguided US policy, which the author names ―Clinton‘s gift to fundamentalist Islam‖, is the reason why Islamic radicalism has now swept the Balkans where it is being allowed to grow ―as cancer‖ (the author‘s metaphor) and become an imminent threat to the West‘s security. Behind the apocalyptic pronouncements of an impending Islamically-triggered doom, the book has another theme, which is the victimization of Serbia by the West. The author sees Serbia as the injured party, both Christian and a former ally who joined World War II on the side of the Allies, and since then, has time and again been aggressively and ungratefully punished by the West with brutal military might in the conflicts over Bosnia and Kosovo. The author believes that both the US and NATO‘s policies towards the Balkan‘s Muslims were and are misguided and that the formation of the Bosnian and Kosovo states took place at the expense of Serbia, ignoring Serbia‘s legitimate claims. Besides being a monumental historical injustice, this will also return to haunt the West, or so he predicts. Indeed, a link between Bosnia and Bin Laden was first suggested in reports by security agencies a mere two months after the attacks of 9/11. The discovery of Islamic terrorist cells with varying degrees of operational capacity and ideological extremism in European countries such as Britain, Germany, Italy, Spain, Denmark, Greece and France and the success of terrorist acts in France, Great Britain and Spain, further contributed to the fear that Bosnians as a society or as individuals might harbour, help and sponsor terrorist activities. Islamic cells discovered in the Czech Republic demonstrated that the collapse of State surveillance in Eastern Europe since the fall of Communism has opened up this part of the world, which Bosnians used to inhabit, to clandestine activities as well. With radicalization taking root in every Islamic country, the subject could not be dismissed out of hand. Where the evidence and what is are its manifestations? The author, a journalist, bases his argument on data collected from newspapers articles and ―intelligent experts‖ reports. He traces manifestations of Islamic radicalization among Balkan Muslim communities in Bosnia, Albania, Kosovo, as well as in Islamic enclaves in the Serbian Sanjak and Macedonia, and the involvement of Turkey, and claims that these visible manifestations of the changing face of Balkan Islam, are indeed a result of the 1992-1995 war. The penetration of Saudi Arabia‘s influence in Bosnia is chiefly visible in the new style mosques built with Arab funds. These were built to replace the ones destroyed by Serbian and Croat artilleries during the war, so instead of the charming sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Ottoman style mosques, we now have white washed austere looking structures, built in the Wahhabi puritan style embraced by the Saudi family in the 19th century. Another visible sign of transformation in Balkan Islam were the Arabic speaking Middle Easterners volunteers, of

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no particular cohesion, the Mujahiddin, who arrived in the Bosnia during the war, though most have left by now, since their requests for Bosnian citizenship were denied. Much harder to spot are the brochures of Islamic fundamentalist propaganda, which have supposedly been smuggled into the region. Since the locals do not speak Arabic, a major translation effort must have taken place in order to supply those brochures, though we are not sure where or how this happened. The language barrier would also apply to the foreign imams and preachers in the new mosques, who have been accused of indoctrinating the locals with Jihadi tenets, since no foreign imam is allowed to preach there unless he has been trained in the local madrasas. Islamic Aid and charity agencies accused of being behind the diffusion of propaganda, were also a remnant of the war, and were accused of linking financial help to the adoption of ―Wahhabism‖. In areas such as Albania, where no evidence of the unstoppable Islamic fundamentalism is visible, the author suspects the long arm of the local mafia, which sees radical Islam as interfering with business. In Bosnia, however, there has been a firm and persistent effort by the Islamic community since the end of the war to oppose the diffusion of ideologies foreign to their religious identity and to neutralize and eliminate whatever inroads they may have made among the population. Most of the resistance has consisted of reclaiming and regaining control over Islamic education, which has once again become concentrated in the hands of the state. The country as a whole is willing to engage in an open debate about religious extremism. As to its claim to scholarly inquiry and academic standing, the book suffers from some serious shortcomings, the most important one being its one-sidedness. The author did not consult, nor does he refer to any alternative, or opposing views, but selectively quotes only sources which echo his own opinions. He does not hide his view that Serbia fell victim to a misguided Islamic pacification by the West, but while discussing the events that triggered the Clinton‘s administration decision to intervene, there is no mention of the Srebrenica massacre by the Bosnian Serbs, nor the bombardment of the market in Sarajevo by the Yugoslav army. The UN mission to the region is labeled ―dysfunctional‖ and NATO‘s units deployed in Bosnia and Kosovo, KFOR, are accused of hiding information about fundamentalist activities from their superiors, without reporting any of the achievements of the Dayton agreements. The sources quoted are also problematic. We have no way of verifying the nature of the information collected by the ―terrorism experts‖, as the book makes use of articles without authors‘ names, listing four pages of them in the final bibliography. There is neither theoretical nor analytical framework to the narrative of myriad anecdotes, and a larger historical context is also lacking. The so called ―threat‖ of the radicalization of the Balkans is discussed in the complete absence of any comprehensive framework, social, political, economic, communal, cultural and especially religious, let alone a historical one. There is a failure to distinguish between the different Islamic ideological and operational groups and their sponsors. Using the terms Caliphate, Jihadi or Wahhabi, fundamentalists and radicals interchangeably and without explaining their historical roots and current meaning or providing any other context is misleading. ―Wahhabi‖ and ―Jihadi‖ are not the same. The war indeed facilitated the arrival of the Saudis and their brand of Orthodox Islam in Bosnia, but there is no evidence to connect them as a state to terrorism or to the radical Islamic brand of Usama bin Laden, who, while being a Saudi, is nonetheless considered an enemy of the state. Nor is there any room to ideologically link Wahhabism with terrorism or with ideology of the Shicite Iranian brand of permanent revolution. The linking of Turkey‘s religious revival to the spread of international terrorism in the Balkans is equally misguided. Recent events in Turkey have demonstrated that the danger of political extremism comes not from the AKP, the religious party, which claims joining the European Union as its political goal, but rather from the ultra nationalists. This is an accusatory book which does not mince words. Starting with the foreword, written by Loretta Napoleoni, and throughout the book the idea that a major political

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mistake has been committed is hammered home, with the conclusion that an alliance with Serbia offers the West the only defense against the Islamic ―threat‖. The book is replete with misconceptions, simplistic and reductionism assertions, but mostly devoid of standards of objectivity. Impartiality is crucial for responsible reporting, let alone scholarly work, its absence in this case deprives the argument of credibility, and the book of scholarly merit.

Pariah Politics. Understanding Western Radical Islamism and What Should be Done. Shamit Saggar (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 352 pp., ISBN: 978-0199558131. Sami Zemni

Ghent University With Pariah Politics, Shamit Saggar has undoubtedly written a complex, nuanced and foremost thought provoking work of policy-oriented research regarding the highly controversial and contentious issue of Western radical Islamism. The central argument of the book is that grievance politics constitutes the important fuel of a rampant support for religious extremism. Based on an optimist vision of the integration of Western Muslim communities, this reflection is nevertheless grounded in empirical realism. Indeed, the author warns regularly for an all too optimistic approach of wishful thinking in addressing the complex nexus between security, terrorism, Islam and integration. To disentangle this predicament Shamit Saggar offers different avenues for intervention. Beyond doubt, the novelty of this book lies in the fact that the issues at hand are looked at from the perspective of government and policy. While each theme is based on knowledge of the (more theoretical) academic writings and research; the main focus of the book remains the question ―What can and should government do‖? The author does not stop at some simple, one-dimensional, propositions but instead– patiently but relentlessly – builds up a serious and more complex case. He focuses on the causes of radicalisation by identifying different drivers that each need to be addressed: the social and economic disadvantages of Muslim communities, the increasingly inward-facing networking of these communities leading to isolation and segregation, the effects of poor leadership that has nurtured a culture of victimhood embedded in an oppositional culture as well as the more international issue of global Islam. Off course, the author is sensible enough to understand that a diverse set of policies trying to address all these issues cannot be successful overnight, nor that government is able to influence all of these issues the same way. The author argues that government should first and foremost focus on counter terrorism measures that not only focus on direct threats or conspiracies but, instead, tackle what he calls the ‗circle of tacit support‘. While most of the European and British security policies start from the idea that there is a tiny minority within the Muslim communities that are radicalised and prone to violence in a context of a mainstream or moderate majority Islam, Shamit Saggar argues, differently, that extremist (indeed a minority) are sheltered by and recruited from a core of sympathizers: i.e. there exists a rather large group of Muslims that are passively or actively supporting (in all kinds of ways) the hardcore radicals. Looking at radicalisation from this angle, according to the author, induces a much less naïve and more efficient security policy. Reducing this circle of tacit support is obviously not a simple thing to do. Government must engage synchronically in a middle- and long term strategy that focuses on different aspects of the problem and encompasses both preventive as well as more reactive policies. Existing policies need adjustment that call for more imagination in

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order to enhance effectiveness. Off course, the author acknowledges that preventive strategies are much more complex in nature than reactive ones, and are often riddled with unintended consequences. Therefore, government should not be doing it all alone. In order to enhance the potential for success of these policies, Shamit Saggar argues for a serious effort to include the ‗targeted groups‘ in a genuine endeavour to tackle radicalism as well as a more marked willingness within the Muslim communities to counter extremism. The author asserts that – alas – Western Muslim communities have far too long remained silent or ambivalent toward radicalism, thereby contributing to their bad or pariah reputation. While the author acknowledges the past and present forms of discrimination, exclusion and marginalisation of several (but not all) Muslim communities, he nevertheless simplifies the argument of reputation in my view. While he urges politicians to promote communal and civil society based actions so the affected communities deal with their own reputational feature, it is unlikely that within a generalized context of Islam-bashing, some communal actions will suffice without thorough and hard measures from government. Large parts of Muslim communities have been engaged in all kinds of dialogues, meetings, openmosque-days for decades and all these efforts have not been able to stop radicalization nor to instil a better image or reputation of Muslims. There is more to combating the Huntingtonian mindset as Shamit Saggar argues, then willingness and good intentions. This optimism – while certainly not couched in wishful thinking – has presumably to do with the British character of the book. While the book includes some comparative evidence and has – as the title suggests – the ambition to encompass ‗Western radical Islamism‘, it nevertheless falls short of this promise. Though the author understands the historical different patterns of migration on the continent with different communities of origin settled within diverse legal, political and cultural systems, it is unclear how the proposed policy-options can find acceptance within the more continental approaches. There exists too much opposition towards the community-based approach that is very clearly advocated by the author. In conclusion, one can argue that this book has a strong potential in engendering policy debate within the UK. While less valuable for continental European approaches, it nevertheless remains a book of value for anybody interested in policy-oriented approaches to Western radical Islamism from the point of view of government. Patriotism: Philosophical and Political Perspectives Igor Primoratz and Aleksandar Pavkovic (eds.), (Farnham: Ashgate, 2007), 250 pp., ISBN: 978-0754671220 Graham Macklin

Teesside University ‗‖My country, right or wrong,‖‘ G. K. Chesterton once quipped, ‗is a thing no patriot would ever think of saying except in a desperate case. It is like saying ―My mother, drunk or sober.‖‘ As Patriotism: Philosophical and Political Perspectives reveals, the subject of ‗patriotism‘ as a philosophical concept and as political theory is infinitely more complex than the attitude parodied by Chesterton. This timely collection of essays, generated by a workshop on patriotism organised by Igor Primoratz and held at the University of Melbourne in 2006, enhances our understanding of the moral credentials of patriotism not to mention its ethical standing as a concept in relation to both nationalism and history. The first section of the book examines a range of philosophical debates on the moral credentials of patriotism particularly with regards to its moral standing (for instance is

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patriotism above morality? Is it a vice or a virtue?), before moving onto consider whether the constitutional model of patriotism could be utilised as a basis through which transnational bodies such as the European Union could integrate patriot sentiments in its own defence. As a succession of ‗no‘ votes in national referenda indicate the prospects of transnational political community replacing the nation or nation-state as a focus of patriotic identification appears to be slim. Indeed, identification as a ‗European‘ over and above their own nationality has motivated comparatively few and, as one contributor observes, there appears to be little workable alternative to nationalism and the emotional attachment to patria as the bedrock of patriotism. The final section entitled rather blandly ‗further issues‘ contains a series of essays examining the problems of patriotism outside the context of the nation state. Cynthia Townley re-examines some of the debate between Stephen Nathanson and Paul Gomberg on patriotism and racism and indeed other forms of group loyalty. Two further chapters examine the relationship between patriotism and environmentalism, and patriotism and anarchism, the latter of which has produced some of the most forceful refutations of patriotism and nationalism but which, argues the author, does not necessarily preclude the development of a ‗moderate‘ patriotism in defence of certain parts of its philosophical outlook. The philosophical salience of these two particular essays becomes apparent when one considers that both are arenas into which far right sub-cultures are seeking to expand into with its racialised arguments for de-centralisation and bioregionalism. The final essay by Pavkovic is a philosophical disquisition on ‗killing for one‘s county,‘ is an intriguing and again timely examination of the moral justification of killing in the name of patriotism which ultimately, argues the author, is a political act committed for avowedly political aims and therefore not necessarily an act that can be justified by universal moral considerations. Patriotism is a fascinating volume of essays by a prestigious group of scholars on a topic all too often eclipsed by discussions on ‗nationalism‘. Heavily philosophical, the book nonetheless would be of an invaluable aid to undergraduates, post-graduates and indeed experts in the field to students of politics and political science not to mention history seeking to enhance their understanding of this neglected topic.

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Publications Alert Abrahms, M. "What Makes Terrorists Tick Reply." International Security 33, no. 4 (2009): 195-202. Ackerman, G. "World at Risk: The Report of the Commission on the Prevention of Wmd Proliferation and Terrorism." Journal of Homeland Security and Emergency Management 6, no. 1 (2009). Arzheimer, K. "Contextual Factors and the Extreme Right Vote in Western Europe, 19802002." American Journal of Political Science 53, no. 2 (2009): 259-75. Bloom, M. "Chasing Butterflies and Rainbows: A Critique of Kruglanski Et Al.'S "Fully Committed: Suicide Bombers' Motivation and the Quest for Personal Significance"." Political Psychology 30, no. 3 (2009): 387-95. ———. "From Freedom Fighters to Terrorists: Women and Political Violence." Political Science Quarterly 124, no. 2 (2009): 356-57. Boomgaarden, H. G., and R. Vliegenthart. "How News Content Influences Anti-Immigration Attitudes: Germany, 1993-2005." European Journal of Political Research 48, no. 4 (2009): 516-42. Boyle, M. J. "Bargaining, Fear, and Denial: Explaining Violence against Civilians in Iraq 20042007." Terrorism and Political Violence 21, no. 2 (2009): 261-87. Brown, L. C. "A World of Trouble: The White House and the Middle East-from the Cold War to the War on Terror." Foreign Affairs 88, no. 1 (2009): 200-00. Byman, D. "The Israeli Secret Services and the Struggle against Terrorism." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32, no. 5 (2009): 453-54. Caudle, S. L. "International Terrorism and Threats to Security." Journal of Homeland Security and Emergency Management 6, no. 1 (2009). Chenoweth, E., N. Miller, E. McClellan, H. Frisch, P. Staniland, and M. Abrahms. "What Makes Terrorists Tick." International Security 33, no. 4 (2009): 180-86. Denton, D. D., and D. Min. "The Mind of the Terrorist: The Psychology of Terrorism from the Ira to Al-Qaeda." Terrorism and Political Violence 21, no. 2 (2009): 349-50. Dunnage, J. "Ideology, Clientelism and the 'Fascistization' of the Italian State: Fascists in the Interior Ministry Police." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 14, no. 3 (2009): 267-84. Egerton, F. "A Case for a Critical Approach to Terrorism." European Political Science 8, no. 1 (2009): 57-67. Elff, M. "Social Divisions, Party Positions, and Electoral Behaviour." Electoral Studies 28, no. 2 (2009): 297-308. Fettweis, C. J. "Freedom Fighters and Zealots: Al Qaeda in Historical Perspective." Political Science Quarterly 124, no. 2 (2009): 269-96. Frisch, H. "What Makes Terrorists Tick." International Security 33, no. 4 (2009): 186-89. Gregg, H. S. "Fighting Cosmic Warriors: Lessons from the First Seven Years of the Global War on Terror." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32, no. 3 (2009): 188-208. Helfstein, S. "Governance of Terror: New Institutionalism and the Evolution of Terrorist Organizations." Public Administration Review 69, no. 4 (2009): 727-39. Hoffman, B. "The Capability of Emergency Departments and Emergency Medical Systems in the United States to Respond to Mass Casualty Events Resulting from Terrorist Attacks." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32, no. 1 (2009): 60-71. Holmila, A. "The Holocaust and the Birth of Israel in British, Swedish and Finnish Press Discourse, 1947-1948." European Review of History-Revue Europeenne D Histoire 16, no. 2 (2009): 183-200. Ilardi, G. J. "The 9/11 Attacks: a Study of Al Qaeda's Use of Intelligence and Counterintelligence." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32, no. 3 (2009): 171-87. Jesuit, D. K., P. R. Paradowski, and V. A. Mahler. "Electoral Support for Extreme Right-Wing

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Parties: A Sub-National Analysis of Western European Elections." Electoral Studies 28, no. 2 (2009): 279-90. Jones, D. M., and M. L. R. Smith. "We're All Terrorists Now: Critical or Hypocritical studies on Terrorism?" Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32, no. 4 (2009): 292-302. Kassel, W. "Terrorism and the International Anarchist Movement of the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32, no. 3 (2009): 237-52. Ker-Lindsay, J. "The Threat and Management of Terrorism in Cyprus." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32, no. 5 (2009): 439-52. Koopmans, R., and J. Muis. "The Rise of Right-Wing Populist Pim Fortuyn in the Netherlands: A Discursive Opportunity Approach." European Journal of Political Research 48, no. 5 (2009): 642-64. Lang, K. O. "Rebellion of the Impatient Populism in East Central Europe." Osteuropa 59, no. 2-3 (2009): 333-+. Lemmons, R. ""Germany's Eternal Son:" The Genesis of the Ernst Thalmann Myth, 19301950." German Studies Review 32, no. 2 (2009): 343-56. Levinson, S. "The Terror Presidency: Law and Judgment inside the Bush Administration." Dissent 56, no. 3 (2009): 99-106. Lewis, S. C., and S. D. Reese. "What Is the War on Terror? Framing through the Eyes of Journalists." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 86, no. 1 (2009): 85-102. Louzek, M. "Economics of Security - Are Terrorists Rational?" Politicka Ekonomie 57, no. 2 (2009): 177-93. Malkki, L. "How Terrorist Groups End. Lessons for Countering Al Qa'ida." Terrorism and Political Violence 21, no. 1 (2009): 177-78. Meuleman, B., E. Davidov, and J. Billiet. "Changing Attitudes toward Immigration in Europe, 2002-2007: A Dynamic Group Conflict Theory Approach." Social Science Research 38, no. 2 (2009): 352-65. Michael, G. "Understanding Terrorist Innovation: Technology, Tactics and Global Trends." Terrorism and Political Violence 21, no. 1 (2009): 179-82. Miller, R. "Globalisation and the Future of Terrorism: Patterns and Predictions." Journal of Contemporary History 44, no. 2 (2009): 373-76. Mintz, A., and D. Brule. "Methodological Issues in Studying Suicide Terrorism." Political Psychology 30, no. 3 (2009): 365-71. Moghadam, A. "Motives for Martyrdom Al-Qaida, Salafi Jihad, and the Spread of Suicide Attacks." International Security 33, no. 3 (2009): 46-+. Montroni, G. "The Professors in and after the Fascist Regime. The Purges in the Universities of Italy (1944-46)." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 14, no. 3 (2009): 305-28. Morris, D. R. "Surprise and Terrorism: A Conceptual Framework." Journal of Strategic Studies 32, no. 1 (2009): 1-27. Moskalenko, S., and C. McCauley. "Measuring Political Mobilization: The Distinction between Activism and Radicalism." Terrorism and Political Violence 21, no. 2 (2009): 239-60. Munroe, H. D. "The October Crisis Revisited: Counterterrorism as Strategic Choice, Political Result, and Organizational Practice." Terrorism and Political Violence 21, no. 2 (2009): 288-305. Piazza, J. A. "Economic Development, Poorly Managed Political Conflict and Terrorism in India." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32, no. 5 (2009): 406-19. Piazza, J. A., and J. I. Walsh. "Transnational Terror and Human Rights." International Studies Quarterly 53, no. 1 (2009): 125-48. Post, J. M. "Reframing of Martyrdom and Jihad and the Socialization of Suicide Terrorists." Political Psychology 30, no. 3 (2009): 381-85. Quiroga, A. "The Social Roots of Basque Nationalism." European History Quarterly 39, no. 3 (2009): 503-11.

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Rees, T. "Deviation and Discipline: Anti-Trotskyism, Bolshevization and the Spanish Communist Party, 1924-34." Historical Research 82, no. 215 (2009): 131-56. Rice, S. K. "Emotions and Terrorism Research: A Case for a Social-Psychological Agenda." Journal of Criminal Justice 37, no. 3 (2009): 248-55. Roberts, D. "Mussolini's Propaganda Abroad: Subversion in the Mediterranean and the Middle East, 1935-1940." Journal of Contemporary History 44, no. 3 (2009): 523-33. Roberts, D. D. "Fascism, Modernism and the Quest for an Alternative Modernity." Patterns of Prejudice 43, no. 1 (2009): 91-102. Rubin, G. "The "New" Terrorism: Myths and Reality." Journal of Homeland Security and Emergency Management 6, no. 1 (2009). Rubini, L. J. H. "How Terrorist Groups End: Lessons for Countering Al Qa'ida." Journal of Homeland Security and Emergency Management 6, no. 1 (2009). Schwartz, S. J., C. S. Dunkel, and A. S. Waterman. "Terrorism: An Identity Theory Perspective." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32, no. 6 (2009): 537-59. Shekhovtsov, A. "Aleksandr Dugin's Neo-Eurasianism: The New Right a la Russe." Religion Compass 3, no. 4 (2009): 697-716. Shorten, R. "The Failure of Political Argument: The Languages of Anti-Fascism and AntiTotalitarianism in Post-September 11th Discourse." British Journal of Politics & International Relations 11, no. 3 (2009): 479-503. Sinai, J. "The Mind of the Terrorist: The Psychology of Terrorism from the Ira to Al-Qaeda." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32, no. 2 (2009): 167-69. Staniland, P. "What Makes Terrorists Tick." International Security 33, no. 4 (2009): 189-95. Stepanova, E. "Terror and Consent: The Wars for the Twenty-First Century." International Affairs 85, no. 4 (2009): 879-80. Strang, G. B. "Fascism's European Empire: Italian Occupation During the Second World War." Historian 71, no. 1 (2009): 171-72. Tams, C. J. "The Use of Force against Terrorists." European Journal of International Law 20, no. 2 (2009): 359-97. Thomas, M. "Combating Terrorism: Strategies and Approaches." Journal of Homeland Security and Emergency Management 6, no. 1 (2009). Tziampiris, A. "Assessing Islamic Terrorism in the Western Balkans: The State of the Debate." Journal of Balkan and near Eastern Studies 11, no. 2 (2009): 209-19. Uned, J. A. "Anarchist Terrorism as Propaganda through Action: From Theoretical Formulation to the Paris Attacks, 1877-1894." Historia Y Politica, no. 21 (2009): 16990. van Linschoten, A. S. "Beyond Terror and Martyrdom: The Future of the Middle East." International Affairs 85, no. 4 (2009): 881-81. Ward, K. "Non-Violent Extremists? Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia." Australian Journal of International Affairs 63, no. 2 (2009): 149-64. Wehling, F. "Nuclear Insecurity: Understanding the Threat from Rogue Nations and Terrorists." Terrorism and Political Violence 21, no. 1 (2009): 185-8

ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and Democracy Convenors: David Art (David.Art@tufts.edu); Elisabeth Carter (e.carter@pol.keele.ac.uk)

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