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The Editorial Board The Editorial Board of the Hong Kong Student Review of Political Science (SRPS), formerly known as the Bulletin, was founded in 1977. It is a sub-committee under the Executive Committee of Politics and Public Administration Association SSS HKUSU, The University of Hong Kong.

Editor-in-chief Eugene Y.T. Cheng

The Hong Kong Student Review of Political Science (SRPS) is published and owned by the Politics and Public Administration Association SSS HKUSU. It is a nonpartisan student journal which aims to promote the study of politics and public administration and facilitate the intellectual exchange between students and academics.

Editorial Statement The views expressed in the various articles represent those of the authors and not the Association. The articles included in SRPS may not be represented in any form without the written permission of the authors.

Politics and Public Administration Association SSS HKUSU Session 2012-2013 Honorary President Prof. Eliza W. Y. Lee Head, Department of Politics and Public Administration, The University of Hong Kong

Chairman Joseph S.X. Chen

Current Affairs Secretary Wallace T.H. Wu

Internal Vice Chairman Spencer P.K. Lam

Chinese Current Affairs Secretary Ann M.H. Wong

External Vice Chairman Janice Y.T. Tang General Secretary Ada P.Y. Wong

Financial Secretary Alta C.K. Ho

Publication Secretary Eugene Y.T. Cheng

Publicity Secretary Kevin K.W. Lam

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Academic Secretary Rex L.T. Leung

Marketing Officer Mimi Y.M. Cheung

Public Relations Officer Adele K.P. Chiu Social Secretary Zoe K.W. Cheung Welfare Secretary Cherry W.M. Leung


Page

Content

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濠江民主 其路漫漫 – 澳門立法會議員吳國昌專訪

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Never Again! Vimukthi Caldera

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O MDG G ! Alex M. H. Wong

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理智與感情---看菲律賓人質事件 余宗祐

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Functions Review

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Upcoming Function

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Acknowledgement

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Editor’s Note I am pleased to introduce to you the Hong Kong Student Review of Political Science (SRPS) Autumn 2013 Issue.

SRPS serves as a platform for students to share and express their views on the study of political science and current affairs, not only with fellow schoolmates but also with the public at large.

In this issue, students from our university submitted their articles concerning a wide range of topics related to political science, including response of the United Nations towards the crisis in Syria, the possibility of human beings in overcoming poverty, and follow-up actions regarding the Philippine tragedy. The diversified submissions and the wide range of topics covered will surely bring you interesting and new perspectives of politics.

On behalf of the Association, I would like to express my heartfelt gratitude to Mr António Ng Kuok -cheong, Member of the Legislative Assembly of Macau, for accepting our invitation to the interview, all the students who have contributed to this issue of the SRPS and the editorial board who have worked restlessly to make this issue a reality.

I sincerely hope that you would enjoy reading this issue.

Eugene Y.T. Cheng Editor-in-chief The Hong Kong Student Review of Political Science

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濠江民主 其路漫漫 – 澳門立法會議員吳國昌專訪 訪問/

鄭語霆

攝影/

梁樂韜

撰文/

鄭語霆

澳門政團新澳門學社辦事處座落小巷樓房之

辦事處左手邊有一塊黑板,上書「積極參與」、

中,與大街上車來車往、滿布高樓大廈的競相

「自強不息」八字,旁邊亦有他人贈字,如「新

形成強烈對比,也給人一種毗鄰尋常人家的感

澳門學社」、「笑談真理」等,字體蒼勁有力。

覺。拉開鐵閘進內,辦事處放滿了各類書本、

不久吳國昌從房間走出,看來精神不錯。

文件和剛過去的立法會選舉宣傳海報。可能是 左鄰右里皆有人居住的緣故,看上去寬敞的辦 公室帶有兩分親切感。

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繁榮的澳門

仍有反對派

愛泰黨利用紅衫軍鼓動民意做例。他們的最大 特點就是有很多競選口號,如全民開賭。一些

在 1999 年澳門主權移交前,吳國昌已從 1992 年開始擔任立法會議員,其後區錦新亦當選為 立法議員,議席遂加至兩席。2009 年選舉,排 在名單第二位的陳偉智當選,為澳門自由開放

澳門人民智不高,易受煽動,只要得到些許甜 頭,很多不義之事也會視而不見。最明顯的例 子就是賄選:「有些政團於選舉期間在雲吞麵 鋪附近的票站買票。」

陣營在立法會再增一個議席。 學社精神

知行合一

2013 年立法會選舉,新澳門學社分拆三張名 單出戰:由吳國昌領軍的「民主昌澳門」、以

吳國昌所屬的新澳門學社,於 1992 年成立,以

區錦新為首的「民主新澳門」、和由年輕的周

「立足於澳門,研究澳門社會現況,推動本地

庭希牽頭的「自由新澳門」。結果,吳國昌的

區現代化發展」為宗旨。學社曾分析各種民主

「民主昌澳門」團隊失利,陳偉智未能連任,

政制理論範式,發覺大部分已不合時宜。吳國

「自由新澳門」亦未能取得議席。在直選戰場,

昌自言反對精英政治,如中共以理性權威執政

北區多了一萬人投票,但多投給商界陣營,學

的模式,推動社會參與公共事務,因為在代議

社得票總數更下降了四千多票。

政治下,群眾與精英常呈對立關係,精英常以 群眾代表自居,容易忽略群眾的聲音。

吳國昌形容澳門民主派之路是一趟「奇妙旅 程」,並認為議席有增長只是因為建制一方未

學社其中一個宗旨是促進公共空間的理性溝

準備好。

通。這也是吳國昌最初參選時的主打方針。澳 門很多議員在議會不發言,故吳國昌進入立法

他分析了澳門現今政壇除了自由開放陣營和 土生葡人陣營以外大致的勢力分布:第一派 是傳統建制陣營。此陣營有自己人於政府之

會後,在議會多次發言,爭取見報機會,並將 發言紀錄製成報告派發市民,使其他議員也相 繼發言,改變了澳門議員不議事的風氣。

中,手握龐大資源,差不多與公權力合為一體。 另一派為以專業作包裝的陣營。他們雖然一直

除此之外,他更由議程前發言進一步到質詢

有參選立法會,但至今尚未奪得議席。接著就

官員表現及政府政策等,使政府修改議事規

是商界民粹陣營:他們多屬商界精英,來自中

則,規定每位議員每個星期只可以提出兩次

產階層,有知識,但欠理性。吳國昌以泰國泰

質詢,後更改為每星期一次。

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「不少澳門居民能說出政府幹了甚麼壞事,但

及特權法》,但在表決時多遭否決,無法改變

多說『是這樣的了』,無力改變現狀,分享繁

政府權力。

榮成果。」縱使如此,吳國昌依然希望透過推 動理性溝通鼓勵澳門人參與公共事務。

另一問題就是代議政制與直接民權出現衝突。 學社過去多次協助工人示威,如 2000 年 5 月

學社一直以來都推動直接民權,鼓勵市民直接

1 日澳門工人在沒有組織的情況下示威,要求

跟公權力交手,透過表達自己的訴求逐漸成

政府解決失業問題,當時吳國昌便幫助工人取

長,推動居民自主、充權,如協助舉行記者招

得示威通知書。 「示威工人以五星旗指向警察,

待會、辦理示威遊行的手續等。他認為,過去

但民眾不認為吳國昌激進,過激者只是工人。」

學社以不同形式請願的方法日漸見效,因為自

但近年青年參與示威,開始出現一些群眾認為

2008 年開始,多了年輕人參與其中。

較激進的行為。新澳門學社雖然只是支援他 們,市民也不將兩者分開,因為部分參與的青

吳國昌反對香港那種經常表達「成功爭取」的

年是學社成員。

形式,源自在中大讀書時的所見所聞。七十年 代,吳國昌赴港求學,在中文大學修讀經濟系。

吳國昌不認為這是壞事,因為這是符合公義

那時他看見市政局議員「成功爭取」的橫額掛

的事,應該做的就去做,是必要手段。他自

得滿街都是,心生反感,認為這種做法太強調

言不會像香港民主派那種是等待議題成熟後

精英身分,亦太自以為是,並不足取。

才參與其中的做法,堅持「兩邊走」,並要 有強烈行動表現,如示威時質問警察為何不

立法會選舉結束後,吳國昌說新澳門學社已分

讓示威者使用車路,將他們趕上行人路。

析失利原因,主要結果是:分拆名單,使支持 者危機感低、近年行動對保守支持者而言過激 和部分人認為他們無所作為。

他認為澳門民主派在參政路上開始遇上瓶頸, 是因為未能推動深度監察。吳國昌希望在議會 從發言、質詢一類的輕度監察更進一步達致深 度監察,使澳門已生鏽的代議政制重新運行。 如推動聽證,在香港也就是相等於引用《權力

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新一代不參政?

面發展蓬勃,既是「世界第一賭城」,2012 年 的人均國民生產總值亦超過七萬八千美元,是

吳國昌剛進入議事堂便要求推行普及免費教 育,時任立法會副主席何厚鏵以經濟理由反對,

香港的一倍有多;反觀香港,年輕一代薪水與 1997 年相比並無增長,又難以往上爬。

認為這是高福利政策,不過無阻殖民政府推行 十一年免費教育。何厚鏵擔任特首後,更推行十

那麼,港澳兩地現狀迴異,是否像部分親共中人

五年免費教育,使現在澳門青年入讀大學比率

所言,是香港熱衷政爭,忽略經濟發展所致?他

高達八成。但這些年輕人多數不會投票,因為生

沒有指出或認同這點,並訴諸於兩地歷史發展

活壓迫不強,而且他們學歷高,使他們的家庭和

的不同。

社會地位也相應提高,反而是家長會較著緊房 屋問題,擔心子女結婚時買不了樓。

「八九六四後不久,共產主義陣營崩潰,港澳失 去了以往圍堵共產陣營最前線的角色,經濟環

他亦言現在澳門只有一小撮年輕人支持爭取社

境自然有變。」他以九十年代初的玫瑰園計劃作

會公義。「他們仍處於『快樂抗爭期』,他們不

例,證明當時英國殖民政府能看清大局,投放了

是因為生活迫人而走出來,反而是因為接受教

不少資金以抵擋冷戰結束後的環境變遷。另一

育以後變得有見識,認為政府、社會不應如

方面,吳國昌亦言六四事件後香港爆發移民潮,

此。 」他認為這反映了澳門本地的公民教育質

為當時社會提供向上流動的機會,故香港社會

素仍然有待改善。

其時怨氣未深。

他希望澳門政府能夠推動正當、積極、先進的發

同一時期的澳門,則是另一幅光景:葡萄牙殖

展,為澳門市民建立歸屬感。近日澳門其中一個

民政府施政無力,經濟發展停滯不前。 「當時發

重要政策爭議就是「填海新城,澳人澳地」。他

生本地黑幫槍殺事件,但至今仍未破案。」

希望澳門政府會透過填海增加土地,並在新增 的土地多建長者屋苑,減少自由市場的成分,加 強規劃。

他認為,1997 及 1999 年,在香港及澳門分別完 成主權移交後,便是情勢開始逆轉之時。 「香港 的董建華似乎不能看清香港的發展前景,結果

港澳民主派

根基發展大不同

金融風暴過後,香港蒙受損失。即使中央政府支 援香港的金融業,亦因為香港太大而難以集中

問及澳門社會現況,吳國昌指出澳門社會各方 7

資金。開放自由行亦難以令香港起死回生。」


「另一邊廂,澳門因為開放賭權,促使經濟

至今仍未破案,而且幾乎沒人追究權責。而且

繁榮。」澳門博彩業年收三千億,超越拉斯

不少澳門市民仍不認同貪腐嚴重、生活困苦是

維加斯,便是明證。他以一隻大量吸血的蚊

源於小圈子選舉。如是者,他覺得澳門市民的

子比喻經濟增長甚速的澳門,以《木馬屠城

公民質素仍有不足,即使澳門成功推動民主

記》中滿載伏兵的木馬形容香港民主派,認

化,結果亦會差強人意。

為香港民主派是英國殖民政府在撤退前夕刻 意培植的。

澳門早有財政監管局,立法機關也早有直選。 即使如此,澳門依然貪墨橫行,故吳國昌表示

英國殖民政府於八十年代設立區議會,民主派

制衡官商勾結和利益輸送是澳門要主力解決

不少人物參選,如李永達、單仲偕、梁耀忠等。

的問題。除了幾年前轟動港澳兩地一時的歐文

他們從地區代表做起,積累政治資本。1995

龍案外,吳國昌亦言曾經揭發澳門特區政府曾

年,民主派在立法局選舉中取得三十一席,此

以過千億價錢批出土地予發展商銀河娛樂集

後直至主權移交前,民主派在議會可謂如日中

團有限公司,銀河娛樂卻以二十億批出。

天。就是因為香港民主派曾有控制議會的過 去,使他們擁有不排除在日後有可能執政的意 識,於是在近月香港就有關普選特首的議題爭 論不休時,泛民主派中出現了「以能夠入閘為 底線」的說法。

回到香港,他認為香港近年亂局源於經濟問 題。市民既缺乏向上流動的機會,金融、地產 業又面對上海挑戰,即使中共支持香港金融 業,在近年的金融風暴及海嘯的衝擊之下,要 真正回復過來並非易事。他重申香港的經濟繁

吳國昌亦同時說出了對於香港特首普選辦法

榮並非自身努力的成果,而是冷戰產物。

之爭,以及對佔領中環的見解,質疑「讓愛 與和平佔領中環」一旦放棄佔領中環,另一 批接手佔中的人又是否「愛與和平」。特首 梁振英早前宣布,將在年底開始政改諮詢, 吳國昌認為屆時香港將陷入亂局。

在訪問中,吳國昌不時強調香港和澳門民主派 的不同:他認為澳門民主派強調社會參與,以 充權自主為主要目標,不急於奪取政權。過去 數十年來,澳門發生多宗黑社會毆鬥事件,但 8


結語:港澳兩地

如何生存?

續進入澳門。「澳門地方小,話語權有限,影

聽罷吳國昌的說法,香港、澳門兩地似乎各自

響力小,再加上保守勢力強大,民主派跟香港

面對不同困境。那麼兩地應如何走出困境?他

的相比之下,影響力就更小了。」

先提出澳門的賭業不可持久的說法。「這隻蚊

不過,他說澳門早已解決雙非、一簽多行等問

一直在吸血,但吸來的血該如何養活自己呢?

題,不允許相關人等成為澳門居民。吳國昌自

這是澳門未來需要面對的問題。」

言在他擔任澳門基本法諮詢委員時,委員們早 已預測地區融合為大勢所趨,對入境逗留的事

至於香港,他認為香港一直以來缺乏深度實

宜早有準備。

業,故建立真正產業和自己的獨特產品才是出 路。

他說澳門民主派提倡 2019 年普選特首,是因 為要「跟香港」,亦望香港可以實現真正普選,

另外,他坦言澳門民主派提出的不少政策和社 會議題都緊貼香港的步伐,例如喝停自由行繼

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使澳門的民主進程也有所發展。


Never Again! Vimukthi Caldera Bachelor of Social Sciences II The University of Hong Kong

It is one of the most commonly misused phrases in the history of humanity and humanitarian response and its original usage dates back to 1918 at the end of the First World War. Following the end of the Second World War efforts were made by the international community to prevent atrocities from repeating themselves. The concept of humanitarian intervention was implemented in to the Charter of the United Nations Organization and it seemed to provide a rather comprehensive action plan to deal with a repetition of humanitarian crises should they happen again. And yet, the world watched these catastrophes taking place again in Rwanda, Bosnia and Somalia just to name a few. The UN Charter provisions were complemented with the report of the International Commission of Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) on "The Responsibility to Protect" (R2P). Today, the usage of this universal statement has almost become a conditioned reflex even though the international community has failed yet again to respond to the crisis in Syria. This is rather surprising considering the fact that human rights and human security have become increasingly important over the last few decades. Why then is this happening? What hope do we have then for the future of humanity? The ICISS report published in 2001 was considered a huge milestone in contemporary international relations policies as it brought about a more detailed definition and elaboration of the concept of responses to humanitarian crises. It

set forth very clearly the conditions on which intervention was to take place and how. Intervention must only take place in the case of the inability or unwillingness of a state to halt or avert threats to its people. R2P comprises of three characteristics - that of the responsibility to prevent, react and rebuild. Through the R2P norm, international law may be implemented where there is a just cause, right intention, last resort, use of proportional means of intervention by the right authority and reasonable prospects for success. Clear analysis of these conditions seems to point to the fact that intervention, if it did take place in Syria would have been justified. The ongoing Syrian crisis was hardly an unexpected situation with the domino effect of the Arab Spring that began in Tunisia. While most Arab states may have resolved the uprisings and the conflicts by themselves without the real need for international intervention, an exacerbated situation in Syria was not surprising either. This was demonstrated by the former Libyan leader's strong intentions to remain in power even if it required his commission of crimes against humanity. With a quick and prompt response, a large number of civilians were rescued and further trouble was averted in Libya with at least a marginally sufficient fulfillment of the conditions for intervention. Why was Syria considered an exception despite the existence of more than adequate evidence of mass atrocities that were taking place? What went wrong?

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The main reason for the failure of intervention in Syria was the obvious lack of coordination in the Security Council. Even though the Security Council is not the only authority that is capable of response, any other authority seeking to implement R2P required official consent or approval of the UN Security Council. However, should the Security Council fail to reach a consensus such as it was the case in the discussions on Syria, it is possible for the General Assembly to set up an Emergency Special Session through the "Uniting for Peace" resolution. However, many scholars have contested the practicality of this possible alternative. The only other alternative to the Security Council - regional or subregional organizations' actions related to R2P in Syria poses similar issues on implementation. It is, however, a pity that the confirmation of usage of chemical weapons by the Syrian government was what prompted any action at all by the international community.

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However, the monopolizing of power by the Permanent Five member nations in the Security Council wasn't the only reason for the failure of action. To this end, I believe that there may be two possible paths of action in order to resolve this moral and legal dilemma in the international arena. One is the dire need for reform of provisions of international law. Despite the existence of the frameworks set forth by the UN Charter and the ICISS report, I believe that the international community must come to an agreement regarding some reform of the norms and concepts on R2P, intervention, protection of civilians and the concept of state sovereignty. Use of military intervention should not be restricted to the presence of a 'threat to international peace and security'. We cannot let mass atrocities take place and idly watch them pass by. Our aims and goals have had false priorities for a very long time and it is high time that they are changed or altered for the better. As the most intelligent and developed creatures on this planet, it is our duty to ensure that we let out


animal instincts rest for a while and rediscover our humanity to take care of each other. The ICISS report claims that the need for its set up arose because of new actors, new security issues, new demands and expectations and new opportunities for common action. The world is not immutable and it is changing every day and with it the concepts of international law. We must catch up with this pace of evolution and ensure that catastrophes be prevented or stopped as a whole, as best as possible. This form of action is possible through large institutions such as non-governmental organizations, the UN, governments, international coalitions of political leaders etc. However, my second suggestion for solution is more of a bottom-up approach. While international issues, especially those of civil and ethnic conflicts and humanitarian crises in other parts of the world may seem disconnected to the individual person, we all have a role to play. Despite the effects of globalization and fact that the world has been brought closer together through the development of modern technology, very few people seem to feel that way about disasters or humanitarian crises until it actually affects them personally. Thus a better response to such mass atrocities would be the increasing of awareness from the reasons for their existence to legal solutions available and their possible consequences. As clichĂŠd as it may seem, a small step goes a long way and international humanitarian intervention can definitely benefit from it as well, given the fact that there is nothing to lose, at the moment.

A grass-roots level approach leading to a change of attitudes and increasing of awareness of world issues will go a long way in helping the international community to better respond to international crises in the long term. For the moment, much more severe and radical measures may be required in the short term if we are to deal with it. This may actually give us a chance to say ‘Never Again!’ and actually mean it.

References: Bellamy, A. J. (2009). Responsibility to Protect. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Evans, G., & Sahnoun, M. International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, (2001). The Responsibility to Protect. Ottawa, Canada: International Development Research Centre. BBC Middle East News Article (2013, 10, 08). Syria Profile. Retrieved from http:// www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east14703995

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O MDG G ! Alex M. H. Wong Bachelor of Social Sciences III The University of Hong Kong “Overcoming poverty is not a task of charity, it is an act of justice. Like slavery and apartheid, poverty is not natural. It is man-made and it can be overcome and eradicated by the actions of human beings.

causes related to pregnancy and childbirth *2+ or the two kids who are unlikely to wake up again because of hunger or hunger-related causes by the time you finish this sentence (Well, it depends on how fast you read, but hunger kills a child every 10 seconds directly or indirectly *3+.)

Sometimes it falls on a generation to be great. YOU can be that great generation.” ---Nelson Mandela

The examples above are more than just stunning numbers, they are human beings like you and me, they are us.

Our biggest promise A promise made should be a promise kept. That’s the whole idea of making a promise. 13 years ago, we, the people, made a promise: we will make this world a better place by upholding the principles of human dignity, equality and equity by the end of 2015. This promise, known as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and formalized in the Millennium Declaration in 2000, is the start of a big promise to those who are struggling with extreme poverty every day. Among them are those 18,000 children who are going to die tonight due to some mostly preventable causes *1+, those 800 women killed by preventable 13

In view of these massive human sufferings, the adoption of MDGs signified the first time in human history that countries collectively identified a set of problems and committed themselves to accomplishing 8 measurable goals by 2015. How OMG are the MDGs: An imperfect but amazing Chapter One Deemed as “most successful global anti-poverty push in history” by the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon in the latest MDG Report, the MDGs receive praise from a lot of high-profile individuals ranging from celebrities like Bono to philanthropists like Bill Gates to economists like Jeffrey Sachs.


Table 1: Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)

Well, you might want to join them if you look at the report card: Among the list of achievements, the most prominent one is the amazing fact we reached the MDG target of halving the proportion of people with daily income less than $1.25 five years ahead of the 2015 deadline. In other words, 700 million people lifted (and lifted themselves out of poverty) in 2010 compared with 10 years ago.

OMG! A+ for MDG 1A! Next, with more than 2.1 billion people or 89% of the global population having access to safe drinking water and over 200 million slum dwellers’ lives improved, you got two other finished MDG targets five years ahead of the deadline. OMG! That’s two A+s for MDG 7C and MDG 7D.

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For every 100 boys sitting in a primary school classroom, they have 97 female classmates. Another MDG target accomplished prior to the deadline in 2012. OMG! That’s like moving from the Faculty of Engineering to the Business School of HKU. Another A+ for MDG 3A. If you only look at the number of accomplished MDGs, it might be another picture. After all, with only 4 out of 21 targets reached, how could it be a success? But when you look at them in a relative manner, the MDGs are still the proud product of our generation even though we are not likely to accomplish all of them by 2015. Just look at the following numbers: nine out of ten children in the developing world is enrolled in a primary school, global malaria deaths dropped by 25% since 2000, under-five child mortality cut by half since 2000, etc. These are more than cold numbers, for every child saved and every kid at school, we save more than a life, we save a future musician, engineer, teacher, entrepreneurs, scientist, civil servant. We save our own future. These are more than cold numbers, for every child saved and every kid at school, we save more than a life, we save a future musician, engineer, teacher, entrepreneurs, scientist, civil servant. We save our own future.

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Nonetheless, the MDGs have a lot of limitations and weaknesses. But before going to that in the next section, it is important to remember that the endorsement of MDGs is the first time in human history that nation-states together agree to eradicate sufferings of all kinds and ensure prosperity for all through a set of measurable targets under the eight grand goals. Despite the fact that the Millennium Declaration containing the MDGs isn’t technically a legally binding document (i.e. the UN will not to punish or intervene any country that fails to accomplish the MDGs), the MDGs successfully guaranteed the dedication and attention from many top decision-making organizations. While many countries incorporated the MDG targets into their national policies, many regional organizations also undertook different initiatives like The MDG Africa Steering Group (endorsed by the UN, African Union Commission, the African Development Bank Group, the IMF and World Bank Group) and The ASEAN Ministers Meeting on Rural Development and Poverty Eradication to consolidate their effort and resources in achieving the MDGs. Apart from securing resources and attention from the very top, MDGs also managed to galvanize input from different players of the civil society including nongovernmental organization (NGOs) like Save the Children and Oxfam. By drawing attentions and resources from the very top as well as the very bottom, MDGs serve as a useful tool in re-focusing the world’s attention to the long-ignored battle between humanity and poverty.


The Post-2015 Development Agenda: Chapter 2 and beyond With the majority of targets under the MDGs not going to be met, it is important to look at why. Here are some of the weaknesses and limitations of the MDGs: When everyone is trying to achieve the same goal, the one-size-fits-all issue will inevitably arise. Take MDG 1 as example, the goal of halving the population living in extreme poverty. Though this goal was met five years ahead of the deadline, much of the progress are attributable to China which lifted 600 million people out of poverty with the majority of sub-Saharan African countries are unlikely to reach the MDG target. Nonetheless, the failure of many least developed countries (LDCs) to meet the MDGs is a logical outcome. Compared with the relatively wealthy newly-industrialized countries like Brazil and China, meeting the MDGs is a more difficult, if not impossible, task for many LDCs given their different starting line in terms of geographical location, history, political stability and infrastructure. However, it will be naïve and unfair to assume that progress aren’t being made. Take the continent of Africa as example, since the 1990, more than 71% of girls enrolled in school, under-five mortality dropped by 22%, under-five mortality rate reduced from 146 deaths per 1000 lives birth to 91 deaths, the happy numbers go on and on.

The equation of ‘failure to meet the MDGs’ equals to ‘zero progress’ is hurtful not only in a mathematical sense, it also leads to the reinforcement of stereotypes like Afro-pessimism. This kind of thinking is detrimental and unfair to the progress being made by people around the globe. While the MDGs managed to deal with the many dimensions of poverty, they leave many important issues untouched. On top of the agenda are topics related to peace and security; income inequality; tax evasion (and to a certain extent, tax avoidance) and illicit cash outflows; governance; human rights; and sustainable development. While these topics might not be directly related to poverty elimination, ignoring them will have devastating impact on progress being made. Take the case of tax evasion and illicit cash outflow: according to a report published by the Africa Progress Panel, the DR Congo lost over $1.3 billion USD of revenue through five undervalued mining deals in between 2010 and 2012. For a country in which one in every five children won’t make it to his/her fifth birthday, the sum of money represents twice the annual health and education budget. This is similar to pouring water into a bucket with numerous large holes around it. After looking at two of the main weaknesses of the MDGs, what should be the Post-2015 agenda look like?

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From MDGs to OMGS (Our Miraculous Goals) Since 2012, many organizations ranging from NGOs like Save the Children to high-level political groups like the High-Level Panel of Eminent Persons on the Post-2015 Development Agenda initiated by the UN Secretary General and conferences have produced a number of research and policy papers regarding the Post-2015 Development Agenda. Instead of summarizing the reports that are easily accessible on the Internet, it is far more useful to look at the new inputs, and possibly game changers, in the Post-2015 Development Agenda:

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Mobile phone: Low-end feature phone from Nokia and Huawei (NOT smart phone) is proved to be a new development tool for development. Ranging from healthcare (e.g. mHealth Africa; Qualcomm Tricorder XPRIZE) to agriculture (e.g. Grameen Foundation’s Community Knowledge Worker programme) to banking (e.g. M-PESA, a famous money transfer programme in East Africa which allows users to transfer and receive cash with a mobile phone), mobile phone is going to change the development landscape in ways beyond our imagination. With the number of mobile phone subscribers (mobile phone penetration is 78%) exceeding the number of people having access to a toilet (less than 50% of the population have access to improved sanitation facility) in Africa, this tiny, outdated Nokia 3310 could do more than making you laugh on a 9GAG website.


Africa: While most African countries are unlikely to meet the MDGs by 2015, numerous progresses are being made. Apart from the exciting improvements in daily income, under-nutrition, maternal health and child mortality, Africa is also a promising place to do investment. Home to six of the world’s ten fastest growing economies in the past decade, Africa has the highest rate of return of 12% among other developing countries. If we are to harness this economic prosperity and transform it into common prosperity, Africa as a hopeful continent is surely a game changer. Triangular cooperation: While North-South and South-South cooperation (SSC) were the dominant themes 13 years ago, triangular cooperation (TC) is joining them. A relatively new concept, triangular cooperation (aka triangular partnership) usually involves a traditional donor from the more developed world, an emerging donor from the less developed world (a pivotal country), and a beneficiary country. This kind of cooperation is becoming increasingly popular as the pivotal country could provide the experience and resources that are always neglected by a traditional donor in handling common challenges facing the beneficiary country. Two wellknown examples are the “Honour and Respect for Bel Air” project which aims at promoting peace and security in Haiti led by the governments of Brazil, Canada and Norway as well as the “Public Sector Training and Development Project in Post Conflict Countries” programmes involving Canada, South Africa, Rwanda, South Sudan and Burundi. U: Yes, as Secretary General Ban Ki-moon once claimed, “The UN starts with U”. The utopia without hunger and poverty also starts with U.

After getting so much from one of the best education institutions on this planet, we are all capable of making a difference. When you look at the time span of the MDGs, it is important to note that it is intergenerational. With this in mind, the baton is soon going to be in our hands. As global citizens, there are so many ways that we can help to finish the job of eradicating poverty and hunger. Be it money, knowledge, expertise, time or even likes and tweets! We all can make a difference. The simplest way to get started is to go to this UN site (http://www.worldwewant2015.org/), tell top leaders what kind of world you want and learn more about the MDGs from the perspective of your major! Together, we can make the Post-2015 Development Agenda Our Miraculous Goals. Together, we can end extreme poverty by 2030. Together, we will be that great generation that defeat poverty.

End Notes 1. Committing to Child Survival: A Promise Renewed Progress Report 2013 2. http://www.who.int/mediacentre/factsheets/ fs348/en/ 3. http://www.thelancet.com/series/maternaland-child-nutrition 18


理智與感情---看菲律賓人質事件 香港大學社會科學學士一年級 余宗祐

前言:一日之寒,冰封三年

在此我們必須釐清香港特區,在國際外交舞台 上的位置。在一國兩制的框架中,香港的主權

菲律賓人質事件擾攘三年,港府發出的黑色旅 遊警示至今仍未除下;兩地關係因此蒙上層 層陰霾。菲律賓置若罔聞的態度與香港普羅大 眾的憤憤不平形成鮮明對比。而最近,在亞洲 太平洋經濟合作組織第二十一次領導人非正 式會議,梁振英與阿基諾三世的會面,再次事 件令升溫。

何來喪權、焉有辱國?

自梁振英與阿基諾三世的會晤相片傳出後,旋 即惹來各界非議。先姑勿論阿基諾三世以「文 化差異」為理由,拒絕就人質事件道歉。大家 更關注的,似乎是特首在會中所坐的位置。梁 振英當日與其手下同坐一席,而非與菲國總統 獨自對坐。此等格局再次觸動了港人的神經, 梁振英被譏為下級官員,無法與阿基諾平起平 坐,被冠以「喪權辱國」之名。

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只局限於經濟和本土自治;而在外交層面上, 亦只能在中央授權之下,進行有限度的外交活 動。對比起菲律賓這個國家,只擁有「次主權」 的香港特區, 無疑顯得次人一等。由是觀之, 特首坐位之安排,雖與往常不同,卻也非不可 理喻。香港不是「國」,亦無「主權」,自然 遑論甚麼喪權辱國了。

道歉與否、憑誰左右?

記得曾有香港議員借一年前台灣漁民被菲警 擊斃的事作比較,盛讚台北當機立斷、態度強 硬,對菲律賓採取了嚴厲的抵制;是以菲律賓 很快便表達了歉意,事件在三個月內便平息 了。


相對之下,港府卻顯得軟弱無能,似是被菲律

結語:尊重民意,卻勿失理智

賓所小覷。然而,我認為此兩事根本存在著重 大差異,菲律賓的態度,絕非只是靠他國強硬 與否所決定,當中取決的,是事件的本質。

立法會議員陳偉業和其所屬政黨人民力量早 前倡議禁止菲傭來港工作,我認為此舉絕對反 智和不切實際,菲籍傭工佔全港家傭總人數五

在台灣事件中,擊斃漁民的,是菲律賓的水警,

成以上,禁止菲傭來港,對經濟、社會都會造

是政府公務員,當中甚至涉及警方的命令,政

成莫大的影響。人力這個建議,不過是利用主

府的確難辭其咎。反觀人質事件,殺人兇手乃

流民意,以博取掌聲與支持;說穿了,這是一

精神有問題的人,儘管他曾任警察,但早已退

種歧視。遙想阿富汗戰爭,美國也從未阻止其

休,與菲律賓政府毫無聯繫。菲律賓總統不一

國的公民進入美國,如今在香港這個世上最自

定要負上責任,因此,港人現只可就「營救不 力」這方面向菲方相關官員繼續問責,例如追

由的市場和國際大都會,竟有議員抱有如此想 法!委實貽笑大方!

究前兩份菲方報告中官員處罰過輕等等,當 然,但這是後話。 現今梁振英政府早已千瘡百孔,馬尼拉人質事 件的處理更加令其失威。在這個令人失望的政 歸根究底,我認為除非菲律賓當局態度倏忽作 一百八十度轉變,或是大陸作出極強硬的姿態 向菲律賓施壓,否則馬尼拉當局都不會低頭。

府面前,我們更加需要多一點批判性思考和理 智,切忌人云亦云,被不同的政客和官員所唆 擺。

港府應該避重就輕,將道歉一事擱置,轉向死 者家屬提供更多協助與支援,方為上策。而香 港大眾亦不需過份敏感,以免因事件釀成的仇 外情緒越演越烈。

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Functions Review 「從碼頭罷工看香港勞工運動發展」時事論壇 1991 年,李卓人曾經於立法局提出《僱員代表權、諮詢權以及集體談判權》私人條例草案。可 惜於香港主權移交後被臨時立法局所凍結。直至今年 3 月,香港貨櫃碼頭罷工工潮再一次引起 社會大眾對這一條草案的關注和討論。故此港大政政於 4 月 15 日於中山廣場舉辦了是次論壇, 並邀請了職工盟總幹事蒙兆達先生以及港九工團聯會主席李國強先生出席。嘉賓們一同討論了 有關重新開啟集體談判權的急切性。討論期間亦有會員提出有關大專學界於工潮中的角色及定 位,整體討論氣氛十分熱烈。

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Superpass Series Past Paper Distribution and Welfare Distribution The Past Paper Distribution and Welfare Distribution were two of the events of the Superpass Series. It was successfully held from 22nd to 24th April. Members were able to collect the welfare packs, which consisted of snacks, drinks, coupons and magazines, from our booth which was set up at the area outside James Hsioung Lee Science Building. Members could also get the Student Review of Political Science (Spring Issue 2013) and past paper of political science courses there.

Superpass Dinner The Superpass Dinner offered members a chance to gather and give one another support before the Final Examination. It was held on 26th April at Tak Kee Chiu Chau Restaurant. At the dinner, the roasted pig cutting ceremony and the lucky draw were held. After that, participants wrote and exchanged traditional Chinese couplets. They were each given a red packet with $1.3.

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電影分享會:西藏人的流亡生涯 有關藏人示威、絕食、自焚、西藏獨立、藏人流亡等議題在香港向來被視為敏感議題,主流傳 媒極少報道,故本會於 4 月 25 日舉辦是次電影分享會,並有幸邀得《開放雜誌》執行編輯蔡詠 梅女士擔任嘉賓,以提高同學和大眾在這方面的認識。是次分享會有三部分,包括:播放電影、 嘉賓分享及問答環節。經過這次活動參加者都了解到藏人現在的流亡生活以及他們如何保存自 己的宗教、文化、語言等特色。在是次電影分享會中,嘉賓更分享了不少西藏最近動亂的鮮為 人知新聞,令各參加者對西藏問題有更深入的了解。

第四屆政策研究青年峰會 第四屆政策研究青年峰會由本會聯同香港城市大學學生會第二十八屆公共政策學科聯會和香 港中文大學學生會政治與行政學系系會合辦,以及另外四間大專院校協辦,對象為全港大專 生。此活動旨在透過一連串的工作坊、攤位展覽和研討會讓學界得到直接與學術、專業人士 社會知名人士交流的機會,從而推動學界對議政論政的興趣,提升公民社會的素質,並將學 界的功能擴至知識的應用,令學生有機會把對社會的意見寫成政策計劃書。

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「政制改革論壇:特首及立法會的產生辦法」公開論壇 近月社會就有關行政長官和立法會產生辦法爭論不休,各界紛紛提出不同方案,務求使未來的 政府及立法會更具代表性和認受性。有見相關爭論日趨激烈,港大政政在 7 月 13 日於銅鑼灣東 角道行人專用區舉辦此次論壇。這次我們有幸邀請到真普選聯盟召集人鄭宇碩教授、資深傳媒 工作者蕭若元先生和學民思潮代表張秀賢先生擔任嘉賓。數位嘉賓在論壇中探討了不同人物和 組織提出之政制改革方案的可行性及利弊,亦討論了北京當局在推動香港民主化時的擔憂和考 慮。

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Orientation Series 2013 - AKTIVIGO In secondary school, we are often guided by adults around us like our teachers and parents so we do not have to worry about our studies and life. We are well-protected because they prepare everything for us. However, things will change after university life begins – we have to be responsible to ourselves. No one will take the initiative to help us or to provide us with any guidance. In this Ocamp, we would like to help you adapt to your university life by encouraging you to discover your own potential and put them into good use. ‘Aktivigo’ is the Esperanto, which means ‘activation’. Join this O-camp and unleash your potential, here we invite you to GO for your dreams and goals! Time to ‘AktiviGO’!!

There are three parts in the Orientation Series including Registration Days, Orientation Night and Orientation Camp. It is conducive to fostering first year students interaction. Network can be enlarged so they can adapt to a completely new environment. Different programmes were held related to Politics and Public Administration. Also activities pertaining to assimilating new environment will be organized as well. For example, Campus Orientation is a good way for them to gain a better understanding of the facilities in campus.

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Career Talk 2013 Career Talk 2013 was successfully held on 27th September. We were delighted to have invited Ms. Ada Sze, Mr. Kennon Tam, Mr. Carter Chim, Ms. Giselle Yuen, Mr. Thomas Chau, Ms. Joanna Tsui and Mr. Desmond Wong to the talk as Guest Speakers to share their inspiration and experiences from their work. By rotating small group sharing, the participants had great interaction with the Guest Speakers and had a fruitful exchange with our alumni.

Welfare Distribution The Welfare Distribution was successfully held between 2 nd and 4th October at the area outside James Hsioung Lee Science Building. Most members were able to pick up the welfare packs with snacks, drinks, magazines and coupons included. Members could also apply for the Annual Dinner at our booth. We would like to thank our members for their continuous support to our association!

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「中國發展上海自由貿易區 – 香港如何保持優勢?」時事論壇 是次論壇於 10 月 9 日在黃克競平台舉行, 並邀請到自由黨青年團主席李梓敬先生和立法會議 員梁國雄先生擔任嘉賓。是次論壇各嘉賓激烈辯論上海自由貿易區的設立對香港的威脅。嘉 賓亦討論了上海自貿區內將是否意味中國經濟未來會進一步開放和香港保持作為人民幣離 岸中心的方法。論壇還討論了香港經濟日益依賴中國的問題,並表示討論了香港政府應有何 對策配合避免香港被邊緣化。總而言之,本次論壇也有助於促進同學與大眾對本地和中國的 時事意識以及引起同學對大中華地區發展的關注。

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Annual Dinner 2013 The Annual Dinner 2013 was held on 11th October at Joseph’s, Graduate House. This year we were honoured to have invited two Guests of Honour. They were the Hon Fernando Cheung Chiu-hung, Member of the Legislative Council, and Prof. Ray Yep Kin-man, Assistant Head of City University of Hong Kong. The Honourable Guest this year was Prof. Eliza Lee, Head of Department of Politics and Public Administration. The Dinner offered members a chance not only to meet prominent political figures and staff of the Department but to socialize with one another. Members were much inspired by the guests’ speech and they enjoyed the wonderful performance by MOSAIC, a renowned acapella group of the University of Hong Kong. After the dinner, participants gathered at the Foyer to take photos. Everyone had a blast that night.

Joint-Society Basketball League The PPAA co-organises the Joint-Society Basketball League with Statistics and Actuarial Science Society SS HKUSU. The format of the game is a 3-on-3 basketball game. The PPAA Basketball Team is currently in the Semi-finals.

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Upcoming Function 第三十八屆兩大政治科學辯論比賽 「兩大政治科學辯論比賽」(簡稱「兩大政辯」)始於 1975 年,為本港歷史最悠久的大學辯 論賽之一。「兩大政辯」由本會和香港中文大學學生會政治與行政學系系會合辦,為香港大 學粵語辯論隊及香港中文大學政治與行政學系辯論隊間的對壘。比賽旨在引發同學對政治科 學的了解,並培養其思辯精神。由創辦至今,「兩大政辯」每年皆吸引不少同學及公眾人士 入場觀看。

本年度的「兩大政辯」將於 11 月 22 日(星期五)假香港中文大學何善衡工程學大樓五樓王 統元堂舉行,歡迎各位蒞臨觀賞!

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Acknowledgement Fotomax 快圖美

Yazhou Zhoukan 亞洲週刊

PLATFORM ART jamming studio

Sloggi ZERO

EGG Optical Boutique

Submission of Articles The SRPS welcomes articles on political science or public administration, as well as commentaries on current affairs and political incidents written by students. Articles of any topic on any stance are welcomed. Should you have any enquiries, please feel free to contact us via ppaa@hku.hk. Address: Association Office: c/o Department of Politics and Public Administration, Room 931, The Jockey Club Tower, Centennial CamThe University of Hong Kong, pus, The University of Hong Kong Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong Website: http://www.hku/hk/ppaa Email: ppaa@hku.hk 30



The Hong Kong Student Review of Political Science Autumn 2013