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briefing book MIT real estate studio, 2013 edition: s達o paulo, brazil

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction 03 Background Data 04 Urban History of S達o Paulo 12 S達o Paulo Today 22 Study Area 62 Additional Resources 68


STUDIO PARTICIPANTS Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) School of Architecture and Planning Center for Real Estate Joint Program in Urban Design and Development Center for Advanced Urbanism FACULTY AND STAFF

STUDENTS

PARTNERS AND PARTICIPANTS IN BRAZIL

FUNDERS

Dennis Frenchman Leventhal Professor of Urban Design dennisf@mit.edu

Shaun Michael Bamforth Marcella M. Barriere Bonnie Leigh Burgett Ryan Butler Esteban Castro Izquierdo Oriel Eisenberg Kristian Sami Juhani Elonen Ting Ting Fu Shaul Goldklang Lawrence Bernard Harkless Natalie Y. Hooper James Desmond Hughes Dorota Kamrowska-Zaluska Dong Woo Kang Michael Lee Kaplan Eunil Lee John Russell Mcdonald Alexander Mejean Sarwesh Paradkar, Christopher John Pierce Morgan Wigmore Pierson Jared Harding Pierson Ford Samuel Reiche Christopher Ho Rhie Farrah Sabouni Zachary Shore Chun Kit So Jakob Benjamin Von Trapp Matthew Edward Waisnor Alexis Marie Wheeler

Fernando de Mello Franco, Deputy Mayor of Urban Development, City of Sao Paulo

Latour Capital, Sao Paulo, Brasil

Katia Canova SP Urbanismo, City of São Paulo

Paul Clayton, MSRED ’07, ACM Associates

Peter Roth Lecturer in Housing and Real Estate peterroth@newatlantic.net Victor Eskinazi Guest Lecturer eskinazi@mit.edu Kuan Butts Teaching Assistant kuanb@mit.edu Sandra Elliot Administrator, Joint Program in City Design and Development sandrame@mit.edu

João da Rocha Lima Jr. Elaine Monetti Claudio Tavares de Alencar Núcleo de Real Estate - Poli Universidade de São Paulo Marco Antonio Ramos de Almeida Superintendente Geral, Viva o Centro Paul Clayton, MSRED ’07 Partner, Igarapé Empreendimentos Imobilliarios Renato Venturi, MSRED ‘97 Alexander Koch Torres de Assis Edgar Rafael Safdie Craig Barley Latour Capital Danilo Ferrari Monteiro Director, CBRE Alessandro Vedrossi Executive Officer, Brookfield Paulo Aridan, SP Director Juliana Zogbi, Director Odebrecht Realizações Daniel Citron Americo Nakano Related Brasil Daniel Cherman Country Head, Tishman Speyer Felipe Carvalho, Partner Juliana Tassi ideaZarvos Julian Villacorta Flavio Chueire Hines Brasil

2

Viva O Centro, Sao Paulo, Brasil

Krystal England, MCP/MSRED ‘04 Christopher Kiley, MCP/MSRED ‘04 Tony Kramer, MSRED ‘88 Kathleen MacNeil, MSRED ‘88


INTRODUCTION ABOUT THE CLASS

STUDIO PROJECT, SETTING AND PROCESS

This briefing book has been assembled to prepare graduate students studying in the Real Estate Development Studio, part of the core of the Master of Science in Real Estate Development degree program at MIT, for a class project focusing on the development potential of a site in the Anhangabaú Valley of Sao Paulo. The class aims to provide students of real estate with a project synthesis experience, and to explore the challenge of complex, mixed-use urban development.

The Real Estate Development Studio at the MIT Center for Real Estate presents the topic of mixed-use urban development in a twopart format. The first part of the class give students the opportunity to learn about mixed-use development by studying existing such projects in the US, de-engineering them to really understand what makes them work (or not), and proposing ways to enhance their financial, design, and civic value through redevelopment.

This book was edited by Victor Eskinazi, an MIT alumnus, native of São Paulo, and Guest Lecturer at MIT, based on the previous work of Leonardo Shieh. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The faculty, staff, and students in the Studio would like to especially thank our sponsors at Viva o Centro, who gave us the inspiration and confidence to attempt an international real estate development studio far from home, and the funders who really made this trip possible. We would also like to acknowledge the many colleagues and professionals from the real estate development community in Sao Paulo, the NRE Poli program at the University of Sao Paulo, and at the City of São Paulo who have generously contributed their time, expertise, and experience to this educational experience. A special thanks goes to Leonardo Shieh, who generously shared his thesis and research on São Paulo for the production of this briefing book.

The second part of the class presents students with an opportunity to synthesize a complex mixed-use project, using their understanding of real estate products, finance, land use regulations, and design. Every year the instructors search for a site of significant scale in an urban context ripe for new development that clearly calls for a mixed-use approach. This year the class project will be located in São Paulo, Brazil in the historic Anhangabaú, a valley separating the original core of downtown São Paulo – the Centro Velho - from what is known as Centro Novo – the new center. Located in the heart of São Paulo’s original downtown core, the Anhangabaú is surrounded by a mix of commercial, residential, institutional, civic, and open space uses, including one of the largest modern skyscrapers in the downtown core on one side, and one of the oldest historic religious complexes in the city, the Mosteiro de São Bento, on the other. It is also immediately adjacent to one of the busiest subway stations in São Paulo, the air rights above have been included in the class’s potential development site. Plagued by complex patterns of ownership and traffic congestion, the downtown core has seen little new development in recent decades, with most of the new commercial and residential development occurring in the Faria Lima and Berrini districts along the so-called Southwest Vector of Sao Paulo, which enjoys better highway access but much poorer transit access. Development of both these districts was stimulated by the sale of development rights through a so-called Urban Operation, by which the municipality funds infrastructure to support development at greater density. After decades of decline, progressive Paulistas in search of a more sustainable model of urban development, that takes advantage of alternative modes of transportation, are re-considering downtown as a possible place to live as well as work. Likewise, institutions and corporations interested in taking advantage of the huge workforce that enjoys easy access to downtown via an extensive transit network may be considering locations in the original core of the

city, particularly at sites that offer occupancy cost advantages over the expensive new buildings in Faria Lima and Berrini. It seems as though downtown may be poised for a renaissance, led by organizations like our sponsor, Viva o Centro, a downtown redevelopment advocacy group supported by major financial institutions and the stock exchange. The area around the site selected for the class is being promoted the Downtown Urban Operation, through which the city could fund the extension of an existing tunnel and urban park known as the Vale do Anhangabaú, the first portion of which was completed in the early 1990’s, which covers an existing major arterial roadway running through the valley. The potential development site identified for purposes of the class includes approximately 10 hectares (+/- 20 acres) of land and air rights within this area. Development of the site would take advantage of the new development rights sold to fund the infrastructure project, and in theory accelerate the bourgeoning revitalization of the core of São Paulo. Students will first study the site, its context, and the relevant supply and demand factors affecting the redevelopment potential of the site, and relevant precedents and comparables for mixed-use development at this scale. Based on that knowledge, they will work in multi-disciplinary teams to explore how to maximize the value of the site through strategic programming and good design, ultimately creating a professional development proposal that argues for each team’s proposed strategy. Each team’s final proposal will include a proposed offer for the site, a bid price for additional development rights necessary to achieve their vision (as offered through the Urban Operation), and written and graphic material supporting their development proposal.

Intro

Background Data

Urban History

São Paulo Today

Study Area

Additional Resources

3


4


BACKGROUND DATA BRAZIL’S HISTORY IN BRIEF

Factsheet

Pedro Cabral, a Portuguese explorer, discovered Brazil and its large but scattered native population in 1500. Initial Portuguese settlements there were small, but the beginning of profitable sugar growing brought more European migrants, as well as slavery. The first slaves were captured Indians (those who had not fallen to European diseases), but beginning in the mid-16th century Africans were brought in large numbers. Settlers mostly stayed near the coast, farmed sugar or traded, and considered themselves Portuguese, though a rebellion against a Dutch encroachment in 16301654 helped spark Brazilian nationalism.

Background: More than 30 years of military rule ended in 1985 and a new constitution was ratified in 1988. The government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1994-2002) ended hyperinflation and advanced reforms to liberalise the economy, but public-solvency indicators deteriorated amid low growth. The current government, under the president, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, has shown commitment to stability and reform, and has improved the public-debt ratios, but the tightness of macroeconomic management has frustrated industrialists and alienated Mr da Silva’s traditional supporters.

The discovery of gold in modern-day Minas Gerais in 1695 sharply increased immigration, and began a shift in population and importance from the sugar-growing northeast to the southeast, with Rio de Janeiro taking over as capital (from Salvador) in 1763. Brazil’s trade was tied almost exclusively to Portugal in a mercantilist relationship. When Napoleon invaded Portugal in 1807, the prince regent (later King João VI) moved the court to Rio, and in 1815 he declared a united kingdom including Brazil and Portugal. In 1821 João returned to Lisbon, leaving his son Dom Pedro in Brazil. When commanded to return in 1822, Pedro refused, declared Brazil’s independence, and soon became Brazil’s first emperor. Pedro’s distaste for constitutionalism (and excessive interest in Portuguese politics) led to his deposition in 1831. After a turbulent ten-year regency, Pedro II, Dom Pedro’s son, took the throne. He improved infrastructure, fought a bloody but successful war with Paraguay, and was generally popular. During his reign coffee began to replace sugar as Brazil’s export mainstay, and a movement against slavery finally triumphed with its abolition in 1888. But the urban merchant class and military officers, resentful of the old order and the landed elite, forced Pedro II’s abdication in a bloodless coup in 1889, making Brazil a republic.

1. From The Economist.com

Brazil supported the allies against Germany in the first world war, but military unrest followed again in the 1920s. Getúlio Vargas assumed power in a coup in 1930, governing as an autocrat, moderniser and centraliser until 1945, and once again as an elected president from 1950 to 1954. With the restoration of democracy the post-war period was a hopeful time, symbolised by president Juscelino Kubitchek’s building of a new capital at Brasilia, inaugurated in 1960. But the era also saw the beginning of a chronic struggle with inflation, and the military again seized power in 1964, bringing some economic stability but ruthlessly repressing dissent. Civilian rule resumed in 1985. The first elected president of the era, Fernando Collor, was a disaster, leaving office under corruption allegations in 1992. Electoral democracy has since stabilised.

Political structure: The president executes policy approved by the 513-seat Chamber of Deputies (the lower house) and the 81-seat Senate (the upper house). Constitutional review is by an independent judiciary. Although the president can resort to temporary decrees to push through legislation, the 1988 constitution gives Congress ample capacity to frustrate the executive. There are many political parties in Brazil and party discipline has traditionally been weak.

Intro

Background Data

Urban History

Policy issues: The medium-term policy framework encompasses fiscal discipline, a floating exchange rate and inflation-targeting. Within the framework, fiscal policy is tailored to bolster public debt sustainability, rather than to manage demand, and high real interest rates are used to contain inflation. Despite improvements, structural fiscal weaknesses persist. The public debt remains high at around 50% of GDP. Pending microeconomic reforms include streamlining the excessively complex tax system, strengthening the regulatory framework, boosting investment in the physical infrastructure (mainly via public private partnerships) improving the quality of social spending and tackling widespread labour informality.

São Paulo Today

Taxation: Brazil has a poorly structured revenue system marked by heavy tax burdens, a narrow taxable base, complicated levies and widespread tax evasion. Companies, both foreign and domestic, employ tax professionals and devote considerable resources to managing their tax affairs. The corporate and indirect taxation systems are particularly complex, porous and unwieldy; the income tax system is considered to be relatively efficient, with a top rate of 27.5%.

Study Area

Foreign trade: Strong external demand (from China) and a more active export policy have contributed to booming export earnings in recent years, swelling the trade surplus and transforming the current account from annual deficits into surpluses in 2003-07. Thereafter and despite favourable terms of trade, Brazil’s trade surplus fell from US$46.5bn in 2006 to US$30bn in 2011, as imports surged owing to a strong currency. This also lifted the current-account deficit, to 2.1% of GDP in 2011.

Additional Resources

5


Natural Resources: With its ample natural resources, Brazil has comparative advantages in many areas, including agricultural products (coffee, soybeans, sugar, oranges, tobacco and cocoa); livestock products (meat, poultry and leather footwear); wood products (pulp, paper, veneer and plywood); and mineral and metal products (iron, steel and aluminium). After the second world war the country’s economic development was based on import substituting industrialisation (ISI), which was facilitated by the huge domestic market. For 35 years the economy expanded rapidly and a large and diversified industrial sector was developed, mainly in the states of Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Minas Gerais.

figure 0A | Brazil in the Context of South America http://www.guiageo.net/mapa-brasil.htm 6


figure 0A | Metropolitan Region of São Paulo Officially composed by 39 cities. Map from Regina Meyer and Subprefeituras e Distritos others. São Paulo Metrópole (São do Município de São Paulo Paulo: Edusp, 2004), 47.

figure 0A | City of São Paulo With 31 Sub-prefectures. Source: SEMPLA, 2006.

PERUS

01

ANHANGÜERA

TREMEMBÉ

JARAGUÁ

02 SÃO DOMINGOS

PIRITUBA

MANDAQUI

08 ALTO DE PINHEIROS

BUTANTÃ

10 MORUMBI

VILA SÔNIA

LIMÃO

CASA VERDE

BARRA FUNDA

BOM RETIRO SANTA CECÍLIA

VILA GUILHERME

PINHEIROS

BELA CAMBUCI JARDIM VISTA LIBERDADE PAULISTA VILA MARIANA

ITAIM BIBI

MOEMA

VILA MATILDE

VILA FORMOSA

ÁGUA RASA

SÃO LUCAS

VILA PRUDENTE

19 GRAJAÚ

PARELHEIROS

23°32’36” S 46°37’59” W 760 m

City Area 1,523 km2 (588 sq miles) Metropolitan Area 8,050 km2 (3,108 sq miles)

20

MARSILAC

0

1. From Wikipedia.com

24

ITAIM PAULISTA

JOSÉ BONIFÁCIO

GUAIANASES

PARQUE DO CARMO

31

CIDADE TIRADENTES

29

SÃO MATEUS

IGUATEMI

30 Distritos

6

12

Intro

Physical Setting São Paulo is located on a plateau that is part of the Serra do Mar (Portuguese for “Maritime Range”), itself part of the vast region known as the Brazilian Highlands, with an average elevation around 800m (2,000 ft) - though at a distance of only about 70 km (40mi) from the Atlantic Ocean. This distance is covered by two highways (Anchieta and Imigrantes, see “Transportation” section below) that roll down the range, leading to the port city of Santos and the beach resort of Guarujá. Because of such setting, rolling terrain prevails within the urbanized areas of São Paulo. To the north, the Serra da Cantareira (Cantareira Range) offers higher elevations and a sizable remnant of the Atlantic Rain Forest. The whole region is very tectonically stable, and no significant seismic activity has ever been recorded. The Tietê River was once a source of freshwater and recreation for São Paulo. However, in the latter half of the 20th century, like its tributary, the Pinheiros, it became grossly polluted by raw sewage and industrial effluents. A substantial clean-up program for both rivers has met with some success. Neither is navigable in the stretch that flows through the city, but transportation is important on the Tietê further downstream, as the river is part of the River Plate basin.

28

01-Perus 02-Pirituba 03-Freguesia / Brasilândia 04-Casa Verde / Cachoeirinha 05-Santana / Tucuruvi 06-Jaçanã / Tremembé 07-Vila Maria / Vila Guilherme 08-Lapa 09-Sé 10-Butantã 11-Pinheiros 12-Vila Mariana 13-Ipiranga 14-Santo Amaro 15-Jabaquara 16-Cidade Ademar 17-Campo Limpo 18-M'Boi Mirim 19- Capela do Socorro 20-Parelheiros 21-Penha 22-Ermelino Matarazzo 23-São Miguel 24-Itaim Paulista 25-Mooca 26-Aricanduva/Formosa/Carrão 27-Itaquera 28-Guaianases 29-Vila Prudente / Sapopemba 30-São Mateus 31-Cidade Tiradentes

CIDADE ADEMAR

CITY PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS Latitude Longitude Average Elevation

ARICANDUVA

27

Subprefeituras

CIDADE DUTRA

Brazil: 190,733 State of Sao Paulo: 41,224 Sao Paulo Metropolitan Region: 19,668 Sao Paulo City: 11,246

CIDADE LÍDER

SÃO RAFAEL

PEDREIRA

JARDIM ÂNGELA

26

13

16

18

VILA CURUÇÁ

LAJEADO

ITAQUERA

SAPOPEMBA

SOCORRO

POPULATION (in thousands) source: IBGE census 2010

SÃO MIGUEL

JACUÍ

ARTUR ALVIM

CARRÃO

15 CAMPO GRANDE

PONTE RASA

JARDIM HELENA

23 VILA

PENHA

TATUAPÉ

25

MOÓCA

22

SACOMÃ CURSINO

JABAQUARA

14 JARDIM SÃO LUÍS

VILA MARIA

12

CAMPO BELO SANTO AMARO

17

21

07

IPIRANGA

SAÚDE

VILA ANDRADE

CAPÃO REDONDO

BELÉM BRÁS

ERMELINO MATARAZZO

CANGAÍBA

PARI

REPÚBLICA CONSOLAÇÃO SÉ

11

VILA MEDEIROS

SANTANA

09

PERDIZES

TUCURUVI

05

FREGUESIA DO Ó

VILA LEOPOLDINA

CAMPO LIMPO

JAÇANÃ

04

LAPA

JAGUARÉ

RAPOSO TAVARE S

CACHOEIRINHA

03

JAGUARA

RIO PEQUENO

06

BRASILÂNDIA

SAO PAULO CITY FACTS (from Wikipedia.com)

There are no large natural lakes in the region, but the Guarapiranga and Billings reservoirs are used for power generation, water storage, and recreation. The original flora consisted mainly of a great variety of broadleaf evergreens. Today, non-native species are common, as the mild climate and abundant rainfall permit a multitude of tropical, subtropical and temperate plants to be cultivated, with eucalyptus being especially ubiquitous.

Background Data

Urban History

São Paulo Today

Climate

18



Quilômetros Fonte: Secretaria Municipal de Planejamento – Sempla/ Depto. de Estatística e Produção de Informação – Dipro.

Though thought rather cool and drizzly by some Brazilians, São Paulo’s climate is by world standards actually warm. February has the highest average temperatures, with typical maxima of 27°C and minima of 19°C (81°F and 66°F), while the coolest month, July, has equivalents of 21°C and 12°C (70°F and 54°F). All-time record temperatures are 38°C (100°F) and -2°C (29°F). Rainfall is abundant at 135cm (53 in), falling mostly in the warmer months. Snow is unknown in the area, as are tropical cyclones, while tornadic activity is uncommon.

Study Area

Additional Resources

7


Selected Statistics Source: Prefeitura Municipal de São Paulo, SEADE, IBGE Total Area (km2)

1,509.00

Density (person/km2) – 2004 Population – 2010

POP.

7,458.00

Over 100

247

0,0%

0,0%

780

95 - 99

1.270

0,0%

0,0%

4.228

0.76

90 - 94

5.877

85 - 89

17.737

80 - 84

41.305

75 - 79

64.324

Members per Family – 2003

3.15 1,626,987.00

Registration in High School Education – 2008

458,312.00

Registration in College – 2008

555,614.00

70 - 74

95.214

65 - 69

127.020

Illiteracy Aged 15-24 (%) – 2010

3.20

60 - 64

183.012

% of Treated Sewerage – 2008

75.00

55 - 59

243.863

50 - 54

301.852

% Households with no Sewerage Provision – 2010

8.00

Households in Favelas – 2010

382,296.00

Child Mortality (per 1,000 born alive) – 2010

11.51

Mortality due to Agression/Homicide (per 100,000) – 2011

9.50

Average Monthly Personal Income (in reais / april 2004)

1,127.00

% Unemployment Rate (Metro)– 2012

45 - 49

342.042

40 - 44

385.172

35 - 39 30 - 34

481.258

25 - 29

519.694

20 - 24

489.432

Industrial Sector Jobs – 2010

578,500.00

15 - 19

420.552

Construction Sector Jobs – 2010

272,589.00

10 - 14

438.356

871,752.00

5-9

385.672

0-4

361.709

Service Sector Profit Jobs – 2010

2,225,175.00

AVERAGE TEMPERATURE (in Celsius) CITY OF SÃO PAULO, 2005

0,1%

25

15.357

0,4%

0,4%

39.468

0,7%

0,6%

78.206

0,9%

0,8%

106.645

1,3%

1,1%

142.087

1,6%

1,6%

175.318

2,1%

2,2%

240.043

2,7%

2,7%

304.250

3,3%

3,0%

365.806

3,6%

3,4%

400.678

3,8%

3,8%

427.807

4,1%

4,3%

465.661

4,7%

4,6%

4,9%

4,3%

4,5% 3,7%

3,9% 3,4% 3,2%

RAIN PRECIPITATION (in Milimeters) CITY OF SÃO PAULO, 2005 milímetros

502.227 421.705

3,8%

429.074

3,1% Men

528.818 554.888

3,7% 3,3%

Temperatura Média (emºC) Município de São Paulo 2005

0,1%

0,2%

423.024

5.70

Commercial Sector Jobs – 2010

POP.

11,253,503.00

Annual Population Growth (%) – 2000-2010

Registration in Primary Education – 2008

AGE

372.607 349.218

Women

Precipitação Pluviométrica Município de São Paulo 2005

350 300

20

250 15

200 150

10

100 5

0

50 0 Janeiro February Fevereiro January

Março March

Abril April

Maio May

Junho June

Fonte: Instituto Astronômico e Geofísico - USP - Estação do IAG (Água

8

Elaboração: Sempla/Dipro

Julho July

Agosto August

Setembro September Outubro October Novembro NovemberDezembro December

Janeiro Fevereiro Março January February March

Abril April

Maio May

Junho June

Julho July

Agosto August

Setembro Outubro Novembro Dezembro September October November December

Fonte: Instituto Astronômico e Geofísico - USP Elaboração: Sempla/Dipro Obs.: Precipitação pluviométrica acumulada mensalmente na Estação do IAG (Água Funda) – Zona Sul da cidade


Intro

Background Data

figure 0A | Expansion of the Urbanized Area São Paulo 1905 - 1997 Source: Laboratório de Urbanismo da Metrópole - LUME (School of Architecture and Urbanism at University of São Paulo), 2004.

Urban History

São Paulo Today

Study Area

figure 0B | Satellite Photo São Paulo 2002 Source: Empresa Brasileira de Pesquisa Agropecuária - EMBRAPA.

Additional Resources

9


comparing cities URBAN AGE: LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS

Behind Behind the the statistics statistics of of global global city city growth growth lie lie very very different different patterns patterns of of urbanisation, urbanisation, with with diverse diverse spatial, spatial, social social and and economic economic characteristics characteristics that that dramatically dramatically affect affect the the urban urban experience. In addition to standard measures of population growth and experience. In addition to standard measures of population growth and the the economy, economy, LSE LSE Cities Cities has has assembled assembled socio-economic socio-economic and and environmental environmental data data from from aa range range of of official official sources, sources, allowing allowing for for aa preliminary preliminary assessment assessment of of how how these these twelve twelve cities cities compare compare to to each each other other on on aa set set of of key key performance performance indicators. indicators. The The graphic graphic overview overview of of these these results results highlights highlights some some striking striking differences, differences, especially especially when when it it comes comes to to these these cities’ cities’ speed speed of of growth. growth. While While São São Paulo Paulo has has grown grown nearly nearly 8,000 % since 1900, and London only 16 % (having experienced its major growth 8,000 % since 1900, and London only 16 % (having experienced its major growth spurt spurt in in the the previous previous century), century), it it is is Mumbai Mumbai that that is is changing changing the the fastest fastest of of the the twelve, twelve, adding adding 54 54 additional additional residents residents every every hour. hour. In In comparison, comparison, Copenhagen Copenhagen and and Berlin Berlin will will only only gain gain 11 person person per per hour, hour, Hong Hong Kong Kong 88 and and London London 10. 10. These These trends trends are are also also reflected reflected in in different different patterns patterns of of age age distribution: distribution: around around aa third third of of the the residents residents of of Mumbai, Mumbai, São São Paulo, Bogotá and Istanbul are under the age of 20, while in Hong Kong and Paulo, Bogotá and Istanbul are under the age of 20, while in Hong Kong and Berlin Berlin the the younger younger generations generations shrink shrink to to 20 20 % % or or less. less. Mumbai Mumbai also also leads leads on on economic economic growth, growth, having having experienced experienced an an average average annual annual increase increase in in GVA GVA of of 6.7 6.7 % % between between 1993 1993 and and 2010. 2010. Over the same period, the economies of São Paulo and Bogotá grew Over the same period, the economies of São Paulo and Bogotá grew at at about about half half that that speed speed –– nevertheless nevertheless impressive impressive when when compared compared to to Berlin’s Berlin’s nearly nearly stagnant stagnant economy. economy. Another Another factor factor that that differs differs drastically drastically between between cities cities is is the the proportion proportion of of the the country’s country’s population population residing residing in in the the metropolitan metropolitan region region and and the the corresponding corresponding contribution contribution to to

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national national economic economic growth. growth. Mumbai, Mumbai, with with the the largest largest metropolitan metropolitan population population of of all all twelve twelve cities, cities, only only makes makes up up 1.3 1.3 % % of of India’s India’s total total population, population, and and produces produces aa mere mere 3.8 3.8 % % of of the the national GVA. In contrast, 30 % of Denmark’s total population reside in Copenhagen, and national GVA. In contrast, 30 % of Denmark’s total population reside in Copenhagen,Current and Current the capital region accounts for a staggering 38 % of national GVA. However, national the capital region accounts for a staggering 38 %population of national GVA. in However, national population in level in wealth between cities. level economic economic patterns patterns tell tell us us very very little little about about the the differences differences in wealth between cities. the city metropolitan Looking top Looking at at total total GVA GVA per per capita, capita, Stockholm Stockholm and and New New York York top the the list list (US$52,267 (US$52,267 and and region (millions) US$51,337 US$51,337 respectively), respectively), closely closely followed followed by by Copenhagen Copenhagen (US$48,294) (US$48,294) and and London London (millions) (US$47,313). (US$47,313). People People living living in in these these four four cities cities are are many many times times wealthier, wealthier, on on average, average, than than in in other other world world cities cities such such as as Istanbul Istanbul and and Bogotá Bogotá (less (less than than US$10,000), US$10,000), which which in in turn turn are are significantly significantly wealthier wealthier than than the the average average resident resident of of Mumbai Mumbai (US$1,550). (US$1,550). Despite Despite its its low low per per capita capita GVA, GVA, Mumbai’s Mumbai’s level level of of income income inequality inequality indicated indicated by by the the Gini Gini coefficient coefficient –– aa measure measure of of income income distribution distribution with with aa higher higher number number representing representing greater greater inequality inequality –– is is nearly nearly half half that that of of São São Paulo, Paulo, which which is is the the most most unequal unequal of of the the twelve twelve cities, cities, while while Copenhagen and Berlin are the most equitable. Copenhagen and Berlin are the most equitable. London, Hong Kong and Berlin contribute similar levels of CO emissions per person, London, Hong Kong and Berlin contribute similar levels of 2011 CO22 emissions per person, 2011 but but the the number number doubles doubles in in Portland, Portland, where where annual annual per per capita capita carbon carbon emissions emissions exceed exceed 10 10 tonnes, tonnes, mainly mainly owing owing to to emissions emissions related related to to high high car car use. use. Istanbul, Istanbul, with with close close to to 38 38 %of %of its its workforce workforce in in the the manufacturing manufacturing sector, sector, produces produces just just 2.7 2.7 tonnes tonnes of of CO CO22 per per person, person, while while Mumbai’s Mumbai’s residents residents contribute contribute only only 0.4 0.4 tonnes tonnes –– less less than than 10 10 % % of of that that of residents in most other global cities. Car ownership varies drastically between all of residents in most other global cities. Car ownership varies drastically between all

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8.2

19.0

2010 and spatial characteristics 2011 and varying twelve cities, highlighting their diverse economic transport infrastructure. Paralleling the trend in CO2 emissions, Portland has the highest car ownership rate: 690 cars per 1,000 inhabitants, five times higher than the rate for New York. São Paulo has more than ten times as many cars per 1,000 people as Mumbai, the second highest figure, although improvements in public transport over the past few years are slowing the trend towards private motorised transport. Mumbai is catching up fast, with an increase Percentage of 35 % in vehicles on2011 the city’s roads in the past 5 2010 years alone. Yet GVA Average Income GVA per per capita capita Percentage Average Income (US$) of annual growth the majority still get around the city on foot or by inequality bicycle, making it the (US$) of Mumbaikars of national national annual growth inequality GVA produced of (measured by GVA produced of GVA GVA (measured by only 11 % of city with the highest non-motorised modal share of the twelve. In contrast, by the index) by each eachby walking 1993 1993 –cycling, – 2010 2010 the Gini Gini index) all trips in New Yorkmetropolitan are made and with most people relying on the metropolitan city’s nearly 600 km long region rail network. Looking at rail network systems for other cities region provides an indication of their public transport infrastructure. London and Berlin have by 2011984 km respectively), with2011 far the most extensive network (1,393 km and the average rail network length for all cities just below 500 km. This is in stark contrast to Bogotá, famous for its TransMilenio bus system, but lacking a rail network, although the Bogotá metro is 2010 2010 2010 1995 2010 date of 2016. 1995 currently2010 under construction2010 with a planned opening Looking at water and electricity use highlights the divergent consumption patterns of residents in these twelve cities. Mumbai has the smallest consumption footprint, 2011 compared to 572 in New 2011 using just 90 litres of water per person per day, York, 229 in 2010 2010 2010 2011 2010 and 185 in Istanbul. 2010 Although electricity 2010 consumption is rapidly 2011 increasing, the Stockholm

national economic growth. Mumbai, with the largest metropolitan population of all twelve cities, only makes up 1.3 % of India’s total population, and produces a mere 3.8 % of the national GVA. In contrast, 30 % of Denmark’s total population reside in Copenhagen, and the capital region accounts for a staggering 38 % of national GVA. However, national level economic patterns tell us very little about the differences in wealth between cities. Looking at total GVA per capita, Stockholm and New York top the list (US$52,267 and US$51,337 respectively), closely followed by CopenhagenCurrent (US$48,294) and Projected London Current Percentage Current Current Projected Percentage of of population in population in growth (US$47,313). People living in these four cities times wealthier, on average, population in are many population in growth than the the country’s country’s the 2010 population the city city metropolitan 2010 –in – 2025 2025 population in other world cities such as Istanbul and Bogotá (lessmetropolitan than US$10,000), which turn are (millions) region (people per residing (millions) region (peopleits perlow residing significantly wealthier than the average resident of Mumbai (US$1,550). Despite (millions) hour) in (millions) hour) in each each per capita GVA, Mumbai’s level of income inequality indicated by the Gini coefficient – a metropolitan metropolitan region region measure of income distribution with a higher number representing greater inequality – is nearly half that of São Paulo, which is the most unequal of the twelve cities, while Copenhagen and Berlin are the most equitable. London, Hong Kong and Berlin contribute similar levels of CO2 emissions per person, 2011 2011 2011 2010 2011annual per capita 2011 2011 2010 but the number doubles in Portland, where carbon emissions exceed 10 tonnes, mainly owing to emissions related to high car use. Istanbul, with close to 38 %of its workforce in the manufacturing sector, produces just 2.7 tonnes of CO2 per person, while Mumbai’s residents contribute only 0.4 tonnes – less than 10 % of that 2010 2011 2010 2010ownership varies drastically 2011 2011 2010 of residents in most other global cities. Car between 2011 all

loNdoN

8.2

14.6

10

23.9

NEW yorK

8.2

19.0

26

6.3

bErliN

3.5

5.0

1

twelve cities, highlighting their diverse economic and spatial characteristics and varying transport infrastructure. Paralleling the trend in CO2 emissions, Portland has the highest 2011 2010 2011 car ownership rate: 690 cars per 1,000 inhabitants, five times higher than the rate for 2011 2010 2011 New York. São Paulo has more than ten times as many cars per 1,000 people as Mumbai, the second highest figure, although improvements in public transport over the past few years are slowing the trend towards private motorised transport. Mumbai is catching up 2011the city’s roads in 2011 2011 Yet Percentage of an increase GVA per Average fast, with of capita 35 % in vehiclesPercentage on the past 5 years alone. 2011 2011 2011 Income (US$) the country’s of national annual growth the majority of Mumbaikars still get around the city on foot or by bicycle, making it inequality the population GVA produced of GVA (measured by city with the highest non-motorised modalby share contrast, onlythe 11Gini % of residing each of the twelve. 1993In – 2010 index) in each metropolitan all trips in New York are made by walking and cycling, with most people relying on the metropolitan region city’s nearly 600 km long rail network. Looking at rail network systems for other cities 2011 2011 2011 2011 2011 2011 region provides an indication of their public transport infrastructure. London and Berlin have by far the most extensive network (1,393 km and 984 km respectively), with the average rail network length for all cities just below 500 km. This is in stark contrast to Bogotá, famous for its TransMilenio bus system, but lacking network, although the Bogotá metro 2010a rail 2010 2011 is 1995 2010 2010 2010 2010 2010 2010 2011 currently under construction with a planned opening date of 2016. Looking at water and electricity use highlights the divergent consumption patterns of residents in these twelve cities. Mumbai has the smallest consumption footprint, using just 90 litres of water per person per2010 day, compared to 572 in New York, 229 2011 in 2010 2010 2010 2010 2011 2010 2010 2010 2011 Stockholm and 185 in Istanbul. Although electricity consumption is rapidly increasing, the

istaNbul

mumbai

23.9sÃo Paulo 47,313

stocKholm 6.3 51,337

coPENhagEN 4.3 26,909

13.6

13.6

12.5

21.0

11.332.8 0.8 8.5 0.5 3.5

19.92.9 1.92.8

1.8-0.1

30

54

27 31.7 353.5 1 29

average resident of Mumbai or Bogotá still uses less than 1 MWh of electricity per year, compared to 12.1 in Portland and 7.8 in Singapore. Stockholm, Copenhagen and Berlin 2012 2012 2012 2010 2010 2010 2010 2012 2010 2012 2012 have managed to lower their electricity use over the past twenty years and all consume less than 2 MWh per capita, largely owing to the widespread use of district heating in these cities. How the electricity is generated also differs widely between cities. While decentralised power generation is becoming increasingly common, the vast majority 2010 2010 2011 2010 2010 2010 2003 2010 2010 2010 2011 of energy is to via a nationalRail grid, which is why energy Percentage of still distributed Percentage network Car ownership Lifeindividual cities the daily trips at the country system length rate (per 1,000 expectancy usepopulation and renewable energy performanceof are shown level. Unsurprisingly, under 20 made by (km) inhabitants) (years) the United States is by far the biggest energy user, walking and with the average person consuming more than ten times as much as someone incycling India or Colombia. Due to their cold climate, 2012 2012 2011 2010 and Sweden also 2010 2010 2010 2004 2012 average 2012energy 2011 Denmark have higher than per capita consumption levels. Renewable energy sources make up nearly 90 % of the total national electricity generation in Brazil and more than 70 % in Colombia, owing to the predominance of hydro-power in these countries. In contrast, Hong Kong and Singapore still rely almost 2010 generation. 2011 2010 2010 their electricity 2010 2005 exclusively on fossil fuels for With2010 the exception of Sweden 2010 2010 2010 2011 2009 2004 2011 gis-basEd 2009 (57.7 %) all other countries currently generate less than a quarter of their electricity from renewable sources (see the World Maps at the beginning of this section for a more detailed discussion of global energy patterns).

18.2hoNg KoNg 9,368 1.8siNgaPorE 1,550

PortlaNd 10.5 18,116 23.8 79.2

21.2 52,267 25.7 bogotÁ 77.6

7.027.2

5.3 3.8

0.633.6 32

6.828.9 11.2

7.0 3.1

5.36.7

2.3 3.2 1,393 7.9579 3.5

2005 2005 2010 2010 2010 2005 2010 2005 2008 and methodologies used to calculate 2001 2008 Measurement years indicator values may differ between cities and data gis-basEd are not always comparable. 36 For full references to data sources, please see: http://ec2012.lsecities.net/references/ 36

10

30.0 16.6

48,294 78.5

38 42

2.0 984

8 43 5 35

433161

2220934 2011 2011

2009 2008

24.8 324

bErliN

3.5

istaNbul

32.8

51,337

8.5

mumbai

5.0

13.6

47,313

26,909 sÃo Paulo

4.3

13.6

2.9

31.7

2.8

53.5

12.5

21.0

11.3-0.1

3.5

29 19.9

average resident of Mumbai or Bogotá still uses less than 1 MWh of electricity per year, compared to 12.1 in Portland and 7.8 in Singapore. Stockholm, Copenhagen and Berlin 2010 2010electricity use over 2010 2010 and all consume 2010 have managed to lower their the past twenty years 2010 2010 2010 2010 2010 2010 of district heating in 2010 less than 2 MWh per capita, largely owing to the widespread use these cities. How the electricity is generated also differs widely between cities. While decentralised power generation is becoming increasingly common, the vast majority 2010 is still distributed 2010 2010 2010 Percentage network 2003 Life of energy toofindividual cities via grid, which energy 2010 2010 2010 a national Percentage 2010 is whyRail 2003 population of daily trips system length use and renewablethe energy performance expectancy are shown at the country level. Unsurprisingly, under 20 made by (km) (years) the United States is by far the biggest energy user, with the walking average person consuming and 2010 cycling more than ten times as much as someone in India or Colombia. Due to their cold climate, 2010

18.2

9,368

stocKholm

1.8

1,550

27.2

3.1

43

0.8

3.8

1.9

6.7

35

Denmark have higher than average per capita energy 2010and Sweden also2010 2010 2010 consumption 2004 2010 2010 2010 2010 2004 levels. Renewable energy sources make up nearly 90 % of the total national electricity generation in Brazil and more than 70 % in Colombia, owing to the predominance of hydro-power in these countries. In contrast, Hong Kong and Singapore still rely almost exclusively their electricity generation. With the exception of Sweden 2010 on fossil fuels for 2010 2010 2010 2009 2004 2011 gis-basEd 2005 2010 2010 2010 2005 2012of 2010 (57.7 %) all other countries currently generate less than a quarter their electricity from 2012

33.6 10.5 18,116 coPENhagEN 23.8 79.2

0.53.2 32

1.8 1,39361

renewable sources (see the World Maps at the beginning of this section for a more detailed discussion of global energy patterns).

21.2

52,267 25.7

hoNg KoNg

28.9 77.6

3.5 11.2

7.0

2010 2010 2010 2010 2008 2001 2010 2010 2010 Measurement years and methodologies used to2010 calculate indicator values may differ between cities and data are not2008 always comparable. For full references to data sources, please see: http://ec2012.lsecities.net/references/

30.0

38 78.5

48,294 16.6

2010 2010

2010 2007 2010

2.0 42

2010

2010 2010 2010

2010 2010 2010

siNgaPorE – 31,340 31.3 72.4

Daily water consumption (litres per capita)

2010

2011 2010 Annual CO2 emissions (tonnes per capita)

38,307 36.3

PortlaNd 2010 2001 2010

5.33.6 45

2000

Annual electricity use (MWh per capita)

– 68.1 2001

0.7 167 42,454 315.6

0.95.2 70.8

201 0

2011

2010 2010

2005

15.9 572 2010 2010

36

average twelve average resident resident of of Mumbai Mumbai or or Bogotá Bogotá still still u u twelve cities, cities, highlighting highlighting their their diverse diverse economic economic and and spatial spatial characteristics characteristics and and varying varying compared transport compared to to 12.1 12.1 in in Portland Portland and and 7.8 7.8 in in Singa Singa transport infrastructure. infrastructure. Paralleling Paralleling the the trend trend in in CO CO22 emissions, emissions, Portland Portland has has the the highest highest have managed to lower their electricity car ownership rate: 690 cars per 1,000 inhabitants, five times higher than the rate for have managed to lower their electricity use use o o car ownership rate: 690 cars per 1,000 five times higher than the rate for Projected Percentage of inhabitants,GVA per capita Percentage Average less per largely New York. more than 1,000 less than than 22 MWh MWh per capita, capita, largely owing owing to to New York. São São Paulo Paulo has has than ten ten times times as as many many cars cars per per 1,000 people people as as Mumbai, Mumbai, (US$) growth themore country’s of national annual growth these cities. How the electricity is generated the second highest figure, although improvements in public transport over the past few these cities. How the electricity is generated the second highest figure, although improvements in public transport over the past few 2010 – 2025 population GVA produced of GVA decentralised years slowing private decentralised power power generation generation is is becoming becoming years are are slowing the the trend trend towards towards private motorised motorised transport. transport. Mumbai Mumbai is is catching catching up up (people per residing by each 1993 – 2010 of fast, of energy energy is is still still distributed distributed to to individual individual citie citie fast, with with an an increase increase of of 35 35 % % in in vehicles vehicles on on the the city’s city’s roads roads in in the the past past 55 years years alone. alone. Yet Yet hour) in each metropolitan use the use and and renewable renewable energy energy performance performance are are the majority majority of of Mumbaikars Mumbaikars still still get get around around the the city city on on foot foot or or by by bicycle, bicycle, making making it it the the metropolitan region the United States is by far the biggest energy city with the highest non-motorised modal share of the twelve. In contrast, only 11 % of the United States is by far the biggest energy city with the highest non-motorised modal share of the twelve. In contrast, only 11 % of more all by more than than ten ten times times as as much much as as someone someone in in all trips trips in in New New York York are are made maderegion by walking walking and and cycling, cycling, with with most most people people relying relying on on the the Denmark city’s Denmark and and Sweden Sweden also also have have higher higher than than city’s nearly nearly 600 600 km km long long rail rail network. network. Looking Looking at at rail rail network network systems systems for for other other cities cities levels. Renewable energy sources make up provides an indication of their public transport infrastructure. London and Berlin have by levels. Renewable energy sources make up n n provides an indication of their public transport infrastructure. London and Berlin have by generation far generation in in Brazil Brazil and and more more than than 70 70 % % in in Co Co far the the most most extensive extensive network network (1,393 (1,393 km km and and 984 984 km km respectively), respectively), with with the the average average rail rail hydro-power network length for all cities just below 500 km. This is in stark contrast to Bogotá, famous hydro-power in in these these countries. countries. In In contrast, contrast, H network length for all cities just below 500 km. This is in stark contrast to Bogotá, famous exclusively their for bus lacking the Bogotá metro is exclusively on on fossil fossil fuels fuels for for2010 their electricity electricity for its its TransMilenio TransMilenio bus system, system, but but lacking aa rail rail network, network, although although 2011 2010 2010 the Bogotá metro is 2010 (57.7 currently (57.7 %) %) all all other other countries countries currently currently generate generate currently under under construction construction with with aa planned planned opening opening date date of of 2016. 2016. renewable sources (see the World Looking at water and electricity use highlights the divergent consumption patterns renewable sources (see the World Maps Maps at at th th Looking at water and electricity use highlights the divergent consumption patterns detailed of detailed discussion discussion of of global global energy energy patterns patterns of residents residents in in these these twelve twelve cities. cities. Mumbai Mumbai has has the the smallest smallest consumption consumption footprint, footprint, using using just just 90 90 litres litres of of water water per per person person per per day, day, compared compared to to 572 572 in in New New York, York, 229 229 in in Measurement years and methodologies used to calculate indicator values ma Measurement years and methodologies used to calculate indicator values ma Stockholm Stockholm and and 185 185 in in Istanbul. Istanbul. Although Although electricity electricity consumption consumption is is rapidly rapidly increasing, increasing, the the For full references to data sources, please see: http://ec2012.lsecities.net/refer

2010 2010 2010

6.5

2005

112

21.85.2

energy use (MWh per capita, national)

5.7 56.3

0.6

2010 2007 2010

2010

24.82010 984

2012-dENmarK 2012 2012-dENmarK

5.3 16353

gis-basEd 2007 2012 Renewable energy as percentage of total electricity

47,313

32.8

2.9

26

6.3

51,337

8.5

2.8

1

30

209 2008

77.6

11.2

16.6 27

78.5 10.5

31.3

3

Daily2011 water 2011 consumption (litres per capita)

2011 36.3

31 1167

20102005

2010 2012

20102005 2010

2005co E 2010, 2005 2

2010

82.52.7 –

36

23.190

4

20122008 2012

2011

359

2011

2006

2011 2005 2011

76.61.7

43 28.9

600 16.2

184

110

2010 2001 2001 2009

2000201 0 2000

5195 20.1

7.9 58 405 10.6 2005

2005

70.8 30.0 5.6

140

2006

2007

331

579

209

1,550

21.5 185 2011 2011

22229 35.1 2005

81.10.4

0.7

20112008 2011 maharashtra statE

2010

20052003 2005

15.9 72 3.7 3.4

45

18,116984 2010

56.3

2010

2012 2012

163

52,267

2008 Annual 2008 electricity use (MWh per capita)

gis-basEd Annual gis-basEd

energy use (MWh per capita, 2010 national)

477

gis-basEd gis-basEd

33.85.248,294 275 24.3

2010

3.8 2010

2008 2008

32433.6 2011 2011

2010

140

28.9

2011 Renewable 2011 energy as percentage of total electricity

36

368 7.3 38 359 10.6

600 28.9

184 16.2

44.72.338,307 247 11.3

56 19.6

2010 2009 2010

2010

2008 2009 2008

2002 2010 2002

gis-basEd 2010 2009 gis-basEd

230.8

1764

42,454

20112008 2011 maharashtra statE

142.0 20122006 2012

2011 2009 2011

2010

115 11.6

2012 2009 2012

171.5 5,430 0 41.1

2009 - sWEdEN 2008 2008

20102012 2009

1.3

30.8

2012

2007 2009 2007

2006 2009 2006

2005 2005

572

0.9

2009 2009 2009

690 89

2010

2011 2009 2011

26.2 148 57.7 2006 2009 2006

24.8

2010

6.5

2010

3.25.2

2010 2010

195

2010 2010

90

185

2009 2009

2010

2.7

3.5

2005 2005

0.4

2010

2008 2008 maharashtra maharashtra statE statE

2.01.1 2003 2003

2010

229 2011 2011

220

2009 2009

121 14.1

201 0 201 0

6.7

112

2010 2010

2009 2009 2009

5.6

2010, co2E 2010, co2E

110

2009 2009 2009

ele ele

3.1

2005 2005

2010

2010

Annual Annual CO CO22 emissions emissions (tonnes (tonnes per per capita) capita)

2010

167

2008 2008

405 51.3

31,340

2010

2006 2006

386.0

2006 2011 2006

-0.1 Daily Daily water water consumption consumption (litres (litres per per capita) capita)

2010

gis-basEd 2009 gis-basEd

2010

2010

3.5

2007 2011 2007

2010 2011 2010

20102005 2010

2000co2E 2010, 2000

2010 2010

431.7

20112009 2011

77.91.1

42

2007 2007

76.65.2

2010 2006 2010 2009

6.83.6 38

2010

2001 2001

2012 2010 2012

47.3 477

gis-basEd 2011 2011 2009

68.1

2011 21.8 112

51.3

6.0

2010 2007 2010 2009

21.2

2000CO Annual 2000 2 emissions (tonnes per capita)

80.36.5

8

2010

72.4

21.3 572

2010 2010 2011 2010

2010

2010 2010

2011

324

1,393

Measurement years between cities and data are not always comparable. 2008and methodologies used to calculate 2001 indicator values may differ2008 gis-basEd 2008 2001 2008 gis-basEd For full references to data sources, please see: http://ec2012.lsecities.net/references/

2011

2.3

1.8

2010

27.2

9,368

25.7

54

2007

gis-basEd 2011 2011

18.2

32

2001 2001

2009

26,909

79.2

2007 2007

331

4.3

23.8

2011

Car ownership rate (per 1,000 inhabitants)

For full references to data sources, please see: http://ec2012.lsecities.net/refer

2010 still uses less than 1 MWh 2010 average2011 resident of Mumbai or Bogotá of electricity per year, compared to 12.1 in Portland and 7.8 in Singapore. Stockholm, Copenhagen and Berlin have managed to lower their electricity use over the past twenty years and all consume less than 2 MWh per capita, largely owing to the widespread use of district heating in these cities. How the electricity is generated also differs widely between cities. While decentralised power generation is becoming increasingly common, the vast majority 2011 2010 cities via a national grid, 2010 ofPercentage energy is still distributed to individual which is whyCar energy Percentage Rail Life Percentage of of Percentage Rail network network Car ownership ownership Life the of trips system rate expectancy use and renewable energy performance are shown level. Unsurprisingly, the population population of daily daily trips at the country system length length rate (per (per 1,000 1,000 expectancy under made by (km) inhabitants) under 20 20 made bywith the average (km) inhabitants) (years) the United States is by far (years) the biggest energy user, person consuming walking and andor Colombia. Due to their cold climate, more than ten times as much as someonewalking in India cycling cycling Denmark and Sweden also have higher than average per capita energy consumption levels. Renewable energy sources make up nearly 90 % of the total national electricity 2011 2010 2010predominance of generation in Brazil and more than 70 % in Colombia, owing to the hydro-power in these countries. In contrast, Hong Kong and Singapore still rely almost exclusively on fossil fuels for their electricity generation. With the exception of Sweden 2009 2004 2011 gis-basEd 2009 2004 2011than a quarter gis-basEd 2009 (57.7 %) all2009 other countries currently generate less of their electricity from renewable sources (see the World Maps at the beginning of this section for a more detailed discussion of global energy patterns). 2011 2010 2010

368

2010 2005 2010

4.7 33.8 24.3

7.0

23.9

49.4 275 7.3

2010 2000 2010

bogotÁ 26.2 5,430 21.3 80.3 2010 2010 2010 2010, co2E

2010 2008 2012 Annual 2010

57934

gis-basEd 2009 2009

10

157

2009 2009

3.7

3.6

2010, co2E 2010, co2E

3.4

2010

2012 2012

5.75.5

2011 20102011

6.7

4.7

2008 2008

2010

440

10.4

114

3.62.2

2010 2010

2009 2009

2010, co2E 2010, co2E

2010co E 2011, 2011, co22E

m m


For full referencesFor to data full references sources, please to data see: sources, http://ec2012.lsecities.net/references/ please see: http://ec2012.lsecities.net/references/

rage Average Income Income owth annual growth inequality inequality GVA of GVA (measured by (measured by 2010 1993 – 2010the Gini index) the Gini index)

Percentage of Percentage of Rail networkRail network Car ownership Car ownershipDaily water Daily waterAnnual CO2 Annual CO2 Annual Annual Annual AnnualRenewable Renewable Life LifePercentage Percentage the population the populationexpectancy expectancy of daily tripsof daily trips system length system length rate (per 1,000 rate (per 1,000 consumptionconsumption emissions emissions electricity use electricity use energy energy energy as energy as under 20 under 20 made by (km) (km)inhabitants) inhabitants) (litres per (litres per(tonnes per (tonnes per (MWh per (MWh peruse (MWh use (MWhpercentage percentage (years) (years) made by walking and walking and capita) capita) capita) capita) capita) capita) per capita, per capita, of total of total cycling cycling national) national) electricity electricity

Intro

2.9

2.9

2010

2010

31.7 31.7

2.8

2.8

2010

2010

2011

2011

0.1 -0.1

1995

1995

53.5 53.5

23.8 23.8 79.2 79.2

6.5

6.0

2010, co2E

2011

112 5.2

5.2

1.7

2009

2011

2011

16.6 16.6 78.5 78.5

42

2010

3.1

3.1

43

43

2010

2010

2003

2003

6.7

6.7

35

35

2010

2010

2004

2004

2001

3.2

3.2

61

61

31

2010

2010

2005

2005

2010

3.5

3.5

34

34

2010

2010

2009

2009

2.0

2.0

24.8 24.8

2010

2010

2012-dENmarK 2012-dENmarK

3.6

3.6

53

53

2010

2010

2007

2007

5.7

5.7

2010

2010

4.7

4.7

2010

2010

2011

2011

3.6

3.6

58

58

2010

2010

2001

2001

2007

2010

2010

31.3 31.3 72.4 72.4

45

2011

2007

2001

2004

2008

29

2008

2004

2001

2010

49.4 49.4

2009

2011

2010

gis-basEd

2009

2008

2009

2008

2005

2005

42 984 984 324 324 112 2010

2012

45 163

2011

163 140

2005

2010

2010

2009

90 0.4

0.4

0.8

0.8

4

2008 2008 2008 2008 2008 maharashtra maharashtra maharashtra maharashtra statE statE statE statE

2009

gis-basEd

2006

2006

2008

31 70.8 70.8 33.8 33.8 275 275 368 368 185

21.3 21.3 80.3 80.3

38

2010

2005

2006

21.8 21.8 76.6 76.6

43

2012

2010

2012

2005

2011

2011

2010

2007

gis-basEd

2010

2002

23.1 23.1 81.1 81.1

23

2012

2010

2011

2011

21.5 21.5 77.9 77.9

14

2011

2012

2010

2011

2006

2010

2010

2008

2002

gis-basEd

23 176 2011

2011

14 115

2005

2005

2012

2012

2012

35.1 35.1

72

72

17

17

0

2000

2000

2008

2008

2012

2005

2010

2006

43 600 600 184

2011

2005

2007

185

2007

38 405 405 359 359 229 229

20.1 20.1 82.5 82.5 44.7 44.7 247 2010

gis-basEd

2008

2009

247

56

gis-basEd

2009

176 121 2011

2009

2006

2011

184 110

2011

1.1

1.1

2.0

2003

2003

2006

3.7

1.5

3.7 2010, co2E

3.4

1.3

2012

2012

2010

56 220 220 5.5

2010

2010

5.5

5.9

2009

2009

2011

2011

2011

121 157

157

6.7

6.7

7.8

2009

2008

2008

2011

2009

2009

2009

2011

7.3

2009

2009

2009

2009

Background Data

2009

2009

2009

2009

2009

2.3 11.3 11.3 19.6 19.6 2009

2009

2009

Urban

4 14.1 History 14.1 2009

2009

2009

2.0 11.6 11.6

89

89

2009

2009

2006

2009

2009

1.5 41.1 41.1 57.7SĂŁo Paulo 57.7

2010, co2E 2009 - sWEdEN 2009 - sWEdEN

110 3.4

2009

7.3

1.7 28.9 28.9 16.2 16.2

2005

90

2007

2009

2.7

36

2000

2011

2010

2.7 2.3

2009

6.0 51.3 51.3 10.6 10.6

195

36

2000

2009

140 195

477

2010

2011

2009

36.3 36.3 68.1 68.1 56.3 56.3 477 gis-basEd

2005

5.2 24.3 24.3

2010

2010

2007

2005

2010

2011

2011

2007

2008

2012

2011

2001

2008

gis-basEd

gis-basEd

gis-basEd

2001

2000

2008

gis-basEd

gis-basEd

2001

2000

2011

201 0

5.6 5.2

2010, co2E

2008

29

2011

167 5.6

25.7 25.7 77.6 77.6 11.2 11.2 579 579 209 209 572 572 6.5

2010

2011

32 1,393 1,393 331 331 167

2011

2010

47.3 47.3

32

201 0

2009

2009

2009

2009

Today

2009

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12


URBAN HISTORY OF SÃO PAULO1

Some mischievous spirit has defined America as a country which has moved from barbarism to decadence without enjoying any intermediary phase of civilization. The formula could be more correctly applied to the towns of the New World, which pass from freshness to decay without even simply being old.

The French anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss could not have been more incisive than in his opening lines to describe São Paulo, back from an expedition to Brazil in 1935. While premature ageing is an incongruous phenomenon common to many cities, São Paulo may indeed be one of the most emblematic cases of degradation. The largest urban agglomeration in the southern hemisphere has grown exponentially to about twenty-million inhabitants, which is approximately fifteen times the dimension of the city Levi-Strauss observed seventy years ago. It is only fair to say that urban problems have also grown exponentially since then. In a condensed manner, the following paragraphs will try to portray this process of urban development and decay that so strikingly affects São Paulo.

figure 1 | São Paulo Topographical Plan The triangular acropolis chosen by the Jesuit missionaries is visible on the right, between two water streams. Original by Aziz Ab’Saber, color rendering by the author. 1. Extracted from Shieh, Leonardo. Urban Acupuncture as a Strategy for São Paulo (Master’s Thesis. Cambridge: MIT, 2006). Edited by Victor Eskinazi and Peter Roth

The Origins of São Paulo: 1554-1600 Perhaps the most elemental task for the urbanist is to define locations; with the understanding of the site, one should be certain of where life can thrive or fail. When looking for a site inland (São Paulo is about 50 kilometers in distance and about 750 meters in height from the sea) the Portuguese Priest Manuel da Nóbrega meticulously chose a triangular-shaped acropolis between two valleys plentiful with water, vegetation, animals and fertile lands, in order to establish a settlement that could put the Jesuits in touch with the native Indians (figure 1). The prominence of the terraced land was strategic, as it guaranteed good visibility but at the same time difficult access for potential enemies. After erecting a very humble construction that served as church, school and living quarters, on January 25, 1554 (Saint Paul’s day) the first mass was celebrated, officially founding the settlement of São Paulo. Shortly after, in 1560, São Paulo’s settlement was elevated to the status of “village” which then received the representatives of Portugal transferred from the neighboring village of Santo André. By 1570, it is estimated that the settlement had between 200 to 300 people, divided into three groups with diverging interests: the Jesuits were there to catechize native Indians, the government officials to establish domain over unexplored inlands, and the settlers were interested in potential fortunes, slavery and the trading of Indians and their women.

This exploratory notion that the Portuguese government had towards its colonies is a crucial characteristic that distinguish Brazilian cities from the ones in Hispanic America. According to the seminal work Raízes do Brasil, by the historian Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, the Portuguese settlers were solely opportunistic about the new lands, not seeing them as formal extensions of their country. On the other hand, with the Leyes de las Indias, the Spanish government “applied insistently in the military, economic and political predominance of the kingdom over the conquered lands, through the creation of a large nucleus of stable population, permanent and ordered.” In São Paulo, this difference of approaches is visible from the first open space implied by the initial constructions. To the Spanish government, every city would begin from the delineation of the main plaza, with pre-established dimensions and proportions. Then, from the center of each side of the plaza, a street would be laid out, in addition to the side ones. The rest of the city would follow orthogonally to these streets. Conversely, São Paulo’s Pátio do Colégio (literally school patio) formed by the Jesuits’ rough buildings was amorphous, and the subsequent constructions were scattered around the triangular plateau with no apparent spatial logic. The lack of geometrical concern is also visible through the limits imposed by protection walls erected soon after São Paulo assumed the official condition of village. The criterion for the location of these walls was solely related to their construction technique – rammed earth that had to stay as far as possible from water runways. For this reason, the walls were generally constructed along ridges, giving the settlement a rudimentary perimeter. The city’s first set of walls surrounded an area of approximately 200-250 meters by 300 meters in length (figure 1C), accommodating a population of about 200-300 paulistas (only 60-80 of them were officially considered “citizens,” the rest being slaves, mistresses and servants). Located amidst fairly pacific tribes, the settlement was not long confined by the physical imposition of the walls. Although the “urban” nucleus was definitely around Pátio do Colégio, rustic constructions began to appear outside the protected area, such as the Santo Antônio eremitic chapel built in 1592, and the Igreja do Carmo (Carmelite’s church) in 1594. In fact, it was by cultivating areas outside the walls along the Tamanduateí River, that the population would subsist from for the initial five decades. In the last decade of the 1500s, the walls were slightly expanded in order to accommodate the growth of population, then estimated in 500-700 people (officially 120-180 citizens). This expansion was almost a prediction that something important would happen. In 1600, learning that gold had been found far inlands, Viceroy Dom

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São Paulo Today

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Francisco de Souza decided to transfer himself from Salvador to São Paulo, with the agenda of organizing expeditions in the search for metals inlands. Another visible urban transformation was the construction of São Paulo’s Igreja Matriz (Main Church, figure 3), between 1598-1612, a few meters south from the initial Jesuit convent. The “plaza” created in front of the new church was of natural importance, and in many senses it remains symbolic nowadays, even after many spatial iterations. The Mining Period: 1600-1711 With the news that metals had been found in the new continent, São Paulo became a point of departure for incursions to unknown Brazilian lands, through semi-military enterprises called bandeiras organized by the viceroy. In addition to the clear objective of finding gold, the government was interested in setting bases inland, and in capturing Indians for slavery. Transactions of slaves, cattle, vegetables, and supplies to the bandeiras were somewhat centralized in São Paulo, driving the slow growth of the village. It was in this period that some of the most important religious buildings were erected outside the settlement walls. In fact, they were at the “vertices” of the triangular acropolis: the Benedict order was established in 1630 at the northern tip; the Franciscans built their church between 1640-1643 and their adjacent convent was opened in 1647 (figure 5), at the southwestern vertice. These two monasteries, with the Carmelite’s Church of 1594 at the remaining southeastern vertice (figure 1I) would, for the next 250 years symbolize the territorial limits of urban São Paulo. In 1693, the bandeiras expeditions finally resulted in the discovery of gold in the Minas Gerais region, about 500 kilometers north inland. Even with the remoteness of the new lands, São Paulo kept a certain political importance given its mercantile characteristics of supplying food, animals and tools to the mining population. Moreover, São Paulo was also one of the possible shipping routes from the distant inland mines to the sea, using the port of Santos (the competing route was through Rio de Janeiro), and by 1700 the village already numbered 210 houses accommodating about 840 people. As a result, in 1711 São Paulo was officially elevated to the category of “city.” The territorial growth outside the limits of the initial walls was fairly substantial. It was in this period that the first street was officially demarcated in São Paulo. The extension, almost sarcastically named Rua Direita (Straight Street), went from the Main Church to the 14

Santo Antônio Chapel. Perpendicular to Rua Direita is the Rua São Bento, the north-south axis that visually connects the Benedictine monastery to that of the Franciscans. With the Rua XV de Novembro, parallel to the Tamanduateí Valley, the city had then officially recognized its form. All the subsequent streets in the acropolis were based on these three sides of the triangle. The Shift from Gold Mining to Agriculture: 1711-1882 During the exploration of Minas Gerais, São Paulo itself grew up slowly, if compared to the following economic cycle that began in the mid-1700s. Sensing that the mines were becoming scarce in gold, and that the excess of workforce could create social problems, the Portuguese government supported an economic shift towards agriculture – mainly the planting of sugarcane. Sugar was an expensive product in high demand throughout Europe, and in effect the new plantations made possible the territorial occupation of a large coastal extension of the Americas. In the highlands of what is now São Paulo State – along the Paraíba Valley which connects the cities of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo – sugarcane plantations succeeded very well, demanding that new roads to the sea be opened in order to ship the product to Europe. With the opening of Estrada de Lorena to Santos, São Paulo reinforced its central position as a mercantile city. The nearby village of Sorocaba became the stopping point and marketplace of cattle coming from the southern areas of Brazil. The trail from São Paulo leading west to Sorocaba allowed for the second expansion of agricultural lands, originally occupying the eastern part of São Paulo state. This economic shift from remote gold mining to a more fixed agriculture is of fundamental importance to the city of São Paulo. There were, finally, conditions for the consolidation of an aristocracy around the city.

figure 2 | São Paulo’s Sequence of Initial Walls from Reis, Nestor. São Paulo: Vila, Cidade, Metrópole. (São Paulo: Takano, 2004), 20 and 25.

Another important shift occurs in 1765, with the prohibition of the slavery of Indians. From then on, all the workforce had to be exclusively of African slaves, which made the importance of trading (and the new fortunes) much higher. In 1775, the number of constructions in São Paulo finally occupied the “triangle” implied by the three churches. By the turn to the 19th century, the consolidation of the trails from São Paulo en route to many other villages and agricultural lands made the city extend its occupied territory. In terms of density, it was clear the acropolis was the center, but many new constructions would now appear along the diverse trails exiting the city. In 1822, the year that Brazil became independent from Portugal, São Paulo had an estimated population of about 7,000 people, signalling sig-

figure 3 | The Plateau with the Initial Settlement Photomontage from “Mapa da Imperial Cidade de São Paulo, ca. 1775). Ibid., 19.


nificant growth that demonstrates its consolidation as an important trading city. The Brazilian Imperial Period: 1822-1889 The independence from Portugal, and the installment of a Brazilian monarchy, did not produce any substantial change to the quotidian life of São Paulo. Perhaps the most important fact is that, without the excessive taxation by the Portuguese government, more money from sugar exportation could stay in Brazilian hands. For our analysis of the evolution of São Paulo, this period is easily characterized by two very distinguished phases: before, and after the opening of the railroad in 1867.

figure 4 | The Historical Triangle Diagram showing the three religious orders in relation to São Paulo’s triangular acropolis. Ibid., 23.

figure 5 | Plan of the Imperial City of São Paulo Probably the oldest official map of São Paulo, ca. 1775. Overlay diagram showing Rua Direita (shorter) and Rua São Bento by the author. Ibid., 66.

In terms of urban conditions, the first forty years of the Brazilian Imperial system provoked only discreet changes to São Paulo. In fact, from 1840 to 1860, the attention was turned to the rural lands, where sugarcane was gradually replaced by coffee, a product that found better adaptation to the highland soils, and allowed for much better profitability in the European market. The exportation of coffee beans attracted English investments, which made possible the first railroad in Brazil in 1860, running from the seaport of Santos progressively into the western lands beyond the city of São Paulo. With the opening of Estação da Luz, the first train station in São Paulo, the rural aristocracy felt mobile enough to engage the life in the city, and to invest their coffee fortunes in urban properties. By 1867, the city had a population of 26,000 inhabitants. In the following years, the increase was even steeper, reaching 65,000 people in 1890. The economic growth brought by coffee, in conjunction with the railway, made the expansion of the city more visible. The already consolidated downtown flourished as a commercial and financial center, and many other areas beyond the initial acropolis were urbanized. Perhaps the most symbolic signal of growth is the construction of the Viaduto do Chá in 1892, a bridge connecting the terraced lands above the Anhangabaú Valley, realizing a centennial desire of the city to expand towards the highlands on the west (figure 6). This pivotal piece inaugurated a new area of expansion, the so called Centro Novo (new downtown). Geographically, the new bridge put Anhangabaú Valley – what was once one of São Paulo’s natural limits – as the main open realm of the city. Moreover, the creation of an eminent urban society allowed for an intellectual exchange that culminated with the abolition of slavery in 1888. Many political tensions led to this decision, which was late in Brazil compared to the rest of the Americas. As a result of the discontentment with the conservative monarchy, the military

(supported by São Paulo’s aristocracy demanding for more participation in the government) assumed command in 1889 proclaiming the Federal Republic of Brazil with Marechal Deodoro da Fonseca as interim president.

Intro

The Urbanization of São Paulo: 1889-1930 In an attempt to negate all the colonial and imperial exploratory past, and to emphasize the backwardness of the previous regimes, the progressive Republican government had as its main agenda the consolidation of urban centers throughout Brazil, which were then in terrible sanitary condition. In São Paulo, public investments in the modernization of basic infrastructure – both in the existing and in the new parts of the city – were crucial to attend the extreme growth in population, which went from 65,000 in 1890 to 131,000 in 1893. As a more visible sign of progress, the government and the new urban aristocracy practically adopted the French Beaux-Arts architectural vocabulary, in order to rebuild virtually the entire city of São Paulo. As historian Reis Filho points out, “Brazil’s ruling classes saw themselves as representatives of European civilization in the tropics; they were set on absorbing its latest technology and culture and applying them locally.” It also became a norm in the aristocratic neighborhoods to open parks, either commissioning French architects, or finding inspiration in English gardens. It is in this period that the Anhangabaú Valley, assuming the character of the most important open space of downtown, was landscaped by the French designer Joseph Bouvard. The Jardim da Luz also gained special attention, with the location of the adjacent train station, consolidating the area as one of the most important new neighborhoods of São Paulo. Many other parks were either constructed or renovated in this fertile period of growth, such as the Praça da República in Centro Novo, and Parque Villon at Paulista Avenue. The importance given to green spaces in urban areas became then visible. From this period, in addition to the boom of private buildings, we can observe the construction of many governmental, institutional and cultural facilities. They had a tendency to be located along the Anhangabaú Valley, as for example the notorious Municipal Theater and the Main Postal Office, both architecturally eclectic buildings by the prolific (if not nearly monopolistic) design firm of Ramos de Azevedo. In the old city core, the historical Igreja Matriz was being replaced by the Metropolitan Cathedral of Sé, a large neo-gothic structure built from 1913 to 1970.

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The light company established itself in São Paulo in 1900, and in the following year electric tramways were implemented in São Paulo’s downtown. The boundaries of the city were also transformed by the quick diffusion of automobiles since 1909, and the first bus lines since 1924. As in many other cities, the advent of automobiles allowed for a much faster territorial expansion in a booming city like São Paulo. During this period, aside from the population growth naturally attracted from rural areas to the City of São Paulo, there was a massive immigration movement, which the Brazilian government heavily promoted in order to replace the abolished slave workforce. Many new immigrants had come from urban centers in Europe, and could not fit in the agrarian living conditions in Brazil. Often times, coffeebarons would have to enforce the stay of the workers in their farms by making them sign agreements and permanent loans (indentured servitude). But many immigrants ended up in the new cities of Brazil. Some historians estimate that the urban population in São Paulo at that time was composed of 50-70% of Europeans. This abundant mix of different cultures (especially Italian and German) is key to the formation of São Paulo. Political and artistic thinking found fertile ground in this paulista society, with the Semana de Arte Moderna (Week of Modern Art) of 1922 being the most important icon of cultural expansion of this period. At the same time, the affluence of new populations to the urban area – immigrants from Europe, and migrants from the rural lands – made possible an incipient industrial sector in São Paulo, in addition to boosting the demand for commercial activities. Symptomatic of this new society are the successes reached by two newcomers to Brazil: Matarazzo – for many decades the largest industrialist in South America, – and Martinelli, who erected the first skyscraper in São Paulo, with 30 stories constructed between 1922 and 1929. The variety of social classes were now physically expressed in the city by the distinct character of the new neighborhoods. The upper classes had gone from the first downtown to the new areas of Campos Elíseos (named after “Champs Elysées” in Paris) or Higienópolis (literally, “hygienic city”). In addition to the Viaduto do Chá from 1892, the city could also overcome the Anhangabaú Valley with the Viaduto Santa Ifigênia bridge from 1913 that connects the Largo São Bento (the square in front of the Benedictine Monastery) to the new neighborhood of Santa Ifigênia on the new side of the city. São Paulo also expanded substantially southwards in this period. The Paulista Avenue – along the highest ridge of the city – was opened as an exclusive address for coffee-baron mansion, inspired 16

by Parisian boulevards (figure 7). Some areas further south of this avenue were urbanized including English city-garden elements, such as low-density constructions, and curved and landscaped streets. In addition to upper class residential neighborhoods, for the first time São Paulo also assigned areas with industrial character, mostly along the railroad (east-west direction) and flatlands. With them, adjacent workers’ neighborhoods were formed. Often, factories would build humble housing blocks, renting the units to their preferred employees. Many other workers would informally occupy older houses in Centro Velho, subdividing them as smaller and precarious units, and sharing a limited number of bathrooms and kitchens – a common housing alternative known as the cortiço (tenement building). Many rich families had simply abandoned their downtown houses, moving to the new and well-served neighborhoods such as Higienópolis, instead of waiting for the urban renovation of downtown to reach their houses. The renovation of Centro Velho, with the provision of water and sewage systems, and the widening of roads, was indeed slow-paced, occurring from 1898 until 1918.

figure 6 | Urbanized Anhangabaú Valley The valley landscaped by French Architect Joseph Bouvard. Anonymous postcard, ca. 1900. From Toledo, Benedito. São Paulo: Três Cidades em um Século, 2.

The demand for workers’ housing was so extreme that self-construction of houses in the peripheries is noted as early as 1897 in the neighborhood of Tatuapé. These turn-of-the-century new “peripheries,” and the new industrial neighborhoods are, in addition to the historical downtown, essentially the emptied areas of nowadays São Paulo. The urban transformations in the following period will set the basis for this emptying process in the city, so relevant to this study. The New Republic: 1930-1960 São Paulo’s developing character of an industrial city is consolidated after Wall Street’s Crash of 1929, an event that caused the collapse of the coffee market, and consequently of the traditional agrarian structure in Brazil. With the shift to agrarian diversification, and the implementation of substitution industries (in order to attend to the large internal demand affected by discontinuous importation of products between the World Wars), São Paulo had established its tendency to become a metropolis. Automotive modes of transportation were being rapidly diffused, demonstrated by the early preoccupations of urbanist Prestes Maia in his “Plan of Avenues” of 1924 (figure 8). The theoretical diagram shows the option for a radio-centric model, with downtown as the converging point of many avenues leading to the peripheries, and with a few ring-roads connecting them at different distances

figure 7 | Paulista Avenue Newly opened avenue at the highest ridge of the city, accommodating coffee-baron mansions. Early 1900s photograph from São Paulo’s Municipal Library collection. Ibid., 175.


from the center. In the 1930s, some of these avenues began to be opened, especially on the spaces known as “bottom of valleys” that remained naturally unoccupied. This process became the government’s priority in the city, making visible the migration of public investments from smaller and more qualitative features of urban design to the indiscriminate opening of roads leading to new peripheral areas.

figure 8 | Theoretical Diagram Plan of Avenues Prestes Maia’s roadway plan for São Paulo, based on a radio-centric model. From Rolnik, Raquel. São Paulo (São Paulo: Publifolha, 2004), 32.

The prevalence of investments in roadways was also evident at regional, and later at national scales. The construction of the roadway from the seaport city of Santos to São Paulo, and from São Paulo to the western city of Campinas began in 1939 and was concluded by 1947, giving greater flexibility to the transportation of goods and of people. This focus on roadways detracted further investments from the railway, so utilized during the coffee economic period. The most important Brazilian roadway in commercial terms, the connection between São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, was opened in the early 1950s, and the opening of the roadway from Rio de Janeiro to Bahia allowed for the migratory movement from northern rural lands that so much characterized urban growth in southern Brazil. Compared to its earlier rate, São Paulo grew slowly in the period from the world economic crisis of 1929 until the end of São Paulo’s Constitutional Revolution in 1932. But its speed of growth was rapidly restored and by 1940, the city already had 1.3 million people. With the end of WWII and with new investments in industrialization, São Paulo by 1950 had a population of 2.2 million and by 1960 3.7 million, finally outpacing Rio de Janeiro. The intense expansion of São Paulo from the mid-1940s onwards is mostly explained by the transition of the Brazilian economy towards heavy industry, and by the opening of new roadways connecting major Brazilian cities – a paired process that simultaneously created and attended remote demands for the new production. This policy was intensified in the government of President Juscelino Kubitschek from 1956, whose slogan was to make the country progress “fifty years in five.” With major investments in the production of oil and energy, Kubitschek made possible the implementation of heavy industries throughout the country. São Paulo was by then both the most attractive market and the most propitious place for new industries. Under Kubitschek’s guidance, nearly the entire automobile production was implemented in São Paulo’s region known as ABCD (Santo Andre, São Bernardo, São Caetano, and Diadema). With the opening of many other factories of foreign companies, São Paulo became not only the most important urban center of Brazil, but also a reference worldwide.

This industrialization process occurred at the fringes of São Paulo, more specifically along the new expressways, which were implemented at the valley lines where continuous extensions of flatlands made easier the construction of large factory plants. The need for easy vehicular transportation access at a national scale and for large sites, made the early 1900s’ land locked industrial areas built around the rail lines obsolete. Thereafter, the city observed the emptying process of the central industrial neighborhoods (Barra Funda, Pari, Belém, Moóca) at the adjacencies of downtown São Paulo. In order to attain this industrial growth, it became important to maintain the influx of unskilled migrants from the rural areas of northern Brazil, a cheap and submissive labor force that adequately suited the work of heavy industries. With this population explosion came a massive need for low-income housing, which clearly the city was not able to provide. This is the turning point in São Paulo’s urbanism. With the social implications of this outrageous growth of a non-educated, underserved and under-remunerated population, it became convenient for politics to adopt a populist flavor. This political approach oscillated between omission and connivance towards the informal development that took place in the peripheries of São Paulo. The gradual implementation of the radio-centric model suggested by Maia’s Plan of Avenues, combined with the primacy of autobuses as main public transportation, allowed for an unorganized territorial expansion that well fitted the scenario of lack of housing. As long as the problems were invisible to the formal city, it became convenient to let low-income workers invade or buy parcels of land from opportunistic agents, and to let them self-construct their own “residences.” Widespread informal construction and uncontrolled territorial expansion in the wake of an immediate need for housing, were key factors for the beginning of the now generalized problem of favelas in São Paulo. With the physical limits of the city so extrapolated from the previously known territories, downtown was no longer the only commercial area of the city. Since the mid-1950s the upper classes’ attention was turned to Paulista Avenue, with the transference of many offices and luxurious commerce from downtown to that region. This process in which the upper class offices and commercial activities move away from stabilized to new areas of development, replicates itself continuously in waves even nowadays.

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São Paulo Today

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Consolidation of the Problems: 1960-2000s In the early 1960s, downtown São Paulo had no longer the most expensive rent in town, due to the strong movement of offices and banks to the Paulista Avenue area, according to Brazilian urbanist Raquel Rolnik. With the opening of Conjunto Nacional in 1957, the first multi-use complex on Paulista Avenue, the upper class had finally an option beyond the consolidated downtown with all its undesirable mixture of classes. This was the period that Brazilian modern architecture flourished, expressing its vocabulary in the many new towers along the highest ridge of the city, which corresponds to the new avenue. Paradoxically, while the old center was being left solely for the economically lower classes, one of the most expensive known urban elements was brought to downtown: the intersection of the first two subway lines was implemented exactly at Sé Plaza, the main cathedral plaza. At a local scale, among the many clear impacts caused by this important transportation change, one could highlight the problem derived from the technocratic approach in design that characterized the construction of the subway system in the 1970s. For its main hub and transfer station, for example, the designers decided to demolish an entire city block, in order to connect two plazas, Sé Plaza and Bevilacqua Plaza. This was seen as a heroic creation of a large democratic space, in the heart of the city. Within this sloped plaza, sculptures, a cascading reflecting pool, and stepping planters were constructed around a large skylight that directs natural light to the underground station. A visit to the plaza today demonstrates that such a heavy-handed approach can be disastrous. The resulting open space is out of scale with its surroundings, poorly used (except by the homeless population), and further contributes to the sense of insecurity that plagues downtown

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cars. With the multitude of bus lines arriving downtown from the omni-directional peripheries, gradually traditional streets and plazas in the old city center became bus terminals flooding public spaces with a daily contingent of low-income workers. Attempts to create formal bus terminals failed to organize commuters’ fluxes, since they still have to walk across downtown in order to reach the subway, or to transfer buses from terminal to terminal. The flux of commuters became so overwhelming that in 1976, Mayor Olavo Setubal decided to close off from vehicular traffic most of the traditional streets in the area of the historical triangle and Centro Novo (figure 9). Given the many bus terminals and subway stations downtown, the idea was interpreted by the government as a sign of respect towards human scale, somewhat inspired on the premise of modern urbanism to separate automobile from pedestrians. Indirectly, this approach accomplished another modernist premise: the separation of functions into distinct territories. With the pedestrianized streets, downtown became mostly commercial (and one could add squatter housing), clearly an impossible option for the middle or upper classes to reside or work in, given their dependence on private cars. Historically, the exodus of major business and office tenants, paired with the negative effects of a poorly coordinated mass transit system on the public realm, were the basis for the deterioration of downtown since the 1960s. Downtown as a totality has been transformed into a huge and amorphous transportation transfer station, with all the typical implications associated with that kind of use (dirtiness, petty criminal activity etc). Yet, downtown stores would often have the most expensive rents in town (simply a result of the heavy pedestrian traffic). Store owners are reluctant to invest in renovations or maintenance of historical buildings, since their customers are low-income commuters looking for cheap products.

At a metropolitan scale, this arrangement of subway lines came to reinforce the centrality of downtown, already suggested with Prestes Maia’s “Plan of Avenues” and progressively implemented since the 1930s. In fact, with the historical option to structure the city’s transportation based on private automobiles and bus lines, the implementation of the subway system in the 1970s should be seen as a late remediation of an already chaotic situation.

Cortiços became a common residential product in downtown and in the early industrial neighborhoods surrounding it. A symbol of downtown’s degradation is the Martinelli building, the city’s first high-rise tower built in the 1920s and once the most glamorous address in the city. By the mid-1970s, it had become a large cortiço, housing 2,000 squatters. According to historian Nestor Goulart, when the government decided to intervene and renovate the building, 200 trucks of garbage had to be taken away from the old ventilation shafts before any renovation work could begin.

As mentioned in the previous subchapter, the informal growth of the peripheries, with the simple demarcation of an avenue and precarious bus lines, became the default connivance of the government towards the private sector, in order to avoid addressing the extreme demand for low-income housing. Public transportation has been and still is relegated to the lower classes who cannot afford private

If downtown had just become a territory for the least privileged, and the extreme peripheries were built with that intention, diagrammatically the upper classes were left with an area in the city that resembles a “ring”. This area corresponds to what is called the “expanded center” of São Paulo, that is to say, the subsequent por-

figure 9 | Pedestrianized Streets São Bento Street on a typical weekday. Photograph by Caio Mattos, 1995 conceded to the author by Viva o Centro Association.

figure 10 | Southwestern Vector of Development Base map by Laboratório de Urbanismo da Metrópole - LUME (School of Architecture and Urbanism at University of São Paulo), 2004.


tion of the city that was developed after downtown, equipped with good infrastructure, open spaces, and all the urban amenities that the old city could not provide in such a dense environment.

figure 11 | Typical Social Housing Approach Photograph by Nelson Kon from Regina Meyer and others. São Paulo Metrópole (São Paulo: Edusp, 2004), 271.

However, even within this well-regulated formal city, a harmful dynamism has also to be observed. The Paulista Avenue region, so successful in the 1960s also suffered from a partial exodus of offices after the opening of Faria Lima Avenue further south, where São Paulo’s first shopping mall was constructed in the 1970s. From the late 1980s to the 1990s, some office space was then transferred to the Berrini Avenue, and more recently to Marginal Pinheiros. This fast-paced depletive relocation of the most prestigious office spaces (and somewhat consequentially, the upper class residential sector) is referred to as the “southwest vector” of development (figure 10). It implies exactly the notion of a quick leap from barbarism to decadence, without the benefit of maturity, that Levi-Strauss pointed out about São Paulo from the 1930s, and also the replacement of what was once a periphery of low-income housing, with trendy office towers. São Paulo has grown from the inside out, feeding a “machine of social exclusion” as defined by urbanists Carlos Vainer and Ermínia Maricato. This is historically characterized firstly by the connivance of the government to hide the poor in the peripheries opened at random by opportunist developers (the creation of self-constructed favelas), and secondly by facilitating the living conditions of middle and upper classes who tended to be concentrated in a limited area of the city. The remoteness and segregation of the lower classes became somewhat institutionalized with the São Paulo Metropolitan Housing Company’s (COHAB-SP) policy from the 1970s of building large scale housing complexes in the extreme edges of the city (figure 11). Lacking amenities, such as retail, community and cultural facilities, as well as access to mass transit and economic opportunities, these single-use complexes became institutionalized ghettos, spurring the formation of favelas around them. According to Rolnik, there is no doubt that this pattern of segregation and social exclusion was a time-bomb, resulting in the generalized violence that currently affects São Paulo.

figure 11 | Informal Commerce Dirtiness is among the many problems caused by the many camelôs (street vendors) downtown. Photograph by Caio Mattos, 1995 conceded to the author by Viva o Centro Association.

Urban violence is a very pertinent issue to the understanding of São Paulo. According to Brazilian architect Angelo Bucci’s interpretation, while in the year 2000 the metropolitan area of São Paulo had an official population of 17,878,703 inhabitants, 26,085 lives were lost directly or indirectly due to urban problems. The sub-divided numbers would be: 11,455 from homicides, 3,028 from transit accidents, 719 from suicides, 6,817 children dead before oneyear old, and 4,066 born dead. Bucci explains that the three last categories are indirectly, but still associated with urban violence in the metropolis – where to him, the lack of basic infrastructure and

dramatic income inequality are themselves acts of violence. Territorial and social exclusion are pronounced and ubiquitous, with the upper classes not only building fortresses around their condominiums, but also protecting themselves with bodyguards and armored cars. To the most wealthy paulistas, the solution is to be as removed as possible from the reality of the streets, commuting on helicopters from their apartment towers to their office towers. São Paulo has the largest helicopter fleet in Latin America and the third globally (behind New York and Tokyo), and has the largest number of helipads ( four times greater than New York). These are the conditions the upper classes find themselves in to minimize the risks of robbery or kidnapping while caught in the daily traffic jams of São Paulo. The shift from an industrial to a service-based metropolis came naturally to São Paulo, and with it, a higher dependence on individual transportation modes. Now, production is everywhere and producers of “goods” are more distributed within the metropolitan area. As a result, traffic conditions have been typically as bad as 100 kilometers of daily congestion, even with the adoption of the rodízio system in 1997, in which 20% of the private cars are not allowed to circulate during peak hours one day of the business week, according to their plate numbers. The deindustrialization process of São Paulo since the 1980s is not as accentuated as commonly imagined, but rather characterized by a shift in modes of production, with the progressive re-engineering of machinery, and the dispersion of factories from traditional rail corridors and roadways to multiple small plants spread in the peripheries or much larger facilities outside São Paulo. The massive need for unskilled labor no longer exists, making impossible the absorption of such a large contingent of workers in the new paulista economy. Therefore, between 1980-1991, 760,000 people left São Paulo, while the city presented a modest growth of 1.2%, and an even lower 0.4% between 1991-1996. In the last measurement (2000-2010), growth returned to the city at 0.75%, although at a much lower rate than the 1950’s @ 5.4%, or the 1960’s @ 4.8%. However, although the city proper seems to be stagnating, a closer analysis reveals a pattern of population migration to areas in adjacent municipalities, such as Vargem Grande Paulista and Santana do Parnaíba (with 8.4% and 7.9% growth, respectively), as the lack of affordability and available land for development within the city pushes the boundaries of the urban agglomeration outwards. At the same time, it is also important to notice that the fastest growing stratum is of low-incomers, reflected in the growth of alternative housing in favelas. It is now estimated that two million people reside in these shantytowns, that

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is to say that 20% of the city of São Paulo lives in absolute minimal conditions. The following tables (next page) attempt to illustrate São Paulo’s dynamics of growth. The challenging social conditions visible in the expansion of favelas in the peripheries, are exacerbated by the lack of physical and social infrastructure. Despite recent efforts to provide better public services in these areas (with investments in social housing and community centers), periphery residents still experience much greater levels of urban violence and fewer economic opportunities. Job informality is still exceedingly high when compared to other areas of the city..This level of informality is perceptible in the number of camelôs (hawkers) making their living by selling products on downtown sidewalks, for example (figure 11). Recent attempts to remove these informal vendors have been controversial, with some critics accusing the city of hygienist practices. Those in favor of curbing camelôs argue the practice nourishes a sophisticated ecosystem of contraband and piracy clearly at odds with the law. In the specific case of downtown, camelôs contribute to the aspect of congestion, dirtiness, and petty crime associated with this scenario of informality. Nontheless, one could argue the worst is behind us. Paulistas are beginning to understand the harmful effects of poor planning and the abandonment of downtown, and are organizing themselves to demand more sustainable development from local authorities. An example of this was the creation, in 1991, of Associação Viva o Centro, a downtown advocacy group. The 2002 masterplan for the city, approved in 2002, also provides a clearer picture for the future urban growth of São Paulo, one that is more transit focused and less segregated. Greater and more consistent investment in public transportation, in light of the World Cup and Summer Olympics (to be held in Brazil in 2014 and 2016, respectively), will have a lasting positive effect in the city. Additionally, the 2010 census has revealed a significant paradigm shift in São Paulo. For the first time in over 30 years the downtown neighborhoods are gaining population again.

Growth Rate 1950/60

1960/70

20

1980/91

1991/2000

2000/10

Metropolitan Region

5.97

5.56

4.46

1.88

1.64

0.96

São Paulo

5.48

4.91

3.67

1.16

0.88

0.75

3.99 5.42 2.40 7.71 3.15 1.03 1.56

5.41 4.91 7.16 10.59 4.34 4.08 0.51 19.12 -

6.21 7.80 7.37 6.84 3.47 2.62 6.46 9.08

7.21 3.99 4.98 6.60 3.44 4.69 12.76 4.60 -

5.16 4.64 3.70 4.64 4.65 5.05 7.89 2.37 8.36

2.37 2.36 3.04 2.15 3.02 2.41 3.82 2.16 2.77

Municipalities with High Growth Rate Arujá Cajamar Cotia Itapevi Mairiporã Pirapora do Bom Jesus Santana de Parnaíba Taboão da Serra Vargem Grande Paulista

-

-

Source: IBGE - Censos Demográficos: 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980, 2000, 2010 Compiled by: Secretaria Municipal de Desenvolvimento Urbano/SMDU - Departamento de Estatística e Produção de informação/Dipro

1980

Municipality

8,493,226

Downtown Districts Bela Vista Bom Retiro Cambuci Consolação Liberdade República Santa Cecília Sé Brás Moóca High Growth Peripheral Districts Anhanguera Vila Andrade

Growth Rate 1980/1991

1991

1.16

9,646,185

526,170

-1.24

85,416

-1.56

47,588

Growth Rate 1991/2000

2000

0.88

10 434 252

458,677

-2.24

71,825

-1.41

-2.47

36,136

44,851

-1.72

77,338

Growth Rate 2000/2010

2010

0.76

11 253 503

373 914

1.43

431 106

63 190

0.95

69 460

-3.35

26 598

2.45

33 892

37,069

-2.80

28 717

2.55

36 948

-1.35

66,590

-2.20

54 522

0.51

57 365

82,472

-0.71

76,245

-2.29

61 875

1.11

69 092

60,999

-0.49

57,797

-2.11

47 718

1.79

56 981

94,542

-0.88

85,829

-2.06

71 179

1.64

83 717

32,965

-1.74

27,186

-3.29

20 115

1.63

23 651

38,630

-1.28

33,536

-3.14

25 158

1.52

29 265

84,583

-1.45

71,999

-1.42

63 280

1.81

75 724

5,350

7.95

12,408

13.38

38 427

5.54

65 859

22,584

5.93

42,576

6.28

73 649

5.60

127 015

Source: IBGE - Censos Demográficos 1980, 1991, 2000 e 2010 Compiled by: Secretaria Municipal de Desenvolvimento Urbano/SMDU - Departamento de Estatística e Produção de informação/Dipro

In conclusion, São Paulo suffers of a multitude of urban problems that one can only panoramically convey here. It is critical that as the São Paulo metropolis continues to grow and evolve, it fully leaves behind its paradoxical pattern of development characterized by social segregation, outwards expansion, and depletion of the city’s core. Only then, paulistas will be able to enjoy – as Levi-Strauss noted - the benefits of a “mature city”.

1970/80


1980 - 1991

1991 - 2000

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2000 - 2010

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Urban History

Less than -3,95

São Paulo Today

-1,99 to -1,00 -0,99 to -0,50 -0,49 to 0,00 0,01 to 1,00 1,01 to 3,00 3,01 to 8,00 8,01 or Greater

Study Area

Growth Rates by District: Municipality of São Paulo Source: IBGE. Censos Demográficos. Mapping by: Secretaria de Desenvolvimento Urbano - SMDU / Departamento de Estatística e Produção de Informação - DIPRO

10km

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SÃO PAULO TODAY CURRENT MASTERPLAN (2002) The last revision of São Paulo’s Masterplan occurred in 2002 under Mayor Suplicy’s administration; another revision is under way today but the new version should not differ radically from the diagnosis and propositions that one can extract from the text and maps of the current masterplan: - The masterplan embraces the geomorphology of the city and its adjacencies by defining clear physical development limits: at the north with the Cantareira Range, and the south with the Guarapiranga-Billings reservoir system (maps 1, 5 and 8) - Paradoxically, these environmentally protected areas are subject to the illegal expansion of favelas. The city proposes to minimize the encroachment of ecologically sensitive areas with the creation of ZEIS (special zones of social interest) that define boundaries to informal settlements at the edges of the city, and promote affordable housing in the city center (map 7) - Downtown São Paulo’s strong sense of centrality in São Paulo is reflected by the radio-centric roadway and public transportation systems (maps 2 and 3, respectively) - Despite the historical concentration of economic activities near the city center (also known as “expanded downtown”), the masterplan proposes to build upon and consolidate neighborhood centers (map 4). That would benefit particularly the eastern zone of the city, trasditionally a low-income residential area with few employment opportunities - The areas with greater potential for urban transformation are highlighted in map 6. These are, essentially, centrally located industrial corridors in areas with excellent infrastructure, that are under transformation due to São Paulo’s new economic order (migration from heavy-industry to tech-industry/services) - The most important instrument available to the city, in order to promote the desired transformation of these industrial areas is the “urban operations” mechanism (see Biderman, page XX). The transformation of the Faria Lima and Berrini corridors were enabled by their respective urban operations. As these areas are exhausted, the city is directing development to other areas of the city, such as the neglected downtown, Barra Funda and Tietê The maps in the following pages are excerpts from the São Paulo 2002 Masterplan, which can be downloaded from the city’s website: http://www2.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/secretarias/ planejamento/plano_diretor/mapas/0001

- Downtown has the most flexible urban operation, providing generous development bonuses, as well as the best infrastructure in the city. The masterplan seeks to further densify the area to optimize decades of investments in subway lines and bus corridors that converge in downtown

- Note in map 9, the continuous area of urban operations called Diagonal Norte, and Diagonal Sul. They are located along the flood plain of the Tietê and Tamanduateí rivers, where industrial uses were located in the early 20th century to have direct access to the city’s rail corridors. As the rail corridors transition from freight to mass transit, these areas are increasingly sought after by developers - Due to their proximity to downtown, the development of these corridors should be well coordinated with investments and the transformation of the city center

Intro

Background Data

Furthermore, some details of the masterplan pose other speculations: - Urban operations have proven limitations. They are succesful when there is interest from the development community and few obstacles in assembling land. However, in areas with fragmented ownership such as downtown, the mechanism has been largely innefctive. Other mechanisms, such as the Urban Concession law (a form of eminent domain) have failed to jump start development. What other strategies could be used to catalyze investment in downtown? - there are pockets of ZEIS in the city center (map 7), defining areas for strictly affordable housing development. Traditionally, this appoach has lead to creation of institutionalized ghettos that are usually built by São Paulo’s housing authorities. What mechanisms and strategies can be utilized to promote affordable housing, yet attract private investors and create a more diverse sense of place?

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2002 SÃO PAULO MASTERPLAN MAP 06: OVERALL LAND USE AND ZONING This map indicates the extents of urban development in the city, with physical barriers to the north (the Cantareira Range) and south (thec ity’s reservoirs) - both areas of environmental protection. One can also notice pockets of single use: strictly residential areas (in many cases, historic susburban communties inspired by the garden-city movement that were eventually engulfed by the city) and lowland industrial areas now in transformation. Macro-zone Limit

MACRO-ZONE OF ENVIRONMENTAL PRESERVATION Full Protection Sustainable Use Protection and Recovery

MACRO-ZONE OF URBAN OPTIMIZATION Exclusively Residential Zone Industrial Zone to be Reprogrammed Mixed-use Zone

City Landmark Urban Park and Open Space Indigenous Reservations Water Water Protection and Recovery Boundary Environmental Protection Boundary Primary Road Netwwork (Level 1) Railway Ringroad in Operation Ringroad under Construction Ringroad (alternative route proposed by DERSA in 2002) São Paulo City Limit Neighboring City Limit 24


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2002 Sテグ PAULO MASTERPLAN MAP 04: PRIMARY NETWORK OF NEIGHBORHOOD CORRIDORS AND CENTERS The masterplan expects to reverse the current paradigm of job concentration in the expanded downtown. It promotes the poli-nuclearization of economic opportunities by reinforcing existing neighborhood centers. The masterplan antecipates that economic development in the primarily residential neighborhoods to the east of the city will gradually reduce the strain on existing infrastructure. The masterplan also expects to further enhance downtown as a metropolitan center

Existing Neighborhood Centers Existing Neighborhood Centers to be Expanded (Phase 1) Existing Neighborhood Centers to be Expanded (Phase 2) Edge City Community Centers - CEUs Existing Neighborhood Corridors (Linear Centers) Existing Neighborhood Corridors (Linear Centers) to be Improved City Landmarks Urban Parks Water Water Protection and Recovery Boundary Environmental Protection Boundary Existing Subway Station Proposed Subway Station Primary Road Network (Level 1) Railway Ringroad in Operation Ringroad under Construction Ringroad (alternative route proposed by DERSA in 2002) Sテ」o Paulo City Limit Neighboring City Limit 26


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2002 SÃO PAULO MASTERPLAN MAP 07: SPECIAL ZONES OF SOCIAL INTEREST Special Zones of Social Interest are, essentially, an affordable housing zoning overlay. The masterplan defines three distinct types of zones: (01) informal settlements at the city’s edge that protect vulnerable communities from displacement as well as control their encroachment on environmentally sensitive areas, (02) vacant or underutilzed areas adjacent to edge-city settlements, (03) existing low income areas that are centrally located and have a high risk of displacement, and (04) unbuilt plots within environmentally protected areas. map shows the occurrance of favelas, mostly in the peripheries of the city to the north and south, conflicting with environmentally protected areas.

ZEIS-01

Existing Favelas and Informal Settlements

ZEIS-02

Vacant or underutilized Areas

ZEIS-03

Existing Low Income Areas with Privileged Infrastructure

ZEIS-04

Unbuilt Land in Water Protection and Recovery Areas

Macro-zone Limit Urban Reference Existing Parks and Reserves Water Water Protection and Recovery Boundary Environmental Protection Boundary Existing Subway Station Proposed Subway Station Railway Primary Road Network (Level 1) Ringroad in Operation Ringroad under Construction Ringroad (alternative route proposed by DERSA in 2002) São Paulo City Limit Neighboring City Limit 28


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2002 SÃO PAULO MASTERPLAN MAP 09: URBAN OPERATION AND PROJECT OF STRATEGIC URBAN INTERVENTION This map points out the target areas for urban operations, essentially, the municipality’s vision for future growth in the city. The masterplan focuses on the continuous swath of industrial and underutilized land along the railway (defined as Diagonal Norte, Downtown and Diagonal Sul) using the urban operation incentives to direct development to those areas. The map also highlights areas for strategic interventions. Note that downtown has the greatest concentration of such projects

Proposed Relocation Site for the City’s Logistical and Distribution Center Existing Urban Operation Proposed Urban Operation

Strategic Project (Olympic Center) Strategic Project Strategic Corridor Intervention Linear Park (Ringroad) Primary Road Network (Level 1) Existing Parks Environmental Protection Boundary City Landmark Water Water Protection and Recovery Boundary Proposed Subway Station Existing Subway Station Ringroad in Operation Ringroad under Construction Ringroad (alternative route proposed by DERSA in 2002) Railway São Paulo City Limit Neighboring City Limit 30


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2002 SÃO PAULO MASTERPLAN MAP 10: URBAN DEVELOPMENT POLICY This diagram summarizes and maps the city’s approach to urban development for different macro-zones, based on their current conditions, levels of urbanization, and development potential

Built up and Consolidated Area Urban Optimization and Densification Partially Consolidated Area Urbanization and Requalification Full Protection Areas Sustainable Use Protection and Recovery

Environmentally Protected Area Water Protection and Recovery Area Proposed Subway Station Existing Subway Station

Linear Park (Ringroad) Ringroad in Operation Ringroad under Construction Ringroad (alternative route proposed by DERSA in 2002) São Paulo City Limit Neighboring City Limit 32


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URBAN OPERATION MECHANISM Large-scale Urban Interventions: the Case of Faria Lima in São Paulo Ciro Biderman et al. Large-scale urban redevelopment projects (termed grandes projectos urbanos or GPUs in Spanish) raise many questions about the impacts of subsequent urban development induced by the intervention. GPUs are characterized by an impact in a significant part of the city, often with the use of some new fiscal or regulatory instruments and the involvement of a large network of agents and institutions. These projects are expected to affect land prices, recycle existing or create new infrastructure and facilities, and attract other new buildings. GPUs as an urban policy instrument have been the object of considerable controversy and debate throughout Latin America. It is often argued that they promote social exclusion and gentrification, have limited effects in stimulating real estate activities, and require large (sometimes hidden) public subsidies that often draw fiscal resources from other urban needs. In spite of their increasing popularity in Latin America, there is little empirical evidence to support these criticisms. This article presents the case of a GPU introduced in São Paulo, Brazil, in 1996 as an “urban operation” to redevelop a middle-income area of mostly single-family homes that was to be traversed by the extension of the Faria Lima Avenue. The project is known as the Faria Lima Urban Operation Consortium (OUCFL). We examine economic principles that affect the fiscal performance of the project and its opportunity for value capture, evaluate changes in residential density, and analyze changes in income distribution and ownership structure. Finally, we offer some policy suggestions on how and when to use this kind of instrument based on these assessments. What is an Urban Operation? An urban operation is a legal instrument that seeks to provide local governments with the power to undertake interventions related to urbanistic and city planning improvements in association with the private sector. It identifies a particular area within the city that has the potential to attract private real estate investments to benefit the city as a whole. The proper city planning indexes (i.e., zoning and other regulations on construction coefficients, rates of occupation, and land uses) are redefined in accordance with a master plan, and investments are made in new or recycled infrastructure. An urban operation allows the municipality to capture (through negotiated or mandatory means) the land value increments associated with the subsequent land use changes. In contrast to other value capture instruments, these funds are earmarked or internalized within the perimeter of the project to be shared between government and the private sector for both investments in urban infrastructure and subsidies to private real estate investments to support the project itself. 34

Each urban operation in Brazil is proposed by the executive and approved by the legislative branch of the jurisdiction. In the case of São Paulo, this authority was created in the Lei Organica Municipal (Constitution of the City) in 1990, which was later inserted in the new Brazilian urban development law (Statute of the City of 2001). The first proposed projects were the Operation Anhangabaú (subsequently expanded as a part of the Downtown Operation and renamed Center Operation) (figure 1) and Água Branca, followed by the Água Espraiada and Faria Lima operations. After the approval of the city’s new Master Plan in 2001, nine other urban operations were generated. These thirteen projects are expected to affect 30 to 40 percent of the buildable area of the City of São Paulo. Financing Faria Lima The Faria Lima urban operation (OUCFL) was proposed and approved in 1995 with the aim of obtaining private resources to fund the public investments necessary to purchase land and install infrastructure in order to extend Faria Lima Avenue. These costs were deemed at the time to be approximately US$150 million, two-thirds for land acquisitions and one-third for the avenue itself. The project was heavily contested by many stakeholders on grounds ranging from the source of the funds (i.e., advanced out of the local budget through new debt) to neighborhood concerns (one of which managed to keep the floorarea-ratios [FARs] unchanged and legally excluded from the OUCFL zoning) and technical design issues. Technical studies carried out at the time indicated that it would be possible to take advantage of an additional potential 2,250,000 square meters beyond what was already permitted by the city’s zoning legislation, and the FARs were changed accordingly. These additional building rights were granted against a payment of a minimum of 50 percent of their market value using the existing “Solo-Criado” (Selling of Building Rights) instrument. OUCFL aroused great interest on the part of real estate entrepreneurs. This instrument nevertheless was also questioned for its lack of transparency, its project by project approach, and the arbitrariness in the way relevant prices were established and then used to calculate the value of the additional building rights. By August 2003 a total of 939,592 square meters, or nearly 42 percent of the available total of these 2,250,000 square meters, had already been licensed. More than 115 real estate projects were approved, including nearly 40 percent commercial buildings and 60 percent high-quality residential buildings. Nevertheless, the resources (approximately US$280 million) obtained from these approved projects had not fully compensated for the expenditures (US$350 million, including principal plus interest) associated with the expansion of the avenue, considering the high interest rates prevailing in Brazil for the

figure 1 | Downtown Urban Operation The city’s first urban operation was in dowtown EMURB, 1995


nearly eight years since the realization of expenditures. Thus, about 80 percent of the cost (albeit more than anticipated) has been recovered through the Selling of Building Rights process. Since July 2004 the compensation for these advance funds was obtained through an ingenious new value capture mechanism known as CEPAC, an acronym for a Certificate of Additional Potential of Construction. One CEPAC represents one square meter. The Introduction of CEPACs Although CEPACs were defined in Brazil’s Statute of the City of 2001, they were not approved by the CVM (Brazilian equivalent to the U.S. Security and Exchange Commission) as freely tradable in the Brazilian Stock Exchange until December 2003. The regulation establishes that the price of each certificate is defined by public auction and that the corresponding square meters of building rights (which also include use changes and occupation rates) expressed in each certificate may be executed at any time. The regulation also states that new batches of certificates can be issued (and sold through auction) only upon confirmation that the resources captured by the previous sale have been effectively earmarked to the project. To ensure this designated use, the revenues are deposited in a special account, not in the municipal treasury. From the perspective of the private investors this designation ensures the acceptability of this value capture instrument at its own valorization. By issuing a lower number of certificates than potential building rights—that is by managing their scarcity – the public sector may benefit from the valorization and thus be able to capture value “ex-ante” (Afonso 2004, 39). The final approval of CEPACs for OUCFL and all the necessary steps for launching them in the financial market occurred in mid-2004, and the first auction at the end of December 2004 generated nearly R$10 million (about US$4 million), corresponding to the sale of approximately 9,000 CEPACs out of an authorized stock of 650,000 square meters. The OUCFL certificates were sold at a face value of R$1,100 (about US$450) per square meter with no observed premium pricing as a result of the bidding process. This situation contrasts with that of the Água Espraiada urban operation, which was expected to be fully funded by CEPACs from its start. In its third auction, the certificates were already capturing R$370 per certificate against a face value of R$300 set for this operation. A more recent auction in Água Espraiada sold 56,000 CEPACs and captured R$21 million ($US9.5 million), reflecting a certificate price of R$371. This pricing contrast reflects the different original face values in the two projects. In the case of OUCFL developers bought (and stocked) building rights in advance, to benefit from the more flexible rules prior to the CVM approvals. The certificate price in Faria Lima started at more than R$1,100 because it is a more

valued area. In Água Espraiada developers were willing to pay more than the original face value because the certificates were less expensive and thus in greater demand. Land Price Implications The prices of vacant land and developed areas experienced a considerable increase in some blocks within the perimeter of OUCFL during the 1990s, but decreased in other blocks. Yet, the average square meter price of new real estate development fell throughout the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo (RMSP) in all price bands, when comparing the average price from 1991 to 1996 with those of 1996 to 2000. After controlling for a number of attributes associated with the changing character of the developments and their location, the price estimations showed an unequivocal relative increase after the operation was launched. The average price per square meter within the OUCFL perimeter increased from R$1.68 thousand in the 1991–1996 period to R$1.92 thousand in the 1996–2001 period, a 14 percent increase, while prices in RMSP decreased from R$1.21 thousand to R$1.06 thousand, a 12 percent decrease in the same period (R$1.95/US$1.00 in December 2000). Thus, the price per square meter in OUCFL was higher than that of RMSP by around 26 percent. The price per square meter in OUCFL was 38 percent higher than the average price in the RMSP in 1991–1996, and it increased to 81 percent higher in 1996–2001. Was this increase captured by the municipality as anticipated? Considering that the cost of construction in average is around R$1,000 per square meter, the 2004 auction (the only one so far) captured almost all of the value added at current prices. The previous preCEPAC system captured about 50 percent or more, depending on the capacity and success of municipal negotiators, and the correctness of the reference price. CEPAC now changes this percentage and the face value of the instrument may capture all the value increment or even more, depending on the relation of this face value to market prices, and on the results of future auctions. Comparing a redevelopment project financed totally by construction bonds (like CEPACs) and one financed totally with general property taxes, there is no doubt that the former is less regressive than the latter. Even with a progressive property tax, with rates increasing according to values, part of the costs would be paid by poorer households. This evidence that about 80 percent of the total cost of the project has already been recovered, combined with the auctioning of the remaining building rights through CEPACs and the impact of the property appreciation on the current property tax revenues, indicates that the project should not only pay its own way but actually generate a fiscal surplus for the city as a whole over the next five or seven years.

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35


In effect, the changes caused by substituting older single-family houses with new residential and commercial buildings resulted in a substantial change in property tax collection in the OUCFL area. Many lots and even entire blocks had been occupied by single- and two-story houses constructed since the 1950s. Many of these structures were eligible for a discount coefficient for obsolescence of up to 30 percent of the property tax. They were replaced with new, taller and higher-quality buildings for which the discount was null. Our estimates indicate that the differences in property tax collection by square meters constructed may have increased by at least 2.7 times and up to 4.4 times. That is, the average property tax per square meter increased to a minimum of R$588.50 up to R$802.50 from R$220.95 if the house was 25 years old, or from R$179.70 if the house was 30 years old. Social Implications The OUCFL case offers a unique opportunity to quantify changes in resident characteristics before and after the intervention, since data at the census track level is available for 1991 and 2000, and the intervention began in 1996. Our analysis of gentrification and displacement of poorer residents mainly confirms the findings of Ramalho and Meyer (2004) that the average income has increased relatively in most of the blocks inside the OUCFL perimeter. By Brazilian standards, the upper-middle class was displaced from the region by the richest 5 percent of households in the metropolitan area. The census data also showed that residential density fell between 1991 and 2000, from 27 to 22 residences per hectare, although these figures may be distorted because they reflect the ratio of total residences in the entire area, not an average of the ratios per plot where land use was converted. The data from 1991 indicated that the population was already leaving the OUCFL area before the approval of the urban operation, but this exodus intensified after 1996, generating vacant plots in the process of site-assembly to accommodate the new high-rise developments. At the same time, building density increased. The average number of floors per new building in the area increased from 12.6 in the 1985–1995 period to 16.7 in the 1996–2001 period. The number of housing units per building increased from 37.1 to 79.6 over the same periods. This apparent contradiction between decreased residential density and increased numbers of housing units is explained in part by the construction of commercial buildings that replaced many singlefamily residencies on small and average-sized lots. OUCFL induced considerable real estate concentration as the new commercial and residential buildings replaced the houses and required greater land areas for high-class architectural projects. The 115 projects approved between 1995 and August 2003 that requested increases in 36

the utilization coefficients required a total of 657 lots, or an average of 5.7 lots per project. The combination of the increase in income level and the reduction in household density indicates that the gentrification process advanced in and around the OUCFL region during the 1990s. Nevertheless, this is not a classic case of gentrification, where poor families are driven out of an area due to various socioeconomic pressures. In this case mostly upper-middle classes were displaced. Except for the small nucleus of remaining favelados (Favela Coliseu), the region was already occupied by people belonging to the richest segments of society. Some Policy Observations This article contributes to the debate about the social management of land valuation by furnishing real data assessments and economic elements. These elements have been missing from most analysis, and we believe that this gap in the literature has contributed to an incomplete interpretation of the implications of an urban operation and to mistaken public policy recommendations. Our conclusion is that the CEPAC funding mechanism itself does not increase the regressive characteristic of urban operations, since without those building rights bonds all the investment in redevelopment would be financed by general taxes. If the OUCFL project were inadequate in terms of income distribution, it would have been even worse without the value capture mechanism. Instead, CEPAC and the value capture mechanism used previously offered two desirable characteristics of any public investment: charging the new landowners is at least neutral in terms of income distribution; and the primary beneficiaries end up paying for the project. Furthermore, the urban operation mechanism offers incentives for redevelopment. Given that most projects increase land prices and drive out the poor from the region, it would be better to invest the entire municipal budget in small-scale projects. This is the opposite of what happened with the redevelopment of the adjacent highend Berrini area where developers decided how to concentrate their investment, resulting in even more income concentration than in the OUCFL area. Because of inaction by policy makers in that case, the municipality did not capture any value from Berrini, yet paid the entire cost of infrastructure. The use of building rights bonds may diminish the regressive aspect of land development, but to make a project truly progressive requires attention on the expense side, by funding all the investment through instruments like CEPACs. The main limitation on distributing benefits to the poor is that the law establishes that all funds collected through value capture (CEPACs or other instru-


ments) must be invested within the perimeter of the intervention. One way to make these interventions more progressive is to invest in activities that will furnish spillovers to the poor, such as public transit, education, and health. Moreover the relevant legislation allows the administration to select an area inside the perimeter of an urban operation and declare it a zone of special social interest (ZEIS) where lots can be used only for low-income social housing. Another alternative is to establish social housing areas within the perimeter of the urban operation. By subsidizing low-income housing with money from developers and new landowners, there would be no distortion in prices outside of the housing industry. The subsidy results from segmenting the market and transferring the extra rent to poor households. This is real social management of land valuation.

Intro

Background Data

Urban History

S達o Paulo Today

Study Area

figure 2 | Region of Faria Lima Urban Operation Photograph from Regina Meyer and others. S達o Paulo Metr坦pole (S達o Paulo: Edusp, 2004), 233.

Additional Resources

37


PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION IN SÃO PAULO São Paulo has a small but growing metro system, and is crossed by major railway lines, reflecting the city’s history as a centre for trade. While these railway corridors are dominated by freight, city transport planners are examining options for running more passenger services along them.

PATTERNS OF TRAVEL

Data | Moving in the City London School of Economics (LSE), 2012

Car and taxi 30.2%

Walking 32.9%

The lead agency for transportation policy development and transit operations within the state of São Paulo is the Secretaria de Transportes Metropolitana (SMT). Serving as the umbrella organization, the SMT oversees three operating agencies — Empresa Metropolitan de Transportes Urbanos (EMTU), Companhia do Metropolitano do São Paulo (Metro), and the Companhia Paulista de Trens Metropolitanos (CPTM).

30%

Private bus companies with municipal contracts, however, have traditionally provided the bulk of the public transport. Each municipality within São Paulo operates its own bus service. The EMTU is responsible for the planning, inspection, and management of intercity bus operations within the Metropolitan São Paulo. In particular, it ensures compliance to routes, schedules, and maintenance standards.

33%

37%

Train 2.6% Metro 6.1%

Bus 28.2%

200

PATTERNS OF CHANGE AND MOBILITY IMPLICATIONS 200

REGISTERED VEHICLES

CITY POPULATION IN WALKING DISTANCE OF RAIL AND METRO London

150

N ew Y ork London

150

GROSS VALUE ADDED/ CAPITA

N ew YHong ork K ong Hong Copenhagen K ong

POPULATION 100

Copenhagen S tockholm S tockholm

100

B ogotá

B ogotá

Sã o Paulo

TRAFFIC SPEED EVENING PEAK 50 1993

50

19931995 1995 1997 1997

1999 1999

2001 2001

2003 2003

2005 2005

2007 2007

20092009

2011 2011

All variablesare are indexed: 1993=100 All variables indexed: 1993=100

38

Los A ngeles

Los A ngeles

0

R es idents J obs

R es idents J obs

Sã o Paulo

0

10%

10% 20%

20%

30%

30%

40%

40%

50%

60%

50%

60%

Thisthe chart showsof the proportionresidents of metropolitan residents and jobs 500 metres (5 tometro 10 minutes’ This chart shows proportion metropolitan and jobs within 500 metres (5 towithin 10 minutes’ walk) of rail, and bus walk) of rail, metro and bus rapid transit stations. Indicators produced byGIS LSEanalyses Cities through censusdata. and transport networks data. rapid transit stations. Indicators produced by LSE Cities through of census GIS and analyses transport of networks


Intro

Aeroporto de Guarulhos

Existente/ Expansão Existing/ Expansion Modernização Modernization

E Arujá CECAP

Vila Aurora

Estação Station

Estação a ser desativada Station to be Deactivated

Estação/ Terminal Futuro Station/ Future Terminal

Estação com elevador Station with elevator

Estação de Integração - gratuita Integration Station - Free Interchange

B

Background Data

N ov a

Estação de Integração - tarifada Integration Station - Paid Interchange

la Vi ão U ni

METRÔ

Linha 3-Vermelha: 22km

METRÔ

Line 3-Red: 22km

a

C El am ís p eo os s

pé ia

METRÔ

Linha 2-Verde: 14,7km + São Mateus: 13,1km

Line 2-Green: 14.7km + São Mateus: 13.1km

ir at

Po m

Linha 1-Azul: 20,2km

Line 1-Blue: 20.2km

qu

Ti

Bandeirantes

t gº lar En ou G

F

Linha 4-Amarela: 14,3km

VIAQUATRO

Line 4-Yellow: 14.3km

Linha 5-Lilás: 9,2km

METRÔ

Line 5-Lilac: 9.2km

Linha 7-Rubi: 60,5km

CPTM

Linha 8-Diamante: 42,3km

CPTM

Linha 9-Esmeralda: 32,8km + Varginha: 4,5km

CPTM

Line 7-Ruby: 60.5km

Line 8-Diamond: 42.3km

Cotia

Line 9-Emerald: 32.8km + Varginha: 4.5km

D

CPTM CPTM

Linha 12-Safira: 38,8km + Suzano: 2,7km

CPTM

nt e ra tó Sã rio o Lu C am ca s Vi ilo la Ha T d Vi ols dad la tó i Ja Uni rd ão i Sa m P po la Fa pe nal da ze mb to Ju nd a ta a

Line 10-Turquoise: 34km + Express ABC: 25.2km Line 11-Coral + East Express: 50.8km

Line 12-Sapphire: 38.8km + Suzano: 2.7km

O

V Pr ila ud e

Linha 10-Turquesa: 34,0km + Exp. ABC: 25,2km

Linha 11-Coral + Expresso Leste: 50,8km

Linha 13-Jade: 11,5km

CPTM

Linha 17-Ouro: 7,7km

METRÔ

da

n

Line 13-Jade: 11.5km

Line 17-Gold: 7.7km

Expresso Turístico

cr

iZ

ai

A

CPTM

C

hu

Touristic Express

Ponte ORCA - tarifada ro Á E gu Jo spr a sé ai D ada in iz B ro ok lin C on Pa go uli nh sta as

V C ila or de i

EMTU

Orca Shuttle Service

A Corredor São Mateus-Jabaquara-Morumbi: 44km

17

Ouro

Jardim Aeroporto

São Mateus-Jabaquara-Morumbi Bus Corridor: 44km

EMTU

B Corredor Guarulhos-São Paulo (Tucuruvi)-Ticoatira: 19,8km EMTU Guarulhos-São Paulo (Tucuruvi)-Ticoatira Bus Corridor: 19.8km D Corredor Perimetral Leste (Jacú-Pêssego): 26,8km

EMTU

E Corredor Arujá-Itaquaquecetuba: 13km

EMTU

Perimetral East (Jacú-Pêssego) Bus Corridor: 26.8km

Arujá-Itaquaquecetuba Bus Corridor: 13km

F

Corredor Alphaville (Carapicuiba-Cajamar/Polvilho):15km Alphaville (Carapicuiba-Cajamar/Polvilho) Bus Corridor:15km

EMTU

G

Corredor Itapevi-Cotia: 8,5km Itapevi-Cotia Bus Corridor: 8.5km

EMTU

Bicicletário Bike Parking Terminal

Urban History

São Paulo Today

Paraciclos Bike Attaching Post

Bicicletário com empréstimo de bicicleta Bike Parking & Rental Terminal Estacionamento de Carro Integrado Integrated Car Parking

Study Area

Figure 1 | Metropolitan Transport Network METRO, 2013 Additional Resources

39


DEVELOPMENT PATTERNS Dwelling of Wealth and Dwelling of Poverty: Closed Condominiums and Squatter Settlements Suzana Pasternak and Lucia Bogus (2005) From the fragmented city to closed condominiums “(…) throughout the twentieth century, social segregation assumed at least three different patterns of urban space expression. The first lasted from the end of the 19th century to the 1940s and produced a concentrated city where different social groups were squeezed in a small urban area and segregated by type of dwelling. The second urban pattern, the center–periphery pattern, dominated the city’s development from the 1940s to the 1980s. During this phase, different social groups lived far apart: middle and highincome classes are concentrated in central neighborhoods with suitable infrastructure and the poor lived in precarious and distant peripheries. Although city residents and social scientists still conceive and discuss the city in terms of the second pattern, a third pattern has emerged since the 1980s and significantly changed the city as well as the metropolitan region. By replacing the center-periphery pattern, recent changes are generating spaces where different social groups are often close to each other, but separated by tall walls and security technologies, and tend not to circulate or interact in common areas. The main instrument of this new spatial segregation pattern is what I refer to as fortified enclaves” (CALDEIRA, 2000: 211). Until the mid-1970s, homes and apartment buildings constructed on conventional urban lots were the only housing options for the City of São Paulo’s population. Apartment buildings were always constructed on more central areas and were usually intended to middle-class families. High-standard dwellings accommodated high-income population, while low-income families lived in peripheral areas, often in self-built homes as already pointed out. Exceptions to such pattern were found in tenement buildings and squatter settlements existing in several regions of the city, but still close to central areas and closed condominiums recently built by real-estate developers’ initiative. The first vertical condominiums appeared in the City of São Paulo still in the late 1950s. An innovative intervention on the part of building companies, whose performance in the Higienópolis neighborhood, a residential area close to the downtown area, offered a new type of apartment building with significant front and side space, underground garage, and back space intended for car parking. The Bretagne and Louveira buildings are worth mentioning because, 40

“subject to a new type of lot organization, such buildings comprised true exceptions to the traditional implementation scheme, with differentiating form and volume from the building construction of that time” (MACEDO, 1987:159). The 20-floor Bretagne became the tallest apartment building in the area and a landmark due to its broad recreational area provided with swimming pool, playground, games-room, party-room, bar and other facilities encouraging sociability among dwellers of any age. Such apartment building can be considered the precursor of the vertical condominiums that spread throughout almost all city areas as from the 1970s. In 1973, the first large closed vertical condominium – Ilhas do Sul – made up of 5 apartment buildings was built in the Alto de Pinheiros neighborhood located in the west area of the city. In a large landscaped area the complex sheltered a true club provided with sports courts, swimming pools, movie-theater, in addition to facilities and services for the exclusive use of residents such as day care center, child recreation school, and sports school. At that time the appeal was the comfort – rather than the security provided by living in a walled area – of living in a place where several requirements were available without having to travel long distances, therefore eliminating transportation problems. Such residential solution gradually reached other city areas, and vertical condominiums became a housing solution also for the high-income population who, due to the escalation of urban violence, started to search new housing options offering comfort and security in sophisticated city areas. On the other hand, and on the back of urban violence increase, closed horizontal condominiums proliferated. Their precursor was landmark “Alphaville”, located in the municipality of Barueri in the metropolitan periphery. Similarly to the first vertical condominium in São Paulo – Ilhas do Sul –, the first appeal of the Alphaville condominium was not the security issue, which at that time was not yet a problem. It was the new lifestyle offered by green areas far from the hubbub and pollution of the large city, but close enough to residents’ workplaces and schools. However, the daily need to drive on a heavy-traffic roadway to get to the City of São Paulo almost made the sale of lots unfeasible. The long time it took to sell such lots almost led the building company in charge of the enterprise to bankruptcy. The main boost to Alphaville occupation and expansion occurred in the mid-1980s, when providers of several essential services such as schools, banks, stores, supermarkets, etc. were established in the condominium’s surrounding area. At first there was a limited number of horizontal walled residential complexes provided with extensive common areas with sports and recreational facilities and exclusive service provision, which were intended to higher-income groups given the high price of the land

figure 1 | Paraisópolis Favela Extremes of wealth and poverty in São Paulo Source: Tuca Vieira, FSP


where they were built. As from the 1990s, however, that housing option was rapidly extended to lower-income population. Walled condominiums with smaller and less equipped common areas and smaller floor space, based on simpler construction standards, started to be built in less sophisticated areas of the City of São Paulo and the metropolitan region. The entrepreneurs responsible for implementing closed vertical condominiums first sought cheap large tracts of land located far from the downtown area such as the region comprising Vila Andrade and Morumbi districts, whereas the entrepreneurs responsible for closed condominiums opted for the cities of Barueri, Santana do Parnaíba, and Cotia. Therefore, they created new expansion areas in the City of São Paulo and the metropolitan region, focusing on the west and south regions, which until then were poor and unpopulated areas. On the other hand, the entrepreneurs responsible for closed horizontal condominiums were interested in the possibility of implementing them in strictly residential zones (Z1), with strict occupancy levels, where verticalization is forbidden, and are usually the city’s most valued neighborhoods. Today the location of such enterprises in the City of São Paulo and the metropolitan region is changing. The so-called Law of “Vilas” (the Portuguese word for a dead-end alley with identical houses) of 1994 authorized indiscriminate implementation of horizontal condominiums in all residential zones of the City of São Paulo, becoming instrumental for the implementation and proliferation of such enterprises in the city. Realestate marketing has also significantly contributed to expanding such enterprises. Controversial issues regarding responsibility for roadway system construction, service maintenance, and especially controlled access – which actually involve discussions between the public and private authorities – are still pending. As already mentioned, closed condominium proliferation in the City of São Paulo (as in other Brazilian cities) cannot be explained solely by the concern with security, although this is a recurring argument. There is also the search for status, for acquiring distinctive symbols of power, because people in our society are differentiated by their consumption capacity – understood here as a dimension involving life projects and lifestyles. In fact, the emergence of closed condominiums and allotments in the City of São Paulo is part of a more encompassing process, characterizing a new pattern of spatial segregation and social inequality in the city. This new pattern is gradually replacing the wealthy-center vs. poor-periphery dichotomy with other types of

segregated, fragmented, and heterogeneous spaces. Violence escalation is only part of the argument involving realestate and marketing strategies to sell condominiums. However, such strategies are the most exploited ones, persuading consumers who are daily bombed by the media with reports on violent crimes or even with data and records on public space insecurity. What is not always explicit is the appeal to the exclusiveness and status of living in such places, where residents’ social homogeneity is also seen as a guarantee of tranquility in terms of neighborhood. As far as publicity is concerned, living in closed horizontal condominiums creates an illusion of a perfect world. However some concrete measures taken by condominiums – tall walls, metal fences, sophisticated security systems – show a social organization expressing not only fear but also sociability and community-life patterns based on segregation, social discrimination, and social class distinction. Data on the launching of housing units in horizontal condominiums in the 1990s clearly show the growing trend of this type of housing both in the City of São Paulo and other cities of the Metropolitan Region, pointing to a consolidation of the new pattern. Charts 1 and 2 show this growth both in number of housing units located in horizontal condominiums and in number of condominiums themselves in the 1992-2000 period. It is worthwhile mentioning the growth in the number of condominiums in the City of São Paulo, located both in noble neighborhoods in the southwest and south regions of the city and in middle-class residential areas, where insecurity and fear encourage this type of construction. Chart 1: Housing units launched in horizontal condominiums per year

Intro

Background Data

Urban History

São Paulo Today

Source: Real Estate Bulletin published by EMBRAESP – Empresa Brasileira de Estudos do Patrimônio (Brazilian Company for RealProperty Studies) – 2002 Annual Report. Chart 2: Number of launched horizontal condominiums per year

Study Area

Source: Real Estate Bulletin published by EMBRAESP – Empresa Brasileira de Estudos do Patrimônio (Brazilian Company for RealProperty Studies) – 2002 Annual Report. It is significant that, since 1992 when EMBRAESP started collecting

Additional Resources

41


data on horizontal condominiums, total annual housing units launched in the SPMR have grown from 168 to 2,535 in only eight years, and total annual condominiums launched has gone from 4 to 70, as shown in charts 1 and 2. Although the data shown above indicate that the demand for closed condominiums is at full speed, the real-estate market admits that there is a slowdown trend. The reasons for this may be the shortage of tracts of land and their rough topography, difficult zoning ordinance compliance, and the reaction of traditional areas’ residents against the implementation of such enterprises. As regards this last factor, the arguments presented by residents’ associations are the urban deterioration that certain elite neighborhoods have been undergoing due to the disorganized proliferation of condominiums, higher population density, and destruction of green areas. However, what seems to be actually bothering the residents of those areas is the risk of losing exclusiveness. The existence of exclusive areas side by side with extremely poor ones raises radical issues as regards poverty and society. An urban war is somehow underway, a war of the wealthy against the poor. The wealthy and the middle class defend themselves. According to CLAVAL (1979:15), “space interferes in several manners with social life and, therefore, with the game of power.” It may represent a hurdle to community relations and prevent them. It also serves as basis for symbolic activity. In Rome, “the visual order and the imperialist power were inextricably connected. The emperor needed to have his power evidenced by monuments and public works. The government did not exist without stone”(SENNET, 1997:81). Affluent social classes’ current “weapons”, whose symbolic content cannot be dismissed, are closed condominiums, metal fences, flower pots on sidewalks, chains separating spaces. To such powerful bricks, the excluded respond with other forms of urban space appropriation. Such forms include squatter settlements. Who are the City of São Paulo’s squatter dwellers? How many are they? What is their specificity? How do they live and where are they located in this unequal and segregated metropolis? Squatter settlements in São Paulo In the Southeast region of Brazil, squatter settlements emerged more significantly in Rio de Janeiro than in São Paulo. The book organized by Alba ZALUAR (1998) expresses, in its name, the time of existence of such a housing alternative in the City of Rio de Janeiro: “Um século de favela” (A century of squatter settlements). The Portuguese word for squatter settlement (favela) seems to originate from a bush usually found in the region of Canudos. The soldiers of the Brazilian army returning from the war against 42

Antonio Conselheiro and his followers had no place to live in the City of Rio de Janeiro. They went to live in the Morro da Providência, where they were installed in shacks that spread as the favela bush found on the hills of the Canudos region. Hence the name given to this type of settlement. In addition, the urban remodeling implemented by Pereira Passos, changing the urban layout and structure of Central Avenue (currently called Presidente Vargas Avenue) and regularizing the building constructions in the periphery, like a tropical Haussmann, led the poor to seek shelter on the hills, where construction was not regulated. This reminds the event occurred in São Paulo in the region of water supply sources: excess zeal leads paradoxically to the total absence of rules. Urban contradictions. In São Paulo, the place of the proletariat with industrial jobs and self-built peripheral dwellings, squatter settlements were the exception to the rule. Statistical studies conducted in 1940 pointed to the existence of squatter settlements in Vila Prudente, in the Vergueiro area (now extinct), squatter settlements in the neighborhood of Lapa and Ibirapuera, the Ordem e Progresso squatter settlement (located in the place now occupied by the Barra Funda Court Building), and some few others. Up to the 1970s, the squatter population represented about 1% of the City of São Paulo’s population, whereas in Rio de Janeiro it attained more than 10%, similarly to Recife and Salvador. In São Paulo, in addition to IBGE data, there are other data collected by the Municipal Government since 1973. The first Register of Squatter Settlements was prepared in 1973. The definition applied was: “units located in parcels of land with ownership-related problems, generally precarious units, with deficient infrastructure, winding roads, disorganized urban space.” Such definition was preserved until the last 1973 survey, considering that the cutoff variable was the land’s legal ownership. In 1975, the Register of Squatter Settlements was updated using a helicopter flight. The percent of the population living in squatter settlements had already grown. In 1980, a field survey conducted by IPT/FAU – Instituto de Pesquisas Tecnológicas/Faculdade de Arquitetura e Urbanismo (Technological Research Institute/School of Architecture and Urban Planning) made it possible to renew the characterization of squatter population and dwellings. Data collected by Eletropaulo (São Paulo Electric Power Company) enabled an even more accurate estimate of the squatter population and domiciles: the implementation of a program called PRO-LUZ (a program to provide electrification to squatter settlements at subsidized rates) had already started. Therefore, the vast majority


of homes (Eletropaulo’s technical people estimated at 95%) were already connected to the electric energy network, thus enabling a reliable estimate of the number of dwellings. In 1987, SEHAB-SP (São Paulo Municipal Office of Housing and Urban Development) updated the Squatter Settlement Census. The use of census data showed about 335,000 squatter dwellers in 1980, and 711,000 squatter dwellers living in 147,000 domiciles in squatter settlements in 1991. In 1993 the FIPE – Fundação de Pesquisas Econômicas (Economic Research Foundation) updated the data upon request of the Municipal Government. The FIPE used the 1987 database, making a sampling recount. The result was impressive: 1.9 million squatter dwellers in the capital city! And this figure refers only to the increase in the population of squatter settlements already existing in 1987. The greater density of squatter population was substantial: already in 1987, the average demographic density in the City of São Paulo’s squatter settlements was about 400 inhabitants per hectare. In 1993, such density was already greater, with the occupation of the few free spaces within the squatter settlements. Squatter dwellings had verticalized. FIPE estimates were the subject matter of several controversies. To most scholars, the growth of the City of São Paulo’s squatter settlements was empirically verifiable, but hardly at such higher rates. It was known that census data underestimated the squatter population because only settlements with more than 50 domiciles were computed. However the difference between the FIPE survey and the 1991census data was beyond expectations. The populations and squatter settlements provided by Census Data differ to a great extent from the estimates of the Municipal Government and FIPE, as shown in the table below. Table 3 – Squatter settlements, squatter domiciles and population in the City of São Paulo

Source: Preliminary Synopsis of 1980 Census; 1991 and 2000 Demographic Censuses; 1996 Population Count A paper recently presented by the CEM – Centro de Estudo da Metrópole (Metropolis Study Center) at the 10th National Meeting of the ANPUR – Associação Nacional de Planejamento Urbano e Regional (National Association of Urban and Regional Planning) sought to revise the estimated squatter population in the City

of São Paulo. According to its authors “by comparing 1987 and 1993 information with the IBGE Demographic Census data, we developed a new low-cost methodology, potentially applicable to other urban contexts. The model is based on a geographic information system, enabling to estimate the population by comparing squatter settlement designs (Municipal Government’s) with census sectors’ (IBGE’s) designs. With this methodology we intend to simultaneously profit from the best features of Municipal Government’s data (and the definition of squatter settlement) and IBGE field work in demographic censuses.”

Intro

Background Data

The paper applies squatter settlement Cartography periodically generated and updated by Habi/Sehab (Municipal Housing Office) in the City of São Paulo and the digital maps of the 1996 census sectors. Population estimates were then obtained by using geographic information systems (GIS) to compare squatter settlement designs (Municipal Government’s) with census sectors’ (IBGE’s) designs using the overlay feature. It could be noted that Municipal Government’s designs and subnormal sectors’ designs of squatter settlement showed significant differences. Although there were squatter settlements completely overlaying subnormal sectors, there were also squatter settlements overlaying normal sectors and subnormal sectors not recorded as squatter settlements by the Municipal Government. For purposes of estimating the squatter population, the authors decided to use the density of sectors with high-level cartographic overlay of squatter settlements and subnormal sectors. The authors worked with four assumptions to obtain squatter settlement density. They eventually opted for considering an intermediate squatter settlement density between that of the group with 100% overlay of subnormal census sectors and Municipal Government squatter settlement designs (367-inhabitant/hectare density) and the density of the group with 80%-90% overlay (487inhabitant/hectare density). The authors attempted to update the Municipal Government’s cartographic database of squatter settlements with aerial photos of 2000 squatter settlements (approximately 8,400 photos) and a large number of field inspections (over 800 inspections) made in a joint effort by the CEM and the Habi. The cartographic database updating showed not only an intense growth process of squatter settlement perimeters in certain regions of the city, but also significant squatter settlement dismantling processes in other regions. The total number of squatter settlements exceeded that of 2000 (according to the IBGE, the City of São Paulo would have 612 agglomerations in 2000). As a result, the authors estimate that there were 196,389 domiciles and 891,673 people living in squatter settlements in the

Urban History

São Paulo Today

Study Area

Additional Resources

43


City of São Paulo in 1991, and 286,954 housing units and 1,160,590 squatter dwellers in 2000. The chart below summarizes several estimates. Squatter Settlements, Squatter Domiciles and Population City of São Paulo, Several Surveys

dwelling units are not connected to the sewer system; • Less possibility to capture underground waters from the borders of the dam; • Increase in water treatment costs; • Difficult use of the Billings dam for water supply and electric energy. In addition, most squatter settlements are located on the banks of waterways (59% in 1993), close to railroads (1.6% in 1993) and close to highways, in steep lands (30%) subject to floods and significant erosion. Therefore, they face a risk situation: risk for both the squatter dwellers themselves and the population as a whole, owing to the contamination of water supply sources and destruction of protected areas. In the City of São Paulo squatter population grows at higher rates than the municipal population: between 1980 and 2000, the squatter population grew at an annual rate of 5.12%, whereas the municipal population grew at an annual rate of 1.07% in the same period. And, similarly to municipal population growth, squatter population growth was peripheral (Table 4). Table 4 Annual growth rates, total population and squatter population

On the other hand, there are significant differences in living in a squatter settlement in 1973 and in 1993. In 1993, more than 90% of dwellings had electric energy, about 60% had access to the public treated-water network, and 75% of homes were masonry dwellings; whereas in 1973 only 1.3% of homes had outside masonry walls, and in 1980 65.4% were connected to the electric energy network and 33% had access to the treated-water network. City of São Paulo’s squatter settlement distribution Most squatter settlement units in the Capital City of São Paulo are located in the south quadrant, in the region of water supply sources; such proportion, that exceeded 40% in 1980, decreased slightly to 37% in 1993-94 owing to the increase in invasions in the north quadrant, in the Cantareira region. The consequences of such fact for the city are devastating: • Erosion and deforestation of north hills; • Pollution in the Cantareira area; • Degrading of the south water-supply-source areas, considering that 70% of squatter 44

Source: FIBGE, 1991 and 2000 Demographic Censuses, 1996 Population Count It is worthwhile mentioning that intra-urban dynamics of squatter settlements is changing to a certain extent: although between 1991 and 2000 squatter population growth rates in inner rings were negative, between 1996 and 2000 the squatter population living in inner and intermediary rings increased. In 1991 the proportion of squatter people in the inner ring population amounted to 0.48% and in the year 2000 it increases to 0.78%. In the intermediary ring population, such proportion was 4.79%, increasing to 7.19% in the year 2000. At first, this information seems paradoxical. However what one can clearly perceive in the urban fabric matches statistical data: several vacant lots beside railroads and viaducts in the downtown area have been occupied by new squatter settlements in recent years.


Distribuição das Favelas Município de São Paulo 2000

Intro

Background Data

“Favelas are agglomerations of dwellings with reduced dimensions, built with inadequate materials (old wood, tin, cans and even cardboard) distributed irregularly in plots almost always lacking urban and social services and equipment, forming a complex social, economic, sanitary, educational and urban order.” “Cortiço is defined as a unit used as a collective, multifamily dwelling; totally or partially presenting the following characteristics: a)made up of one or more buildings constructed on an urban plot; b) subdivided into several units which are rented, sublet or ceded on any ground whatsoever; c) several functions performed in the same room; d) common access and use of non-constructed spaces and sanitary installations; e) in general, precarious circulation and infrastructure; f ) overcrowding of people.”

Urban History

São Paulo Today

Distribution of Favelas 2000 City of Sao Paulo District Distrito Sub-prefecture Subprefeitura

Study Area

Favelas

0

6

12 Quilômetros

18



Fonte: Secretaria da Habitação, 2000; Secretaria Municipal de Planejamento – Sempla/ Depto. de Estatística e Produção de Informação – Dipro.

Additional Resources

45


Comparison Human Development Index (HDI) 2002 City of Sao Paulo European Region Asian Region Indian Region African Region

46

Social Exclusion/Inclusion 2002 City of Sao Paulo


The Southwestern Vector of Development Development attending the upper classes in São Paulo has historically demonstrated to occur in waves, unfortunately depleting territories and leaving behind built stocks in a very fast pace. In this sense, there could be said that the downtown has been suffering the most, especially because of the mono-functionality of its buildings (commercial) and the massive influx of commuters through extensive pedestrianized streets. The subsequent waves of development seem to suffer somewhat less of urban degradation.

Alphaville

Downtown

As an example, the migration occurred in the 1960-70s, moving the upper classes from the city center to the Paulista Avenue region, has been demonstrating to be more durable. Among the reasons for this continuity, one could highlight the multi-functionality of the area (commercial and residential), regular car access to the building garages, larger floor plates and so on. However, many newer or perhaps more prestigious companies have preferred to locate themselves along the Faria Lima Avenue, or more recently along the Pinheiros River in newer buildings.

Intro

Background Data

Urban History

With the promise of more leisure space and security, many paulistas are preferring to live in gated communities in the suburbs. The pioneering development called “Alphaville” began in the 1970s but was after the 1990s that it became very popular, with several residential communities and commercial centers. São Paulo Today

Paulista Avenue

Study Area

Pinheiros River

Faria Lima Avenue

Additional Resources

47


EMPLOYMENT PATTERNS The following maps illustrate the contradiction that raised from São Paulo’s formation in the past 50 years. The concentration of employment opportunities within the expanded center provokes the dramatic socio-economic differences between center and peripheries. One of the main causes of this problem was the implementation of many social housing projects in the eastern sector of the city by public policy (mostly in the 1980s), which engendered dormitory-neighborhoods with little social opportunities in many times institutionalized ghettos. This metropolitan arrangement is also responsible for the high demand for public transportation and roadways from those neighborhoods to the city center. Differently from the eastern sector, previous industrial neighborhoods (to the northwest and southeast, mostly) are facing the problem of unemployment, or rather adaptation for a new type of job. Modernization of industrial plants or their relocation for other areas outside São Paulo are resulting in a fewer demand for employees, and generally for more qualified ones. São Paulo is now a servicebased economy. However, informality of this economy is one of the main issues to be observed. It is estimated that only 38% of the workers in the city are registered, meaning that the vast majority of the businesses and employees do not pay taxes appropriately. In the cityscape, the most negative aspect is the number of street-vendors that one encounters by walking in the downtown or by a bus terminal. “Camelôs” as these peddlers are called, contribute to the aspect of urban degradation not only because of the physical congestion and dirtiness in the public space but also because of the merchandise commercialized, often products of contraband and piracy.

Social-Economic Profile by District Group I Group II Group III Group IV Group V

48

-1.86 to -1.01 (worst) -1.00 to -0.51 -0.50 to -0.01 0.00 to 0.99 1.00 to 2.48 (best)


Empregos Formais

Distritos do Município de São Paulo 2003

Number of Employments in the Commerce Sector Empregos do Setor de Comércio Distritos Município de 2003 São Paulo City ofdoSao Paulo

Number ofEmpregos Employments Service Sector no Setorin dethe Serviços Distritos do Município de São Paulo City of Sao Paulo 2003 2003

2003

PERUS

PERUS TREMEMBÉ

ANHANGUERA

PERUS TREMEMBÉ

SÃO DOMINGOS

VILA MEDEIROS LIMÃO

SÃO DOMINGOS

VILA MEDEIROS

LAPA

BUTANTÃ

RIO PEQUENO RAPOSO TAVARES

MORUMBI

VILA SÔNIA

VILA GUILHERME

MOEMA

TATUAPÉ

ARTUR ALVIM

CARRÃO MOÓCA

IPIRANGA

CIDADE LÍDER

JOSÉ BONIFÁCIO

ARICANDUVA

CIDADE TIRADENTES

SÃO LUCAS

VILA PRUDENTE

JARDIM SÃO LUIS

SÃO MATEUS

RAPOSO TAVARES

CURSINO

VILA FORMOSA

ÁGUA RASA

MOÓCA

CAMPO GRANDE

CIDADE TIRADENTES SÃO MATEUS

IGUATEMI

SAPOPEMBA SACOMÃ

JARDIM SÃO LUIS

CAMPO GRANDE

SÃO RAFAEL

CURSINO

CIDADE ADEMAR

SOCORRO

PEDREIRA

PEDREIRA

CIDADE DUTRA

CIDADE DUTRA

Background Data

GRAJAÚ

GRAJAÚ

GUAIANASES

CIDADE LÍDER ARICANDUVA

Distrito

JOSÉ BONIFÁCIO

IGUATEMI

Número de Empregos

up to 1,999 (16 districts) Até 1.999 (16 Distritos) 2,000 toa4,999 districts) De 2.000 4.999 (26 (26 Distritos) 5,000 toa8,999 districts) De 5.000 8.999 (33 (33 Distritos) De 9.000 14.999 (15 9,000 toa14,999 (15Distritos) districts) De 15.000 ou mais (06 Distritos) 15,000+ (06 districts)

MARSILAC

0

6

12

18

Quilômetros

SÃO RAFAEL

CURSINO

PARELHEIROS

Número de Empregos

CIDADE TIRADENTES

SACOMÃ

Distrito Subprefeitura

Subprefeitura PARELHEIROS

PARQUE DO CARMO



up to 3,999 (33 districts) Até 3.999 (33 Distritos) 4,000 to 9,999 (29 districts) De 4.000 a 9.999 (29 Distritos) 10,000 toa19,999 (15Distritos) districts) De 10.000 19.999 (15 20,000 toa49,999 (10Distritos) districts) De 20.000 49.999 (10 50.000 ou mais (09 50,000+ (09Distritos) districts)

MARSILAC

0

6

12

18

Quilômetros

Fonte: Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego - RAIS 2003; Secretaria Municipal de Planejamento – Sempla/ Depto. de Estatística e Produção de Informação – Dipro.



Fonte: Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego - RAIS 2003; Secretaria Municipal de Planejamento – Sempla/ Depto. de Estatística e Produção de Informação – Dipro.

JABAQUARA

JARDIM SÃO LUIS

PARQUE DO CARMO

JABAQUARA

SANTO AMARO

CAPÃO REDONDO

JOSÉ BONIFÁCIO

ARICANDUVA

SÃO LUCAS

VILA PRUDENTE

IPIRANGA

SAÚDE CAMPO BELO

Intro

GUAIANASES

CIDADE LÍDER

VILA FORMOSA

ÁGUA RASA

LAJEADO

ITAQUERA

ARTUR ALVIM

LAJEADO

SÃO LUCAS

VILA PRUDENTE

VILA MARIANA MOEMA

ITAIM BIBI

VILA MATILDE CARRÃO

BELA CAMBUCI JARDIM VISTA LIBERDADE PAULISTA

ITAIM PAULISTA

VILA CURUÇÁ

PENHA

TATUAPÉ

BRÁS

SANTO AMARO

CAPÃO REDONDO

CIDADE ADEMAR

SOCORRO

ITAIM PAULISTA

PINHEIROS

VILA MARIA

BELÉM

JARDIM HELENA SÃO MIGUEL

VILA JACUÍ

PONTE RASA

PARI

REPÚBLICA SÉ CONSOLAÇÃO

VILA ANDRADE

CAMPO LIMPO

VILA GUILHERME

ERMELINO MATARAZZO

CANGAÍBA

SANTANA

BOM RETIRO SANTA CECÍLIA

PERDIZES

MORUMBI

VILA SÔNIA

SÃO RAFAEL

CASA VERDE

BARRA FUNDA

BUTANTÃ

IGUATEMI

SAPOPEMBA

CAMPO GRANDE

LAPA

ALTO DE PINHEIROS

RIO PEQUENO

PARQUE DO CARMO

SACOMÃ

VILA MEDEIROS

VILA LEOPOLDINA JAGUARÉ

GUAIANASES

TUCURUVI

FREGUESIA DO Ó

JAGUARA

LAJEADO

ITAQUERA

ARTUR ALVIM

JAÇANÃ MANDAQUI

PIRITUBA

LIMÃO ITAIM PAULISTA

JABAQUARA

VILA CURUÇÁ

ITAQUERA

SÃO MATEUS

CAMPO BELO

VILA FORMOSA

ÁGUA RASA

IPIRANGA

SAÚDE CAMPO BELO

SÃO DOMINGOS

VILA CURUÇÁ

SANTO AMARO

CAPÃO REDONDO

JARDIM ÂNGELA

SAPOPEMBA SAÚDE

VILA MARIANA MOEMA

VILA ANDRADE

CAMPO LIMPO

VILA MATILDE CARRÃO

MOÓCA

SÃO MIGUEL

PENHA

TATUAPÉ

BELÉM BRÁS

BELA CAMBUCI JARDIM VISTA LIBERDADE PAULISTA

ITAIM BIBI

PONTE RASA

VILA MARIA

PARI

REPÚBLICA SÉ CONSOLAÇÃO

VILA JACUÍ

JARDIM ÂNGELA

VILA MATILDE

BRÁS

BELA CAMBUCI JARDIM VISTA LIBERDADE PAULISTA VILA MARIANA

ITAIM BIBI

BELÉM

VILA JACUÍ

SÃO MIGUEL

BOM RETIRO SANTA CECÍLIA

PERDIZES

PINHEIROS

MORUMBI

VILA SÔNIA

VILA GUILHERME

JARDIM HELENA

ERMELINO MATARAZZO

CANGAÍBA

SANTANA

PENHA

PARI

REPÚBLICA SÉ CONSOLAÇÃO

PINHEIROS

PONTE RASA

VILA MARIA

JARDIM HELENA

ERMELINO MATARAZZO

CANGAÍBA

SANTANA

BOM RETIRO SANTA CECÍLIA

PERDIZES

VILA ANDRADE

CAMPO LIMPO

CASA VERDE

BARRA FUNDA

VILA LEOPOLDINA ALTO DE PINHEIROS

RAPOSO TAVARES

TUCURUVI

FREGUESIA DO Ó

JAGUARA

JAGUARÉ

JAÇANÃ MANDAQUI

LIMÃO

BUTANTÃ

RIO PEQUENO

CASA VERDE

BARRA FUNDA

ALTO DE PINHEIROS

JAGUARÉ

CACHOEIRINHA

PIRITUBA

LAPA

VILA LEOPOLDINA

BRASILÂNDIA

JARAGUÁ

TUCURUVI

FREGUESIA DO Ó

JAGUARA

CACHOEIRINHA

JAÇANÃ MANDAQUI

PIRITUBA

BRASILÂNDIA

JARAGUÁ CACHOEIRINHA

ANHANGUERA

TREMEMBÉ

ANHANGUERA

BRASILÂNDIA

JARAGUÁ

Urban History

CIDADE ADEMAR

SOCORRO

PEDREIRA

Number of Employments in the Industry Sector of Sao Paulo 2003 Empregos City no Setor da Indústria de Transformação

CIDADE DUTRA

JARDIM ÂNGELA

Number of Employments in the Construction Sector Cityno ofSetor Sao da Paulo 2003 Civil Empregos Construção Distritos do Município de São Paulo

Distritos do Município de São Paulo

2003

2003

PERUS

PERUS TREMEMBÉ

ANHANGUERA

SÃO DOMINGOS

VILA MEDEIROS LIMÃO

ALTO DE PINHEIROS

PARELHEIROS

Number of Employments Número Empregos City of Saode Paulo 2003 up Atéto 9,999 9.999 10,000 to 19,999 De 10.000 a 19.999 20,000 to 29,999 De 20.000 a 29.999 30,000 to 39,999 De 30.000 a 39.999 40,000 to 49,999 De 40.000 a 49.999 50.000 ou mais 50,000+ 6 Quilômetros

VILA GUILHERME

PINHEIROS

MOEMA

TATUAPÉ

VILA MATILDE

BRÁS

BELA CAMBUCI JARDIM VISTA LIBERDADE PAULISTA VILA MARIANA

ITAIM BIBI

BELÉM

VILA FORMOSA

ÁGUA RASA

VILA MEDEIROS

LAPA

VILA LEOPOLDINA ALTO DE PINHEIROS

JOSÉ BONIFÁCIO

CIDADE TIRADENTES SÃO MATEUS

SACOMÃ

RAPOSO TAVARES

PINHEIROS

CAMPO GRANDE

MOEMA

VILA MATILDE

VILA FORMOSA

ÁGUA RASA

ITAIM PAULISTA

GUAIANASES

CIDADE LÍDER ARICANDUVA

LAJEADO

JOSÉ BONIFÁCIO PARQUE DO CARMO CIDADE TIRADENTES

SÃO LUCAS

VILA PRUDENTE

SÃO MATEUS

SACOMÃ

IGUATEMI

SÃO RAFAEL

CURSINO

CAMPO GRANDE

CIDADE ADEMAR

Study Area

SOCORRO

PEDREIRA

CIDADE DUTRA

CIDADE DUTRA

JARDIM ÂNGELA

GRAJAÚ

Distrito

Distrito

Subprefeitura

Fonte: Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego - Rais 2003; Secretaria Municipal de Planejamento – Sempla/ Depto. de Estatística e Produção de Informação – Dipro. Nota: Não Inclui Administração Pública

VILA CURUÇÁ

ITAQUERA

JABAQUARA

JARDIM SÃO LUIS

GRAJAÚ



ARTUR ALVIM

SAPOPEMBA SAÚDE CAMPO BELO

PEDREIRA

18

SÃO MIGUEL

PENHA

TATUAPÉ CARRÃO

MOÓCA

IPIRANGA

JARDIM HELENA

VILA JACUÍ

SANTO AMARO

CAPÃO REDONDO

CIDADE ADEMAR

SOCORRO

JARDIM ÂNGELA

BELÉM BRÁS

BELA CAMBUCI JARDIM VISTA LIBERDADE PAULISTA VILA MARIANA

ITAIM BIBI

PONTE RASA

VILA MARIA

PARI

REPÚBLICA SÉ CONSOLAÇÃO

JABAQUARA

JARDIM SÃO LUIS

VILA GUILHERME

ERMELINO MATARAZZO

CANGAÍBA

SANTANA

BOM RETIRO SANTA CECÍLIA

PERDIZES

VILA ANDRADE

CAMPO LIMPO

SANTO AMARO

MORUMBI

VILA SÔNIA

IGUATEMI

SÃO RAFAEL

CURSINO

BUTANTÃ

RIO PEQUENO

PARQUE DO CARMO

CASA VERDE

BARRA FUNDA

GUAIANASES

CIDADE LÍDER ARICANDUVA

SÃO LUCAS

VILA PRUDENTE

TUCURUVI

FREGUESIA DO Ó

JAGUARA

LAJEADO

JAÇANÃ MANDAQUI

PIRITUBA

LIMÃO

ITAIM PAULISTA

JAGUARÉ

SAPOPEMBA SAÚDE CAMPO BELO

SÃO DOMINGOS

VILA CURUÇÁ

ITAQUERA

ARTUR ALVIM

CARRÃO MOÓCA

IPIRANGA

SÃO MIGUEL

PENHA

PARI

REPÚBLICA SÉ CONSOLAÇÃO

VILA JACUÍ

PONTE RASA

VILA MARIA

JARDIM HELENA

ERMELINO MATARAZZO

CANGAÍBA

SANTANA

BOM RETIRO SANTA CECÍLIA

PERDIZES

VILA ANDRADE

CAMPO LIMPO

(29Distritos) districts) (29 (31Distritos) districts) (31 (09Distritos) districts) (09 (06Distritos) districts) (06 (07Distritos) districts) (07 (14 (14Distritos) districts) 12

MORUMBI

VILA SÔNIA

CAPÃO REDONDO

MARSILAC

0

BUTANTÃ

RIO PEQUENO RAPOSO TAVARES

CASA VERDE

BARRA FUNDA

VILA LEOPOLDINA

Distrito Subprefeitura

TUCURUVI

FREGUESIA DO Ó

LAPA

JAGUARÉ

CACHOEIRINHA

JAÇANÃ MANDAQUI

PIRITUBA

JAGUARA

São Paulo Today

BRASILÂNDIA

JARAGUÁ

CACHOEIRINHA

GRAJAÚ

TREMEMBÉ

ANHANGUERA

BRASILÂNDIA

JARAGUÁ

PARELHEIROS

Número de Empregos

up 1,599 (24Distritos) (24 districts) Atéto 1.599 1,600 toa3,599 (32Distritos) districts) De 1.600 3.599 (32 3,600 toa5,599 (12Distritos) districts) De 3.600 5.599 (12 De 5.600 8.999 (15 5,600 toa8,999 (15Distritos) districts) 9.000 ou mais (13 9,000+ (13Distritos) districts)

MARSILAC

0

6

12 Quilômetros

Subprefeitura

PARELHEIROS

Número de Empregos

18

up to 499 (36 districts) Até 499 (36 Distritos) 500 to 999 (23 districts) De 500 a 999 (23 Distritos) 1,000 to a1,699 districts) De 1.000 1.699 (19 (19 Distritos) 1,700 to a2,999 districts) De 1.700 2.999 (07 (07 Distritos) 3,000+ (11Distritos) districts) 3.000 ou mais (11

MARSILAC



Fonte: Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego - RAIS 2003; Secretaria Municipal de Planejamento – Sempla/ Depto. de Estatística e Produção de Informação – Dipro.

0

6

12 Quilômetros

18



Fonte: Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego - RAIS 2003; Secretaria Municipal de Planejamento – Sempla/ Depto. de Estatística e Produção de Informação – Dipro.

Additional Resources

49


GREEN SPACE AND ENVIRONMENTAL ISSUES Several environmental problems can be noticed in São Paulo, with its high number of vehicles and buildings. With approximately 5 million automobiles, the city is discharged of 5.6 ton of pollutants per day in the atmosphere (90% from the vehicles and 10% from the industry). The impact of that, specially in the winter, is the climatic inversion that keeps air pollution at the lower strata intensifying breathing diseases. Although the city has 92% of the households served with water supply, only 65% are served with the sewerage system. As a result of this lacking of domicile collection, plus of industrial sewerage and storm water, the conditions of the two main rivers in the city (Tietê and Pinheiros) are precarious. What could be an opportunity for leisure area and water transportation are perceived by the paulistas as degrading open sewers. The deficit of green space in the city is observable by the ratio green area per inhabitant. São Paulo has only 4m2/inhab when the minimum suggested by the World Health Organization (WHO) is 12m2/ inhab. In comparison, Rio de Janeiro has 60m2/inhab, Curitiba 55m2/inhab, and Brasília 120m2/inhabit. São Paulo is having this problem aggravated by devastating the swap of rainforest that goes from the city to the ocean (Mata Atlântica) at an alarming ratio. From 1990 to 1995, Mata Atlântica lost 668ha, and in the second half of that decade, another 1,109ha. At the same pace, there should be noted the problems of water contamination and deforestation of the surroundings of the reservoirs at the southern part of the city (Guarapiranga-Billings system), mostly by the illegal formation of favelas in supposedly environmentally protected areas. Regarding the old industrial areas along the Diagonal Sul, now in transformation and so central to our studies in São Paulo, cases of soil contamination (brownfields) should be a concern although there are no surveys of this expected problem. figure 1A | Deforestation Map Source: Atlas Ambiental Prefeitura de Sao Paulo, 2000 figure 1A | Vegetation Coverage Map Source: Atlas Ambiental Prefeitura de Sao Paulo, 1999 50


Intro

Background Data

Urban History

S達o Paulo Today

Urban Area with little or no vegetation Urban Area with vegetation Forest

Study Area

Forest in Urban Areas City Limit Main Roads Deforestation 1991-2000

Exposed Soil Water Registration Number

Additional Resources

51


EDUCATION In São Paulo, the municipality is in charge of providing public kindergartens and primary schools. The state, of providing high schools and the University of São Paulo (USP) among other higher institutions. The illiteracy rate in the city is of 5,2% somewhat better than the 12% of the rest of the country. However, public schools (to the general exception of the universities) are known for their weaken teaching and hence avoided by whoever can afford to attend private institutions. For college education, the inverse is closer to the truth, and those who were in good private high-schools are usually the ones admitted in the best public universities. USP has about 40,000 students in six campi – most of them in the “Cidade Universitária” campus in São Paulo City. Differently from many universities in the U.S. and Europe, there is little connection between the schools and urban context. The remote location of USP’s gated campus contribute little to the livability of the city. The few exceptions are the School of Law, and the School of Philosophy, both in the downtown area demonstrating to be important landmarks to the adjacencies. Academic research is concentrated in the city of São Paulo, although some important poles of technology should be noted: Campinas (with UNICAMP) and São José dos Campos (with ITA and EMBRAER). In the peripheries of São Paulo, where the demand for any public equipment is high, the previous administration (Mayor Suplicy 2000-04) began to implement the Unified Centers for Education (CEUs) which are essentially large-scale and fully-equipped schools, based on the idea of “escola-parque.” From the fifty programmed schools, about half were constructed so far and proved to be dramatically successful.

52


Intro

Illiteracy Rate, Population Aged 15+ 1979 - 1989 -2001

Atlas Seade da Economia Paulista Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação

Background Data

Produção Científica

Artigos Científicos Indexados (1) 1998/2002

Total

18.393 17.473 16.553

NumberNúmero of Published Scietific Research de Publicações Científicas, segundo Principais Municípios State of Sao Paulo 1998 - 2002 Municípios São Paulo Campinas São Carlos Ribeirão Preto São José dos Campos Araraquara Piracicaba Botucatu Jaboticabal Rio Claro

15.634 14.714

Número de Publicações

13.794

18.393 6.624 3.411 2.241 1.091 970 933 796 401 361

12.875

Urban History

11.955 11.035 10.116 9.196 8.276 7.357

São Paulo Today

6.437 5.517 4.598 3.678 2.758 1.839 919

Study Area

0

Additional Resources N O

L

53


URBAN VIOLENCE Urban Violence in São Paulo Nancy Cardia Background In 1940 about a third of all Brazilians lived in urban areas (12 million people) and by 1991 that number had increased to 70 percent of the population (123 million people). This rapid speed of the process of urbanization is one of the causes of the poor quality of urban life which contributes to the growth of violence, particularly violent crime, throughout Brazil. Lack of political power and of political efficacy by the majority of the population is also the cause of poor urban environments and violence. Rates of violent crime have been growing for the past three decades, particularly during the 1980s and 1990s. Homicide in the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo (population: 16,792,329, data for 1997)1 grew from 14.62 cases per 100,000 inhabitants in 1981 to 33.92 cases in 1993. By 1996, the rate reached 55.77 homicides per 100,000 persons which is double the Brazilian national average of 24.76 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants (Table 1: Homicide rates in the Metropolitan areas of Brazil, Salla and Souza, 1998). This lethal violence is affecting more young people, in a process that bears similarity to other urban centers in the Americas. Today homicide is the highest cause of death of young people in Brazil. The risk of death by homicide for males between 15 and 24 years old is much higher than that of traffic accidents. In 1995, in the Municipality of São Paulo, 430 young people between 15-24 years of age died as a result of traffic accidents compared to 2,080 homicides in the same age group. As in other countries, violence in Brazil is not homogeneously distributed throughout society. Homicide rates have risen all over the country, but the growth seems to be concentrated in the Metropolitan Regions. In five years São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro’s share of the country’s total homicide rate has increased from 38 percent of the total (1991) to 42 percent of all the homicides in the country (1996).2 Violence is concentrated in certain cities and within cities in certain areas. It victimizes young males living in the poorest areas of cities (the deprived areas at the peripheries of the cities which were opened up and made habitable by the people themselves) where the public services that now exist arrived precariously after people had settled the area. This pattern seems to be the same for São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Salvador, Recife, Vitoria and in most metropolitan regions in Brazil as well as in Cali, Bogota (Concha, 1998) or Caracas, Venezuela (Sanjuan, 1998). Violence has become a major public health problem; an epidemic that annulled part of the gains in male life expectancy resulting from the drop in the infant mortality rate.3 Decreases in life expectancy are a direct result of the growth of the homicide rate among young males.4 Homicide has become the first cause of death for 15-24 year olds in major cities. In 1991, the homicide rate for this age group totaled 185.1 homicides per 100,000 in Rio de Janeiro 54

and 170.7 per 100,000 in São Paulo. The numbers have continued to grow and in 1995 in São Paulo alone this ratio was 262.6 homicides per 100,000 for males between 15 and 24 years of age (Mello Jorge, 1998). We can only speculate as to the reasons for the growth of violence and crime since studies exploring the causes are still in progress. Rates of crime and violence increased even as the population growth in São Paulo’s Metropolitan region slowed down during the 1980s and the 1990s (from 1.88 percent per year during the 1980s to 1.39 percent per year during the 1990s). Political changes in Brazil may have played a role. During the last two decades, the country has gone from a dictatorship to a democracy while simultaneously experiencing a series of economic crises. The economic turmoil has had repercussions in the government’s ability to invest in the prevention of violence or in its repression. Throughout this period economic inequalities also grew, fueled by inflation and by instability in the job market and consequently in income. Democratic Consolidation, Economic Crises, Violence, and Crime In the midst of democratic consolidation, people in Brazil, as in other Latin American countries, are experiencing a widening in the gap between expectations and reality in terms of income, access to social services, and in the democratic process itself. The growth of homicide is rooted in multiple causes and has various impacts. It is the result of a near absence of social safety nets and of investments in urban life that have continued to give priority to the needs of upper income groups. The impact of the growth of lethal violence, although not homogeneously distributed, nevertheless affects the inhabitants of the metropolitan areas as it reduces quality of life in general and the economic vitality of the city in particular. Violence and the Economy The job market is undergoing major changes as a result of the economic crisis and of the measures adopted to stabilize the economy. The Metropolitan region of São Paulo is simultaneously experiencing a de-industrialization process (concentrated in the Municipality of São Paulo) and a re-structuring of the industrial sector in other localities of the Metropolitan Region. Many jobs have been eliminated, especially in automobile manufacturing, while the new jobs that have been created demand more and newer skills. Unskilled workers, who traditionally found a position in the building industry, are faced with the prolonged slowdown of this sector (due to lack of financing for home mortgages). Qualitative data from the Metropolitan region of São Paulo demonstrates the role the informal sector plays in the region’s economy: 20.3 percent of the economically active population, representing about 1,800,000 people, were unemployed in the informal econ-


omy in April 1999.5 Since Brazilian unemployment benefits are symbolic rather than substantial, it is no surprise that there has been considerable growth of the informal sector which consists of irregular jobs (temporary odd jobs) and of unregistered formal work (meaning no benefits- health, sick leave, retirement pension, or vacation).6 The rise in the number of street vendors is indicative of the vitality of the informal sector.

usually based on their physical strength—anyone that disagrees with the established rules does so at their own risk. The potential for violence resides in the absence of regulation from the state leaving this activity in the hands of entrepreneurs who set rules and enforce them according to their will. This form of “regulation” is not based on consensus between interested parties; instead, it is grounded in physical strength and the ability to intimidate and coerce.

While the informal job market fills the vacuum left by a retreating economy and structural unemployment, it comes at a cost. The connections between violence and the irregular or informal job market have been suggested in a study of unemployment, the job market, and violence in the United States (Crutchfield, 1997). In Brazil, public spaces in the commercial areas of the cities have been taken over by street vendors; this, in turn, enhances violence since the intensely occupied sidewalks are very attractive to petty thieves. The illegality of the street vendors also makes them prone to extortion from city officials and from police officers. The presence of this informal trade is seen by local store owners as unfair competition; to counter the competition, some store owners hire people to “put pressure” on vendors to move out. Finally, the intense competition for room in such areas fosters the emergence of “mafia” type activities: powerful groups—in terms of their capacity to inflict harm—start to demand payments for the use of the space and for protection. Not surprisingly considerable social and interpersonal violence are present in such areas.

Costs of Economic Crises, Unemployment: Social Mobility and the Drug Trade The costs of the loss of regular registered jobs and of the benefits associated with them still need to be assessed. What we can determine from many surveys and qualitative studies is that people’s feelings of social mobility have changed. There is a growing perception that the reduction of the formal job market reduces social mobility. Furthermore, studies by Minayo e Souza (1993) and Zaluar (1990), two researchers from Rio de Janeiro, have found that the reduction of “legal opportunities in the job market has been associated with the growth of illegal opportunities” in the drug trade. It is known that unemployment hits youth harder and the Metropolitan areas of São Paulo are no exception. In 1994, in São Paulo, the unemployment rate for youth between 18 and 24 years was already at 20.1 percent; this may explain some of the appeal of the drug trade.7

The need to find a means of economic survival combined with the absence of regulation by the state opens the gates for arbitrary actions from government officials (city workers and police officers) and from other interested parties. The street vendors are not the only example; the crisis in the public transport system coupled with the lack of jobs has led to a new industry of passenger transport vans. The Municipality has restricted the official number of these vans to 2,500; however, the number of actual vans in business is estimated to be between 11,000 and 30,000. It is a flourishing business met with all sorts of ambiguities from the public administration. With less than 500 city officials to oversee all public transport (composed of buses, taxis and vans), the system can be said to be uncontrolled. Since there is some fear by van owners that illegal vehicles will be confiscated, a “cloning industry” has developed. Plates, license, and chassis numbers from legal vehicles are duplicated and used on illegal vehicles. Also, since the route and their itineraries are not well regulated by government, informal “controllers” appear with inspectors. All this is part of regular business except that in this case the “controllers” are self-appointed. Once these informal “controllers” become “legitimized” on the basis of their “power”—

Unemployment of the head of the household is also growing. This is a new phenomenon since in the past unemployment seemed to affect other members of the household more. This type of unemployment has more of an impact on violence since it is considered to effect patterns of family interaction, children’s expectations, and family violence. The association between prolonged unemployment and psychological problems such as depression caused by low self-esteem is widely reported, as is the connection between low self-esteem and alcohol and drug intake. The producers of “pinga,” a very popular and cheap beverage distilled from sugar cane, are reporting record sales of their product—whenever unemployment soars their sales escalate. The availability and demand for cheap alcohol8 and cheap crack cocaine in São Paulo makes them attractive alternative sources of income for unskilled adults and for inexperienced youth trying to join the job market. Youth living in such areas are recruited by drug dealers to join in the trade because they have criminal impunity, they are cheaper labor than adults, and are more daring and willing to take risks. Also, since these parts of the city lack amenities most young people take to the streets just to be with friends and to “kill time.” Their presence in the streets is less likely to call attention from the police or other authorities, since it is expected that they socialize in such settings. Violence and the Criminal Justice System The growth of violence is also being indirectly encouraged by fed-

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eral, state, and municipal government budget cuts resulting in less resources to invest in law enforcement and in a modicum of social safety networks such as health, education, public services, and violence prevention programs. Even in the 1960s and 1970s, when Brazil had high rates of economic growth, the state had little resources (or political will) to control and oversee its law enforcement agents. However, during the economic crisis of the last two decades, this lack of control has escalated and resulted in more violence and corruption from police agents. People’s mistrust of the police forces has been maintained, if not enhanced. The state has continued to fail, as it did during the dictatorship, to provide universal protection for all Brazilian citizens. It still cannot guarantee the security of the people (O’Donnell, 1993). The Brazilian government has also failed to prevent violence by encouraging economic growth, providing a social safety network, effective law enforcement, improving the criminal justice system, and reducing selective impunity.9 Budget cuts have affected the criminal system as a whole—the courts, the police, and public prosecutors. There are fewer personnel involved in crime fighting than the growth in crime and violence requires; wages are lower than what is necessary to prevent corruption, and there is a lack of available material resources such as equipment, installations, etc. Problems are made worse by the lack of public accountability of the criminal system and by the extreme concentration of decision making power in the hands of top ranking officials. So far, reforms in the state have not tackled the performance of the criminal system or their managerial practices such as personnel or resource allocation. Major distortions in the system and performance problems justify the widespread mistrust citizens have of these institutions.10 To make matters worse, existing resources are unequally distributed within institutions and society. Inequities within institutions are exemplified by the distortions in wages and in the allocation of the resources. Within the military police, for instance, salaries at the top ranks can be 20 times that of the lower ranks. Within the judiciary, decision making about budget allocation is the prerogative of higher level judges with little public accountability. Individual fringe benefits such as the provision of cars for higher judges are continued while many judges still lack access to computers, electronic databases or the Internet, and have to pay out of their own pockets to have such tools. There are also gross variations of salaries between the judiciary, public prosecutors office, and the police forces. This promotes resentment between members of the three institutions since the Brazilian Constitution guarantees that people doing similar tasks should receive similar pay. The demand for what is called “salary equality,” consumes much of their energies. Finally, resources are not distributed across the Metropolitan region 56

according to need but according to the political prowess of area representatives. Since 1991, it has been well known that violent crime is concentrated in certain regions of the Metro area; yet despite these reports, these areas continue to be the least policed.11 In 1996, a study revealed that downtown São Paulo had one police officer per every 250 inhabitants and one police car per 2,083 inhabitants.12 Meanwhile in the most violent areas of the periphery, the ratios were one police officer per 1,429 inhabitants and one police car per 10,000 inhabitants. Despite the uproar that the study provoked, in 1998, new data showed very little change: the center city had one police officer for every 187 inhabitant and the periphery as little as one police officer for 1,226 persons. The poor performance of the criminal justice system provides two incentives for the perpetuation of violence: a) Research has shown that when people feel unprotected and fearful for their lives they resort to private means to protect themselves. People with the means to do so will rely on the private security market to protect their homes. It is estimated (The World Bank, 1997) that 10 percent of the Brazilian GNP is spent on private security including insurance, security gadgets (alarms, TV cameras, sensors) armored cars, armed private guards, etc. This leads to the increased presence of arms in Brazilian society. One of the major (Taurus) arms manufacturers of Brazil reported record sales in 1998 in the formal/legal market. However, there is very little information about the illegal arms market.13 What seems to be a pattern is that growing insecurity and fear appear to lead people to adopt selfdefense measures that could result in increased violence. It is also known that many delinquents gain access to legal arms when they rob private guards or break into houses where arms are kept. b) In poor communities, the state’s incapacity or unwillingness to provide law enforcement and protection could be fostering the adoption of mechanisms of self-protection and the survival and reproduction of elements of a culture of violence based on the maintenance of honor, self-respect, and self-image (Cohen, 1994). People are encouraged to arm themselves which in turn heightens the chances that arms will be used, particularly when drugs and alcohol are involved. In sum, the greater the number of arms available, the greater the likelihood they will be used. Breaking the cycle of violence requires an in-depth understanding of the factors contributing to it and a multi-dimensional approach. In contrast to violence, infant mortality can be reduced by improving sanitation, educating mothers, and carrying out national inoculation campaigns. These measures have the advantage of being measures that once adopted produce lasting effects; the results


are quickly assessed and evaluated and there is little risk that they will not work. Moreover, such measures demand little behavioral change and much less change has to be sustained over time. Violence is different; it has multiple causes. It is somehow related to conditions of life, but the causalities are more complex, far less studied, and much less agreed upon than are the causes of infant mortality. Lack of access to social and economic rights seems to enhance violence, but we still have not established the dynamics of this relationship. Violence prevention, in particular, preventing the violence that victimizes the young poor, demands a set of articulated actions which necessitate certain re-allotment of resources in society. These type of actions are often controversial since they contribute to the redistribution of power. Moreover, these are measures that need to be implemented over time. Inequality in the Distribution of Violence Violence against people and homicides are concentrated in the periphery of the Municipality of São Paulo, spilling over the borders to neighboring municipalities of the Metro area. Why are such deprived areas the loci of this violence? These areas differ in many ways from the inner cities in North America. They are the result not of urban decay, but of near total absence of state presence. They were rural areas that were slowly occupied as the Municipality of São Paulo grew and new housing was needed. Occupation took place during the 1960s and 1970s when the economy was growing at 10 percent a year and the metropolitan area was importing labor from elsewhere. Private land developers supplied low-income families with affordable land plots — some were legally subdivided and others were not. New families or migrants moved in settlements serviced only by some form of public transport. Water, electricity, and sewage networks arrived much later. In the 1980s, the areas that had been left by land developers for collective use (since they were commercially less attractive — the very steep hills or the banks of rivers and streams which were prone to flooding) were taken over by people who were unable to pay rent or had been evicted from their homes in more central areas due to large public works projects. The density of these periphery neighborhoods grew, bringing yet another set of problems. Whereas before people complained mostly of the hardships they endured due to the lack of services, they now also had to endure the growing competition for whatever was there. Finally, as the areas became congested, residents also had to cope with greater violence. It cannot be said that these are deteriorated areas; they are deprived areas. The history of these communities in São Paulo, Rio, and the rest of Latin America are mostly histories of self-help, which resulted in areas that were occupied at the whim of the unregulated “market,” without compliance to regulations. When the state acknowledged the existence of such settlements it did so in a puni-

tive way, through fines, threats of demolition, or through corrupt actions by city workers. The maintenance of some degree of illegality functioned to reduce collective actions within these communities. The illegality of buildings and/or the land occupied encouraged the establishment of a sort of pecking order. People started categorizing the occupiers in terms of perceived differences in the legitimacy of the land occupation. At the top of the scale were the legally entitled land owners of legal land allotments and at the bottom, the favelados—the slum dwellers. While a social order developed in the peripheries, outsiders perceived them as homogeneous and rejected and discriminated against the entire group. Living in the periphery, especially in the most violent areas, set the residents apart and placed them under suspicion. Time, however, has made the distinctions between legal and illegal communities much less visible. As illegal settlers invested in their houses and timber shacks were rebuilt in cinder blocks or bricks, they came to resemble the houses in the legal land developments. Ingrained in the history of most peripheral areas are episodes of exploitation of dwellers by other dwellers. For instance, those who had access to water or electricity could become “informal suppliers” of utilities charging very high rates to do so.14 This experience of exploitation by people like themselves produces lasting ill feelings and is yet another obstacle for cohesion. People are taught over and over again that individual solutions (“exit”) are better than collective action (“voice”), (Hirschman, 1970). This is a powerful obstacle for the perception of common problems and for a unified action; it hinders the development of collective identities and it fosters divisiveness in communities increasing the potential for social conflicts. Under stressful circumstances, these conditions can facilitate violence. While on the one hand there is a culture of distrust, whatever gains have been made, have been as a result of community action. Despite the obstacles to community development in the early 1980s, strong social movements for health and for public services man aged to unite the populations and resulted in improvements in access to water and electricity. Bringing these services to areas after they were occupied, and in some instances densely so, presented many technical challenges and even the removal of some houses. As a result, the quality of the services is still not totally satisfactory. Water is available, but provision in the summer—when the demand is the greatest—is less regular. The same problem happens with electricity. It can be said that even in terms of access to utilities, the center of the city is better serviced and that when areas in the periphery compete with the central areas, not surprisingly, they lose. This is a serious problem since nowadays more and more people are being forced into the informal labor market meaning that they often work from home and need to be easily reached by potential

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customers in their residences. A secure provision of water, electricity, and access to communications (i.e. telephones, cell phones, and pagers) may be an essential part of business development and income generation (Toledo Silva, 1999). Today, thirty or forty years after they started being occupied, many of the periphery areas still lack accessible roads and street lighting, as well as schools, day care centers, health centers, police services, etc. More expensive infrastructure provision such as paving streets, building sewerage networks and stations for sewerage treatment, or public works to stop hills from sliding down or containing floods, are still not available. This means that they remain high-risk areas subject to natural disaster as well as manmade risks. Each deficiency in turn leads to a series of others. Without accessible roads, refuse collection is random, cooking gas is not brought in homes, emergency services (ambulances, police, fire brigade) cannot reach people, deliveries are not made, and public transport is distant. If refuse is not regularly collected, it is disposed of in any public space attracting rats or clogging up streams so that when the rains come the areas are more prone to flooding. If, in addition, the area acquires the reputation of being violent, service providers discriminate against inhabitants. Postal services are cut once postmen are robbed, department stores refuse to deliver goods, public opinion polling services and even the Census Bureau avoid working in the areas. 15 The quality of life, which was poor when the settlements were first created, remains poor after the areas have consolidated for other reasons. The pressure for public services grows while the capacity (or willingness) of the public sector to provide is reduced. This means that there is more competition and friction within communities. For instance, when communities experience water rationing and when water is finally returned to the pipes, if the area is hilly, people living at the bottom of the hill will be served first. Those at the top will have to wait for the water reservoir of the houses at the bottom to be filled before the water can reach the top. In the midst of this, if people at the bottom start washing their cars, those who are waiting for water service complain. This breeds resentment and anger between people and encourages destructive competition. People tend to turn to what they identify as the immediate target of their anger: their neighbors, not the water company or the city authorities. Literature on violence shows that fast population growth is one of the variables associated with greater violence as it causes some disruption in the structure of the community. The distribution of violence in São Paulo seems to confirm this link between the rate of population growth and the occurrences of violence. Violence, in São Paulo, as expressed by homicide rates, is greater in 58

the Metropolitan area where the population is growing at a much faster rate than the national average. The rate of growth results not only from population growth, but also from internal dislocations moving new people to the area. People coming from outside the community are people no one knows, possibly with different values and attitudes, which can contribute to conflict in a sensitive area. As the density of the area increases so does the number of dwellings; resulting in overcrowding and a lack of privacy or intimacy. Overcrowding is a stress factor as are other characteristics of the houses, namely poor ventilation and lighting. Scarce space results in many shared functions. Houses and plots are overcrowded because often newly formed families lack the means to pay rent or a mortgage so the only option left is to stay with their relatives. 16 If there is room in the plot of land, a new abode is built or a new floor is added or else the original house is subdivided. Plots rapidly fill in with new precarious dwellings eliminating open areas.17 Soon activities such as children playing or washing clothes have to be done in public or semi-collective spaces. Leisure and functional activities become public and there is competition for space. Clothes are hung to dry in passages and alleys, forcing pedestrians to bend over or pass through them and leaving them exposed to theft. Children play amidst the traffic of cars, motorcycles, bicycles, and pedestrians. There seems to be some irony in the naming of the most established parts of the periphery “garden so and so.” There are few places that are further from gardens than these places, whether in terms of the presence of greenery or green areas or in the sense of being esthetically pleasing. Quite the contrary, these areas are visually very unattractive. Buildings are covered in graffiti, garbage is thrown anywhere, and cars that were destroyed in accidents are left to rot on the side of the roads, giving a derelict feeling to the areas. There are no proper sidewalks, even on major roadways. This means that pedestrians have to compete with passing traffic on major roads, endangering their lives. Walking or waiting for a bus in such places is very unpleasant. The heavy smell of fumes from trucks and buses, and the noise from engines negotiating the steep hills all contribute to stress as do the lack of parks, playground, and green areas—amenities that make life a little easier. The lack of recreational facilities is a major problem. Investors do not come to such areas to build cinemas, theaters, clubs, or ballrooms. Even fast food restaurants do not locate in these areas. There are no amusement parks, public parks or city gardens; even supermarkets are scarce. Mothers have nowhere to take their children and youngsters lack safe places to be with their friends to play ball, gossip, or gather. Except for informal bars, precariously serv-


ing beer or “pinga” and equipped with a small pool table, boredom prevails. Without public gardens or, trees on the streets, the environment seems dry and harsh. Here we ask the critical questions: Does living in this type of esthetically unpleasant environment affect residents self-esteem and sense of self worth? Unfortunately, the answer seems to be, yes. Is it possible to feel valued by society living in such neglected, ugly areas? Again, unfortunately, the answers seems to be, no. Such areas are not very attractive to civil servants who rarely volunteer to work there and who, once appointed, try to get transferred as soon as possible. For many civil servants, being appointed as a teacher, doctor, social assistant, or police officer in the peripheries is interpreted as a sort of punishment. Many people will resort to using political connections to be relocated as soon as possible. Since the periphery areas are considered undesirable places to work and there are no incentives to stay and provide quality services, there is high turnover among civil servants. This, in turn, means that commitment to the members of the community and the emergence of some form of mediation between the public and the administration (which can be used as a type of power brokerage) does not happen. As a result, not only are public services lacking in quantity, but in quality as well. Their minimal commitment to the people they work for means that they do not become “voices” for them. On the contrary, they often reinforce existing prejudices by fostering competition within the area and the perception that some citizens are more deserving and more entitled than others. However, this is not always the case. Civil servants that do not follow this description and have a commitment to their constituents can make a tremendous difference and start what can amount to a small revolution. They possess a key element that the dwellers do not have: information about alternatives and how to obtain access to services and opportunities. To the people in the peripheries, the government means the police, schools, doctors and city officials. Law enforcement agents, in particular, seem quite oblivious to the role they play in socializing citizens in their rights and duties. More often than not, their actions, the way they respond or—more often—fail to respond to people’s calls, reinforce a community’s sense of powerlessness and unworthiness. At no time is this better expressed than when there is a murder in one of these areas. It is common for the police to take a long time to reach the scene of the crime and much more time for the coroner’s office to arrive and collect the corpse. The people who witness the events interpret this inaction by the authorities as the police not caring enough to investigate. As a result, bodies— often exposed—are left for hours in public spaces. Children witness this as do adults, and killings may become “events.” Violence is then made trivial and “normal,” increasing people’s powerlessness

as well as undermining their self-esteem and whatever beliefs they may have had about the role of the state in providing security and ensuring their physical well-being. The greater the violence and fear, the less residents are satisfied with the neighborhood, the less they feel as though they belong to the community, and the less they feel the urge to cooperate. Fear reduces communication and contact between people. It encourages people to avoid places and routes and adopt defense mechanisms that further impoverish collective life. Fear reinforces stereotypes and prejudices, especially against strangers and youngsters. The less contact there is between people and the more suspicion that exists, the smaller the probability that social capital will be developed (Putnam, 1994). Within violent areas, young people will have different strategies for survival and adaptation. By the nature of their stage of emotional development—in order to form an identity—young people need to be with their social group. Violence does not eliminate this need. On the contrary, being part of a group may be a survival strategy— a form of defense against violence. The problem is that the same group that gives them the feeling of security may be interpreted by outsiders to the group as meaning a “gang” with all its negative connotations and as such is seen as a threat (Sanjuan, 1998). There is a need for more research on youth behavior and strategies for survival in violent areas. One added consequence of violence is the devaluation of people’s assets. Violent areas are less commercially attractive, thus most people simply cannot sell their homes and move out (Taylor, 1995). More successful families are able to move away and this further deprives the community of examples of upward mobility, impoverishing young people of successful role models. Focusing in on their domestic life is one way of “fleeing” the situation, another is to reconceptualize violence as “a normal fact of life” (Mithe, 1995). What we know so far about the USA, Brazil, Colombia, and Venezuela is that young people are dying in areas where there are few legitimate employment opportunities. The public education system fails to motivate, inform, train and, in sum, educate and qualify youngsters for the labor market. Furthermore, the likelihood of violence is greater when there is less protection from the state and where more people are left to protect themselves. If the poor areas in the Metropolitan area of São Paulo differ from the decayed or decaying inner cities in North America, the consequences when violence is present and the effects on people do not seem to differ.

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1 The Metropolitan area of São Paulo is comprised of 39 municipalities of which the Municipality of São Paulo is the largest with 9, 856, 879 inhabitants in 1997. (Source: IBGE-Census Bureau) 2 In 1991, there were 30,750 homicides in Brazil, 7,520 occurred in the Metropolitan area of São Paulo and 4,254 in Rio de Janeiro (11,774 homicides in both cities). By 1996, the national total was 38,894 homicides with São Paulo Metropolitan area responsible for 9,247 homicides and Rio de Janeiro 6,999 cases—16,246 homicides in both metro areas. (Source Datasus-Ministry of Health) 3 To illustrate the achievements in this area, in 1980, in the Municipality of São Paulo, the deaths of children between the ages of 04 years totaled 23.38 percent of all deaths, by 1992, these deaths totaled 8.86 percent of all deaths. This was achieved through massive investments in inoculations, the provision of potable water, the extension of sewerage networks, and through public educational campaigns about detecting and treating dehydration, etc. (Cardia, 1998). 4 Brazil had also reduced death rates among young people from illnesses such as infections and diseases caused by parasites (Vermelho and Mello Jorge, 1996). 5 DIEESE-SEADE (DIEESE-Departamento Intersindical de Estatística e de Estudos Sócio Econômicos - SEADE- Fundação Sistema Estadual de Análise de Dados, São Paulo State government.) Employment/ unemployment survey, May 1999, Fundação Seade. 6 Benefits are only available for a period of six months following dismissal, and only workers who were registered are eligible, and on average, people are taking more than twelve months to find a new job (when they find one). 7 Data from Fundação SEADE- Fundação Sistema Estadual de Análise de Dados, São Paulo State government. 8 A survey (1999) by the Department of Drug and Alcohol Addiction of the Federal Medical School in São Paulo identified one (informal) bar selling alcohol for every 10 houses in one of the more violent and deprived areas of São Paulo. 9 Crime clearance rate is generally very low. In 1998, according to data from the Public Security Secretariat in São Paulo, less than 3 percent of all crimes committed in the state were solved. In terms of homicides, the rate is better. The Homicide Division claims that it solves 60 percent of the homicides perpetrated in the Metro region. There is less information concerning actual convictions, but a survey of the homicides that took place in 1991 shows that by 1995 60

only 1.72 percent of cases had led to convictions (Adorno, 1998). 10 The police do little to investigate, in part because they claim they are overwhelmed by the growth of criminality, and in part (as we are finding out in one of the on-going research projects at the Center for the Study of Violence) because they believe that homicides cannot be prevented. This lack of priority given to investigating homicides of poor youth results, as expected, in growing numbers of unsolved cases. The community knows the killers, but the community does not trust the police and thus does not cooperate with the investigations. 11 Folha de São Paulo, January 28, 1991 C-1 “Estudo da “geografia da morte” prova que a violência mata mais na periferia.” 12 Mapa da violência na cidade de São Paulo, 1996 CEDEC (Centro de Estudos de Cultura Contemporânea), Ministério da Justiça, Núcleo de Estudos da Violência showed that the risk of homicide for young people in the worst areas is 4 times that of youngsters living in better policed areas. 13 Arms used by the Armed Forces exclusively to fight organized crime operations have also been found in the possession of drug dealers. This suggests that the illegal arms market is flourishing. 14 Cardia’s research in the favelas of São Paulo during the 1980s (1987) found that suppliers of water and electricity would multiply the value of the bills by the number of houses being provided instead of dividing the bill. (A example would be the following: suppose 10 houses shared a water source or a light source, this meant that their consumption would be measured by one single meter, generally located on the house of the person who had access to a legal connection. When the bill arrived it was expected that this bill would be divided by the number of households connected to the meter. Instead, most often the full bill would be charged to each household connected to the system. The owner of the meter would have his/her neighbors pay for the full bill (including his/her own share) and make a profit of 800 percent on the bill.) More recently, in another study by the Center for the Study of Violence, (Authoritarian Continuity and Democratic Consolidation), interviewees reported that when postal services are restricted to the central areas of the periphery, some houses are entrusted with keeping the post for others located in the periphery. When people went to collect their post they were charged R$ 1.00 per letter/bill. 15 Folha de S. Paulo, 18/02/97, pg.3.1. “Violência impede acesso a serviços” and O Estado de São Paulo, 04/08/96, pg. A27, “Medo de violência dificulta censo do IBGE.”

16 Rents have fallen all over the Metro area except in the periphery where the rental of one bedroom, living room, bath, and kitchen costs between 200.00 and 300.00 Reais (or between US$120.00 and US$185.00) while the wage is US$ 80.00 monthly. 17 Space is so scarce that an article in the Jornal do Brasil: April 28, 1996, “Favela Bairro muda a face dos morros cariocas” (pg.40) reports that in Rio, in certain areas of the Santa Marta Hill, when people sell their houses, they have to sell them along with the furniture since removing the furniture would demand that walls be demolished.


Intro

Background Data

Urban History

S達o Paulo Today

Study Area

Additional Resources

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62


STUDY AREA INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY AREA

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CENTRO NOVO

ANHANGAB AU VALLEY

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The Anhangabaú valley has been a resource to the citizens of São Paulo in various ways since the original settlement of Sao Paulo was established on the triangular promontory to the immediate east of the river valley in the 16th century. Originally serving as a source of water for the Centro Velho, or original center, the valley became the city’s most significant open space as the city expanded westward with construction in 1892 of the Viaduto do Chá, a bridge spanning the valley and providing access to the terraced lands beyond, eventually to become known as the Centro Novo, or new center. CENTRO VELHO

DOWNTOWN Built-up, largely pedestrianized, and containing many landmarked historical buildings.

As urbanization ensued following Brazil’s independence from Portugal, São Paulo’s elite sought to fashion the growing metropolis along the lines of European cities, always ready to repudiate its colonial past. The city commissioned the French Architect Joseph Bouvard to landscape the Anhangaboú valley in the late 1890’s, creating a formal open space despite the challenging topography, channeling the river bed (a trend repeated – in practical yet unsightly fashion in concrete - by civil engineers with all the major rivers defining the urban center of Sao Paulo.) The advent of automobiles in the early years of the 20th century spurred construction of a roadway in the valley, with the streambed submerged in vaults beneath the road, never to be seen again. Rapid urbanization during the early half of the century intensified the area, which eventually became home to some of São Paulo’s most impressive mid-century modern skyscrapers, recalling Boston’s Prudential tower (but even better architecturally.) Today almost all of these once proud buildings suffer from poor maintenance and a lack of re-investment, most likely resulting from the pervasive “fracturing” of ownership of almost all buildings of any scale throughout Brazil’s urban landscape. Despite the window units hanging out of grimy windows, and the gritty streetscape surrounding them, the bones of these striking buildings remain remarkably intact, ripe for renewal and a new life. The area is also fortunate to have a number of landmarked historic structures, including the Benedictine monastery anchoring the northern point of the original promontory of the Centro Velho, the

municipal theatre from the turn of the century styled after Charles Garnier’s Paris Opera in the cultural area of the Centro Novo, and a number of other remarkable institutional, religious, and civic landmarks. The valley itself, however, was given over almost entirely to the practical demands of transportation infrastructure, no longer an open space resource for the core of the city, which began its decline after the elite decamped from the Centro Novo to the new suburban neighborhoods of Paulista and Higienópolis, which themselves were urbanized through the middle of the twentieth century. It wasn’t until things got really bad in the 1980’s that business leaders rallied, and began considering how to reverse the deterioration of the original downtown. A major attempt to take back a portion of the valley from the highway hardscape resulted from a concerted effort on the part of the city administration in the late 1980’s. Following a design competition, a section of the highway was buried and decked over with a generous public open space in homage to to Bouvard’s original scheme.

Intro

Background Data

Urban History

Throughout the 1990’s and 2000s, the historical downtown has received a sustained flow of public and private investments in cultural facilities, open space, academic institutions etc. Yet, some areas still remain dormant and have seen little change in the past decades. These continuous areas of little occupation very near the historical downtown are reserved gifts that can and should contribute to the regeneration of the consolidated city center. To many, it seems that this is the appropriate moment to begin to utilize these lands to ignite the revitalization of the area.

São Paulo Today

Study Area

Additional Resources

63


KEY CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES DOWNTOWN As seen briefly in the historical overview, downtown SP has a host of both challenges and opportunities, some highlighted below: - Radio-centric city network enables the convergence of metropolitan flows downtown, creating excellent access from all areas of the city - Limited vehicular accessibiliy and parking are exacerbated by extensive pedestrian-only streets - Minimal activity and amenities off business hours due to the lack of housing - Lack of high quality space constrains the ability to attract and retain commercial tenants and more affluent paulistas - Informal street vendors (hawkers) contribute towards congestion and compete, often unfairly, with traditional retailers - Aging building stock with no parking is incompatible with current market expectations - Many landmarked buildings are poorly maintained - Insufficient provision of affordable housing stimulates squatting (cortiรงos) - Fractured ownership is a major obstacle for redevelopment

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Intro

Background Data

Urban History

S達o Paulo Today

Study Area

MIT REAL ESTATE STUDIO 2013 Subway Access

Landmarked /Protected

Traffic Flow

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Site Boundary

S達o Paulo, Brazil 0

25

50

100m

Scale 1:1000 (printed in A1 sheet at 100%)

Additional Resources

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66


VIVA O CENTRO’S PROPOSED INTERVENTION AREA The 2013 RED studio will focus within the boundary highlighted in yellow

Intro

Background Data

Urban History

São Paulo Today

Study Area

Additional Resources

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68


ADDITIONAL RESOURCES

PREVIOUS STUDIES

Intro

SELECTED PUBLICATIONS SELECTED WEBSITES

Background Data

Urban History

S達o Paulo Today

Study Area

Additional Resources

69


CASAVERDE

CARANDIRU BASE

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VILA GUILHERME

MARTE

VILA MARIA

TERMINAL RODOVIÁRIO DO TIETÊ R I O

PARQUE

ANHEMBI

SHOPPING CENTER NORTE

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PREVIOUS STUDIES

T

BARRA FUNDA

São Paulo Center: a New Approach 2000 Regina Meyer, et al.

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ARMÊNIA

BARRA FUNDA

PARI TIRADENTES

PARQUE DA ÁGUA BRANCA

CAMPOS ELÍSEOS MAL.

LUZ

DEODORO LUZ

S

TA

CECÍLIA STA.

CECÍLIAS

PERDIZES

TA

IFIGÊNIA

- engage in a critical dialog with the “existing city”

BELÉM

BELÉM

REPÚBLICA

HIGIENÓPOLIS

SÃO

REPÚBLICA

BENTO

BRÁS

BRESSER

ANHANGABAÚ BRÁS

ESTÁDIO DO PACAEMBU D.

CEMITÉRIO DA CONSOLAÇÃO

- operate at a new scale

PEDRO I I

CEMITÉRIO DO

MOOCA

ARAÇA CLÍNICAS

- minimize the negative impact of metropolitan scale infratructure (circulation and traffic) that converge in the city center

M

BOM RETIRO

MEMORIAL DA AMÉRICA LATINA

Probably the most influential and thoroughly detailed proposition for the downtown and adjancencies, this project could be seen as the basis for our studio hypothesis. The seven parameters that conceptualize this project are:

- understand the functional character of metropolitan scale systems that affect the center

I A

BELA VISTA

CONSOLAÇÃO

PINHEIROS

LIBERDADE

CONSOLAÇÃO

LIBERDADE CAMBUCI

JARDIM PAULISTA

S.

TRIANON

Central Area of Sao Paulo

A ÁREA CENTRAL DE SÃO PAULO

- promote functional diversity - the city center as cultural heritage

JOAQUIM

BOM RETIRO CONFECÇÕES E VESTUÁRIO

Clothing

RUA CANTAREIRA

RUA PAULA SOUZA Bar and Restaurant EQUIPAMENTOSPARA BARES E RESTAURANTES Equipment

RUA 25 DE MARÇO TÊXTIL

Textile

- the city center as space for collective use

BARRA FUNDA

MÁQUINAS E EQUIP AMENTOS Machinery and Equipment RUA SÃO CAETANO VESTUÁRIO

Clothing

RUA DUQUE DE CAXIAS

AUTOMOTIVO Car Equipment

RUA ORIENTE VESTUÁRIO

Clothing

SANTA IFIGÊNIA

ELETRO-ELETRÔNICOS Electric and Electronics

ZONA CEREALISTA ALIMENTOS

RUA FLORÊNCIO DE ABREU

Food

MÁQUINAS E FERRAMENTAS Machinery and Tools AV. SÃO JOÃO

CINEMASTheaters Movie

RUA DO GASÔMETRO MADEIREIRAS

Wood

VILA BUARQUE

CASAS NOTURNAS Night Clubs

AUGUSTA/ NESTOR PESTANA

CASAS NOTURNAS Night Clubs

BRÁS

MÁQUINAS AMENTOS Machinery andE EQUIP Equipment

BIXIGA

BARESand E CANTINAS Bars Restaurants TEATROS Theaters

LIBERDADE RESTAURANTES E PRODUTOS JAPONESES CASAS NOTURNAS

Japanese Neighborhood

Specialized Activities 70

A ÁREA CENTRAL DE SÃO PAULO


Intro

Background Data

Central Neighborhoods that Could Become Denser

Urban History

BAIRROS CENTRAIS ADENSÁVEIS

Integracao Centro Project

INTEGRAÇÃO CENTRO

São Paulo Today

Center CENTRO Central Neighborhoods BAIRROS CENTRAIS RailwayFERROVIÁRIOS and Railyards CALHA E PÁTIOS Subway: METRÔ:

B A R R A

North-South LINHA NORTE-SUL

F U N D A

East-West LINHA LESTE-OESTE LINHA Line 33 LINHA Line 44 ESTAÇÕES Stations FLUXO DE PASSAGEIROS PREVIST O Anticipated Influx of Passangers

2000

0

L U Z

Study Area

10000 B R Á S / ROOSEVELT

N

Additional Resources

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Organize and Administrate the Fluxes of Circulation and Traffic ORGANIZAR E ADMINISTRAR FLUXOS DE CIRCULAÇÃO E TRÁFEGO System of Integration of Central Area SISTEMA DE INTEGRAÇÃO Terminals DOS TERMINAIS DA ÁREA CENTRAL TERMINAL P. ISABEL LINHA Line 1 PQ. D. PEDRO II, CORREIO, LUZ, PÇA. P. ISABEL, PÇA. DA BANDEIRA LINHA Line 2

LUZ

PQ. D. PEDRO II, CORREIO, PÇA. DA BANDEIRA LINHA Line 3 PÇA. PRINCESA ISABEL, CORREIO, PÇA. DA BANDEIRA LINHA Line 4 REPÚBLICA, PÇA. RAMOS DE AZEVEDO, PQ. D. PEDRO II

TERMINAL CONCÓRDIA

TERMINAL PEDRO LESSA

REPÚBLICA 50

0

250

SÃO BENTO TERMINAL D. PEDRO I I

N

ANHANGABAÚ BRÁS

TERMINAL BANDEIRA

PEDRO I I SÉ

LIBERDADE

72

A concentração dos ônibus entre os terminais de integração, sem o seu cruzamento pelo Centro, gerará novas demandas de usuários que nele se transferem. Deverão ser criadas três linhas circulares que prevêem as seguintes ligações: • Parque D. Pedro/ Correio /Luz/ Princesa Isabel/ Bandeira; • Parque D. Pedro/ Correio/ Bandeira

caracterizada por viagens curtas, e mais compatíveis às dimensões das calhas viárias pelas quais trafegam. Na perspectiva de incentivo à diversificação funcional na Área Central, linhas circulares deveriam atender, também, as estações ferroviárias e de metrô. A


Intro

Background Data

Urban History

LUZ STATION This proposal presents the area adjacent to the Luz Station as a pole of attraction at a metropolitan level. In addition to the modernization of the station to attend the amplified influx of users, the presence of public buildings (Pinacoteca, Julio Prestes Station, ex-DOPS, Museum of Sacre Art, Liceo of Arts and Crafts) and the Luz Garden, allow for more dynamism in the area with cultural and leisure activities. At the same time, there is the need to adjust some of the adjacent roads such as Casper Líbero Street and Tiradentes Avenue.

ANHANGABAÚ VALLEY The current condition of the Anhangabaú Valley is seen as an element that reinforces the descontinuity within the Central Area. In this sense, the proposal considers its reconfiguration as a metropolitan open space and articulator between the Centro Velho and the Centro Novo, as well as its valorization as point of arrival and distribution of fluxes in the Center. The possible changes in the bus system in the Downtown -- becoming more localized and selective -gives the opportunity to reconsider the rigid separation between pedestrian and automobile circulation in the valley. We propose that the selective access of automobile -- by type and time -- should be used as a strategy to reanimated the Center at night.

DOM PEDRO II PARK The goal of reorganizing the territorial descontinuities in the Central Area through wide transpositions or strategic crossings, puts the Dom Pedro II Park in evidence with its potential of articulating both sides of the Tamanduateí River. However, in this segment of the valley we observe that the descontinuity is not simply due to physical barriers but more so because of the differences of urban form between the two sides. There should be noted the dramatic emptying in urban equipment and dynamic from the Downtown to the park, which gives less prominence of use to the valley.

PARI PÁTIO The intervention in the Pari should be coordinated with the removal of the cereal distribution zone. The large-scale of the Pátio and adjacencies allows for a very diversified development embracing housing, services and commerce. Its strategic location with road access to Avenida do Estado, and access to the numerous commercial concentrations poses Pari as a propitious area to the development of activities that can support specialized commerce.

São Paulo Today

PROJETOS INDUTORES

The propositions to the adjacent areas will be crucial to induct the requalification of the Dom Pedro II Park. Being so, the boundaries of open space and the adjacent constructions should be clear, reinserting the park in the core of the city.

Study Area

Additional Resources

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REINFORCE FUNCTIONAL DIVERSITY

CAMPOS ELÍSEOS CAMPOS ELÍSEOS PADRÕES DE OCCUPATION PATTERN OCUPAÇÃO THAT CANQUE VALORIZE VALORIZEM O HISTORIC BUILDINGS PATRIMÔNIO HISTÓRICO EXISTENTE

BARRA FUNDA BARRA FUNDA NOVOS PADRÕES DE NEW OCCUPATION OCUPAÇÃO NOS VAZIOS PATTERN IN EXISTING URBANOS EXISTENTES URBAN VOIDS

BOM RETIRO BOM RETIRO MANUTENÇÃO DA OF MAINTENANCE VOLUMETRIA/ ALINHAMENTOS VOLUMES/SETBACKS AND E USO MIST O DE HABITAÇÃO MIXED-USE (HOUSING COM COMÉRCIO WITH SPECIALIZED ESPECIALIZADO. REURBANIZAÇÃO NAS ÁREAS COMMERCE) PRÓXIMAS À FERROVIA REURBANIZATION OF AREAS NEAR RAILWAY

PARI PARI NECESSIDADE DEAN UMURBAN PROJETO URBANO NEED OF PROJECT VOLTADO ÀNEW PROPOSIÇÃO DE NOVOS PROPOSING CONSTRUCTION MODELOS COSTRUTIVOS, GARANTINDO A MODELS, PROVIDING TYPOLOGICAL DIVERSIDADE TIPOLÓGICA E AS DIVERSITYAMBIENTAIS-PAISAGÍSTICAS: AND ENVIRONMENTAL QUALIDADES QUALITIES: ESTABLISHMENT OF VISUALS ESTABELECIMENT O DE PARA A SERRA DA TOWARDSABERTURAS CANTAREIRA RANGE AND CANTAREIRA E O MACIÇOFORMATION VERTICAL DO CENTRAL VERTICAL CENTRO

SANTA IFIGÊNIA SANTA IFIGÊNIA RECUPERAÇÃO DAS RENOVATION OF EXISTING INSTALAÇÕESIN DOS BUILDINGS THIS AREA OF HIGH EDIFÍCIOS EXISTENTES, VERTICALIZATION NESTE BAIRRO COM ACENTUADA VERTICALIZAÇÃO

BRÁS BRÁS RECONSTITUIÇÃO TECIDO RECONSTITUTION OFDO EXISTING EXISTENTE, PARTIRTHE DA URBAN FABRIC, AFROM REURBANIZAÇÃO DAS ÁREAS REURBANIZATION OF AREAS NEAR PRÓXIMAS A FERROVIA E METRÔ RAILWAY AND SUBWAY

BELA VISTA BELA VISTA RECUPERAÇÃO DOS IMÓVEIS DEBUILDINGS RENOVATION OF HISTORIC INTERESSE HISTÓRICO COM WITH MAINTAINENCE OF MIXED-USE MANUTENÇÃO DO USO MISTO DE (HOUSING AND LEISURE) HABITAÇÃO E LAZER PUNCTUAL INCREASE IN DENSITY ADENSAMENTO LOCALIZADO

REFORÇAR A DIVERSIDADE FUNCIONAL

74


LARGO SÃO BENTO SÃO BENTO SQUARE OCUPAÇÃO DOOF RESÍDUO PORSPACE WITH OCCUPATION RESIDUAL EQUIPAMENTOS DE PEQUENONEWSTAND, PORTE: SMALL-SCALE EQUIPMENT: BANCAS, VENDA DE INGRESSOS, BOX OFFICE, INFORMATIONS INFORMAÇÕES UNDERGROUND CONNECTION FROM DOM •PEDRO LIGAÇÃO SUBTERRÂNEA PARK TO ANHANGABAÚ VALLEY PARQUE D. PEDRO ATÉ ANHANGABAÚ

PROPOSTAS INTERVENTION PROPOSAL DE INTERVENÇÃO

Intro BUILDINGS OF HISTORICAL/CULTURAL/ARCHITECTURAL INTEREST EDIFÍCIOS COM INTERESSE HISTÓRICO/ CULTURAL/ ARQUITETÔNICO INTERVENTION AREA ÁREAS DE INTERVENÇÃO LOTS LOTES NÃOEMPTY EDIFICADOS PEDESTRIAN-EXCLUSIVE AXES EIXOS EXCLUSIVOS DE PEDESTRES EXISTING UNDERGROUND PASSAGEWAY PASSAGEM SUBTERRÂNEA EXISTENTE PROPOSED UNDERGROUND PASSAGEWAY PASSAGEM SUBTERRÂNEA PROPOSTA FEASIBILITY STUDY FORABERTURA STREET OPENING ESTUDO DE VIABILIDADE PARA DE RUA ESTAÇÕES METRÔ SUBWAY DE STATIONS

50

Background Data

0

250

URBAN ROOM SALÃO URBANO PRAÇA ANTONIO PRADO ANTONIO PRADO PLAZA LARGO DO CAFÉ CAFÉ SQUARE LARGO DA MISERICÓRDIA MISERICÓRDIA SQUARE

N

Urban History

SÃO FRANCISCO SQUARE LARGO SÃO FRANCISCO: RECONFIGURAR REMODELING OFOTHE LARGO SQUARE

PÁTIO PÁTIODO DO COLÉGIO COLÉGIO LIGAÇÕESUNDERGROUND SUBTERRÂNEAS COM A PRAÇA DA SÉ CONNECTIONS BETWEEN E SÉ PARQUE PEDRO PLAZAD.AND DOMII POSSIBILIDADE DE PEDRO II PARK EXPLORAÇÃO DO SÍTIO POSSIBLE EXPLORATION ARQUEOLÓGICO OF ARCHEOLOGICAL SITE

São Paulo Today

Study Area

PRAÇA DA SÉ SÉ PLAZA DA PRAÇA -• RECUPERAÇÀO PLAZA RENOVATION PARA ABERTURA DE VIA -• ESTUDO STUDY ABOUT RE-OPENING STREET DA IGREJA -• RECONFIGURAÇÃO RECONFIGURATIONDO OFÁTRIO CHURCH ATRIUM • PROJETO SEDE DA CÚRIA METROPOLITANA - METROPOLITAN CHURCH PROJECT

CENTRO VELHO

Additional Resources

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PROPOSTAS INTERVENTION PROPOSAL DE INTERVENÇÃO

BUILDINGS OF HISTORICAL/CULTURAL/ARCHITECTURAL INTEREST EDIFÍCIOS COM INTERESSE HISTÓRICO/ ARQUITETÔNICO/ CULTURAL INTERVENTION AREA ÁREAS COM POTENCIAL CONSTRUTIVO EMPTY LOTS ÁREAS DE INTERVENÇÃO PEDESTRIAN-EXCLUSIVE AXES REFORÇO ÀS PASSAGENS EXISTENTES PASSAGEM PROPOSTA EXISTING UNDERGROUND PASSAGEWAY TRAVESSIAS PROPOSED UNDERGROUND PASSAGEWAY FLUXO DE VEÍCULOS FEASIBILITY STUDY FOR STREET OPENING ESTAÇÕES METRÔ SUBWAY DE STATIONS

50

0

250

N

THE VALLEYDO BORDERS AS BORDAS VALE -• REABERTURA RE-OPENING OF STREETS DE LOCAL VIAS LOCAIS -• DESENHO BUILDINGDE SIDEWALK IN ADJACENTES DIFFERENT AOS CALÇADAS EDIFÍCIOS DO ESPAÇO PATTERN DIFERENCIANDO-SE THAN CENTRAL SPACE -CENTRAL AREA BETWEEN SÃO JOÃO • ÁREA ENTRE AVENIDA SÃOVALLEY JOÃO/ VALE AVENUE/ANHANGABAÚ ANDDO ANHANGABAÚ E RUA CONSELHEIRO CONSELHEIRO CRISPINIANO STREET: CRISPINIANO: SERVICE AND LEISURE USES, EXPLORING USO DE SERVIÇOS E LAZER, EXPLORANDO A THE EXISTING CONSERVATORIUM OF EXISTÊNCIA DO CONSERVATÓRIO DE MÚSICA MUSIC • EDIFÍCIO DO CORREIO: -USO POSTAL OFFICE BUILDING: OPEN TO THE ABERTO AO PÚBLICO PUBLIC VIADUTO DOCHÁ CHÁ VIADUTO DO RECUPERAÇÃO DAS EXTREMIDADES DO RENOVATION OF BRIDGE EXTREMETIES, VIADUTO, INCREMENTANDO O SEU VALOR IMPROVING ITS SYMBOLIC VALUE SIMBÓLICO ARTICULATION WITH THE VALLEY: COM O VALE: -ARTICULAÇÃO MUNICIPAL THEATER PROJECT: OPENING • PROJETO TEATRO MUNICIP AL: ABERTURA OF THE BASEMENT TO RAMOS DE DOS SUBTERRÂNEOS À PRAÇA RAMOS DE AZEVEDO PLAZA AND BRIDGE AZEVEDO E AO VIADUTO -• REVALORIZAÇÃO REVALORIZATIONDOS OF EDIFÍCIOS MACKENZIE AND MATARAZZO BUILDINGSPARA FOR USO PUBLIC USE MACKENZIE E MATARAZZO -ABERTO PATRIARCA PROJECT: NEW CANOPY AO PÚBLICO TO PRESTES MAIA GALLERY, OPENING • PROJETO PATRIARCA: OF STREET ACCESS, RESTORATION OG NOVA COBERTURA DA GALERIA PRESTES MAIA ORIGINAL PAVING AND SANTO ANTONIO ABERTURA CHURCH DE VIA DE ACESSO PISO ORIGINAL DATHE -RESTAURAÇÃO VALORIZATIONDO OF WEST BASE OF PRAÇA E DA IGREJA DELOCATED SANTO ANTÔNIO BRIDGE WHERE ARE THE LOW• VALORIZAÇÃO DO EMBASAMENT O OESTE INCOME RESTAURANT AND CITY BALLET DO VIADUTO ONDE ESTÃO INSTALADOS O REHEARSAL ROOMS RESTAURANTE POPULAR E SALAS DE ENSAIO DO BALÉ DA CIDADE

ENTRANCES AND EXITS -ENTRADAS RE-INSTALLATION E SAÍDASOF BUS STOPS IN FORMER ANHANGABAU AND FORMOSA STREETS. STRENGHTENING TO CENTRO VELHO • REABERTURA DOS PONTOS DE ÔNIBUSACCESSIBILITY NAS ANTIGAS RUAS AND NOVO ANHANGABAÚ E FORMOSA, FORTALECENDO OS ACESSOS AOS CENTRO -VELHO INSTALATION E NOVO OF MASP AND TV CULTURA IN THE PRESTES MAIA • PROJETO DE INSTALAÇÃO DO MASP E TV CULTURA NA GALERIA PRESTES GALLERY -MAIA DESIGN CONTINUITY IN THE PASSAGEWAY FROM ANTONIO PRADO • CONTINUIDADE TRATAMENT PLAZA AND SAODE JOAO AVENUEO NA PASSAGEM DA PRAÇA ANTÔNIO PARA SÃOAND JOÃO -PRADO DESIGN OF AVENIDA BALCONIES STAIRWAYS TO THE VALLEY, WITH SER• TRATAMENT O DE BALCÕES ESCADARIAS PARA O VALE, COM USOS DE VICES SUCH AS CAFES AND ENEWSTANDS RÁPIDOS, COMO CAFÉS, BANCASCONNECTION DE JORNAL AMONG DOM -SERVIÇOS IMPROVEMENT IN THE UNDERGROUND • MELHORIA DA LIGAÇÃO SUBTERRÂNEA PARQUE D. PEDRO II/ ESTAÇÃO PEDRO II PARK/SAO BENTO STATION/ANHANGABAU VALLEY MAKING SÃO BENTO/ ANHANGABAÚ, USE OF THE VALLEY ELEVATIONS APROVEITAMENTO DAS COTAS DOS VALES -• RECUPERAÇÃO RENOVATION OF MEMORIA DALADEIRA LADEIRADA DA MEMÓRIA

ANHANGABAÚ 76


AROUCHE AROUCHE REFORÇO NAS ATIVIDADES DELEISURE, -• REINFORCE CULTURAL AND CULTURA E LAZER, HOTELARIA E HOTEL AND RESTAURANT ACTIVITIES -RESTAURANTES AXIAL CONTINUITY OF BARAO DE • ITAPETINGA CONTINUIDADE DO EIXO DA STREET

PROPOSTAS DE INTERVENTION PROPOSAL INTERVENÇÃO

RUA BARÃO DE ITAPETININGA

CINELÂNDIA CINELÂNDIA REAVIVAR CINEMAS RELIVE THEOSMOVIE THEATERS CONTINUIDADE DE TRATAMENT O -• DESIGN CONTINUITY THROUGH ATÉ LARGO DO AROUCHE AROUCHE PLAZA • EQUIPAMENT OS DE LAZER NA - LEISURE EQUIPMENT ON SAO JOAO AVENIDA E NO LARGO AVENUESÃO ANDJOÃO PAISSANDU SQUARE PAISSANDU

Intro BUILDINGS OF HISTORICAL/CULTURAL/ARCHITECTURAL INTEREST EDIFÍCIOS COM INTERESSE HISTÓRICO/ ARQUITETÔNICO/ CULTURAL MOVIE THEATERS CINEMAS INTERVENTION AREA ÁREAS DE INTERVENÇÃO EMPTY LOTS ÁREAS COM POTENCIAL CONSTRUTIVO PEDESTRIAN-EXCLUSIVE AXES GALERIAS PROPOSTAS ABERTURA DE VIA PEDESTRIALIZADA EXISTING UNDERGROUND PASSAGEWAY GALERIA EXISTENTE PROPOSED UNDERGROUND PASSAGEWAY EIXO PRINCIPAL FEASIBILITY STUDY FOR STREET OPENING ESTAÇÕES METRÔ SUBWAY DE STATIONS

50

Background Data

0

250

N

REPÚBLICA PLAZA PRAÇA DA REPÚBLICA ESTABELECER VISIBILIDADE DE ESTABLISH VISIBILITY AT VARIOUS SEUS VÁRIOS MOMENTOS INSTANCES LIGAÇÃO COM -• MONUMENTALIDADE: MONUMENTALITY: CONNECTION OWITH EDIFÍCIO HISTÓRICO DE USO HISTORIC BUILDING OF PUBLIC PÚBLICO USAGE LIBERAÇÃO DO CHÃO DA PRAÇA: -•MAIOR CLEARING PLAZA PAVEMENT: MORE PERMEABILIDADE VISUAL VISUAL PERMEABILITY FOR THE PARA O PEDESTRE PEDESTRIAN • MANUTENÇÃO DA -COBERTURA MAINTENANCE OF GREENERY VEGETAL -• ABERTURA OPENING OF ACCESS DEPEDESTRIAN TRAVESSIA DE BETWEEN VIEIRA CARVALHO PEDESTRES ENTREDE A RUA VIEIRA STREET AND BARAO DE DE DE CARVALHO E RUA BARÃO ITAPETININGA -- CINELÂNDIA ITAPETININGA —STREET CINELÂNDIA

Urban History

São Paulo Today

Study Area

EXAMPLE OF OPENING GROUND FLOOR FOR EXEMPLO DE LIBERAÇÃO DO TÉRREO PASSAGE AND GATHERING PARA PASSAGENS E ESTAROF DEPEDESTRIANS PEDESTRES

PRAÇA ROOSEVELT REMODELAÇÀO DA PRAÇA • DEMOLIÇÃO DO PAVIMENT O SUPERIOR ROOSEVELT PLAZA CONSTRUÍDO RENOVATION • MANUTENÇÀO DO ESTACIONAMENT O -•DEMOLITION UPPER RECOLOCAR AOF PRAÇA EMLEVEL -CONTINUIDADE MAINTENANCECOM OF PARKING LOT AS CALÇADAS -•REINTEGRATE WITH ABERTURA EMPLAZA GALERIAS DOADJACENT SIDEWALKS COPAN OF COPAN COMPLEX -QUARTEIRÃO OPENINGS INDO GALLERIES

LIBRARY BIBLIOTECA METROPOLITAN CULTURAL EQUIPAMENT O CULTURAL METROPOLITANO EQUIPMENT A D. JOSÉ GASPAR -• MARCAR HIGHLIGHT CONFIGURAÇÃO PLAZA FORM DA PRAÇA D. JOSÉ GASPAR

RUA BARÃODE DEITAPETININGA ITAPETININGA RUA BARÃO -• PERMEABILITY IN DA THECIRCULAÇÃO CIRCULATION PERMEABILIDADE DEOF PEDESTRES ENTRE AS GALERIAS DE PEDESTRIANS THROUGH COMMERCIAL GALLERIES -COMÉRCIO INNER PATIOS WITH OPENINGS TOWARDS INTERIOR •OF PÁTIOS CITYINTERNOS BLOCK COM ABERTURA DOS EDIFÍCIOS PARA O INTERIOR DAS QUADRAS

CENTRO NOVO

Additional Resources

77


PEDESTRIANIZED STREETS RECONSIDERED Viva o Centro Association 2005 The excess of pedestrianized streets is seen by many as one of the causes for the degradation process that affects the downtown. For many businesses and residents, the vehicular access would be important for loading, grocery shopping and so on. This study proposes the re-opening of some of the pedestrianized streets, in order to improve the accessibility to the region.

78

PEDESTRIANIZED STREETS IN THE DOWNTOWN EXISTING CONDITION


Intro

PEDESTRIANIZED STREETS IN THE DOWNTOWN PROPOSED CONDITION A. Partial re-opening of the Anhangabaú Valley (see following pages) B. Opening of Sete de Abril Street (between Bráulio Gomes and Gabus Mendes Streets) C. Opening of Benjamin Constant Street

Background Data

D. Opening of 15 de Novembro and Joao Bricola Streets E. Opening of 24 de Maio Street (between Ipiranga Avenue and Dom José de Barros Street) and opening Dom José de Barros Street (between 24 de Maio Street and São João Avenue) Urban History

Results: less than 800m of linear pedestrianized streets from which someone would have to walk 100m+ from the closest car access

São Paulo Today

Pedestrianized Areas Walking distance from the closest vehicular access: 0 - 25m 25-50m 50-75m

Study Area

75-100m 100m +

Additional Resources

79


The re-opening of the side streets along the Anhangabaú Valley could bring more activity to the large open space. The crossing with the São João Avenue would be made underground.

80


Intro

Background Data

Urban History

S達o Paulo Today

Study Area

Additional Resources

81


ACTION CENTER PROGRAM EMURB 2004 Several surveys and proposals were conducted in the past municipal administration, culminating in the approval of a USD 100 million credit from the IDB. The files of Action Center are available in the SP Studio server. Below, samples of these surveys: 16. Density inhabitants per Sub-prefecture Sé 16. Densidade deofhabitantes porKm2, KM² na Subprefeitura Sé. IBGE 2000 Censo do IBGE, 2000. Av Ru dg

BOM RETIRO

e

Av

PARI

r Ve

iga

lD

eo

Filh

do

ro

CONSOLAÇÃO

Rd

ola

u RA

a

BRÁS

o

ns

R

R Ma ua

Av

REPÚBLICA

o aC

St

ado

RD

SANTA CECILIA Ma

Ri

Est

ta

do

Pc

ca

gu

o

82

Maio

Es

tad

Sub-prefecture Subprefeitura Green ÁreasSpace Verdes Main ViasRoads Principais

o

People per Km2 Pessoas por KM²

CAMBUCI

nco

LIBERDADE

Av Lac

CEBRAP, 2002

do

erda Fra

ta

e Tres de

is

na

LEGENDA

Av Vinte

ul

ta

Vd Alcantara Machado

sta

BELA VISTA Pa

ng

es

Av

Av

Ra

P el

0

19 a 5000 5000 a 10000 10000 a 13000 13000 a 18000 18000 a 24000 24000 a 33000 33000 a 60000 60000 a 12000000 500 1,000 1,500 Meters


Intro

18. Renda médiaIncome em salários mínimo* Subprefeitura Sé. 18. Average (in minimum wages), na Sub-prefecture Sé IBGE 2000 Censo do IBGE, 2000.

Background Data

Av Ru dg

BOM RETIRO

e

Av

RD

r Ve

Ma

iga

eo

Filh

do

ro

o

Av

REPÚBLICA

Rd

aC

s on

RA

a

R Ma ua

BRÁS

CONSOLAÇÃO ola

ug

ca

us

o

Maio

nco

LIBERDADE

Av Lac

CEBRAP, 2002

na

LEGENDA do

Es

tad

o

CAMBUCI

erda Fra

ta

e Tres de

is

ta

Vd Alcantara Machado

Av Vinte

ul

ng

es

São Paulo Today

ta

BELA VISTA Pa

Ra

P el

Av

Av

Urban History

R

SANTA CECILIA lD

St

ado

Pc

Ri

Est

ta

do

PARI

Subprefeitura Sub-prefecture Áreas Municipais Sp Public Space Vias Principais Main Roads

Renda média em Average Income (in Salário minimumMínimo* wages) 1.40 a 4.00 4.00 a 7.00 7.00 a 10.00 10.00 a 15.00 15.00 a 20.00 20.00 a 30.00 30.00 a 107.00 0 500

1,000

Study Area

1,500

Meters * salário mínimo de julho de 2000= R$ 151,0

Additional Resources

83


20. Setores censitários classificados segundo

Av Assis Chate

20. Employment Sector and Density of Jobs per Km2 setor predominante de atividade e densidade de Sub-prefecture Sé 2000 empregos por Km² na Subprefeitura Sé, 2000.

LEGENDA

aubriand

ca

500

1,000

1,500

Meters

o

o

ola

0

lh

ns

oao

Setores selecionados Economic Sectors Indústria predominante Predominantly Industrial Comércio predominante Predominantly Commercial Predominantly Services, medium density Serviços, média densidade* Predominantly high density Serviços, altaServices, densidade* Less thande 5,000 jobsempregos per km2 por km2 Menos 5 mil

Av Vin

te e Tre

s de M

aio

Av

No

ve

de

Ju

Rd

o aC

SJ

Av T

Av

irad

ente

s

Subprefeitura Sub-prefecture ÁreasSpace Verdes Green Vias Roads Principais Main

CEBRAP, 2002 84

* média densidade = entre 5.000 e 10.000 empregos por Km²; alta densidade = mais de 10.000 Km².


Intro

Background Data

Urban History

S達o Paulo Today

Study Area

Additional Resources

85


SELECTED PUBLICATIONS Alberto Xavier and others. Arquitetura Moderna Paulista. São Paulo: Pini, 1983.

Meyer, Regina. “A Construção da Metrópole e a Erosão do seu Centro.” Urbs, September/October 1999, 28-36.

Amorim, Silvia. “Cracolândia Será Dividida em Oito Lotes em Licitação.” O Estado de São Paulo, April 06, 2006, page C4.

Meyer, Regina. “Intervenção Corrosiva.” Urbs, December 2002/ January 2003, 46-50.

Bogus, Lucia, and Pasternak, Suzana. “Aspects of Socio-spatial Inequalities in the City of Sao Paulo.” In The City of Extremes. 42nd IsoCaRP Congress 2006.

Municipal Prefecture of São Paulo. Palácio das Indústrias: Memória e Cidadania. São Paulo: PW, 1992.

Bucci, Angelo. São Paulo: Quatro Imagens para Quatro Operações. Doctoral Thesis, University of São Paulo, School of Architecture and Urbanism, 2005.

Otilia Arantes and others. A Cidade do Pensamento Único: Desmanchando Consensos. Petrópolis: Vozes, 2000.

Caldeira, Teresa. City of Walls: Crime, Segregation, and Citizenship in São Paulo. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000.

Pitta, Iuri. “O Marco Zero de uma Nova Luz.” O Estado de São Paulo, June 06, 2005, page C1.

Cardia, Nancy. “Urban Violence in Sao Paulo.” In Comparative Urban Studies Occasional Paper Series, number 33. Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2000.

Recaman, Luiz. “High Speed Urbanization.” In Brazil’s Modern Architecture, edited by Elisabetta Andreoli, and Adrian Forty, 108-39. New York: Phaidon, 2004.

Di Marco, Anita R., and Zein, Ruth V. São Paulo Concert Hall: The Making of the Julio Prestes Central Station Rehabilitation. São Paulo: Alter Market, 2001. Hollanda, Sérgio Buarque de. Raízes do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: José Olympio, 1936. Inter-American Development Bank. São Paulo Downtown Renewal Program: Loan Proposal. IDB (BR-0391), 2003. Izzo Junior, Alcino, and Meyer, Regina. Pólo Luz: Sala São Paulo, Cultura e Urbanismo. São Paulo: Hamburg Donnelley, 2000.

86

Meyer, Regina. “Uma Perspectiva Traçada pelo Urbanismo.” Urbs, October 1997, 32-9.

Regina Meyer and others. São Paulo Metrópole. São Paulo: Edusp, 2004. Reis, Nestor Goulart. São Paulo: Vila, Cidade, Metrópole. São Paulo: Takano, 2004. Roberto Cesar and others. Área da Luz: Renovação Urbana em São Paulo. São Paulo: Perspectiva, 1977. Rolnik, Raquel. São Paulo. São Paulo: Publifolha, 2001. Symanski, Rosa. “A Roupa Nova do Rei.” Arquitetura & Urbanismo, January 2004, number 118, 40-9.

Levi-Strauss, Claude. Tristes Tropiques. New York: Atheneum, 1974.

Toledo, Benedito. São Paulo: Três Cidades em um Século. São Paulo: Cosac Naify, 2004.

Marco Almeida and others. O Centro das Metrópoles: Reflexões e Propostas Para a Cidade Democrática do Século XXI. São Paulo: Terceiro Nome, 2001.

São Paulo State Secretariat for Metropolitan Transports. Summary PITU 2020: Integrated Urban Transport Plan for 2020. São Paulo: Secretariat for Metropolitan Transports, 2000.

Mariana Fix and others. “The Case of Sao Paulo, Brazil.” In Understanding Slums: Case Studies for the Global Report on Human Settlement, 2003.

Municipal Planning Office (SEMPLA) and others. Bens Culturais Arquitetônicos no Município e na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo. São Paulo: SNM, EMPLASA, SEMPLA, 1984.


SELECTED WEBSITES MIT SAP

sap.mit.edu

FAU USP

www.fau.usp.br

Intro

FAU Mackenzie www.mackenzie.com.br/universidade arquitetura IBGE

www.ibge.gov.br/english/

SEADE

www.seade.gov.br

EMPLASA

www.emplasa.sp.gov.br

Prefecture

www.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/

SEMPLA www2.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/secretarias/ planejamento

Background Data

Urban History

SEHAB www2.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/secretarias/ habitacao Atlas Ambiental

atlasambiental.prefeitura.sp.gov.br

Anhembi anhembi.terra.com.br/turismo/eng/default. asp Geohive

S達o Paulo Today

www.geohive.com

The Economist economist.com/cities/citiesmain.cfm?city_ id=SAO Arcoweb

www.arcoweb.com.br

Vitruvius

www.vitruvius.com.br

Brazil MAX

www.brazilmax.com

Viva o Centro

www.vivaocentro.org.br

Study Area

Additional Resources

87


88


89


São Paulo Briefing Book