Love Thy N e i g h b o u r New Compact Glasgow
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the Postgraduate Diploma of Advanced Architectural Design
Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr Christian Suau for his inspiration, and thoughtful input throughout the research. I would like to thank my parents for their support and Barbara for being Barbara.
Table of Contents
1 1.1 1.2 1.3
Pg 3 Pg 3 Pg 3
2 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6
Pg 3 Pg 4 Pg 5 Pg 6 Pg 7 Pg 8
3 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4
Pg 10 Pg 11 Pg 12 Pg 13
Pg 21 Pg 22 Pg 23 Pg 24
Abstract Acknowledgements Overview
Pg 26 Pg 27 Pg 28
Putting Glasgow in Context
Learning from the Past Humble Beginnings Emerging Wealth Growth and Expansion Decline of Production New Towns and Overspill
Making the case for the Compact City & Glasgow The Sustainable City Better Neighbourhoods The Costs of Car Ownership Urban Vacant and Derelict Land
Setting the Standard for Density 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6
Pg 15 Pg 16 Pg 17 Pg 18 Pg 19 Pg 20
Metrics Choosing Samples The Sample Areas Economic Deprivation Density Calculations Spacematrix
Understanding the Findings 5.1 5.2 5.3
Mapping the Density Economic Deprivation and Density Density and the Historic City
Proposals for Density 6.1 6.2 6.3
A New Approach The Ring Strategy Rethinking the Urban Form
List of illustrations Title Image
Zena Assi - My City<http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-RlZJO-7hoTs/TV_R3w0sJnI/AAAAAAAACgc/WYL0cXs64Bk /s1600/IMG_0005.JPG>
Figure 2.1 - Map of Glasgow, 1778
John McArthurs Map of Glasgow, <http://www.gla.ac.uk/services/library/collections/virtualdisplays/mapsofglasgowhistoricaltod igital/johnmcarthur1778planofthecityofglasgow/>
Figure 2.2 - Map of Glasgow, 1828 Figure 2.3 - New Plan of Glasgow, 1901 Figure 2.4 - Cumbernauld Town Center Figure 2.5 - Illustration of Glasgows Development Figure 3.1 - Unite D'Habitation, Le Corbusier (1953) Figure 3.2 - Average price of running a car Figure 3.3 - Landowners attitudes to Redevelopment Figure 3.4 - Derilict Land rates in Scotland by Local Authority
David Smiths Plan of Glasgow, <http://www.gla.ac.uk/services/library/collections/virtuald-lays/mapsofglasgowhistoricaltodigita l/davidsmith1828planofthecityofglasgowanditsenvirons/> <http://www.gla.ac.uk/services/library/collections/virtualdisplays/mapsofglasgowhistoricaltodigital/johnbartholomewnewpltholo tholomewnewplanofglasgowforthepostofficedirectory1901-02/> <http://media-cache-ec0.pinimg.com/236x/51/cc/85/51cc8586b2894b2a0e10bf72c19e8786.jpg> Illustration by author <http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-rjNpJ0PPnR4/UMdbN7FKI1I/AAAAAAAAAhE/ZQP-0F4x-_4/s1600/Unite+Nan tes-Rezey+1.jpg> Illustration by author Illustration by author Illustration by author
Figure 4.1 - Favela, Rio de Janeiro Figure 4.2 - Transect of traditional urbanism. Figure 4.3 - Pavilion Street and Court Types Figure 4.4 - Diagram of Glasgow Neighbourhoods Figure 4.5 - Diagram of Density and Economic Deprivation Figure 4.6 - Density Calculations Diagrams
Space, Density and Urban Form
Figure 4.7 - Density Calculations Diagrams
Illustration by author based on those by Meta Berghauser Pont, and Per Haupt, Spacematrix: (Rotterdam: NAi, 2010), pg.107 Illustration by author based on those by Meta Berghauser Pont, and Per Haupt, Spacematrix: (Rotterdam: NAi, 2010), pg.107 - 108
Space, Density and Urban Form
Illustration by author based on those by Meta Berghauser Pont, and Per Haupt, Spacematrix: (Rotterdam: NAi, 2010), pg.108 - 109
Space, Density and Urban Form
Figure 4.8 - Density Calculations Diagrams Figure 4.9 - Density Calculations Figure 4.10 - Density Calculations Figure 4.11 - Density Calculations Figure 4.12 - Density Calculations Figure 4.13 - Spacematrix Diagram By Author
Gam,2012, Pg 221 Illustration by author based on those by Martin and March (1972), Pg36 Illustration by author Illustration by author
Pictures and Diagrams By Author Pictures and Diagrams By Author Pictures and Diagrams By Author Pictures and Diagrams By Author based on those by Meta Berghauser Pont, and Per Haupt, Spacematrix: 2010), pg. 116-127.
Figure 5.1 - Diagram Density Zones Figure 5.2 - Diagram Density Zones and areas of high Deprivation Figure 5.3 - Spacematrix Diagram By Author
Illustration by author
Figure 6.1 - The City in Balance Figure 6.2 - Diagram of The City Subway Network Figure 6.3 - Current Urban Form Paisly Rd. Figure 6.4 - Possible Urban Form
Illustration by author
Space, Density and Urban Form (Rotterdam: NAi,
Illustration by author Illustration by author based on those by Meta Berghauser Pont, and Per Haupt, Spacematrix: (Rotterdam: NAi, 2010), pp. 116-127.
Illustration by author Illustration by author Illustration by author
Space, Density and Urban Form
1 . Introduction
Abstract Throughout the world cities are grappling with the problems of ever expanding populations, increased car traffic and sprawling urban development. In the last quarter of the 20th century the term compact city was coined to give name to a theory of urban development which suggests possible solutions to some of these problems. These ideas are now being taken up by many governments and are currently being included in planning legislation documents which could change the face of our cities for ever. In this climate of uncertainty Glasgow like a vast number of western cities is now advocating a ’Compact City’ model in its literature and publications. Specifically Glasgow has committed to the provision of housing at higher densities while at the same time making use of existing brown field and derelict sites within the metropolitan area. The plan calls for a focus on ‘the city centre and the city-region’s surrounding urban areas’ to be the focus of regenerating deprived communities within the city core. In this respect the density of the city will become the focus of study for this study. At the moment strategic planing documents are calling for the densification of city areas but there is no real practical analysis of the actual density of areas across the area as a whole. The hope is that the collection of data through the conducting of density calculations will be able to provide an over view of city density which can be used not only to conducting more strategic thinking at a city level but also facilitate a more complete planing at a community level informing things like building height, form and proportions of green space.
1. Glasgow and the Clyde Valley Strategic Development Plan, 2012, Pg 12
Overview The focus of the study will fall on defining accurate density metrics for Glasgow to be used in the pursuit of a compact city model. To achieve this understanding of the metropolis some key issues will be looked at, the historic development of the city, the built form and the economic performance of communities. In depth analysis of these issues will give us a better understanding of the current urban grain and how the parts of the conurbation interact with each other. From here the task will be to define accurately a map of Glasgow's densities. The mapping of density will allow us to define geographic zones of density within the city. When looked at in the light of the factors out lined above this will provide an understanding of their links and how best development in these areas can be put in place. The final issue to be address will be how can practical proposals show the way forward for this raw data being deployed on the ground at a local level. This is the ultimate target of the document to provide do able steps for densifying areas of the city correctly.
2 : Putting Glasgow into Context
Learning from the Past In order to gain a full picture of the built fabric of Glasgow it is first necessary to explore its origins and development to reveal the factors which have shaped the city over the course of centuries. A historical understanding is also crucial in the examination of density as will be illustrated more clearly in 1 the later chapters. Lets first put forward a brief examination of the factors surrounding the cities rise from a humble market town in the 18th century to the becoming the heart of British heavy manufacturing in the to 19th Century through to the decline and readjustment seen in the 20th and 21th centuries.
Humble Beginnings Crucial to this is knowing about the economic development of the settlement. Many of the problems faced by Glasgow in the 20th and 21th centuries have their roots in the growth that occurred in the century before driven by massive economic pressures and influences. These economic forces had a direct effect upon the built form of the city. Peter Reed in ‘The Forming of Glasgow’ defines this growth as taking the form of two distinct processes. That of ‘accretion’ which is the laying out of new districts on unbuilt land. The second is ‘clearance’ or the repurposing of existing building stock in the hopes 2 of raising the standard of living or for economic gain. Money was a key driver in these two processes, whether it be the insatiable need of industry for open land and space to allow growth and the armies of workers which followed them. There is the movement of the middle classes from the traditional city heart in the mid nineteenth century to more enticing developments in the west end or south of the river. There is also the industrial collapse and the steps taken to save the metropolitan area in the 20th century. All of these elements of change have3 left their mark on the streets and buildings, the cities growth, and its density. As John Macarthur's map of Glasgow illustrates, dating back to 1778 Glasgow began as a small market town established around Salt Market Street and High Street in what is now the southeastern corner of the city centre. The map reflects buildings typical of their age huddled closely together around a narrow patchwork of streets. The plots or small and the town is surrounded by verdant countryside, a far cry from the metropolis it has become today. So the question that we must ask is how did we get here?
1. Berghauser Pont, Meta; Haupt, 2010 , Pg. 172 2. Reed, 1999, Pg 1 3. Ibid Pg 2
Figure 2.1 - Map of Glasgow, 1778 John McArthurs Map of Glasgow
Emerging Wealth Stepping forward 45 years to 1823 we can see that Glasgow has ballooned from its boundaries in 1778. In the previous map the township is closely gathered around the junction of Trongate street and Saltmarket street. In the later map the city centre is still located in the medieval heart of the city but the merchant city has begun its formation with George square visible at the the centre of the map. Interestingly Smiths map also shows an expansion of industrial activity with cotton spinners, iron works, breweries and chemical works being visible and thus marking the beginning of Glasgows growth in the nineteenth century. In 1791 there were 15,000 cotton looms in Glasgow and manufactureing was boosted by strong trade links with cotton producing areas such as the West Indies and the American Colonies. Weaving was boosted further by the introduction of steam power later in the period. Comparatively Glasgow at this time was a very minor player in ship building during the era of wooden 1 hulled vessels. Accounting for a merger 5% of national production in 1835. This early industrial revolution drove the expansion of the city in the early years with traders profiting from British dominance of global trade. The city enjoyed good links with the main cotton producers of the time the west indies and the southern united states. This emerging class of nouveau riche sought security and profit in land acquisition to solidify their place within the city. This land was acquired from a declining aristocracy which had been cut out of the seismic economic changes happening at this time. The grid of the new town was synonymous with the new mansions that began to pop up along the newly formed Buchanan street and George Square. The trading classes chose to build in stone and enjoyed the formal clarity of the newly 2 formed civic space. This theme of expansion and migration played out by the bourgeoisie of the city would continue in the same manner well into the next century and would arguably continue up until the present day.
1. Gibb, 1983, Pg. 116 2. Arncil Walker, 1999, Pg. 27&33
Figure 2.2 - Map of Glasgow, 1828 David Smiths Plan of Glasgow
Growth and Expansion With the rumbling on of the 1800â€™s the tide of industrialisation within Glasgow inevitably began to change. The trade in weaving and tobacco in so dominant in the early part of the century began to falter as profits fell. The textile industry was heavily hit in particular by the emerging conflict within the United States between 1861 and 1865 which saw southern exports of cotton to the United Kingdom curtailed by the Northern States. Prices rose and profits fell. At the same time emerging producers began to cut into the 1 existing domestic and foreign markets once dominated by British producers. As the century wore on the predominant employer within the conurbation switched gradually from the making of textiles to heavy industry and shipbuilding. Development of the Port of Glasgow and the building of Canals to connect the city to outlying areas can be seen as the precursors of this pattern of growth. The Port of Glasgow had a particular effect in that it brought Trans-Atlantic traffic directly to the city some thing which had not happened previous to this.2 As was required with this facilities to repair shipping were introduced. This participated as can be seen in the map of 1901 the commencement of large scale ship building to the north and the south of the river around the 3 areas of Govan and Partick. Just as these expansions were taking place along the river, canal construction in the form of the Forth and Clyde canal brought factories and ware houses to the outskirts of the city with industrial premises popping up along the northern edge of the city from Maryhilll to Port Dundas and even as far as Springburn. These shifts brought two things to Glasgow money and people leading to one result, house building. The working populations swelled wih between 25,00 to 30,000 men employed in shipbuilding alone in Glasgow. In addition there were five times that number taking up roles in supporting industries supplying all that is necessary to operate the vessels from ships engines to soft furnishings.4 This continued to the north with armies of workers following following foundries and chemical works as they sought out open areas for growth . As the industries expanded they lay-ed out around them streets to house the working populations. This developed into speculative housing developments in the forms of tenements built over 3 or 4 stories. These started out as high density housing for the lower middle classes but soon developed into working class areas. The results of this expansion can still be seen in the tenemental areas of the west end, east end and south of river in places like Govanhill. 1. Hume, 1974, Pg 25-26 2. Gibb, 1983, Pg. 115 3. Hume, 1974, Pg 125-127 4. Riddell, 1999, Pg. 44
Figure 2.3 - New Plan of Glasgow, !901
Decline of Production This period of prosperity continued up until the beginning of the first world war with exceptional levels of growth experienced within the city. From this wealth the merchant class and industrialist continued to prosper. These industrial conditions of the city created quite undesirable conditions among the squalid housing of the poor workers. These were often in close proximity 1 to the docks and the industrial complexes. Those who could afford it looked west to placs like Royal Crescent and Woodside in the fast growing suburbs that led on to housing in Hillhead and Kelvinside. This pattern of decentralisation was common in the industrial towns of Britain as people swapped crowded city life for the bucolic burbs. Areas which welcomed the wondering classes retain today their affluence and cachet. But all was not well in the garden and change was afoot. Following the First World War the economy of Glasgow was nearly totally dependent on the heavy industries such as ‘Shipbuilding, marine engine production and heavy engineering’. The figures were stark especially when seen in the context of a period drifting slowly towards the great depression which would see international markets wither and die as fast as the order books emptied. In 1924 within the UK economy as a whole ship building and mechanical engineering accounted for 29% of the overall production, by 1935 the figure had risen to 26.5%. In Scotland that figure stood at 54% in 1924 2 and rising to 57.7% in 1935. This level of exposure to industry’s so helplessly dependant on the world markets would have a disastrous effect on Glasgow. This was not well picked up on with the the first world war having a skewing effect on the perception of stability at that time. The Royal Navy required vast numbers of ships and the yard owners readily complied but all the while the civilian market contracted closely in this period. The great depression provided a taste of what was to come with sustained unemployment rates of 30% throughout 3 the period. But again another war allayed fears and filled orders. It can be argued that things didn't really come to a head until the post war period by which time the city was hopelessly exposed economically with no easy answers available.
1. Reed, 1999, Pg 58 2. Gibb, 1983, Pg. 148 3. Ibid, Pg 149
These problems were beginning to come to the fore in the inter war years. This is illustrated by the enactment in 1938 of the Special Areas Legislation which created the Hillington industrial estate on the south side of the Clyde. In the post war period the practice was expanded with the addition of 1 1 seventeen additional industrial estates. The main aim of this was to diversify the local economy but this vital move had a unforeseen side effect. The estates had a direct de-centralising effect on city development as the light industry moved out. Diversification did follow but the migration was at the expense of the city core which was robbed of its natural development for the sake of decentralisation. Vast large swathes of the working class areas were decimated by unemployment as the jobs moved elsewhere often overseas entirely.
New Towns and Overspill For the first time since its inception the population of Glasgow began to fall. The city was in dire straits and the housing of the working classes was seen as a priority. The conditions in the tenements of the city were slum like with families living in delapadated and dirty conditions. The housing was cramped and how no modern facility's such as running water or flushing toilets. In addition the city had been damaged by German bombing. Again decentralisation was seen as an answer with the idea to move portions of the population whole scale to new accommodation fit for purpose on the edge of the city. The 60â€™s and 70â€™s saw massive demand for housing. The task of providing this fell to the local authority which under took massive building schemes. These efforts came too slowly though with massive amounts of accommodation still lacking W.C.â€™s and baths. In some parts of the city over 60% of the build2 ing were in this condition. In order to relieve these pressures a strategy of overspill was set upon. This called for the inner city population to be displaced towards the city's edge. In 1956 Cumbernauld was designated as a New Town with Stonehouse 3 following in 1972. These were envisaged as the best solution to providing modern housing standards on such a large scale as was required. This proved to be a difficult transition and many of the new development on the edge of the city became synonyms with dislocation and dysfunctionality. As this happened a process of demolition and renewal happened, with the main focus being the clearing of old slum housing. This is the legacy with continues today and which remains the focus for urban planning in Glasgow. The key to understanding what must be done next is to learn from these processes which have shaped the city so far. The analysis of density offers us the Ideal tool to begin to pull these strands of knowledge together. 1. Gibb, 1983, Pg. 149 2. Ibid Pg. 166 3. Ibid Pg. 169
Figure 2.4 - Cumbernauld Town Center. Artists impression of how the town center would function.
Medieval City Core, 1778
Extent of 18th century town, 1835
Industrial Expansion in Key Areas, 1901
City of the 20th century, Present
19th century expansions, 1901
Figure 2.5 - Illustration of Glasgows Development
3 : Making a case for the compact city & Glasgow
The Sustainable City The environmental implications of how our cities work cannot be ignored today and make up a key tenet of the compact city debate. Just as was seen in 18th and 19th century in Europe and America the populations of city within the world's emerging economies are expanding extremely rapidly as people abandon rural living to secure better lives for themselves in the city. Today the world's urban population is more than 50% compared to 10% of 1 the population a century before. “The Interest in the compact city follows three main threads - environmental, social and 2 economic” says Hedley Smyth. The desire to promote sustainable development for cities is seen as crucial now. The environmental calmer is heard the loudest with evangelical exponent such as Richard Rogers listing a myriad of facts and figures relating to our evermore polluting cities. Looking more closely at Britain the challenges of climate change are becoming ever more apparent to policy makers who see the current urban status quo as adding to the problem and are fearful of unforeseen long term climate issues. The nation has become hooked on carbon hungry modes of transport which waste natural energy resources while demanding huge infrastructural investment. Mayer Hillman in the essay ‘In Favour of Compact City’ private car travel has by far out stripped the bus in terms of travel choices by commuters. This is within a system where the transport industry accounts for 3 a third of all energy consumption within the economy. Walking and cycling have been equally hit by the rise of the private car in part by convenience but also as the urban environment becomes more car centric and less hospitable to the pedestrian or cyclist. The carbon footprint of an urban dweller is about one third that of someone living out with of a city. This is a causal effect of transportation choices, housing and a myriad of other factors. Cars are a crucial factor in all of this with approximately one billion now on the worlds roads. This form of personalised transport puts huge strain on the infrastructure of sites and is incredibly damaging to the environment emitting vast amounts of CO2 every year. The health benefits of choosing to walk or cycle are also a factor. Moderate exercise such as these can have a large impact on the risk of heart disease or diabetes and a myriad of other conditions including the risk of cancer.
1. Rogers, 2012, Pg 11 2. Smyth, 1996, Pg 10 3. Hillman, 1996, Pg30
Better Neighbourhoods The mass slum dwelling of the nineteenth century has for a long time now held a place in the imaginations of people as being the antithesis of healthy and happy living conditions. The Dickensian squalor of this period was characterised by cramped conditions and little and or facilities. Fuelled by the industrial revolution the proportion of urban dwellers in Britain swelled to over 50% in the middle of the nineteenth century. The average life expectancy in 1 British cities with a population over 100,000 was just 29. Glasgow was no stranger to this phenomenon as described earlier and many of these issues played a part in the slum clearances which occurred after the second world 2 war. This in turn led to a rejection of dense city living as a desirable form of city living and urban planning throughout the twentieth century has followed this example. The initial proposals put forward to deal with urban housing standards had been overwhelmingly decentralist in tone. The garden city movement of Ebenezer Howard generally dictated the tone of housing form and density within the suburbs. Core areas were re-imagined in the mode of Le Corbusier who envisioned modernist blocks arising from the crumbling war 3 damaged cities. These ideas remained popular throughout the century and were reflected quite heavily in the development which was undertaken in Glasgow in the period after the second world war. These issues are all being acutely felt within Glasgow. Its history of rapid economic growth and decline have meant that it has experienced many of the periods of thinking outlined above. Weather it be the inner city high rise development advocated by the likes of Le Corbusier in areas like Maryhill Sighthill or the Gorbals or the peripheral expansion as espoused by Howard in the development of the New Towns. These views have become less and less accepted in our current time. The policies of decentralisation are heavily dependant upon private modes of transport to sustain themselves. They promote a city to grow at scales further from what we would consider human or tactile. The modern tactic of zoning the city by function in ways that effectively sterilise districts and neighbourhoods has lead to a steady perceived decline in the quality and performance of the housing being produced today. These are being recognised at a local and at a national level and are beginning to be discussed in development documentation. These are clear indications that from all sectors it is recognised that a new approach is needed to tackle some of the most prominent problems. One approach is that of the compact city. 1. Dempsey et al, 2012, pg90-91 2. Gibb, 1983, Pg 155-159 3. Taylor, 1998, pg 24
Figure 3.1 - Unite D'Habitation, Le Corbusier (1953)
The building exemplified the forms which were prevelant in architectural thinking after the first world war. Pavilion type building sat in open space in line with Le Corbusiers dictate that nature could only by apreciated framed by the works of man.
The Costs of Car Ownership The social and economic implications of the urban environment are possibly enormous. Sprawl has led to an increase in social polarisation with poorest in society being worst affected. The demands of car ownership have lead to economic strain being exerted on the people who earn the lowest amounts of money in society. This is exacerbated by the fact that the infrastructure spending on roads draw valuable resources away from expenditure on public transport inflating the price and adding to the burden levied on the existing public transport users.1 Rising energy prices must also be examined as well when looking at this process. The phenomenon of peak oil cast of looming shadow over the economies of western Europe and America. The fact that many commentators are now suggesting the world oil production has peaked quite recently 2 has led to fears of massive price rises. The situation is exacerbated by ever rising demand being driven by the recent economic revolution being seen in the emerging economies such as China, Indonesia, India and Brazil where new middle classes seek car ownership of their own. The situation of domestic car owner ship is quite grave when one looks at the figures relating to the average household in Scotland for this year. The AA calculates the average cost of running a mid-range car priced between £13,000 and £18,000 covering 30,000 miles a year at £11,042/year. When set against the National Office of Statistics data for the average gross weekly earnings for full time employees by region, which notes the average gross wage in Scotland as being £522/week which works out at a gross figure of £27,144 per year indicating the average industrial wage. At the moment car ownership is costing over a third of the annual industrial wage in Scotland with the cost set to rise with energy prices. The financial implications for middle income families are dire as dislocated living and work environments will see more and more of their take home pay being eaten up by uneconomic car travel. In the context of the current financial crisis which shows no signs of letting up anytime soon this will cause a rapid reduction in the quality of life for the average household. With many of these families tied to unsustainable property’s throught mortgages and debt it is hard to see a way out without inducing mass financial doom. This emphasises the fact that the choice of a urban environment can have a huge impact on the finances of the average individual. Removal of the necessity for costly travel has the capacity to greatly improve the standard of living.
1. Hillman, 1996, Pg31 2. Koppelaar, 2005, Pg 6-8
Within Scotland over one third of the average industrial wage is requireed to run and maintain a car over the course of a single year.
Figure 3.2 - Average price of running a car over the course of a year AA : Car running costs 2013/14, NOS average gross weekly earnings by region.
Urban Vacant and Derelict Land When looking at the economic history of Glasgow its is interesting to exam ine the effects of decentralisation on the city. Glasgow has been left with a legacy of urban decline which other urban centres have managed to avoid. These problems are specific to environmental factors which have been hard wired into areas over long periods of time. This has meant that there are some striking social issues included in this. It is quite sad and not all that surprising that the poorest and most vulnerable are left within these areas of decline. It is a startling figure that 54 percent of the poorest people in society are living within 500m of a derelict site. With just under 15 percent of the most affluent within the population living within 500m of a derelict site it is quite clear that the problem has many underlying socioeconomic connections. Aberdeen
These figures show that there is a significant problem with developing vacant land within the city of Glasgow. This is exasperated by the attitudes of landowners who at times are inclined to view urban redevelopment negatively. Studies of brown field sites in Manchester have indicated that in such cases half of landowners can view development positively with significant proportions viewing it with ambivalence and even negatively.
Positive Not Sure
Figure 3.3 - Landowners attitudes to Redevelopment
(Adams, 2003, Pg9)
All of these factors lead to an environment in which development is totally dependant upon the actions of the local authority or central government within Scotland. This has been seen with many grand schemes being proposed for city rejuvenation during Glasgow's current history with the latest schemes focusing upon major sporting events to act as a springboard for driving forward investment within the city. When seen in this light a compact form of development with focuses on the use of brownfield sites can be seen as quite desirable. The very fact that this issues is so prevalent should be seen as an opportunity to densify these existing neighbourhoods.
Figure 3.4 - Derilict Land rates in Scotland by Local Authority Scotish Vacant and Derelict Land Survey 2012, Pg. 45
4 : Setting the Standard for Density
Metrics When starting to define workable densities for any place, it is first important to recognise the difficulty of this task. Through out the world cities operate at a wide range of densities. In Brazil the slum housing in the form of favelas exist at huge densities with building forms which are predominantly low rise located on the periphery of the city separated from affluent districts. In cities like Hong Kong or Singapore, land restrictions can lead to massive population densities with the only alternative being the housing of people in high rise blocks. Arza Churchman in the article Disentangling the Concept of Density, raises some key issues when using density as a metric by which to examine the urban condition as â€œThere is no one accepted measure of density between or within countries or even within metropolitan regionsâ€? . Differing methods are used around the world when looking at the issues, such as weather the density is calculated in terms of the number of people living in district divided by its area. For example Population / sq Km or Population / sqHa. Also when looking at density some countries define it as building or dwelling per unit area as 1 opposed to using the the building capasity or footprint. These are extremes of course but they serve to highlight the difficulty of utilising density as a metric for analysing the success of a city or even a development. This leads to the vital question as to how a standard for density for Glasgow can be achieved. In looking at this question in their book Spacematrix which tackles the issue of Physical density the authors delve into this. Here physical density becomes a usable list of factors to be applied in conjunction with each other so as to define a coherent density. Physical Density can be broken down into the following related physical factors Population and dwelling density, Land use Intensity, Coverage, Building height Spaciousness. These criteria are then used within the ext to compare similar European cities with the aim of understanding the links between physical qualities and an in depth understanding of density. Like for like are contrasted by compareing 2 Barcelona, Amsterdam and Berlin with densities being analysed. It would be interesting to uses this technique to analyse Glasgow, comparing areas within the city to determine the standards for density.
1. Churchman, 1999, Pg. 390 2. Berghauser Pont, Meta; Haupt, 2010, Pg. 80
Figure 4.1 - Favela, Rio de Janeiro
Example of one form of a high density enviroment.
To set the standard of density one must first look at the city in its entirety. As set forward in the previous chapter Glasgow suffers from a chronic problem of dereliction and vacancy with levels far in excess of other cities in Scotland. It is also clear from looking at that information that this issue of urban decline is not set evenly across society with the majority of poor and vulnerable communities bearing the brunt of the phenomena. To combat this, accurate ways of analysing the urban fabric are required. It is for this that the transect section becomes a useful tool. The transect section sets out a template for the build-up of urban environments. Its draws on the work of Geddes in the nineteenth century as set out in his valley section which stressed the importance of understanding an environment by looking at it as a series of linked habitats. This has was picked up upon by new urbanists during the 80â€™s and 90â€™s such as Andres Duany who began to utilise this thinking in the rationalisation of urban areas. With this in mind the urban transect was produced by Duany as a way of showing a logical progression of the urban build up as one moves from the purely natural setting to rural to sub-urban, urban to urban centre and core areas.
Figure 4.2 - Transect of traditional urbanism.
ÂŠDuany, Plater-Zyberk and company (DPZ), (Gam,2012, Pg 221) If one is to look at Glasgow in this manner interesting things become apparent. Historically the development of the city has not occurred evenly as one would hope to see in the transect plan. Its development was dominated by 1 the movement of industry and the communities of labour which followed it. It is also clear that a very large proportion of the vacant and derelict land in 2 Scotland was originally employed in manufacturing. The disappearance of which has hit the traditional working class communities once crowded around these sites two fold. Firstly the disappearance of jobs and secondly the prevalence of the derelict land in those places which can prohibit new people from settling in these communities. 1. Gibb, 1983, Pg. 119 2. National Statistics, 2012, Pg. 27-28
Choosing Samples Identifying the key areas of the city to examine is of extreme importance to the study. Berghauser and Pont list these variables which are vital to choosing the correct samples to analyse. These criteria include : - Urban Morphology - Historical Periods of development. 1 - Geographical and Cultural Spread. Martin and March identify three different building types, â€˜the pavilion or tower, 2 the street and the court typeâ€™. These examples are useful when characterising the different urban forms which need to be examined. Owing to their relative characteristics each form naturally lend themselves to differing urban density but these classifications do not offer a complete picture of density in and of them shelves. Take for example the pavilion type which can constitute a High rise tower block or a detached suburban house. They fall within the same classification but obviously offer very differing densities. Historical criteria are equally important in the choosing of areas to study as the different patterns of growth within the city can be very pronounced and have a big effect on the resulting densities. Glasgow is no exception in this case where there is clear delineation between the strata of growth. The medieval heart of the city located around the Trongate exhibits a very fine grained urban fabric produced by processes unique to its situation. This is just as would be expected in any medieval city in Europe as these characteristics are synonymous with that period. Where as on the other hand a high rise development such as Maryhill exhibits very different urban fabric but it is equally a product of its time and place as the medieval example. Thus historical analysis can be very revealing when choosing a location to study but it dose not offer the full picture.
Figure 4.3 - Pavilion Street and Court Types Martin and March (1972), Pg36 1. Berghauser Pont, Meta; Haupt, 2010 , Pg. 172 2. Martin & March, 1972 , Pg. 35
When choosing areas with a Strong morphological spread I first had to look strategical at the city. The first thing that becomes obvious about Glasgow is the clear axis running from east to west which is dominated by the prevalence of affluent middle class city dweller located in the west end.
City Center Garthamlock Milngavie
These areas are clustered around Hyndland and Byers road old tenemental areas which once serviced the shipyard in Partick. The building stock here remains intact form the programs of redevelopment and has therefore retained its much of its quaint charms sought out by the higher income residents. These areas fall within easily within the court type as defined by Martin & March previously as dose much of the city centre region.
Within the west side of the city there are some places such as Maryhill which have have larger populations of people on lower incomes and again this fits the trend in relationship to industrial decline and economic decline. But on the whole the west end is the place to be for the spending middle classes and this extends to the the suburbs with the prevalence of affluent neighbourhoods centred around the likes of Bearsden and Milngavie. Here the typology is mixed and can vary between the all three exemplars. The city centre in itself is maintains a relatively stable typology as would be expected within a major European city but as you move past Gallowgate towards the east end prices drop in some cases quite dramatically. Areas like Bridgeton and Dennistoun and Dalmarnock were heavily hit by industrial closures in the last century and hove been targeted for redevelopment many times. This led in the 60â€™s and 70â€™s to large amount of the existing tenimental properties being listed as slum housing and demolished to make way for highrise housing which was in turn demolished during the early 21th century. Here court type Blocks are still prevalent but are inter spliced with the other types. To the south side of the river many of the same the same characteristics of the east end can be seen here with a range of typologies spanning all three brackets being found . This continues as you move further to the east towards the outlying neighbourhoods such as Garthcraig and Parkhead are built up with lots of suburban housing which can be characterised by the Pavilion type as can some of the ore affluent suburbs with lie further out even still like Milngavie or Garrowhill.
Duke St. Paisly Rd. Govanhill
Figure 4.4 - Diagram of Glasgow Neighbourhoods
Economic Deprivation This reading of the city holds up in many respects when the information is cross referenced with statistics on deprived areas provided by the scottish government. The data is mapped to show a the areas with the toughest economic situations highlighted in shades of blue the darkest shades being the most deprived 5% of the population and increasing in increments of five with each different shade. The most prosperous 100 - 20% remain unshaded. The data roughly falls in line with housing prices with large portions of the west end remaining unshaded to demark prosperous areas. The traditionally affulent Westend areas remain clear from the City Centre to just beyond Partick near Broomhill and Victoria Park. This indicates low levels of relative economic deprivation are found here. To the east of the city center the proportion of unshaded areas falls drastically with lots of the map turning colour to indicate economic problems. This is also seen on the south side of the river. This is no real suprise as it is not such a leap of the imagination to conclude that the proest individuals in socity are living in the least desirable locations within the city. But it would be interesting to understand how these areas compared when looked at in terms of density. In choosing areas of study is is desirable to utalise this understanding to get as broad a range of samples as possible.
Figure 4.5 - Diagram of High Economic Deprivation Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation (2012)
Calculaing the Density. Basic Indicators - Network Density (N) Network density, N, refers to the intensity of networks criscrossing a selected area. The unite measurement is network lenght per square meter land area (m). This can be defined as the total lenght in meters of the internal network (roads and paths which cross through the smaple area) plus half of the external network (the network which marks the boundry of the sample). This is devided by the area of the sample site. The diagram oposite illustrates this. The red line in the upper digram shows the internal network(li), the dotted line the external network (le). In the lower diagram the area of fabric (Af) is shaded in red.
Basic Indicators - Building Intensity (FSI)
Building Intensity, FSI, refers to the total built capasity of an area. This is calculated by measuring the total built footprint, multiplying it by the numbers of floors (L) and then deviding it by the area of the sample site. The upper diagram oposite shows the total floor area (footprint X number of floors). In the lower diagram the area of fabric (Ax) is shaded in red.
Figure 4.6 - Density Calculations
Calculaing the Density. Basic Indicators - Coverage (GSI) Coverage, GSI, refers to the total built area of the site. This is calculated by measuring the total built footprint (Bx), and then deviding it by the area of the sample site (Ax). The upper diagram oposite shows the total floor area (Bx). In the lower diagram the area of fabric (Ax) is shaded in red.
Derived Indicators - Building Height (L)
Building Height, L, the average story height of all of the buildings within the sample area. This is calculated by dividing the Building Intensity (FSI) by the Coverage(GSI).
Figure 4.7- Density Calculations
Calculaing the Density. Derived Indicators - Spaciousness (OSR) Spaciousness, OSR, refers to the proportion of unbuilt spaceat ground level. This is expressed as a proportion of the overall site. This can be arrived at by subtracting the GSI figure form one and then deviding the remainder by the FSI.
Figure 4.8 - Density Calculations
The density sample of the city centre covers and area of 9.2Ha close to George Square including the Ingram St, S Frederick St, & Hanover St. area.
A = 9.2Ha Nf = .020m FSIx = 2.57m²/ m² GSIx = .57m²/ m² L = 4.5 OSR = 0.16m²/ m²
A traditional tenemental area bordered by Byers Rd. and Elie St. The chosen portion has an area of 4.3Ha.
A traditional tenemental A high rise development area the bordered by Byers form 1960’s the area Rd. and Elie St. chosen comprises of The multistory portion has an arearow of flats, lower level 4.3Ha. houses and a school. It has an area of 8.1Ha.
A = 4.3Ha Nf = .019m FSIx = 1.19m²/ m² GSIx = 0.29m²/ m² L=4 OSR = 0.59m²/ m²
A A= = 4.3Ha 8.1Ha Nf Nf = = .019m .016m FSIx = = 0.96m²/ 1.19m²/ m² m² FSIx GSIx GSIx = = 0.29m²/ 0.11m²/ m² m² LL = =4 8.7 OSR OSR = = 0.59m²/ 0.93m²/ m² m² T = 38% W= B=
Figure 4.9 - Density Calculations Pictures and Diagrams By Author
A low density suburban area on the outskirts of the city. The subject district has an area of 6.8Ha.
A = 6.8Ha Nf = .018m FSIx = .30m²/ m² GSIx = .15m²/ m² L=2 OSR = 2.83m²/ m²
Bridgeton is a tenamental area in the east end of the city with a busy high street. The chosen site has an area of 2.8Ha
A = 2.8Ha Nf = .030m FSIx = 1.09m²/ m² GSIx = 0.30m²/ m² L = 3.7 OSR = 0.64m²/ m²
A peripheral housing development with a mix of semi detached properties and low rise flats. It has an area of 8.6Ha.
A = 8.6Ha Nf = .017m FSIx = 0.29m²/ m² GSIx = 0.14m²/ m² L = 2.07 OSR = 0.52m²/ m²
Figure 4.10- Density Calculations Pictures and Diagrams By Author
A low density suburban area in the east end of the city. The subject district has an area of 3.7Ha.
A = 3.7Ha Nf = .017m FSIx = .29m²/ m² GSIx = .13m²/ m² L=2 OSR = 2.89m²/ m²
A traditional tenemental area in the west end of the city. The chosen blocks have an area of 2.8Ha.
A = 2.8Ha Nf = .034m FSIx = 1.43m²/ m² GSIx = 0.36m²/ m² L=4 OSR = 0.45m²/ m²
A residential area in the east end of the city. The chosen site consists of 3.1Ha.
A = 3.1Ha Nf = .019m FSIx = 0.51m²/ m² GSIx = 0.19m²/ m² L=3 OSR = 1.59m²/ m²
Figure 4.11 - Density Calculations Pictures and Diagrams By Author
An east end suburb located on the fringe of the city. The selected blocks have an area of 3Ha
A = 3Ha Nf = .024m FSIx = .30m²/ m² GSIx = .15m²/ m² L=2 OSR = 2.83m²/ m²
An inner city residential area on the south side of the river with an area of 1.6Ha.
A = 1.6Ha Nf = .026m FSIx = 0.81m²/ m² GSIx = 0.23m²/ m² L = 3.52 OSR = 0.95m²/ m²
A traditional tenement area on the south side of the city. It has an area of 4.1Ha.
A = 4.1Ha Nf = .022m FSIx = 1.97m²/ m² GSIx = 0.49m²/ m² L = 4.01 OSR = 0.26m²/ m²
Figure 4.12 - Density Calculations Pictures and Diagrams By Author
0.25 0.35 0.50 0.75 1.00
10 4 6
GSI City Center Core Zones Tenemental Zones City Peripheral Zones Low Density Suburbs
Figure 4.13 - Spacematrix Diagram By Author
based on those by Meta Berghauser Pont, and Per Haupt, Spacematrix: Space, Density and Urban Form (Rotterdam: NAi, 2010), pp. 116-127.
5 : Understanding the Findings
City Centre Core Area
Mapping the Density For anyone to make a proposal to densify areas of a city they must first have a thorough understanding of how that city operates at it current densities in order to make an informed decision. Therefore this step of rationalisation of the data is crucial in any understanding of the areas involved. When looking at the findings of the density calculations for Glasgow as they are graphed in the previous chapter it becomes clear that there are four zones of density which occur within Glasgow. The zones can be classified as The City Centre Core Area, The Medium Density Core Area, Medium Density Peripheral Zones and Low Density Suburbs.
Medium Density Peripheral Areas Medium Density Core Areas
The first and highest in density is the city core area which represents the oldest area of the city. This is to be expected as the city centre marks the central node of economic activity within the conurbation. Building heights and footprints combine to provide very high FSI and GSI scores which in turn offer high density yields. The second density zones are the Medium Density Core Areas. These are generally dominated by the tenemental style of building in the court type. These typologies dominate the west end covering an area stretching from Charing cross in the east to Partick in the west and form the river to North Kelvinside in the alternative axis. The resultant topology is a series of densely built and well interconnected neighbourhoods with good connections to the city centre core. These levels of density are represented elsewhere in the city wherever tenemental areas are still in existence in sufficient numbers, most notably in the east end around Bridgeton Cross and Govanhill on the south side of the river. The findings for these areas are quite stable in terms of density whether it is in the west end, the east end or the south of the city that you are looking at. This is caused by the relative stability in the numbers of floors per block and the building footprints. The city Peripheral zones sit mainly adjacent to the the City Centre Core Areas and the Medium Density Core Areas. They are made up of a diverse range of built types but the are all related by similar densities. This zone comprises of the high rise building type as seen in Maryhill but also lower scale housing developments such as the one found on the Paisley road and Duke street. In addition these areas can suffer from very low network intensity.
Peripheral Suburban Density City Peripheral Zones
The final classification is that of low Density Suburbs. These have the lowest built density and occur on the very edge of the city. They have large OSI indexes indicating large portions of the sites are open . They also indicate low network scores and very low building capacity.
Figure 5.1 - Diagram Density Zones
City Center Core Area
Economic Deprivation and Density Interesting correlations begin to arise when the findings are looked at in terms of the deprivation statistics for Glasgow as provided within the Scottish neighbourhood statistics. From this information it is possible to draw some conclusions as to the performance of the zones in terms of socio economic deprivation. Form here we can draw some conclusions about links between the built form and the resultant density and the performance of areas.
Medium Density Peripheral Areas Medium Density Core Areas
It seems to be a widely held truth that density can not act as an indicator for built form but as has been seen this is obviously untrue. there is really the assumption that when it comes to density and urban form â€˜anything goesâ€™. This is a common misconception caused by inaccurate methods of calculating built density being employed that do not look at the full urban spectrum. Simply using FSI or a factor such as dwellings per hectare, metrics which offer only a limited understanding of the urban condition, skew the 1 results leading to big variations in the results experienced. This underlines the importance of using as broad a range of metrics as possible which can pick up on the subtle variations within the city grain. The variables of the space matrix allow of this depth of viewing and give as a full picture of the conditions on the ground as is possible. From looking at the map it becomes abundantly clear that the Core Zones of the city are surrounded on three sides by areas of high deprivation. The core areas themselves suffer from little hardship. There are some exceptions thought to the rule. The east end and south side do have large amounts of tenement streets operating at the same density as the west end. Unlike the west end though these areas suffer from wide scale economic problems just as is shown in figure 5.2 as Medium Density Peripheral Areas. The question must be asked why is this phenomenon occurring within a built type which can be very successful in a similar part of the city. The third observation is that large amounts of the Medium Density Core Areas suffer from very acute deprivation. These are often adjacent to areas which are performing quite well. This can be illustrated by the example of Maryhill and its high rise development. Here the multistory building typology dose not offer as high a density as would be expected when looking at the area on face value alone.
1. Berghauser Pont, Meta; Haupt, 2010 , Pg. 174
City Peripheral Zones
Figure 5.2 - Diagram Density Zones overlayed with areas of high Deprivation
Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation (2012)
Density and the Historic City As described at the end of the first chapter the historical growth of Glasgow can be seen as a series of five steps which brought the city to where it is today. The ‘Medieval City Core, 18th century town, 19th century expansions, Industrial Expansion areas, Decentralised 20th century city’. (Refer to chapter 1) What is clear is that from the density mapping and the addition of the information relating to economic deprivation you can see that city peripheral zones which demark the edge of the core areas with a medium built density also share a link with the industrial expansions seen in glasgow in the nineteenth century. In fact this is why most were chosen for study in particular. Areas like Maryhill, Duke St. and Paisley Rd. were all located within areas once dominated by heavy industry which were severely hit economically and socially in the mid 20th century. Thus many of these examples exhibit symptoms of dislocation from the existing city urban grain. When mapped in terms of density the results are clear but when looked at in terms of the internal networks of these areas the results can be just as interesting. The traditional tenemental areas display in some cases very high network intensity coefficients. Bridgeton and Hyndland both score in the upper range of the samples taken. On the other hand the figures for the mid density areas are slightly lower. This could be a contributing factor in the success of these neighbourhoods. The more intense networks operates at a greater capacity and allow for more traffic flow and passage of people. Direct correlations between the accessibility of a place can be drawn to its 1 perceived success and popularity and to aspects such as way finding. The data for the Paisley Rd. is not as marked. The sample does provide a relatively high network intensity but this result may just be an anomaly regarding the specific sample chosen in that case. In the other cases the samples show networks operating on the same level as suburban low density areas, far below that of the successful urban core. The openness factor of these areas (OSR) can also be viewed as a potential indicator. Again Bridgeton (.64m²/ m²), Hyndland(.45m²/ m²) and Hillhead(.59m²/ m²) all display moderately low openness readings though higher than that within the city core(.16m²/ m²). The mid density areas lag behind in this respect with some quite high scores, Maryhill(.93m²/ m²), Paisley Rd. (.95m²/ m²) and Duke St. (1.59m²/ m²). This shows that the mid density areas contain larger amounts of open space compared to the city core. Areas with a lower openness factors may give a better delineation between public and private. People prefer this dynamic as uncertainty of 2 social interaction is removed when space is actively defended. This could be an explenation for an area such as Maryhill which has large areas of open unclaimed land not actively marked as private. 1. Porta et al, 2006, Pg 712 2. Merry, 1981, Pg397 - 398)
0.25 0.35 0.50 0.75 1.00
10 4 6
From going through the figures it would seem like the logical step is to target these mid-densities under performing areas in a way that would push their density further towards that of the more affluent areas. As indicated before the openness index and the figures for network intensity could be adjusted but it is clear from the graph that the overall space capacity will also need to be increased.
Figure 5.3 - Spacematrix Diagram By Author
The FSI figures all fall below that of the traditionally dense neighbourhoods. It is probable that any alternative would include an adjust of all of these indicators not just one. This would probably offer the most complete effect but the question is in what form this intervention should be conducted.
based on those by Meta Berghauser Pont, and Per Haupt, Spacematrix: Space, Density and Urban Form (Rotterdam: NAi, 2010), pp. 116-127.
City Center Core Zones Tenemental Zones City Peripheral Zones Low Density Suburbs
6 : Proposals for Density
A New Approach The development of Glasgow has traditionally come from two directions, the top down development of the local and central government and bottom up development seen in the form of housing associations formed within the city to cater specifically for local needs. Both approaches have been successful in their own right at attracting investment into areas. Government money can instigate large changes in largeer areas. This is seen in the current projects to redevelop parts of Dalmarnock and Bridgeton as part of the 2014 commonwealth games. These projects require vast amounts of capital to bring into being especially when seen in the context of a major international sporting event. Just as importantly the grassroots approach has also seen success with housing associations becoming powerful actors in the urban setting. These organisations have their roots in the cities of the UK since the 1960â€™s but came to the fore in the vacuum left by the privatisation of public housing introduced by the conservative government in the form of â€˜Right to Buyâ€™ which was enacted in 1980. This policy is still in effect up to this day and has led to the sustained need for these resources to be sourced at a local level 1 for communities. These two approaches have seen much success and have driven much innovation within the planning of Glasgow but at the same time they operate at two very different scales. Also in addressing the issue in this way one may have the best chance of engaging with the most amount of stake holders in these sorts of projects. As identified in the previous sections a series of mid density areas have been identified as possible candidates for densification. The method of how this can be approached was uncertain. It would be an interesting proposition if the proposal could be seen as a grassroots project to reinvigorate the urban grain of the city periphery. As we have seen the density coupled with issues of development in Glasgow is a complicated subject. In the light of this I would like to make two proposals for future growth
Figure 6.1 - The City in Balance 1. McDermont, 2010, Pg 14
The Ring Strategy The first approach would utilise the Local public transport network as a method of stitching the city back together. The subway route is an evident target for this. The route takes in the main economic heart of the city from the City Centre to Partick in the west end, approximately. These are the areas with the highest workable density. The idea would be to then develop other areas along this network to densities in line with those displayed within the core. Densification of these areas is ideal as their close proximity to the transport hubs mean that traveller numbers can be maintained at sustainable levels by adding capacity to the surrounding areas. This has the duel effect of maximising the efficiency of a vital city resource while at the same time raising the demand for sustainable travel options. The implementation of a Free Transit area covering these central districts would help to reinforce the urban network. This would entail providing free public transport within the central zone of the city but also interlinking struggling areas which it is desirable to develop. This would have the effect of 1 tying these areas to the core by increasing the flow of traffic in between both. Studies have shown that this kind of initiative can significantly increase the numbers of individuals using public transport and this can be used as a 2 vital factor in creating long term sustainable communities. These measures could draw new people to under performing areas while at the same time making real time saving to people struggling with financial difficulties. This densification will need to take the form of infill development. This is the practice of inserting more buildings and capacity into the existing urban grain. This can take advantage of the large number of vacant and derelict sites in these areas.
1. De Witte et al, 2005, 688 2. Tomas, Louise & Cousins, Will, 2002, Pg 328
St. Enoch STP Hillhead STP
Buchanan St. STP
Kelvin Hall STP
Kinning Park STP
Figure 6.2 - Diagram of The City Subway Network.
Rethinking the Urban Form
Figure 6.3 Current Urban Form Paisly Rd.
The existing urban form is a mixture of four and two story buildings with a limited buildign capastiy. In this respect there are some options open when looking at adding to the building stock of a existing urban district. “There is not only the possibility of retrospectively densifying such centrally localised urban areas, but also of creating a contemporary inner-city residential living situation as an alternative to a private home in 1 the countryside”. In addition to density capacity of the networks needs to be examined and how these factors can be manipulated to create usable communities. In the example shown in Figure 6.4 the existing form has been cut away leaving a new street in the middle of the block. A strategy like this combined with adding taller edge building to the block perimeter would offer a higher FSI (overall capacity) rising from .81m²/ m² to 1.63m²/ m². This represents a figure broadly in line with other tenemental areas such as Govanhill with a FSI of 1.97m²/ m². In addition the project would leave approximately 50% of the existing housing stock intact therefore limiting the impact of this intervention.
1. Pirstinger 2012, Pg 227
Figure 6.4 - Possible Urban Form. The block is cut away in the middle creating a new street. The block edges are then treated with taller building forms with a higher capasity so as to raise the overall FSI.
7 . Conclusion
Conclusions and Findings This study should be seen in the context of the current strategic development plans now in place for Glasgow. Here we are seeing a growing mood for sustainable compact urban forms to be put forward with more density 1 being speciﬁed in particular. The overall aim was to begin to gain an understanding of the current densities which occur across the city and see how these played out at the wider level of the street. It was seen as a direct reply to the policies stated above. The method of analysis chosen to complete this, the Spacematrix allowed for the systematic plotting of densities in graph form. This was done by looking at multiple sample areas chosen on speciﬁc criteria which include historical growth, patterns of urban grain, and economic deprivation. The resultant ﬁndings were interesting. They showed clear geographically linked areas of density within the city. The central core of the city indicated some of the highest density and network scores in the study. These areas corresponded to the Westend and the City Centre. The results showed links between the grid layout of the traditional tenemental areas and speciﬁc density readings. There were also similar building hights and factors of openness. Surrounding these areas are a ring of lower density neighbourhoods interspersed with a few remaining tenemental districts which have seemed to survived redevelopment. The urban form of these places can vary greatly. Some areas like Maryhill have a high-rise typology with an average of over nine ﬂoors. Other areas like Duke St. are much more low-rise with averages of just three ﬂoors. They are linked though by their over all densities falling close together when graphed. (See Fig. 4.9) The lowest density's are found in the suburbs which again sit out with of the inner city. Links also became visable between certain density scores and instances of economic deprivation. In this respect the Westend and the city centre were shown to be quite afﬂuent. The most visible manifestation of this was in the mid density areas which border the city core region. It is also interesting that instances of economic deprivation were common in area of tenemantal density (area with a density similar to the Westend) that were cut off from the city core by lower dentiy areas. This can be interpreted as a having a lack of urban continuity as a causal factor. Historical analysis of city growth was useful in the choosing of sites to study, but it was also useful in interpreting some of the ﬁndings. This was clear when looking at Maryhill and Paisley Rd. which have a clear industrial heritage. This can explain some of the existing building stock and this can be seen as a indicator for building type but also used to inform future development.
1. Glasgow and the Clyde Valley Strategic Development Plan, 2012, Pg 12
Going Forward The purpose of the findings was to provide an in depth understanding of the density conditions in the city. This kind of knowledge is needed to inform correctly design decisions which occur at any level. In this light proposals were made for city development which illustrate the type of impact which can be had if this approach is taken. The proposals took in two levels of planning, at the neighbourhood level and at the street level. This illustrates the flexibility of the information gathered. It is clear that there were limits to the depth of investigation which could take place within the ten thousand words bracket. There was limits on how many calculations could be conducted in the time frame and this may have an effect on the results. I attempted to limit this effect in the carefull choosing of sites to study so as to reflect the built topography of the city as much as possible. In addition the proposals for future densification put forward do not go into much detail but do offer a view of the kind of use that this analysis can be put towards. For instance the ability of the calculations to provide infomation on desirable building highs and footprint areas. This could standardise decesion making and prove invaluabe within the planning process. Despite its limitations the study lays out an area for further research in which I am very interested. The hope is to deploy these techniques within projects in my forth coming studies or to continue in some kind of professional capacity.
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Published on Mar 11, 2014