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Cluj-Napoca landscape urban strategies for a shrinking city


Cluj-Napoca landscape urban strategies for a shrinking city

Enrico Cigolotti Guia Cimino Politecnico di Milano Tesi di Laurea Magistrale in Architettura Anno Accademico 2011-2012 relatore prof. Gennaro Postiglione


abstract

Our research starts from the observation of a

During the last years, Cluj-Napoca and the en-

phenomenon which that arouses great interest:

tire Romania are going through a mass migra-

vacancy and decline of many urban areas.

tion in favor of more advanced countries.

The analysis we made in the first part of our

Our proposal arises in a visionary way or maybe

work tries to define causes and macro-trajecto-

in an excessively realistic one: we tried to find

ries of this process.

functions for some vacant spaces, discovering

In order to clarify this tendency we needed to

a sociality and a cooperation between citizens;

study demographic curves, economic previ-

two elements which are nowadays lost.

sions, determining contact between different

The program, entitled Vacant Land Social Lab,

cities experiencing a shrinkage.

was inspired by a study of the Pennsylvania

Through a deep analysis of two specifics case

University and it shows how these interven-

study, we passed from causes to consequenc-

tions have benefits in general on economy and

es underlining difficulties in administration and

public health.

everyday life in a declining city.

The resulting projects are nine little interven-

We reviewed several interventions, acting on

tions, with low budget, but with a big impact,

different scales, showing possible design solu-

working on the dimension of landscape, on

tions for a peaceful cohabitation with this phe-

events or on some little tools, which are able

nomenon.

to change the sense of a place and our percep-

The design exercise aims an intervention on a

tion of it.

shrinking city in a European area which is experiencing a big demographic decline for economical and political reasons.


Il lavoro di ricerca e il conseguente progetto deriva da uno studio sviluppato all’interno del Corso Integrato di Adaptive Re-Use del prof Gennaro Postiglione le cui ricerche si focalizzano prevalentemente su riuso e recupero di patrimoni minori e sul rapporto tra memoria collettiva e identità culturale intese come azioni diffuse di museografia e allestimento del territorio. L’obiettivo è mettere le risorse dell’architettura al servizio dell’interesse pubblico attraverso un processo di progettazione che interpreta la disciplina degli Interni come un sistema in grado di sviluppare strategie di riattivazioni sostenibili facendo cooperare tra loro persone, ambienti e oggetti. Metodologicamente, ogni lavoro di tesi prende dunque le mosse dalla identificazione di un questione emergente o latente della nostra quotidianità, indagandone il valore strategico e le motivazioni che la rendono un tema meritorio di attenzione progettuale. Si prosegue con l’individuazione degli obiettivi prioritari da perseguire e la stesura di un metaprogetto e un programma funzionale da soddisfare. Da questo background nascono le risposte progettuali che si riferiscono a specifici contesti di lavoro. I lavori sono raccolti nel data base della Ricerca Azione sviluppata con le tesi: http://www.lablog.org.uk/category/diploma-works/ L’attività di Ricerca Azione connessa alla didattica trova riscontro anche nelle ricerche in corso: REcall-European Conflict Archaeological Landscape Reappropriation - possibili museografie per le eredità dei conflitti del Novecento in Europa (www.recall-project.polimi.it); MeLa-European Museums in an Age of Migrations – “l’europeizzazione” dell’Europa e l’ibridazione delle culture come agenda necessaria nella ridefinizione del Museum complex (www.mela-project.eu); Re-Cycling Italy (sul recupero il riuso e riciclo del patrimonio inutilizzato italiano).


contents

>4

Introduction I Why look at urban shrinkage?

IV imagining cluj-napoca

>15

World maps of change

>136

Introduction

>36

Readings

>138

Romania

>49

Bibliography / sources

>144

City exploration

>172

Cluj-Napoca survey

>188

Manifesto and program

II Why do cities shrink? >54

Deindustrialization

>58

Suburbanization

>62

Death surplus and baby crash

>66

Environmental disaster

>68

Urban stories

>99

Bibliography / sources

III How do cities cope with shrinkage? >103

Proactive and reactive

>104

Regeneration policies and agencies

>118

Spontaneus intervention

>128

Urban pioneers

>133

Bibliography / sources

Vacant Land Social Laboratory >198

Future scenarios


introduction

6


“The shrinking cities international research Network (Scirn) defines a shrinking city more precisely as a densely populated urban area with a minimum population of 10.000 residents that has faced population losses in large parts for more than two years and is undergoing economic transformation with some symptoms of a structural crisis.” We use to think that the growth of our cities is continuous and regular; urban planners look for parceling of new areas of the territory, regarding the population’s increase. In contrast with past years, the scenario is completely different. Thanks to a worldwide present network of research, we try to define Through our little and modest contribution, characteristics, related problems, process, evolution ,development of shrinking cities in history and in the world. Starting from the appearance of this phenomenon our thesis first studies which causes could be at the and then it reports a number of reactions occurred in cities. We would like to answer to some classical questions like “where, when, why”, following what respectable urban planners proposed, and defining our order. So the first chapter shows the relevance of the problem and how it is spread in all developed countries. Then the most relevant causes of shrinking: demographic, geographic , economical and social ones. Starting from two urban stories (Detroit and Leipzig) the idea is to define which the consequences and feelings of inhabitants could be. The second part of the thesis is about ClujNapoca, a city where shrinkage is present and “increasing” like in most of Romania. The possibility to work on Cluj starts from an European Workshop which allowed us to go there and to obtain important materials and relationships. That’s why Romanian situation was easier to study than any other in the world.

7


1138 8 32


I Why look at urban shrinkage?

9 1139 33


Landscape urbanism strategies in a shrinking city. Why look at urban shrinkage?


In this section, we propose maps, that analyze and illustrate the extent of the phenomenon of the “Shrinking Cities”. The phenomenon is spread all over the world, so that in Workpackage 1 of “SrinkSmart-the Governance of Shrinkage” is considered necessary to make specific terminology used in this urban field. Since the beginning of the 20th century, shrinking cities have developed continually into a global phenomenon and, compared to the growing cities, their number has grown faster. After the illustration of the historical maps and of the datas about the relevance of shrinkage, we select three readings concerning urban conditions.

“Terminology. [...] urban decline or urban decay (the degradation of urban areas including depopulation, unemployment, impoverishment, physical dilapidation, housing vacancies etc.); urban blight (used in the U.S. context mainly for areas aff ected by white fl ight and physical deterioration; contraction (in terms of population decline), weak market cities (with the focus on the economic misfortune of a city leading to decline), lean cities (in terms of maintenance of liveability under the condition of population loss), perforated cities (dissolution of consistent urban patterns or grids) and desurbanization or deconcentration (in terms of counter- or ex-urbanization and a blurring contrast between the urban and the rural). For the purpose of our research we explicitly distinguish the term urban shrinkage from all of them. If we relate to shrinkage we refer first and foremost to decreasing population numbers (and, subsequently, labour force, economic indices, urban amenities etc.). [...] During our research we also have to consider which terms and concepts are used when the talk is about shrinking cities or contexts of population loss in the diff erent national contexts we will compare. At this stage it already becomes clear that the term urban shrinkage is rarely used or not used at all in other national contexts. Other terms are used such as decrease, decline, depopulation, demographic depression, cities under depression etc. [...]

SrinkSmart, the Governance of Shrinkage” Workpackage 1: Specification of working model p. 9-10

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Terminologies of population loss and urban shrinkage in the SHRINK SMART report, national contexts

13


14


World maps of change

The chapter begins with a series of world maps that shows the development of cities with more than a million people from 1900 to 2000. In fact, the world population is growing. From 1750 to 1950 the growth is slight but steady. The increase in the percentage of people living in cities is very important because it rises from 3% in 1800, to 14% of the next century. Cities became so populous that in 2000 half the world’s population lives in urban contexts. At the same time, a series of world maps shows the spread of Srinking Cities from 1950 to 2000. A scheme, comparing growing cities and towns in contraction, expresses as the Shrinking Cities by 100% in 1950 reaching 560% in 2000. Since the beginning of the 20th century, shrinking cities have developed continually into a global phenomenon, But, compared to growing cities, their number has grown faster.

List of maps: Cities with more than one million inhab. 1900 Cities with more than one million iinhab. 1960 Cities with more than one million inhab. 2000 Shrinking cities 1920-1930 Shrinking cities 1960-1970 Shrinking cities 1990-2000 N. of Growing and Shrinking cities 1950-2000

15


Cities with more than 1 milion inhabitants 1900 source: SKE Dynamic Maps, World countries Atlas, www.skeinc.com

In the beginning of the 20th century, a metropolis was a city with at least 1 million inhabitants. Few cities around the world achieved this status.

16


17


Cities with more than 1 milion inhabitants 1960 source: SKE Dynamic Maps, World countries Atlas, www.skeinc.com

Population in the world is growing and cities begin to attract more people even in the third world.

18


19


Cities with more than 1 milion inhabitants 2000 source: SKE Dynamic Maps, World countries Atlas, www.skeinc.com

Thousand of cities have more than one million inhabitants all over the world, and the majority of them live in urban situations.

20


21


Shrinking cities 1950-2000 source: SKE Dynamic Maps, World countries Atlas, www.skeinc.com

Since the beginning of the 20th century, shrinking cities have constantly developed into a global phenomenon. Compared to the growing cities, their number has grown faster.

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World Population Growth 1750- 2070

Avarage annual increase World population

3%

of the world populat. lives in cities

Urban population London is the first city of the more than one million inhabitants

24

14%

of the world lives in citie


populat. es

The world popilation rises to two billion

30%

of the world populat. lives in cities

87 cities have more than one million inhabitants. The population growth of the developed countries slow down

The world population growth slow down

60%

of humankind lives in cities

Five billion people live in the world 411 cities have more than one million inhabitants Half of all people live in cities

25

43 countries have shrinking populations.


Shrinking cities 1920-1930 source: SKE Dynamic Maps, World countries Atlas, www.skeinc.com

Industrialization, as a process of change, started in Europe in the 17th century, especially in Great Britain, Germany and France. With the beginning of the industrial sector crisis in 1920s, it was in these countries than cities experimented a signiďŹ cant loss of population.

26


27


Shrinking cities 1960-1970 source: SKE Dynamic Maps, World countries Atlas, www.skeinc.com

With the exception of cities where war and catastrophes were cause of big loss of population, shrinking is a very important phenomenon, that regards all countries that experimented an industrial period during the last century. During 1960s the phenomenon spread also in The United States.

28


29


Shrinking cities 1990-2000 source: SKE Dynamic Maps, World countries Atlas, www.skeinc.com

Since the beginning of the 20th century, shrinking cities have developed continually into a global Phenomenon; compared to growing cities, their number has grown faster. Shrinkage is becoming Widespread like others phenomena regarding city such as sprawl, depopulation and deindustrialization.

30


31


Number of Growing and Shrinking Cities 1950-2000 source: SKE Dynamic Maps, World countries Atlas, www.skeinc.com

Number of growing and shrinking cities increase in percentage since 1950. In the period between the 1970s and 1980s the two phenomena developed quite parallel. During the 1990s shrinking cities become more spread reach in 2000 the percentage of 560% more than 1950.

GRAPH: Oswalt P., Rieniets T. (2006) Atlas of Shrinking Cities, Hatje Cantz Publishers, Berlin

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33


Shrinking cities and Growing cities 1990-2000 source: SKE Dynamic Maps, World countries Atlas, www.skeinc.com

Shrinking are located mainly in Central Europe, the USA, Japan and Eastern Europe transformation countries

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35


Readings

#1

In this section, at the end of the historical maps illustration and datas about the relevance of shrinkage, we select three readings that concern urban condition.

The first reading is a part of the book Cities Growing Smaller that is a refl exion about the ‘multidimensional phenomenon, encompassing regions, cities, and parts of cities or metropolitan areas’ as shrinkage in Europe and in United State.

In this section we select three readings. We thought for a reader of our work would be more “tenchant” have a look on the most significant books for our thesis. Those lecture has been selected between several fi elds, they touch themes like shrinkage, city evolution paradigme, and (out of urban planning) a mainfesto for the nature inside city wall and the reappropiation of urban vacant spaces by nature, so called “third landscape” wich is not wild nor human but a mix a of those two. This is much more more than defi ning bobliographic sources, this operation would be manifest wich are cultural basis we always kept in cosideration during our work, so is usefull for the analys of phenomenon but also to understand our approach in the design proposal.

Front page of the book Cities Growing Smaller - Urban Infill, Volume 1, published by Kent State University’s Cleveland Urban Design Collaborative, 2008, Kent State University

36


#2

#1

The second one is the Rem Koolhaas’ lecture ‘Dilemmas in the evolution of the city’ at the commition for architecture and built enviroinment (CABE) in London January 16th 2006. Here Koolhaas outlines what we stand to lose through the regeneration of our cities in a constant state of change. He draws a portrait of many cities and underline the diff erences between them.

The third reading is the review made on Gilles Clément book Le Manifeste du Tiers-Paysage. The Third Landscape is anable nature to take care af abandoned plots, spread in the shrinking cities, yet in a controlled manner, forming natural spaces free from the authority of traditional landscape design. The third Landscape is that plot which goes unnoticed, which crops up next to building site, along roads, between strips of crop fields, where diversity must be left to prosper and where it is important to know-that-nothingneeds-doing.

Illustration of the Rem Koolhaas lecture. http://www.bdonline.co.uk/

Illustration of the book Le Manifeste du Tiers-Paysage, published by Editions Sujet/Objet, 2003, Paris

37


Readings #1

Karina Pallagst K.1

Urban shrinkage is a multidimensional phenomenon encompassing regions, cities, and parts of cities or metropolitan areas that are experiencing a dramatic decline in their economic and social bases. The causes of this urban decline are many and complex, though one common denominator is that each “shrinking city” has been signifi cantly impacted by the forces of globalization. Despite the fact that globalization is a strong influence in producing shrinking cities, economic change does not aff ect all cities and countries in the same way. On the contrary, shrinkage can show very diff erent characteristics depending on national, regional and local contexts [Cunningham-Sabot and Fol, 2007]. Moreover, there is no clear defi nition of shrinking cities, but rather a range of various interpretations of the phenomenon. Beno Brandstetter and his co-authors detect a wide spectrum of defi nitions, ranging from a natural growth-opposing process to decline with negative implications. Combining previous approaches, they further speculate that urban shrinkage is a cyclical process, embedded in a broader context of growing and shrinking. Within US discourse, “shrinking cities” only recently cropped up as a new term in urban planning and development, often used in a similar way to “urban decline”. The Shrinking Cities International Research Network (SCiRN) defi nes a shrinking city more precisely as a densely populated urban area with a minimum population of 10,000 residents that has faced population losses in large parts for more than two years and is undergoing economic transformations with some symptoms of a structural crisis.

Shrinking Cities: Planning Challenges from an International Perspectivey from Cities Growing Smaller - Urban Infill, Volume 1, published by Kent State University’s Cleveland Urban Design Collaborative, 2008, Kent State University, p.7-15

1: Karina Pallagst is a Program Director with the Center for Global Metropolitan Studies, University of California at Berkeley.

38


Shrinking Cities in Europe

terns, such as a low birth rates. The Northern countries are still losing population in the rural and peripheral regions. Germany and Italy are aff ected by dramatically low birth rates, leading to city shrinkage on a larger national scale. Some of these developments are overlapping and thus increase the shrinkage problem. In Germany for example, population decline and economic transformations go hand in hand.

Despite the fact that changes in demography and urban density of cities occur quite regularly, the acceptance of the shrinkage phenomenon is low. Yet urban shrinkage is not a new phenomenon. Urban shrinkage has taken place in Europe since the middle ages. The collapse of the Roman Empire, plagues, and agricultural crises all left their mark in the urban fabric. These cities were never completely abandoned and usually resettled. Later on, cities were frequently hit by epidemics, war, and fi re. With the cities growing smaller 19th century, industrialization led to urbanization processes and drastic changes in settlement patterns all over Europe, creating larger agglomerations on the one hand, and shrinking cities or regions on the other hand. Further polarization set in with the building of railways. Today, the locales of shrinkage are the postsocialist countries (especially Latvia, Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary, Slovakia, and the eastern part of Germany), the northern countries (especially Finland and Sweden), and Southern European countries (in particular, Italy and Spain). The reasons for shrinkage in Europe are complexand partly overlapping. In the post-socialist countries, economic transformation led to shifts in settlement patterns caused by migration. (e.g. Eastern Germany). New economic migration usually occurs in favor of the capital cities, while remote and peripheral regions lose population (e.g. in Slovakia, Romania, Bulgaria). Many western European countries are aff ected by changing demographic pa-

Shrinking Cities in the United States When considering urban shrinkage in the United States, observations usually start with the post World War II era, the period when shrinkage of cities set in to a larger extent due to post-industrial transformations. Robert Beauregard’s research shows that only a few US cities lost population between 1820 and 1930. All of them were port cities heavily dependent on trade, and their decline was either aff ected by transportation decisions regarding the railway system or crises like fi res or droughts. As for recent shrinkage processes, the academic discussion has for many years concentrated on urban decline. This does not necessarily take population losses of the entire city (urban and suburban areas), or regional shrinkage into consideration, but addresses the consequences of urban sprawl. Correspondingly, planning responses have dealt primarily with revitalizing distressed city centers. Yet shrinkage in the United States occurs primarily in the context suburban development versus inner city decline. This pattern, called “hollowing out” or the “doughnut eff ect,” can be found all over the country. […]

39


Readings #2

Rem Koolhaas1

Without wanting to give a presentation that is in any way didactic or triumphalist, l would like to share with you a dilemma around the evolution of the city, in which we, as architects, as well as you, are caught, and which presents a number of fiendishly complex issues, for which l largely have no response.

Dilemmas in the evolution of the city The text has been taken from the Rem Koolhaas’ lecture at the commition for architecture and built enviroinment (CABE) in London January 16th 2006.

The Ancient Greeks This is one civilisation that created its monuments as a community, that had a collective responsibility for the public realm, and that was very clear in terms of the relationship between public and private. This civilisation has generated an architecture and urbanism that is still, for almost ali of us, the dominant model - we still think in terms of public and private in the some way- but, in the last 15 years, a very important phenomenon as taken place. The ¥€$ regime Waning public power; increasing private power The speaker from Demos said that every generation needs to define its own relationship with globalisation; if one puts the yen, euro and dollar signs next lo one another, one creates the word ~€$ . The essence of this ~€$ regime is that the power of the public has been waning, and that of the private has been increasing. At the moment, we are living in a period of intense negotiation around the two, and one of the main areas where this negotiation is taking piace is architecture in the city; in other words, your domain. Commercial pressure forces eccentricity and extravagance Before this fi nal phase of globalisation and privatisation developed, l think that a building like

1: Karina Pallagst is a Program Director with the Center for Global Metropolitan Studies, University of California at Berkeley.

40


Frank Gehry’s in Bilbao would never have been built, because where buildings could previously be conteni in being absolutely neutral and dignifi ed- as in the case of the Parthenon - the simple commerciai pressure behind almost every building these days forces eccentricities and extravagance on even the most earnest designer.

Diminishing public participation in the definition of cities In this dilemma is left a particularly cruel situation: if we compare the rate of organisation in America and Europe , which saw a fairly steep decline from the l 970s, with the rate of production of architectural manifestos by Americans and Europeans, we see that we have reached a plateau where we have stopped thinking. This point coincides exactly with the moment when the Asian organisation curve rose much steeper than we had ever witnessed or had lo negotiate. For me, this is a tragic situation, because it means the final afotheosis of the city. We all know about the statistics which state that the city has become the dominant environment in which people live. At the moment of this triumph, our thinking has stopped, and the public sector’s participation in the defi nition of cities has diminished.

Exploding and shrinking cities Another important phenomenon that has an eff ect on regenerating the city is the fact that globalisation is noi homogeneous, but is a process that intensifi es in the diff erent zones of the city, leading lo two completely different conditions: the exploding city and the shrinking city, with almost nothing in between . Absence of utopian drive There used lo be a period in which ali of us knew exactly what lo do: many of us would write manifestos, declaring what we were doing, and some of us were successful in realising sections of those manifestos. However, as part of the shift in culture in the last 15 years, and because of our own mistakes, that belief in manifestos, and that confidence that we knew what lo do, have completely collapsed. Nowadays, we no longer write manifestos; al most, we write portraits of particular cities, in the hope, noi of developing a theory of what to do with them , but of understanding how cities exist currently. In other words, this kind of confi dence is now completely absent, and it will take a long time for anything like it to return. A considerable percentage of people in England and l know about your anti-utopian tendencies, since l studied here in 1968 - would say ‘good riddance ‘, but the absence of utopian drive is perhaps almost as serious as an overdose of it.

Global images China lt is, therefore, no surprise that, in this simultaneous absence of dogma and speed of construction, there is an entirely new kind of city, where the major intersection to it is less than 400m away from rice fi elds; in other words, the metropolis and ante-metropolis are in previously non-existent proximity. Of the vast repertoire of topologies, only the skyscraper and the hovel remain ; this shrunken range of topologies is arranged in a seemingly chaotic field of development. Dubai In Dubai, the desert is being turned into the city. The need for a city used to exist as a result

41


of a vast number of people wanting lo congregate in a single localion; this is not the case at all in Dubai , where there are diminishing returns from oil exploration, which has to be compensated by an increase in development. There, again, we are simply witnessing a situation in which the reason for a city is completely new and not measurable with the some standards. In 1990, there were too few local residents to inhabit the city, leading to an infl ux of foreigners . Dubai consists, basically, of sea, desert and urban development; that urban development is being increasingly projected onto the sea , producing a language of the city thatis more ornamental and dedicaled to pleasure than used to the reason for the city, which was an exchange of roots and ideas. We are seeing that the city is no longer built mostly of subslance that is necessary for our survival, but of substance that we essentially do not need, and for which diff erent metaphors are becoming applicable. lt is, therefore, no surprise that, in the ground fl oor of the business centre, we now have the language of lhe resort, which informs the public realm , rather than the exchange of ideas. For me, the word ‘resort’ is very important, because our model for life in the city is, conceptually, shifting from work to leisure and, therefore, the aesthetics of the city are increasingly shifting from serious enterprise to resort conditions. A resort is not somewhere where one lives, but where enjoyment is the main activity, and where there are no obligations such as maintenance, or other forms of contribution.

in seaside cities in Florida, where the city has been the metaphor for the resort. lt is interesting lo contemplate whether people’s lives in this setting are richer than someone living in New York 30 years ago. Singapore We have to remember that the city used to be a big piece of machinery, and the public realm used to be territory for confrontation, exchange and, perhaps, adjustment. Now, through the shift from public to private, itis no longer that kind of territory, and we want our confrontations to take piace elsewhere. In the some vein, we can no longer bear emptiness or neutrality in the city, and every single inch of the city is scripted and forms a scenario, so that we now have an overwhelming intricacy around how cities are organised. Singapore now has an aesthetic of resort, combined with the reality of a city. We not only do this on the scale of the city, but on every scale. For those of you with a political bent, Berchtesgaden - famous for its connections with Hitler - is now a resort, demonstrating how we systematically eliminate remnants in the nome of history and memory, and replace them with more palatable devices for memory, so that their suffering disappears, leaving behind only a reference to it. On the one hand, art is becoming infl ated but, on the other, perhaps less eff ective. Protest, of course, is completely contained. The cleaner the new public realm, the more perfect it is and the more likely it is that suff ering and the pressure between the two worlds happen al its edges. An incredible amount of claims are mode in words and rhetoric, whereas we used to do it with architecture. We have turned the city into a surface where

Florida A large number of urban events have been eliminated. The irony that cities and resorts are becoming interchangeable is very evident

42


no square inch is left unspoken for within the context of some kind of vision. In settings such as this, we are not supposed to misbehave, to die, to beg, to fi ght, to be drunk etc.

design a city, and in our subconscious idolatry of and confi dence in design, rather than utopia, we are faced with the ineptness of many regimes of control, as well as the unspoken and, usually, invisible people who do not participate in this idyll. All the recent images of New Orleans were unambiguous and clear in that sense. It is no surprise that the Mayor of Las Vegas chose the new urbanism to restore it. This is precisely the par excellence architecture which is not hesitant to claim competencies and that declares that the city as it was is the best panacea for our condition.

Potsdamer Platz, Berlin Last year, for the fi rst time, we worked with developers, so nothing l say dislances us from the dilemmas. Potsdamer Plalz is confi gured as a city; however, looking at the components, it is really a collage of privacies. There is no evidence of work, but an enormous amount of evidence of leisure. In terms of how the some piace functioned previously, the first vision alone gives a much vaster range of presence and a more chaotic population.

New Orleans In terms of who is left behind in New Orleans, the drastic experience we are left with needs to be thought about by everyone involved in the city. We do things more subtly, having surrendered vast sections of our privacy to protect and maintain the public realm. We introduce political campaigns that are undoubtedly intended to instil more confi dence in the public realm and to eliminate certain known pests that make the public realm complex and difficult. We might also question whether sheer elimination is the answer, and whether there are more modern and less excluding emblems to be defi ned than those we have seen so far.

Lagos Lagos is an incredibly dense, but structured city; it is also clear thal people living there have a much wider range and repertoire of possibilities and expression. Las Vegas In terms of cities of old, we were able to cope with and inhabit them, and we did not necessarily suff er as a result; now, however, the city is the opposite of a critical mass, centred on leisure. This draining of the city and some of its lifeblood is, perhaps, nowhere more clearly articulated than Las Vegas , where there was, fi rst, a simulation of the city of Venice , then of New York and, fi nally, the denaturing of the city, where one of the themes of Las Vegas has become the city itself. In Las Vegas , there is a section of metropolis where all the wildness and unpredictability of the city has been not so much tamed, but completely removed. In this idyllic sense of all of us knowing how to

English aesthetics Accommodating difference but exclusionary and unwelcoming England has had an amazing track record in accommodating difference racially and culturally - partly because it is so non-theoretical about how people live together. In terms of the aesthetics that are developing and I heard about John Prescott’s unhappiness at the proliferation of Ikea stores - we have to

43


realise that the language and aesthetic that we generate are unbelievably exclusionary and unwelcoming to the waves of immigration that England has undergone.

It took me a very long time to learn to love London ; one of its greatest virtues is that it has defi cient planning, enormous amounts of bad or indiff erent architecture, and areas of colossal indiff erence that are inhabited by all. As a result, it is the antithesis for which we are professionally equipped to resist, yet we are involved in its transformation. Having worked on White City , we are very impressed at how politics have recently found ways to collaborate in the private sector, and at certain demands that are creating larger guarantees that things can be improved.

Blurring of public and private language What I find problematic currently is that the language of the public and that of the private are becoming interchangeable. There is very little diff erence, for example, in the rhetoric of CABE and that of developers. It is wonderful that CABE takes so much care in the production of its marketing folders, and it is incredible that we can see ageing hippies as a benign police force, but if I were not white, I would be more sceptical of the benefi ts of this condition. If this kind of environment is what is advocated, this overt and emphatic Englishness also needs to be questioned. What we have lost In order to establish what the city is, and what we lost, we took a harmless picture of the Isle of Wight 40 years ago and looked at everything that would no longer be possible. It starts with the canopies, which would interfere with CCTV cameras; the wantonly parked delivery trucks; the religious symbolism in the public realm; and the suspicious raincoats being worn on a clear day. In other words, at fi rst sight, this is a picture of utter harmlessness, but ultimately turns out to be comprised completely of things that we no longer tolerate. For me, that is an important statement, and we have defi nitely lost something.

Abstraction of the generic However, in terms of the King’s Cross project, the ultimate dilemma in the relationship between the private and the public is that the public can create entities that are specific. The public sector will be able to say, ‘We needed a Parthenon, so we built it here’. Now, the public can impose certain demands on the developer, but they are systematically generated, since the public no longer has the money to fi nance what it needs and wants, so it can say that it needs a swimming pool or a sports centre, but it cannot force the creation of a special and unique environment from generic ingredients. That eerie abstraction of the generic haunts us, and is also translated into a nomenclature that perpetuates the language of stylishness and quality without being able to deliver the reality of it. In that sense, therefore, there is a ‘virtuality’ to our current relationship with the city that is extremely hard to overcome.

Transforming London Political and private collaboration

Just another chaotic piece of the city In terms of White City, we can create control

44


and order, or plazas and parks, but my real hope for the project is that there are various conditions and connections to the neighbouring realities and that we are open to being inďŹ ltrated by what should not be there, becoming ultimately just another chaotic piece of the city.

45


Readings #3

Gilles Clément

The Third Landscape - an undetermined fragment of the Plantary Garden -designates the sum of the space left over by man to landscape evolution - to nature alone. Included in this category are left behind (délaissé) urban or rural sites, transitional spaces, neglected land (friches), swamps, moors, peat bogs, but also roadsides, shores, railroad embankments, etc. To these unattended areas can be added space set aside , reserves in themselves: inaccessible places, mountain summits, non-cultivatable areas, deserts; institutional reserves: national parks, regional parks, nature reserves.

Le Manifeste du Tiers-Paysage review1 from Le Manifeste du Tiers-Paysage, Evolution et mise en pratique du concept de Tiers paysage, published by Editions Sujet/Objet, 2003, Paris

Compared to the territories submitted to the control and exploitation by man, the Third Landscape forms a privileged area of receptivity to biological diversity. Cities, farms and forestry holdings, sites devoted to industry, tourism, human activity, areas of control and decision permit diversity and, at times, totally exclude it. The variety of species in a field, cultivated land, or managed forest is low in comparison to that of a neighbouring « unattended space». From this point of view, the Third Landscape can be considered as the genetic reservoir of the planet, the space of the future. Viewing the Third Landscape as a biological necessity, conditioning the future of living things, modifies the interpretation of territory and enhances areas usually looked upon as negligible. It is up to the political body to organize ground division in such a manner as to assume responsibility for these undetermined areas, tantamount to concern for the future. 1: The Third Landscape, contributeur: tradanglaise http://www.gillesclement.com/

46


The Third Landscape is of interest to the planning professionals, the designer, led to include in his project an unorganized space or to designate as public amenity unattended areas created, voluntarily or not, by all land use.

scape is the Matisse Park in Lille where the Ile Derborence, a central rock mass, 7 metres above ground, has been planted over a surface of 3 500 square metres with a” model forest” in a natural setting. Inaccessible but monitored, the Island serves both as matrix and guide line for the most economical management possible of eight hectares of public park.

The term Third Landscape derives its name from a landscape analysis of the site of Vassivière in the Limousin ordered by the “Centre d’Art et du Paysage of Vassivière” in 2003. The study indicated the binary character of the area: one side in the shade with forestry holdings, essentially Douglas Firs, a landscape under control of the forestry expert; on the other side, light, with cattle and pasture land, principally devoted to cattle fodder, a landscape under the surveillance of an agricultural engineer. Although the shade/light mass apparently covers the entire area, there is a hidden element. An analysis of existing species indicates that their limited number does not correspond to the average to be expected in the space analyzed. A third territory in Vassivière , composed of moors, peat bogs, riparian forest, steep embankments, road ditches and shoulders, serves as a receptacle for the varieties chased from the cultivated areas, capable of subsisting in the climate and on the land. The term Third Landscape does not allude to the Third World, but to the Third Estate. It is a referral to Abbé Siéyès’ question: « What is the Third Estate? Everything-What role has it played to date? -None-What does it aspire to? -Something ». The only sizeable project with an actual “scenography” (scénographie) of the Third-Land-

47


Landscape urbanism strategies in a shrinking city. Why look at urban shrinkage?


bibliography / sources Bruttomesso R. La Biennale di Venezia. 10ª Mostra internazionale di architettura.Venezia, Catalogo della mostra , Marsilio, 2006 Clément G.,Le Manifeste du Tiers-Paysage, Paris, Quodlibet Publishers, 2005 Livi Bacci M.,Storia minima della popolazione del mondo,Bologna, Il Mulino - Collana “Le vie della civiltà”, Bologna, 2005 Oswalt P., Atlas of Shrinking Cities, Hatje Cantz Publishers, Berlin, 2006 Pallagst K. ,Cities Growing Smaller - Urban Infill, Kent State University, 2008

49


50 136 134


II II

Why do cities shrink? why w hy d do oc cities ities s shrink hrink ?

51 5 15 135 137


Landscape urbanism strategies in a shrinking city. Why do cities shrink ?


Urban shrinkage is not a single process in itself but rather a combination of different conditions that impact cities. Deindustrialization is often the common background of shrinking cities. The causes that lead to urban decline can be browsed in the economic and demographic changes and in the dynamics of urban settlement. There is an existing close relation between demographic and economic processes which have an impact on settlement structures, land use patterns, and population composition of the particular cities. At the moment, we identified the three following major complexes of causes of urban shrinkage:

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53


134 138


III How do cities cope with urban shrinkage?

133 141


landscape urbanism strategies in a shrinking city. How do cities cope with shrinkage ?

102


Re-active involve “recycling” buildings or land, giving them new uses or taking them out of economic use all toghether.1

The goal of this section of our thesis is to start a study that will be the base for our concept. We have taken many examples acting on different scales and conditions. A lot of project can be seen in the “shrinking city way” even if designers never mentioned this theme , what is important is the environment on which a project is concerned and the way used to solve the problem more than the consiousness to act in a shrinking city. We must say that our focus is on intervention in cities where all problems related with shrinkage are present and serious, and is quite impossible to be back to the maximal size of the city, where is to late for all the policies of prevention and managing of shrinkage.

The following part explorates and analyzes different way of coping with shrinkage. The research include the description of aspects of urban interventions, promoter, actors and actions that deal with shrinkage. We decided to devided the case studies in three categories:

- Regeneration policies and agencies - Spontaneous intervention - Urban Pioneers

Pro-active and Re-active Generally there are a lot of approacheas in fighting with urban shrinkage. In different regions are been used different strategies, for instance in east and central europe cities tend to focus on growth with a preference for private sector-led initiatives and heavy reliance on external investment to stimulate growth. This goes with big investments by public sector. Two different intervention can be taked in front of the phenomenon of shrinkage, one is predominantly pro-active, aiming to prevent or slow down the shrinkage process, the other is re-active responses to established problems that have resulted from the shrinkage process . Pro-active intervenction include research in economic and marketing that aims to achive growth and employment. 1 : Urban Act Tribune: Shrinking cities: challenges and opportunities. http://urbact.eu/ http://www.conference2012.urbact.eu/

103


134 136


IV V

Imagining Cluj Napoca iimagining magining c cluj-napoca luj-napoca

137 13 135 137 35 3 5


introduction “DEMOCHANGE Intensive Program” took place in Cluj- Napoca, Romania from August to September 2012. Romania has been chosen as a national context which has been experiencing in the last years intensive flows of out migration. Romania has a diffuse loss of population that bring to a general aging and shrinkage more or less important. Some cities have become ghost cities after communism fall and the consequent closing of industrial areas. Big deindustrialization and consequent crisis of employment bring people to emigrate to found better condition away. Trough the experience of an international workshop we have started to know Cluj’s situation. So it was easy to match our research theme on shrinking cities with what we have found in Cluj. A lot of components flavor a study on a shrinking city: multiculturalism, diversity, decline, deindustrialization, depopulation, crisis. These components have to became the base for a realistic analysis, but first we decided to create a structure that could keep in to account people desire and needs in a participated process. The development and recovery of degraded urban areas is a fundamental issue that requires innovative approaches instead of traditional urban planning tools. A strategic planning of public spaces should takes into account: the concepts of appropriation (by different users), cohabitation (between different cultures and lifestyles), connection (between global and local elements), diversity (biological and social), and porosity (physical and social permeability aimed at the regeneration of cities). Different categories of citizens are called to

136


enter in a participatory project to give back to the public abandoned places. This participatory process triggers a mechanism of urban regeneration from the bottom that aims to implement a permanent change in the urban landscape, even if using temporary events. An important thing we found is also perceptible by the huge number of workshop organized in the city : “Landscape Choreography: from Waste Lands To Shared Urban Gardens” approved and funded by the Culture Program, Directorate-General For Education And Culture, Education, Audiovisual And Culture Executive Agency “The other city Cluj: vacancy” organized by Wonderland, the platform for European architecture “Make me pretty – make me a European Capital!” organized by BEST (Board of European Students of Technology) Micro-urbanism in Service of Cultural Development.

137


Romania UE membership: Capital: Surface: Population: Currency:

2007 Bucarest

237 500 km² 21,5 milioni romanian leu

During last years of communism, one of the main targets was to demolish the villages and to force the movement of rural population inside the city. From 1956 to 1977, almost 30.5% of Romanian population moved from rural to urban areas. In the period between 1960s and 1990s, the urban areas are extended with socialist residential neighborhoods and with high and dense blocks of flats, mainly for workers. The stock house and the volume of the house constructions did not relate to the demand that came from the market; they referred to the political projections related to the industrial development and to the changing of the rural population in the working class of the urban “new man”. In 1985, the urban population of Romania achieves and exceeds the level of 50%; nowadays the urbanization grade is above 55%1

loss of population from 90’s: -18% The collapse of the totalitarian regime and the rediscovery of freedom have generated a massive wave of in/out-migration that produce, with the negative natural change, a population decline from 23 207,000 inhabitants in 1990 to 19,042,936 inhabitants in 2011.

1: SHRiNK SMaRT WP2-D4 Timisoara, Romania, p.9

138


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Suburbanization, the economical regeneration and the brown field have started recently to represent discussion topics in public administration discourse. The suburbanization process is a phenomenon that can be observed around all medium to large cities in Romania, especially after the 2000. In every case, mortgage’s loans facilitation, block’s flats devaluation, land’s price around cities, have represented the general conditions that encourage the movement of a middle and upper class families towards new formed districts around the cities. In almost every case these have been natural trends, without any preliminary plan for urban development, without any global view on the phenomenon. An overview on Romanian shrinking pattern describes Moldova as a region that has lost most people in cities for the last nine years more than 135,000 people, or 9% total of 1.5 million people in less of the 100 largest cities di Romania.

Moreover, in eastern Romania ranks and city with the largest population decline in the last nine years. If Romanian city in 2002 (Neamt County) had almost 70,000 inhabitants, in 2011 their number decreased by 32% to over 47,000 people.

Source: Population and housing Census 2011, Romania http://www.insse.ro/

140


•

low fertility rate

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1.38 children born/woman (2008 est.)

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•

Life expectancy: 72.18 years (2008 est.) male: 68.69 years female: 75.89 years

Major ethnic: Romanian Minor ethnic: Hungarian, German, Roma, Turkish-Tatar, Serbian, Croatian, Slovakian, Ukranian



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Migration

“During the past one hundred years Romania was predominantly a country of emigration, with a rather impressive record regarding the number of persons involved, the outcomes and the varieties of migratory arrangements. It is noticeable that in the 20th century a considerable part of the migratory flows was directly or indirectly connected with ethnic minorities, a type of migration largely characteristic for other countries of Central and Southeastern Europe. They moved to states to which they had historical ties for example Germany and Hungary.Political violence and deprivation generated by a largely ineffective and authoritarian administration represented another cause for flight and emigration for a large number of Romanians during and immediately after the demise of the Communist era. In 1990 emigration reach ist peak with 96,929 Romanians moving abroad. This emigration was the result of the liberalisation of travel as well as the turbulent economic and political environment in the country. The slow socially transition from a centrally planned economy to an effectively functioning market economy (over the past one and a half decades) has provided another impetus for Romanians to search for employment abroad. The population loss and aging population caused by these waves of emigration has started to negatively impact the further development of the Romanian economy. “1

1 http://focus-migration.hwwi.de/Romania

142


Emigrants destination between 1980-1992 Country

N. of emigrants

%

Germany

249.479

54,23

47.038

10,22

USA

46.725

10,15

Other Countries

35.848

7,79

Hungary

Austria

20.646

4,48

Israel

17.249

3,74

Canada

12.641

2,74

France

8.966

1,94

Sweden

6.572

1,42

Italy

6.182

1,34

Australia

4.855

1,05

Greece

4.204

0,91

TOTAL

460.405

Who emigrates At the beginning of the 1990s, only one member of the household tended to migrate, meaning that only one family member (usually the father) was absent. Since then the number of women engaged in labour migration has increased. Now it is common for couples to migrate, leaving minor children behind without direct parental supervision. These children are not necessarily abandoned; rather, parental roles are assumed by relatives, neighbours or friends.

Source: Annual Statistic in Romania, 1993, p.142-143

Emigrants destination between 2000-2007 N. of emigrants

%

Italy

Country

17.066

18,85

Germany

16.228

17,92

USA

15.212

16,80

Canada

13.989

15,45

Hungary

7.170

7,93

France

3.523

3,89

Austria

2.862

3,16

Other Countries

8.782

9,7

TOTAL

90.548

Source: Annual Statistic in Romania, 2008, cap.2 p.59

143

Push Factors - Income - working conditions - job opportunities - integration in the destination society - family relation - community prestige - cultural enviroinment


Cluj-Napoca city exploration

1


City exploration The Romanian name of the city used to be spelled alternately as Cluj In 1974, the Romanian Communist authorities added “-Napoca” back to the city’s name as a nationalist gesture, emphasising its pre-Roman roots.

Urban areas are privileged observers of the changes, and because, in general, cities are the geographical areas in which it expresses the increased complexity of a company, both for the symbolic aspects of social representation and collective identity, manifested especially during periods of intense social and political upheavals like the one that involved Cluj-napoca in the recent period. The aim of “city exploration” is to underline some issues that concern cultural, spacial and urban perceptions we had during the stay in Cluj-Napoca. Some inputs come from Demo-change Cities workshop, in a period of two intensive weeks. We looked at the city with visible spatial symptoms of both the 45 year of totalitarian planning, driven by the regime’s interest, and the 20 years of uncoordinated development, streets by private aims, with the absence of the idea of common good.

Cluj-Napoca, located in the central part of Transylvania, has a surface area of 179.5 km2. The city lies at the confluence of the Apuseni Mountains, the Someş plateau and the Transylvanian plain.

Cluj-Napoca is an important economic centre in Romania. Famous local brands that have become well-known at a national, and to some extent even international level, include: • Banca Transilvania • Farmec • Jolidon • Ursus breweries

1 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ClujNapocafiles%5Cdeclaratii%5CComunicat%20CLUJ%20-%20 DATE%20PROVIZORII%20RPL%202011.pdf

2


3


Excursus

cluj + napoca an overview on Cluj as a multicultural city with different ethnics and idioms, that are in continuous contact producing an interesting cultural vibration.

invisible heritage handcraft, music and agricultural traditions are still alive and they are expressed in particular places

socialist legacy privatization and individualism become part of some urban expressions as unplanned sprawl and the management of buildings thermal insulation.

common ground sometime forgot, sometime fenced

new trends examples of will of change decrease on interest in intermediate parts

4


5


Cluj + Napoca The majority of people were hungarians until the 1960s. Then Romanians began to outnumber Hungarians, due to the population increase as a result of the government’s forced industrialisation of the city and new jobs.

In 1974, the Romanian Communist authorities added “-Napoca” back to the city’s name as a nationalist gesture, emphasising its pre-Roman roots. The ethnic factor informed many aspects of the history and daily life in Cluj. One example concerne the toponymy road, which from 1918 to 1945 was changed at least three times. “The main square, founded in the Middle Ages around St. Michael’s Catholic Church: simply foter (Major Square) before 1918, following Piata Unirii (Unity, 1919-40), Mátyás Square Király (King Matthias Corvinus) until 1945 and later the bilingual and “neutral” Piaţa Libertăţii-Szabadság Tér, reduced to Piaţa Libertăţii in 1964, before returning to “Romanian” Piata Unirii after 1989. The other big square overlooking the historic center is a square has always been considered “Romanian”, because here there was built in the thirties, the Orthodox cathedral and here the headquarters of the Romanian Opera House (which is a building neo-baroque style, built in 1906 as the opera House and Hungarian detected by the Romanians in 1919). In this case, the name changes assume a connotation even more “national”: from Bocskai to Cuza Vodă (1918-40), later by Hitler (1940-44) to Marshal Malinovsky (1945-64), until Avram Iancu present name, in honor of the hero of the Romanian Revolution of 1848.”1

1:Stefano Bottoni (2009), “Da Kolozsvár a Cluj-Napoca. Convivenza e nazionalizzazione in una città socialista.”, Quaderni del Dipartimento di Discipline Storiche n.12, Università degli Stidi di Bologna, Carocci editore, pp.185-207 PHOTO: St. Michael’s Catholic Church

6


7


Cluj+ Napoca

Since the inhabitants of a small town living in a microcosm of gestures and rituals that tend to repeat themselves endlessly, the same “Romanians” and “Hungarian” shared the workplace, public spaces, places of recreation and stadiums . Nation and ethnicity were not (and are not) “groups” and things preconceived, but fluctuating categories and processes that are institutionalized “from above” and internalized “from below”.1

The “romanian” history of Cluj postwar seems so de-ethnicized, objective and even multicultural.” Today the citizens speak another into the following languages: Romanian (majority) and Hungarian. The Hungarians of Romania are the largest national minority in Europe.

1: Brubaker, Nationalist Politics and Everyday Ethnicity in a Transylvanian Town, cit., p. 13. PHOTO: City center. Festivalul International de Arta Fotografica Cluj-Napoca - 2012

8


9


Socialist legacy “Cluj is a medium-size secondary post-socialist city, with a physical configuration marked by the typical communist legacy. It was a fairly compact city with clearly boundary .” - says Cluj-based theorist of architecture Dana Vais on the city. She argues that the green field, against whit the socialist housing estate used to sharply end, are now being filled in an uncoordinated manner by new structure erected by private developers and individual builders.

The political turnover and liberalization in Romania, many feel, has also indroduced a missunderstood individualization with the absence of the idea of taking and giving for the common good.

1: Patterns of continuity

10


11


Socialist legacy

In the 70’s were built in the outskirts of the city two districts Marasti, east, and Manastur into the west. The largest urban agglomeration, with its 110,000 inhabitants concentrated in a few square kilometers without community spaces, in the eighties became the symbol of urban expansion now dysfunctional in everything except the need to ensure an increasingly large numerical majority community in Romania. Manastur, which was built on the ruins of the homonymous ancient village that was shot down in no time with the bulldozers, soon became the gathering place of the new urban proletariat Romanian. The inhabitants themselves, with a trick on words full of irony than the United States, the United Satele renamed din Manastur (United Villages of Manastur), becaus of the huge bloc ksof eight or ten floors, leaning on each other without any planning rational and characterized by an impressive density, were nothing more than immense village communities. (...) The former peasants everywhere built small plots of land where they raised small animals, but especially in the early years, it was rare to find horses, cows and even pigs.

1:Stefano Bottoni (2009), “Da Kolozsvár a Cluj-Napoca. Convivenza e nazionalizzazione in una città socialista.”, Quaderni del Dipartimento di Discipline Storiche n.12, Università degli Stidi di Bologna, Carocci editore, pp.185-207

12


13


Socialist legacy

- individualization - uncontrolled sprawl The suburbanization process is a phenomenon that can be observed around Cluj, especially after the 2000 years. The facilitation of the mortgage loans, the devaluation of the block flats and the price of the land around the city have represented general condition that encourage the movement of a middle and upper class families towards new formed neighborhood around the cities. They have the common dream of a single property house in the greenery. The development in the agricultural surroundings and the rising living space demand are moved by the wish of living close to nature. These suburban areas are characterized by lack of planning lack of public control and the absence of any preliminary plan for urban development, without any global view on the phenomenon.  It stimulates a strong individualization feeling and the myth of the private property which do not encourage a community participation. The lowdensity of these zones is in contrast with the proximity of socialist neighbourhood. Streets are only for transport not for living.

1:Stefano Bottoni (2009), “Da Kolozsvár a Cluj-Napoca. Convivenza e nazionalizzazione in una città socialista.”, Quaderni del Dipartimento di Discipline Storiche n.12, Università degli Stidi di Bologna, Carocci editore, pp.185-207

14


15


Intangible heritage In the past period in Cluj-Napoca we had the opportunity to get in touch with the people who live in the city. Persons by age, sex, area, which, however, contribute to give an insight into the urban condition and make pursued a mapping on existing qualities and deďŹ cit, detected potentials and danger and spotted resources and possible synergies in order to evaluate the analysis in its relevance for possible interventions.

PHOTO: Old woman in Piata Unirii. In the background a souvenir shop in the sidewalk.

16


17


Intangible heritage The inhabitants of Cluj have a strong connection with the agricultural traditions. It is not rare to find makeshift stands in the city, on street corners, selling agricultural products directly from the land outside the city or the urban gardens. “From the second half of the nineteenth century and until about 1970, the city worked in his everyday life thanks to the small craft and commercial bourgeoisie, the aristocracy of the working printers and railway workers, and especially thanks to a peculiar class of farmers citizens: the hostátiak, a community of several hundred families living in a suburb of the city and devoted to intensive cultivation of early fruit and vegetables. The hostátiak were native speakers of Hungarian Calvinists, while the rest of the microcosm of the city was made up of former peasants Romanians or Hungarians, arrived in a provincial city but sophisticated in its own way, it interiorizzavano the norms and values transmitted. “ 1

1:Stefano Bottoni (2009), “Da Kolozsvár a Cluj-Napoca. Convivenza e nazionalizzazione in una città socialista.”, Quaderni del Dipartimento di Discipline Storiche n.12, Università degli Stidi di Bologna, Carocci editore, pp.185-207 PHOTO: market of fruit, vegetable and flowers in Cluj. The Flea Market (Oser de Haine in Romanian) attracts a lot of Roma, especially the Gaboresti clan, a tribe who specialize in retail sales of anything they can carry: kitchen wares, plastic shoes, chinese cutlery.

18


19


Common ground (sometime forgot, sometime fenced) The political turnover and liberalization in Romania have also introduced a misunderstood individualization with the absence of the idea of taking and giving for the common good. Public space sometime is totally neglected. There are a lot of missing networks between public spaces, and it is quite visible a lack of permeability. One example is the big Railway park, in the noth-east part of the city. During the 60s the park was owned by a railroad company mainly for railway workers (neighbors). During 90s it was neglected by the railway company due to lack of funds. In 2010 just one, out of three football ďŹ elds, was built (unauthorized) and now is still neglected also after public reacts with protests in May 2011.

PHOTO: Railway park, in romanian Parcul Feroviarilor, Strata Parcul Feroviarilor

20


21


Common ground Currently the public space in Cluj is a phenomenon that appears spread in the city. In the mass housing areas are like satellites on the edge of the city. The space between the single block is for the community but is mostly not used. Other public space only exist in form of streets. There is a lack of public squares and parks. In the mass housing areas pubic space and green space overlap. The public courtyards are mostly held in green with grass and trees. Between the single blocks the whole outdoor space is privet occupied by parking areas and garages, without any control or system. In the one-family dwellings areas greenery is only found on private properties as their gardens. These gardens are visible from the street, because they are kept behind fences. Generally green space in the city is very fragmented and dierentiated. It variates from planned greenery park, botanical garden and graveyard to unplanned like swans and forest.

22


23


New trends

“renovation” Billa/Kaufalnd Fabrica de Pensule “Today the whole city,, without ethnic differences, is close behind President of the Liberal Democratic Party (PDL), the young Emil Boc, reelected in June 2008, with 76% of the votes and appointed as the new Prime Minister following the general election November 30. During his first term, new imperatives and priorities “inclusive” (the creation of pedestrian areas, restoration of historic buildings, works of sewage and road paving, construction of infrastructure such as wiring digital financed with European funds) have taken instead of ethnic fetishes. Politics is, or returns to, administration: the annual municipal budget, spiraling since 2004, now stands at 250 million euro, “1 (...)

Fabrica de Pensule Is a space for creation and dissemination of contemporary art as an independent cultural center that concentrates 29 contemporary art spaces, artists’ studios, galleries and cultural organizations active in the fields of visual arts , contemporary dance and theater.

1:Stefano Bottoni (2009), “Da Kolozsvár a Cluj-Napoca. Convivenza e nazionalizzazione in una città socialista.”, Quaderni del Dipartimento di Discipline Storiche n.12, Università degli Stidi di Bologna, Carocci editore, pp.185-207 PHOTO: entrance of the Paintbrush factory, in romanian Fabrica de Pensule

24


25


New trends

Recent and ongoing changes to program and the organic redistribution of moments of intensities have already resulted in rather significant alteration to the urban structure. New retail amenities, bars and restaurant have turned downtown Cluj into a hip center both for tourists and wealthy locals.

“Cappuccinization of the city center” At the same time shopping malls have opened along the peripheries, offering leisures activities and popular culture besides shopping facilities, Thus attracting big crowds. These new focal points have changed the dynamic of the city and, along with the program - retail, tertiary, and jobs - being enjected into satellite mass housing neighborhood.

The result is a decrease on interest towards intermediate parts of the city located between the center and the peripheries.

1: Patterns of continuity Cluj-Napoca

26


27


year 2012

28


Landscape urbanism strategies in a shrinking city.. Imaginig Cluj-Napoca


Cluj-Napoca survey

Location Coordinates

46°46′N 23°33′E

Altitude

410 m s.l.m.

Surface

165,2 km²

People Density

310 243 (2007) 1877,98 ab./km²

The situation of Cluj-Napoca has a slight contraction about 3% annually. This led us to consider Cluj Napoca possible terrain for interventions. Citizens, as we have seen during our trip in Cluj, have a great charisma and willingness to change. Multiculturalism, urban decay and urban voids, deindustrialization and population decline make Cluj-Napoca as a shrinking city, which contains a great potential for cultural development and intervention in public space. The survey of the city begins with some consideration about the demographic decline from the 90’s and ethnic mix between Romanians and Hungarians since the beginning of XIX. The survey continues with the analysis of trends in growth and then shrinkage of urban factory, emphasizing then the discontinuous density of the built environment. Cluj is longitudinally tripartite, thank to its linear structure along the river : the industrial strip, landscape strip and urban strip. We will be focused on what we entitled “urban strip” that has ,as its structural axis, the mills canal, once used by industries that were faced

as procurement of running water. This “urban strip” is bounded to the south by the road that runs the canal’s length. It has a lot opportunities of intervention. Hidden qualities and potential, highlighted in the SWOT analysis, are supported by interviews with citizens made during our stay in Cluj in August 2012.

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173


The population is steadily increasing and with her the ethnic constitution. Since it returned to be part of Romania, the city has seen a revolution in fact ethnic result of the policy of forced assimilation carried out by Romanian governments.

“Cluj had, throughout history, affiliations to various nations: from Hungary to Romania after the First World War and then again and again to Hungary to Romania after the Second. Here they are overlapping and intertwined for centuries languages - Hungarian, Romanian and German - and religions - Orthodox, Catholic, Jewish and Calvinist. [...] Have not been alleged “pre-existing identity,” but political classification and division based on ethnic, to “simplify”, during the twentieth century, the linguistic and cultural diversity, reducing the two components Romanian and Hungarian. [...] After the Second World War, there were policies adopted by the Romanian communist regime, which used nationalism, considered a fatal attraction force as a means to convey socialism. Despite the political separation, the inhabitants of Cluj maintained networks of relationships in “everyday life”, in the central and periphery, in the workplace and in the houses of the people, where they continued dating and marrying each other. [...] To consider how to Cluj occurred ethnic difference in the twentieth century, it is important to take into account the size of its population, the political capital of Transylvania, Cluj Hungarian and then Romanian reached 100,000 people in 1930, remaining really along a microcosm in which everyone knew everyone else. [...] So the idea of the “wall” ethnic cultivated before and after 1989 from both sides clashed and collides with the force of reality. “ 1

Cluj-Napoca has a population of about: 317.953 inhabitants _2002 Census 309.136 inhabitants_(2012 Census is now in progress)

loss of population from 90’s: -7% Year

Population Cluj

Losses %

Romanian

1910

37.184

1920

8886

82%

85.509

+57

29.644

49%

1930

103.840

+17

34.029

46%

1941

110.956

+7

10.029

88%

1948

117.915

+6

47.321

58%

1956

154.723

+25

74.623

50%

1966

185.663

+17

105.185

42%

1977

262.858

+30

173.003

33%

1992

328.602

+21

248.527

23%

2002

317.593

-4

252.433

19%

2012

309.136

-3

Hungarian

TABLE: http://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cluj-Napoca#Evoluzione_ demografica 1:Stefano Bottoni (2009), “Da Kolozsvár a Cluj-Napoca. Convivenza e nazionalizzazione in una città socialista.”, Quaderni del Dipartimento di Discipline Storiche n.12, Università degli Stidi di Bologna, Carocci editore, pp.185-207

174


328.602 inhab. 317.953 inhab. 309.136 inhab.

264.977 inhab.

185.663 inhab.

117.951 inhab. 105.843 inhab.

ungarians

ungarians

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The Vienna Diktat imposed onto Romania to give over a part of its territory, including Cluj. Many institutions were forced to withdraw to other towns in Romania.

Cluj was liberated Kingdom of Romania

The city as political center new factories / blocks of apartments important cultural and scientific center

. Revolution! 11 people were killed in the “Liberty� Square (today’s Piata Unirii) 4 people were killed at the Beer Factory, followed by 3 in other places of the town.





Romania EU member EU economic crisis braindrain



 peack of population young qualified out-migration



Cluj was liberated from the German occupation, and passed into Russian administration.



 

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years of consolidation of democracy, of many economic, political, social and cultural transformations, re-shaping the face of the city

this number does not include the floating population of students and other non-residents an average of over 20,000 people each year during 2004-2007

175


Growing From the spatial point of view Cluj is represented by a linear urban development. The historical growth is described by these following periods: Medieval City The city’s Original establishment center near the River (900-1316) Monarchic City Radial increase (1316-1919) Garden City Dispatched growth of single families housing with garden an Row Houses. Industry and worker Homes Growth until 1960: -separation of living and working -linear development along the main axis for the ďŹ rst time Socialist Buildings Growth in the 60s and 70s - polycentric development - monofunctional centers without any linking to the adjoining city zones - direct connection to the medievali city center

before 1910

1945 The economic development of the city change the urban settlement and the social structure. The development of the great industrial companies mobilized whole social groups and the city became a destination favored by those with limited education. In the 70’s were built in the outskirts of the city two socialist districts; Marasti, to the east, and Manastur to the west. This is the largest urban agglomeration entire Transylvania with its 110,000 inhabitants concentrated in a few square kilometers without community spaces.

1970

176


Shrinking The huge industrial area is in the northern part of the city. This part is called Tetarom. The post-industrial changes caused voids and absence of production. The biggest example is the Nokia closure. It took place in 2008 for the general reorganization of the cost savings. The production moved to areas where there are more favorable conditions and where demand is stronger. It is assumed that the “removal” will be in the neighboring Republic of Moldova within the first months of 2012. For Today at Nokia Jucul were employed about 2,200 people that now will be to increase the ranks of the unemployed, whereas the area off

1990

Cluj already had one of the highest unemployment rates in the country, this will lead to further difficulties without considering the inevitable repercussions on all induced starting from the transport companies that collaborated with Nokia. Three causal factors: 1. job related out migration/ brain drain overall after 2007 when Romania becomes an Europen member. Workers and student starts to emigrate. 2. suburbanization Sprawl, since 1990, is spread along the main axis and also towards the south where a lot off

2002

lands resources can be accessed 3. population decline aging population due to low fertility rate and the out-migration of youg people.

2012

177


Social-spatial relation

• Citizen’s mental map This map is drawn by people living in cluj. The partition is a result of their sense of the city. Spaces which are important for living in Cluj or for a district are accentuated. It is a mental map, which shows the main areas for public use within the whale city and their links. Interesting is that the whole city looks like accumulation of equal quarters except from the three centers which create the main points of general social exchange.

Low density Cluj has a low building program density between center and satellite neighborhood that is typical in post-socialist cities. Recent and ongoing changes to program and the organic redistribution of moments of intensities have already resulted in rather significant alteration to the urban structure. The center’s “Cappuccinization” ” and, at the same time, shopping malls opening along the peripheries, offering leisure and shopping opportunity are changing citizen’s habit. These new focal points have changed the dynamic of the city and, along with the program - ratail, tertiary, and jobs - being injected into satellite mass housing neighborhood.

density

The result is a decrease on interest towards intermediate parts of the city located between the center and the peripheries.

distance from centre

Manastur

178


Iris

Dambul Rotund

Someseni

Bulgaria

Marasti

Gruia

Intre Lacuri

Grigorescu Centru Gheorgheni

Andrei Muresanu Zorilor

Manastur

neighbourhoods self-sufficient neighbourhoods general social exchange in urban space general social exchange in green space student areas

zones of public interest links

Centre

179


Strips

Cluj is located in a valley in the hilly transilvanian landscape. The main settlement structure is concentrates along the river, up in the hills are only scattered settlements. The main infrastructure is the area also stretches from east to west. The linearity of the settlements structure is strengthened by densely wooded areas in the north and south of the valley, in the western part of Cluj, From the mapping of vacant and empty spaces the city has a longitudinal vacancy distribution. To make a simpliďŹ cation it is possible divide in three parts represented by: the industrial strip, the strip of landscape and urban strip.

city center

Industrial strip in the northern part of the city include an high vacancy of industrial building -greet contamination of the soil with chemical and metallurgic residues

Landscape strip along the river, include small quality of vacant space but this part has a lack of permeability between green spaces

Urban strip along the mills canal and the main road that crosses all the city. It includes high number of vacant lots and some abandoned buildings.

180


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Urban strip

The “urban strip” has the highest presence of vacant lot and abandoned buildings. This strip has its structural axis along the mills canal; it was once used by industries that were faced as procurement of running water. This “urban strip” is bounded to the south by the road that runs the length of the city and it has a lot opportunities of intervention. Hidden qualities and potential, highlighted in the SWOT analysis, are supported by interviews with citizens made during our stay in Cluj in August 2012

INTERVIEWS Methods: semi-structured interviews Secondary data analysis: maps, statistics Observation: Map intersections Instruments for research: observation gride-line Semi-structured interview guide maps Selection of respondents: random Criteria: various age and sex distribution Being citizens or a student

Citizens dream up during the workshop we had the possiblities to make interviews with citizens. It was a field work walking through the strip and talking with people, using also social network (as facebook) to contact more students.

Citizens Dream Up Andrej / 75years / worker

no conventional practice

develop solar and wind energy production give to the inhabitants a sense of identity

make the city inclusive

184

Wouldn t it be great if there Wouldn’t would be no traffic at 5th avenue...so that people could use their ELNHV or walk without the pollution of the cars.


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Alexandru / 22years / student I dream an ecological city. For example provide trash cans and UHF\FOLQJ bins. this is about giving city residents a way to keep their own neighborhoods clean.

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Matei / 60years / shopkeeper

“

I imagine i i to t walk lk along l the FDQDO with my dog, today is impossible by the presence of parking and the crossing of pipes

�

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Iulia / 30years / tourist

“

Wouldn’t it be great if there would be historical design VLJQDOV, to guide people through the city

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Landscape urbanism strategies in a shrinking city. Imaginig Cluj-Napoca


manifesto & program


manifesto

#1 stop think at growing model! There’s no reason to imagine that one day there will be more ask for houses and space for production like industries. It’s time to think how a not growing model can be supported without depression in economy and social life. A model of stability, or better a fluid model where some variations in more and less are supported.

#2 don’t keep everything! In law’s affair is given that everybody can refusea legacy, if that legacy is a debt instead of credit. This is something that can be applied also for urban development in case of shrinking cities. In certain situation is necessary to demolish because keep something which is completely dead can create big problem, and also sometimes the shrink is so wide that is just impossible to manage everything.


#3 removal, conversion and disuse instead of extension

#6

The waste of soil is a problem for many reason. The contradiction is in always constructing new building and in extending the city instead of reuse existent space, and rethink their function.

social interaction Take the opportunity to work on the city to propose an idea that can increase interactions between citizens and make them the new makers of the city, new space for sociality.

#4 central role of temporary uses

#7

The idea that abandoned spaces can be used for cultural activities doesn’t ďŹ ght also with the idea that maybe this can be a process continuous of revising ideas and changing destination

first of all: landscape In this scenario of horizontal city the landscape becomes fundamental to control space, it creates order and it transforms critical situations in green areas.

#5 a participated design

#8

In order to build a new city and to take care of public space it is much more important talking with people than elaborate big theories.

create a network The project is non inuential if it becomes a sort of acupuncture with no links between different parts. The force of such an intervention is to do little butin more part like a networked spaces, that can be logically in sequence

189


concept

190


vacant land social lab Laboratories hosting features to encourage collaboration and socializing, starting with the same method of recovery of these spaces. The idea that the restoration of the areas involved and the work is not fully delegated to specialists until the “unpacking the facade.”

d

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b

la

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time

CITIZENS

time

CITY

REGION

ecological

(1) environmental education (2) access to “nature”

ecosystem services

biodiversity

social

(1) neighborhood identity (2) blight reduction

opportunity to create more dense communities

regional solidarity

SOCIALjoLABORATORY b c re a tion

e c onomic

lowe r infra s tuc tura l ma na g ment costs

191

BENEFITS tie s to la rge r e c onomy


strategy for a participated process

M

unicipality

A

rchitects

R

esidents

D

A

esign

rchitects

M

unicipality

A

rchitects

M

R

esidents

R

unicipality

esidents

192

S

chedule

W

orkshop

M

anagment


We wonder how a participated process can work, which could be the strategy to involve citizens and institution in a new form of collaboration, and which is the new role of the “social architectsâ€? from designer to designer of events. In this schedule readers will ďŹ nd a simple idea where three operators (municipality, citizens and architects) will found their role between project creation steps.

ideation Is for us creating the program of our project, doing interview, asking which are lack and desiderata in urban life.

project architects are called to produce their design considering parameters and suggestion, and planning the execution and managing like a participating moment.

building a part of construction will be done by municipality but some part will be left as self organization area giving it to population

management is divided between residents and collectivity costs

193


program

SOCIAL LABORATORY

BENEFITS

ECOLOGICAL environmental education

ATELIER HANDCRAFT

ecosystem services VEGETABLE GARDEN biodiversity BIKE REPAIR access to “nature” BOOKSHARING

SOCIAL LANDSCAPE INTERVENTION neighborhood identity ATELIER KIDS

opportunity to create

READING AREA

regional solidarity blight reduction

SPORT AREA

more dense communities

PLAYGROUND

ECONOMIC

MARKET

job creation

BARBECUE

lower infrastuctural managment cost ties to larger economy

194


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CITY

REGION

L IA C SO

ECOLOGICA

L

ECON

OMIC AL

195


landscape strategy

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Landscape urbanism strategies in a shrinking city. Imaginig Cluj-Napoca


future scenarios visions


Vacant catalogue In this section you will pass through all the vacant lots identified in the “urban strip”, which is why we called this part catalogue. Have been identified six areas described by a rectangle that will be subsequently covered the same areas of intervention.

urban strip

26.9420

200


vacant lots vacant buildings parks squares intervenction areas

201


from Str. Ilie Macelaru VACANT LAND site : residential high density area low rise buildings

Strada Ilie Macelaru 1448 sqm VACANT LAND site: near sports facilities and the new football arena lot: half brown field half green

250 sqm 200 sqm

from Str. Ilie Macelaru 385 sqm

Strada Moldovei 597 sqm

VACANT BUILDING site : residential high density area low rise buildings lot: facing the canal, 1 floor house unused garden/ brownfield

VACANT LAND site: near beer factory between single houses

INDUSTRIAL VACANCIES site: in between differents areas of the city can represent a strategic knot. lot: this area benefits of differents buildings which have an intereting shape and potential like big urban incubator.

site : residential low density area lot: facing the canal use as car parking

from Strada Deva 4050 sqm VACANT LAND site : green area lot: low density area underuse greenery

270 sqm 150 sqm

Pils fabricu / URSUS FACTORY 24000 sqm

Strada Cardinal iuliu Hossu 1195 sqm BLACK TOP

Strada Deva 1090 sqm VACANT LAND site : residencial area lot: it was a building trash an

Strada Mioritei 6 8116 sqm VACANT LAND site: near beer factory between single houses lot: interior space on the boundaries there are private garden of houses and black top

202

Str. Cardinal iuliu H 779 sqm VACANT LAND

site : residential are lot: facing the cana unused green

Strada Cardinal Iuliu Hossu 1935 sqm BLACK TOP site: residential area near centre on the side of river canal lot: it was a building, now destroyed it becames urban parking


Hossu

ea al

Strada Ploiesti 699 sqm VACANT LAND site : residential low density area lot: on the corner of a trash and old buildings remains Strada Cardinal iuliu Hossu 1691 sqm BLACK TOP site : residential high density area lot: hidden courtiyard trash and parking

Strada Onisifor Ghibu 2400 sqm INDUSTRIAL VACANCIES site : close to a sport center lot: facing the canal, crossing cement bridge, low rise buildings

B.dul 21 Decembrie 1989 26285 sqm INDUSTRIAL VACANCIES site : industrial area lot: it was a building, now destroyed it becames brownfield

Strada Tipografiei 190 sqm x 5 VACANT BUILDING site : residential high density area lot: in the city center facing the canal

203

B.dul 21 Decembrie 1989 4823 sqm VACANT LAND site : close to iserica Reformata Church lot: faceng the canal historical footprint


VACANT LAND address

I

Strada Salcamului

area

I

(100+289+185) sqm open air 100 sqm built

site

I

sigle houses area

lot

I

brown field

LOCATION SPECIFICITY The diagrams are based on a beam of 300 m to define the carateristic of the neightbourhood

school facilities residential buildings commercial social facilities green open areas

204


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VACANT LAND address

I

6, Strada Mioritei

area

I

6312 sqm open air

site

I

near beer factory, sigle houses area

lot

I

between bounderies, around private garden and black top

LOCATION SPECIFICITY The diagrams are based on a beam of 300 m to define the carateristic of the neightbourhood

school facilities residential buildings commercial social facilities green open areas

210


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VACANT LAND address

I

1, Strada Uzinei Eletrice

area

I

1604 sqm open air

site

I

near new stadium

lot

I

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LOCATION SPECIFICITY The diagrams are based on a beam of 300 m to define the carateristic of the neightbourhood

school facilities residential buildings commercial social facilities green open areas

216


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VACANT LAND address

I

42, Calea Molitor

area

I

1530 sqm open air 511 sqm vacant building

site

I

residential area

lot

I

vacant rural house

LOCATION SPECIFICITY The diagrams are based on a beam of 300 m to define the carateristic of the neightbourhood

school facilities residential buildings commercial social facilities green open areas

222


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VACANT LAND address

I

1, Strada Deva

area

I

14724 sqm open air

site

I

near new stadium, sigle houses area

lot

I

occupied by trees and ruins of old sport facilities

LOCATION SPECIFICITY The diagrams are based on a beam of 300 m to define the carateristic of the neightbourhood

school facilities residential buildings commercial social facilities green open areas

228


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VACANT LAND address

I

11, Strada Cardinal Iuliu Hossu

area

I

(1492 + 769) sqm open air

site

I

near lake Lacul Chios

lot

I

occupied by trees and black top

LOCATION SPECIFICITY The diagrams are based on a beam of 300 m to define the carateristic of the neightbourhood

school facilities residential buildings commercial social facilities green open areas

234


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VACANT LAND address

I

Strada 21 Dicembre 1989

area

I

2298 sqm open air + 216 sqm

site

I

commercial building area

lot

I

brown field, spontaneous vegetation

LOCATION SPECIFICITY The diagrams are based on a beam of 300 m to define the carateristic of the neightbourhood

school facilities residential buildings commercial social facilities green open areas

240


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VACANT LAND address

I

Strada 21 Dicembre 1989

area

I

18994 sqm open air

site

I

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lot

I

brown field, spontaneous vegetation

LOCATION SPECIFICITY The diagrams are based on a beam of 300 m to define the carateristic of the neightbourhood

school facilities residential buildings commercial social facilities green open areas

246


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ringraziamenti al prof. Gennaro Postiglione per la sua grande dedizione, per le innumerevoli revisioni e per insegnare con forza e passione; al prof. Massimo Bricocoli per lâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;esperienza in Romania e per le osservazioni illuminanti che hanno reso familiare un mondo sconosciuto; a tutti coloro che in diversa maniera ci hanno aiutati.


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