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Enrico Badialetti

THE COMMON LAYER The mass tourism manifestations on the cities


Thanks to Maxime Enrico and prof. Matteo Agnoletto for the time dedicated to me in these months


| Index Abstract 01 | European historical cities and mass tourism: a complex relationship 01.1 | Towards homologation 01.2 | Identity. The risks 02 | Historical evolution of mass tourism. The case of Paris 02.1 | Short history of tourism in the French Capital 03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris 03.1 | Contextualization 03.2 | ZTI 03.3 | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis: Atmosphere, Pure Monument, Commercial Strip 04 | The influence of tourism on the city and its spaces 04.1 | Tourism space 04.2 | New urban phenomena 04.3 | The Common Layer 05 | The Common Layer. Atlas of the phenomenon Final considerations Bibliography / Webography

Index

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| Abstract

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Abstract

The tourist pressure that has ran over many cities in the world since the XX century has contributed to change the nature of some areas, submitting them with the logic of the frenzy of consumption that is inherent in mass tourism. In an age when industrial and handicraft productions take place in distant countries, for many European cities tourism is the easiest way to produce money. To respond to the needs of the public, historic centers are becoming increasingly flattened: by renouncing to local diversity and character, cities are aligned to a generic western model, or, in an attempt to increase their flow of visitors, they invest all in their historical and cultural identity and they blindly repeat it by turning into theme parks of themselves. Since the diversity that qualified the places is vanished, the dynamics and the activities in the squares and the spaces around iconic buildings are everywhere identical; the one thing that changes is the container, not the content. The space of tourism thus repeats itself to itself, unconnected to the context and aligned to a global model. Since the phenomena that qualify it are always the same, regardless of the environment, it is possible to frame a repeating pattern. Being able to discompose this occurrence into the components that create it, can be useful to understand the phenomenon itself, in the attempt of mitigating its presence and consumption of space within the cities. After analyzing the case of Florence as a model of an Italian tourist city, Paris becomes the field of study for the analysis of the problem. Being the city with the largest number of visitors in Europe, it is the emblem of the tourist city for the old continent. The Montmartre hill, the Eiffel Tower, the Champs-Élysées are places belonging to the collective imagery and that are consumed daily by the tourist flow that exhausts their identity. Paris it is the new focus for the analysis of the physical characteristics of this “Common Layer” of tourism, transforming itself into a general model of the case to be examined for the editing of an Atlas of the phenomenon.

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01

European historical cities and mass tourism: a complex relationship

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The urban configuration of a city has always been determined by its economic structure. In the past, the recognizability of each place was a consequence of the natural context and of historical-cultural baggage that the city brought and of the specific production fruit of local industry and handicraft. The massification of society and globalization that invests the centers today is eliminating the specificity and flattening the identity of cities or parts of it. The productions occur in every corner of the world and the commercial structure of all urban areas is rapidly validating. From the remote states where production costs are negligible, the aggression is running over the historical centers, those parts of the town where identity was the most valuable. Subjected to a tourist pressure without previous, centers are geared to meet the demand that it ensues. And so it is that artisans and residents disappear with a frightening rapidity, replaced by shops, megastores and minimarkets that may be in any other place in the world, free as they are of genuine bond with the spaces they occupy. And so it is that the urban fabric around the most significant places of the town goes globally standardizing, it undergoes a standardization that leads it to be indistinguishable from city to city, nation to nation. The triptych minimarket-souvenirs-typical restaurant has now wound every existing monument or place of interest. We are witnessing today of a paradoxical transformation: from places of identity to non-places of identity. The civic value of monuments has been denied in favor of their economic revenue, their tourist potential. The civic activities were expelled from churches, parks and historic buildings, in which now we can enter in for a fee while monumental buildings are continually alienated to private individuals, who close them or turn them into tourist attractions or to services. The approval of the constructed landscape is now a feature that unifies supermarkets and airports as well as historical centers, places of culture and entertainment, generating a disquieting sensation of already seen that eliminates every

emotion. This is due to the discovery of different cultures, different ways of life and relations, different tastes and flavors. Strolling to the Ramblas in Barcelona, in via Condotti in Rome or on Les Champs-ElysĂŠes does not enrich with any new experience: identical architectures and music, identical furnishings and look of street artists, identical shops, taste of the beverages and food, identical language and codes, identical everywhere is also the way in which the city offers itself to the individual. A sort of global flow, deprived of the humanity of mutual knowledge as the curiosity in the discovery of the different. The experience of the tourist trip is now displayed in a sequence of images to show friends when back home, if not to load in real time on social networks, in order to involve the largest possible audience and loosen the feeling of loneliness that envelops the physical spectator. 01.2 Identity. The risks

The differences between landscapes and cultures of the world are reduced to the concept of “typical�. Everything that is considered typical appears as a bulwark against standardization. However the typical is a double-edged sword for identity of places. Witnessing the weakening of identity, continually threatened and oppressed by these contemporary dynamics, we think we can overcome the problem by deploying in its defense the typical, with the intention of restoring character and quality where these are gone going. The character of a place, as it is known, is the result of a process of layering and consolidation that you cannot replicate by spreading freely so-called typical activity on a compromised fabric. From identity to the caricature: this is the disastrous outcome of a misguided approach which attempts to give color where this has been lost. On a city-stage now debilitated is useless overthrow shops and restaurants with typical products, pageants or themed activities. The result of this inevitably ends

01 | European historical cities and mass tourism, a complex relationship

01 | European historical cities and mass tourism, a complex relationship

01.1 | Towards homologation

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01 | European historical cities and mass tourism, a complex relationship

Moving within precise coordinates, within limits set upstream from tourist guides we finish to load of mediatic meaning places that already are filled of it, leaving in the prey of usurers what is out of the spotlight. The landscape close to this places ends up to take on the semblance of a obscene parade of plasticized ice creams, crepes and rubber sandwiches, shops of suitcases and chinese leather goods, heaps of souvenir downloaded in front of the showcases of those who probably one time enjoyed really those monuments for their meaning civic or religious. Even on a larger scale, approaching the city by closed perimeters, operating exclusively within portions of urban fabric chosen according to their tourist vocation requires extreme caution. The consequence of this procedure is often the creation of a tangible discrepancy between adjacent areas. The gap between the places of “super-identity” and what surrounds it can become extremely counterproductive, ending up contradicting the imaginary on which so much has been invested. A district that enjoys tourist fortune because of the presence of an iconic monument of the city will be the object of constant attention by the city administration, which often ends up neglecting the surrounding areas as it has no tourist-economic attraction. A clear example of this within the French capital is the case of Montmartre and Barbès, in the 18th arrondissement. The first one, thanks to its history and the presence of the famous Basilica of the Sacre Coeur, is one of the main sources of economic entry for the city of Paris. The second, which physically skirts Montmartre, is nothing but a multi-ethnic, mostly residential neighborhood, in which are found all the recurring problems linked to these particular areas of the city. Within a radius of only 400 meters occurs a total overturning between the mental projection of the city, deriving from its own collective imaginary, and its actual reality. It is not surprising, therefore, that many tourists, especially those from the East, are disconcerted by these profound differences within the city, and this happens so frequently that the phenomenon has also been categorized in the medical field.The so-called Paris Syndrome is in fact a psychosomatic pathology that particularly afflicts Japanese

01 | European historical cities and mass tourism, a complex relationship

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with the take on the appearance of a theme park, within which enjoy the attractions placed strategically on a neutral surface. Pursue blindly a character hoping to counteract the crisis (or, in the worst cases, to satisfy the market), elevating it to a inflexible lighthouse, ends up taking the cities caricatured form, forced inside the fence of identity, exaggerating themselves to meet the demands of the imaginary that external users have. And it is what we see when we walk in the most visited places of the city, where to within a specific perimeter proliferate only commercial activities that draw on, for example, to a single historical period or to a specific atmosphere that has made them famous. Beyond that perimeter instead we allow that proliferate every other kind of shops, no matter if decontextualized or decontextualizing. Commercial activities are designed for a generic user, devoid of distinctive characteristics, not for a specific individual recognizable as different from the others. To locate the user they simply need the number of an identity document or a credit card. The individual become depersonalized and regarded as a spectator. Noting the short period of stay that it is assumed that the subject elapses, the experience that is offered to him is not intended for the understanding of the place, rather to create a feeling of “wonder” drawn from the field of emotions, from the short memories. Within certain portions of the city they put in motion the “machine of wonder”. This acts giving emphasis to monuments, overexposing them to an attention which cuts them off from the tissue in which arise and for which they were designed. This excessive exposure that invests the single construction ends up disconnecting it from context, or better, ends up to subtract importance and dignity to surrounding environment. This allows the reproduce all around of parasitic activity without quality and purpose if not the economic nature. Fully concentrated on a single building or on a “constellation” of these, you can visit the city for situations, for specific episodes. With a hit-and-run consuming of what is typical and characteristic of the place, the mass no longer moves in the city, but underneath it. The underground allows rapid movements, but excludes whole pieces of city-narration.

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01 | European historical cities and mass tourism, a complex relationship

tourists visiting the French capital. Psychiatrists’ research shows that tourists with this syndrome, whose symptoms are similar to those found in Stendhal’s syndrome, experience discomfort arising from the difference between the idealized vision of the French capital they had gained at home and the actual vision which they take note during their stay in the city. The comforting version of the places that is inherent in mass tourism that affects European cities is in most cases very different from the reality present there. In spite of this, it is precisely in it that it is necessary to invest in order not to contradict the images present in the postcards and tourist brochures and to increase the flow of visitors and consequently economic, even at the cost of creating these tangible imbalances within the city.

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02

Historical evolution of mass tourism. The case of Paris

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Unlike other European countries where more than one urban reality has always existed, France has been built around its capital, Paris. The economic, political and industrial power of the city is therefore entirely linked to the fact that the French capital has always been the main organ of the nation to which everything flows. As for the tourist fortune of the city, this is particularly linked to two factors that contributed to the growth of tourism during the second half of the IXX century: the emergence of a middle class that aspired to the same practices that distinguished the aristocrats and the significant improvement of the transport conditions with the rapid development of the railway. Traveling from the province and cities to Paris becomes faster and less dangerous. With the railways, followed by other means of transport, the tourism industry is for the first time created: the first tourist agency, by Thomas Cook, was born in England in the nineteenth century and has Paris as its main destination. After the construction of the Paris-Le Havre railroad in 1840, regular rail and ferry connections were opened with London. Travelers from the New World also land in France via the great transatlantic boats that stop at the port of Le Havre. A market is beginning to be structured to face the growing influx of a new category of traveler, the one that will later be called “tourist”. New jobs are created and the means and infrastructures are strengthened. The railway station acquires a new dignity at the urban level, from a commodity freight to a building part of the city architecture regarding to decorations and the design of facades. Two dates, above all, have contributed to consolidating Paris’s reputation as the metropolis of tourism of the time, the 1889 Universal Exposition (36 million visitors) and 1900 (50 million, which is still the third most visited exhibition in history). The two events are also linked to the city’s architectural and urban development. The Haussmannian renovation and the traces that the Prefect of the Seine had left were still under way. In over seventy years, the city

02 | Historical evolution of mass tourism. The case of Paris

02 | Historical evolution of mass tourism. The case of Paris

02.1 | Short history of tourism in the French Capital

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“organized tourism, a series of tourism that has become one of the most typical aspects of our century [...], son of speed and democracy, which is closely integrated in industrial evolution, to which he has exactly followed the phases.” “Tourism development follows faithfully that of society, operating in the same way. At first there was the tourism of the Ancient Regime, aristocratic, personal, the new tourism is organized, almost mechanized, collective and, above all, democratic. The first one survives just as an exception, as a luxury, almost as a curious phenomenon. It is the second that has become the rule, associated with a conception, with a doctrine of free time, of which one has made a social function, organized and regulated. It is logical thus, that in the age of mass production and consumption there is mass tourism.”

The positive trend of tourism for the city grew significantly throughout the second half of the twentieth century. It is necessary to go forward with the years to find a first stop that affects the city and that is due to the 2007 economic crisis that affected the whole West. The statistics show a significant inflection of the arrival of visitors (-11% in the third quarter of 2008), but the city has managed to keep it unaltered the attractiveness so much that from the following year tourism has resumed the scope of the period before the crisis. The second brake on people’s flow is due to the terrorist attacks of 2015, especially those of November 13th. 2016 has been a year of recession for the city as far as tourism is concerned with arrivals from Asia: -41% arrivals from Japan and -21% from China. The Eiffel Tower and the Louvre have been visited by over a million visitors less than the previous year, overall terrorism has affected tourism by reducing the nation’s revenue by 0.2%. Not only, in the next ten years Paris will host several events including the Olympic Games of 2024. In that year, in addition to the usual tourist flow that affects the city, are expected 15 to 20 million tourists related to the event with a revenue calculated around € 3.5 billion. In addition to this, the French capital is in the running to win the Rugby Olympics in 2023 and the Universal Exposition of 2025. The attraction of the city on the world is such that in China city copies are made on the same scale, and only in the United States there are twenty-nine cities called Paris. Thanks to its historical cultural heritage and its everincreasing openness to host global events, Paris, more than any other another existing city, seems to be destined to remain firmly anchored at the top of the ranking of the most visited places in the world for over a century and a half.

02 | Historical evolution of mass tourism,. The case of Paris

02 | Historical evolution of mass tourism. The case of Paris

underwent a complete renewal to which due to the difficulty of moving and the lack of communication tools had been able to assist only a small part of the public. In a society without mass media could circulate only a handful of rare photographs that had immortalized the changes in the capital of the nation. The two Expositions therefore constituted the consecration of the efforts made to modernize Paris, millions of people were able to witness and consequently tell what they saw once they returned to their cities. It begins thus to born the tourist fortune that still accompanies Paris. In 1908, the first international commercial flight was set up, flying from London to Paris could bring up to ten passengers. Once the route is opened, commercial flights start to multiply in the short term by promoting international tourism. In the years following World War II the transport revolution and the family development allowed, among other things, the rapid growth of tourism for all, not just for an aristocratic and financial elite. To the after-war period is also linked the birth of the first “charter” flight (1954), which supports the democratization of air travel. The massification of the phenomenon has become clear since 1955, when French sociologist André Siegfried devoted an entire chapter in “Aspects du XX siècle” to:

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Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

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03.1 | Contextualization

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03.2 | ZTI

The law n° 2015-990 of August 6th, 2015 for the growth, the activity and the equality of the economic chances defines the creation and the perimeter of several international tourist zones (ZTI) of which twelve in Paris. Since January 2016, six Parisian train stations are subject to the same rules. Retailers may derogate from the ban on Sunday work by employees and night work. To establish the perimeter of the ITZ, several criteria are taken into account,

Since 2015, Paris has set up twelve international tourist zones (ZTI) characterize by the opening on Sunday and overnight shops. The August 6th, 2015 Law on Growth, Business, and Equal Opportunities has defined the “International Tourist Zones” where retailers are allowed to derogate from the Sunday labor ban and night work. These new areas are defined as perimeters that benefit from “international influence, an exceptional flux of tourists resident outside France known for the importance of their purchases.” Retail trade is therefore the main object of the exchange. Twenty-four of these areas were defined throughout France, twelve in Paris. The decree of 9 February 2016 applies twelve railway stations in France to the same regulation, including the six main Parisian stations. Paris has also set up a ZTI Observatory whose purpose is to study the economic and environmental resources of this new system, in particular in terms of trade, employment and quality of life. On this last point, the Observatory is particularly interested in the effects of Sunday’s work on the rhythms of Parisian life: participation in museums, changes in commercial offenses and also impacts on traffic and pollution. The twelve areas (575 hectares) cover 7% of the capital area without considering Bois de Vincennes and Boulogne. These territories collect 6% of the population, 123.600 people, and are on average less densely populated in Paris: 21.500 inhabitants per km² against 25.600. Not only, between 2008 and 2013, the population declined by 1.5% in the arrondissement which include the Zones Touristiques Internationales, while in the same period the population of Paris increased by 1%. Such a decline could be related to the increase in second homes, partly used to be rented for tourism. In 2013, second homes (or occasional ones)

03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

The French capital is universally known as model of a tourist city in Europe. With its more than 15 million tourists in 2014 only London can compete with Paris on the numbers but not on the length of time of this attention by the mass of visitors. Despite the small size of Paris intra-muros (about 105.4 km² considering the city devoid of its metropolitan area) this enormous flow of people is distributed in a not uniform way inside it. The greatest tourist pressure is organized for concentric circles and goes fading outwardly. Given the presence of the most famous attractions in the first districts (1-8), these areas are the objects of public interest. The second and third circles, however, remain almost entirely outside the tourist routes, except for episodes such as Montmartre (18th arrondissement, along with the Eiffel Tower, one of the two most visited buildings in the city), the area around Opéra (9th arrondissement) and the City of Science in the 19th arrondissement. The common feature of these peripheral tourist focus is to be reached by the center solely via the subway. In this way, the whole part of city that is in the middle between the center and this buildings is normally avoided in the frenzy of visiting only the most famous monuments, disinterested in the understanding of the city considered as a whole.

such as the international influence of the present offer (shops, assets, etc...). the service by national or international transport infrastructure, the attraction to foreign tourists, a large amount of purchases by foreign tourists strongly impacting the total turnover of the ZTI. The scope taken into account in this study is the official precise perimeter published by decree.

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03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

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accounted for 17% of homes in the ZTI against 7% of homes in Paris. This characteristic is more or less marked according to the area: it ranges from 5% in the Beaugrenelle and Olympiades ZTI, 27% for St. Germain and up to 36% in Champs Élysées-Montaigne. Economic activity is intense in this perimeters: within them we find a job on five (316.200 paid jobs). More than half of these jobs are concentrated in three ZTI: Saint-Honoré-Vendôme, Haussmann and the Champs Élysées-Montaigne. Retail trade is the dominant business: 16% of jobs compared to 7% in Paris. Activities devoted mainly to tourists are very often located in the ZTI, especially the department stores. The latter are principally located at the Haussmann one, Les Halles and Rennes Saint-Sulpice and are almost all the percentage of non-specialized non-food jobs. The clothing and footwear sector is also well-established here, with 18.500 jobs (63% of Paris’s work in this sector). This areas are also specialized in leather goods and travel articles (76%), especially in

Champs-Élysées-Montaigne. On the other hand, some activities are relatively absent, or in any case rapidly disappearing: nonspecialized foods (such as supermarkets), pharmacies and medical and orthopedic shops, as well as food specialties and commercial crafts (including butchers, bakers...). They accounted for less than 20% of Paris jobs, in relation to the scarcely residential nature of these territories. Even though traditional shops, specialized food and commercial craftsmen fell between 2011 and 2014, in the ZTI are increased niche markets, in particular for tourists, such as chocolates, pastries, ice-cream parlors, bakers, all the typical food productions of the place and therefore desirable for tourism. As proximity trade is a factor of residential attraction, its decline may change the living environment of the Parisian population living in these areas. The prospect of an extension of Sunday’s shop opening seems likely to accelerate the changes in favor of a franchising trade at the expense of independent trade and local commerce, particularly food. In fact, big brands accounted for 37% of companies in the Zones Touristiques Internationales in 2014 compared to an average of 23% in Paris. By the data provided by the Office of Tourism and Congress of Paris, we know the data relating to the 2014 influx of 60 major city attractions. Two of these have reached 10 million visitors (Notre-Dame Cathedral and Sacre Coeur Basilica in Montmartre), while two others touch the 5 million (Louvre Museum and Eiffel Tower). The successive eleven of the list are over one million per year. Except for the Sacre Coeur, most of the attractions are located in the downtown area of the city. Given the large number of people who are interested in these areas, it is logical that a large commercial presence is accompanied by a wide range of services to accommodate visitors. OTCP also provides data on the hotel presence in the capital, and in 2014 there were 1588 hotels in the city with 82.227 rooms, of which 21% are within the ZTI, 7% of the city’s surface. It is therefore not surprising that, looking at these data, within these perimeters everything is directed towards the occasional consumption generated by tourism and not towards everyday

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city life, it naturally follows that certain portions of the city are emptying from their own residents, thus becoming increasingly prone to the economic dynamics of tourism. ZTI surface: 7%

ZTI population: 6%

Paris surface 93%

Paris population 94%

Hotel ZTI 24%

Hotel in Paris: 76%

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40

2

15

35

1

10

20

0

5

10

-1

0

ZTI

Paris

Houses rented to tourism (%)

0

Champs Elysées

Paris

Houses rented to tourism (%)

-2

Paris

ZTI

Population growth in Paris 2008-2013 (%)

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If it is true that we can consider the emergence of the ZTI as the regulation of areas with explicit tourist vocation and consequently the acceptance of their existence, we can see that not all the ZTI are within the tourist targets of the visitors. Railway stations, for example, are among these, but only for the continuous flow of people who concerns them and make them attractive to consumers, but not because they are involved in the iconographic imaginary of the city. The tourist experience of a city implies the search for a certain number of elements of its collective memory, often traced in its places of identity, drawing from its traditions and history. The tourist then moves physically within the ZTI, but mentally moves within the imaginary of the city he has built,

03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

03.3 | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis: Atmosphere, Pure Monument, Commercial Strip

Paris in this case. The study of the ZTI allows for an in-depth analysis of the large-scale economic aspect of these areas, but to better understand the contemporary state of Paris identity and its consumption in high-presence places it is necessary to focus attention on some parts of the city where it is stronger but at the same time, paradoxically, more fragile. The imaginary to which the subject draws has varying degrees of depth depending on his experience of the place. As in the linguistic field, the greater the number of words known, the greater the ability to process a speech, something similar happens also with regard to the knowledge of a city. Summon a place from a delimited number of objects and symbols quantifies the depth of knowledge, but it often happens that complex environments such as big cities are synthesized through a few iconic elements belonging to their tradition. Starting from the data provided by the OTCP, we can see how essentially there are three areas most affected by tourist pressures. Montmartre, the Eiffel Tower and the long promenade that starts from the Champs-Élysées, from the Arc de Triomphe, passing through Place de la Concorde, Rue de Rivoli, the Louvre, skirts the Marais and arrives to Bastille crossing the city from west to east. It is no coincidence that the three environments are those with a greater identity vocation within the city, three sites known to everyone that are easily identifiable through a few elements that endorse their tourist fortune and public knowledge, however not in depth. These three focus of tourism in Paris are united by the huge presence of visitors, but have distinctly different physical characteristics, as well as is different what the subject wants to experience. Regardless of the presence of the Sacre Coeur Basilica, what characterizes and is sought in visiting the Montmartre hill is the “Atmosphere”. Montmartre represents the synthesis of Parisians in the eyes of the tourists and is, in the majority of cases, the exact mirror of the collective imaginary of the city. This imaginary over time has fueled both with the presence in the neighborhood of the famous Bohemian painters of the early ‘900, and, in recent times, with cinema. Montmartre has always had the attentions

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03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

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of filmmakers who have contributed to increasing its fame. The effects of Moulin Rouge! (2001) or of Le Fabuleux Destin d’AmÊlie Poulain (2001) are impressed in the neighborhood: the first one recreated as a tourist destination both Pigalle and the cabaret at the foot of the hill, also contributed to the emergence of a pile of themed activities, the other has given rise to some kind of pilgrimage between the immortalized places of the film. As the public’s expectation is still to find the bohemian atmosphere of Belle Epoque, the market hastens to produce it and sell it. Starting the ascent to the hill from Anvers metro stop also begins the via crucis of identity vendors. It thus activates the mechanism of merchandising of identity that gives rise to a series of attractions and themed consumerism repeated along the access routes to the most popular site. Van Gogh, Modigliani, Picasso, Toulouse-Lautrec and all the painters who have lived here in the past are transformed into handbags and key rings along with the cats of the celebrated Le Chat Noir poster that look out everywhere. Once you reach the feet of the Basilica, avoiding the tourists lying on the staircase, street artists and musicians who help create this facade similar to a movie set, you can reach Place de Terte or go down to Abbesses, which hosts in both cases fake typical restaurants (theme restaurants would be said) and painters insistently eager to portray the passer-by. This is the frequent case where the redundancy and repetition of traditional elements ends up taking on caricatural aspects, the theme park of Paris in the early twentieth century. Montmartre, for its history, the famous Basilica, and also because of its urban design, thanks to the intimacy of the squares that dotted it and the small, winding streets that form it, is a neighborhood with an universally recognizable identity but bound, by now decided upstream by the tourist needs. Different is the case of the Eiffel Tower, the true symbol of the city. The tower, erected in 1889 for the Universal Exposition, is from the urbanistic point of view inserted in a city fabric completely different from the first example and for this reason have developed different tourist and commercial dynamics

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03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

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around it. For the particular physical characteristics of space we can define this case study as “Pure Monument”. If in most places the symbolic icon of the city is frequently linked to the religious sphere (the Sagrada Familia in Barcelona), for Paris (as for Rome for example) this is only partially true. While linking much of its fame to famous churches or cathedrals (Notre-Dame for Paris or the Basilica of San Pietro for Rome), the true symbol of the city, the icon to be marketed, consists of a monument “as such”, a secular symbol disconnected from the surrounding fabric (the Eiffel Tower or the Colosseum) on which it imposes its presence. The great void within which it rises, the Champ de Mars, excludes it from the continuity of the surrounding buildings, and therefore it only relates visually with with the Palais de Chaillot on the Trocadéro hill. The mediatic and iconographic force of the Eiffel Tower has no rivals in the world, and being the city’s image has become its symbol to be consumed. In this case, however, there is a substantial difference with Montmartre, in which the human scale allows the proliferation of tourism activities around the neighborhood’s icons, since here the object of attention (and merchandise) is surrounded by the void. The greater the distance from the object, the less the desire for consumption. The Champ de Mars is therefore an obstacle to trade, to the direct relationship between the image and its merchandise. The monument would be appreciable as such, free from the economic dynamics that usually arise near it. But the lack of a structure, in these cases an architectural support that can accommodate it, is unable to curb trade and consumer desire. The large free space around the monument becomes therefore a tabula rasa on which to arrange the retail sales made by street vendors. If the request can not reach the offer, the offer will be closer to the request. Walking around the tower becomes a strange experience where everything revolves around the symbol, you walk beneath the Tower while being surrounded by it. A “made in China” forest made of towers of improbable colors, accessible for a few euros, grows all around the monument, while the tinkling of ornaments of all sizes and keychains sold all around accompanies the

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03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

are differences between the two fronts of the wide road leading to Place de la Concorde. The northern sidewalk is the sunny side but also the one with the highest pedestrian presence because it is in the continuation of the RER exit. Commercial galleries are also numerous here. The “sunny” side of the Champs-Élysées has a 30% extra attendance and sees its rent of ground floor sales between 8,000 and 10,000 euros per square meter per year. The opening of most shops until midnight and Sunday also contributes to the commercial success of the road. In 2012, an average of 300,000 pedestrians, a quarter of whom foreigners, crowded daily along the way - up to 600.000 during the yearend holiday - and the 120 shops on the avenue generate annual turnover of one billion euros. To this first part of the commercial strip dedicated to luxury trade follows a large void consisting of the Gardens of Nouvelle France and Place de la Concorde, from which originates the second section of the strip dedicated to consumption: rue de Rivoli. This stretches for about 3 km, from Place de la Concorde to rue de Sévigné. It is lined with arches on the north side, while the Jardin des Tuileries and the Louvre sweep to the south. This portion of the commercial strip can be subdivided into three parts, which are influenced by what is nearby. The first ending with rue de Saint-Roch, just before the Louvre, has a hybrid nature and hosts largely hotels and bars for the many tourists residing in Place Vendôme. The second part can be identified with the presence of the Louvre, which also defines the vocation for the consumption of city’s identity in this area. Under the arcades the hotels are replaced by the usual succession of more than thirty souvenir retailers in less than one kilometer, themed items and mini-markets. The road front along the world’s most famous museum offers the public the worst face of tourismrelated consumerism. With an edict on November 23th, 1802, the architects Percier and Fontaine handed out the design of the road and imposed drastic conditions to maintain its decorum:

“Homes or shops that will be built on this lot can not be occupied by craftsmen and workers who work using the hammer; they

03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

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visitor’s experience. Another traditional area where the tourist experience of a place is concentrated is that of the “Commercial Strip”. As tourism has an intrinsic consumerism that leads it to commercialize of the identity in which it flows, it seems natural that the desire for consumption also refers to more material environments, which we can banally identify with the idea of shopping. In each city, it is possible to identify a district or street with a vocation explicitly oriented towards the purchase of retail goods, and most of the times, given the high cost of the goods that qualify it as an occasional purchase, the offer is aimed at tourists. Within the city of Paris runs what can be defined as a real commercial strip that crosses it aside, for a total length of about 6 kilometers. This strip is the result of the sum of the most famous streets of the capital, the Champs-Élysées and Rue de Rivoli, which then lead to Rue Saint-Antoine, concluding at Place de la Bastille. While appearing as a virtually uninterrupted path, a unique organism, the strip changes its offer in its own course, ranging from kilometer in kilometers to a different category of consumers. The first stretch is made up of the Champs-Élysées, and is geared towards the most wealthy public through the major brands of international luxury. Although is in the closeness of the city’s identity areas, the consumption that characterizes it does not involve the city’s identity but exclusively the world-famous material goods, icons and symbols are almost absent. Since the 1950s, the street has mainly hosted luxury boutiques, though little by little, the latter are leaving the place at prestigious international companies. Avenue des Champs-Élysées is one of the most expensive locations in the world, in 2013 it ranked third in terms of rental value (€13.000 per square meter) after Causeway Bay in Hong Kong and Fifth Avenue in New York. The high cost of rents has inevitably removed citizens, only a handful of people still live on the Avenue and most of the top floors are occupied by offices. In addition, the high level of rent is damaging commercial diversity, fabric and luxury stores are among the few companies that can absorb it (in fact 39% of activities are attributable to textile). There

33


34

Nowadays, however, it is impossible not to notice how the arches have been plugged with curtains that advertise the goods sold, and wherever signboard are hanged on top of standardized souvenir heaps. All the commercial activities that the architects wanted to keep away to safeguard the decorum of the street could now be able to restore it from the present state, comparing it to what occupies the ground floor today. The third section of rue de Rivoli, which is considerably like one with Rue Saint-Antoine, maintains continuity with the previous commercial inclination but changes the recipients of the offer. Moving away from the Louvre, both citizens and consequently business, can finally get back on the street, and on both sides of the street there are shops that belong to the big distribution chains, but they are classifiable as everyday shops within the reach of everyone. The great frenzy of consumption ends up near Bastille, but with the exception of some episodes at Saint Paul’s height in the Marais this part of town is still commercially aimed at the inhabitants of Paris. In the general immobility that characterizes the tourist focuses, a positive example is represented by the Marais area at the turn of the 3th and 4th arrondissements. Although it is undoubtedly one of the areas most visited by visitors, over time it has managed to maintain its liveliness and an extremely high standard of commercial offer especially as regards craftsmanship. During the last century the Marais hosted at the same time the Jewish community, the homosexual one and finally also the artistic panorama of contemporary art, with the numerous galleries that characterize it. The large number of people who crowd its streets goes there for the quality of its offer and not for photographing what remains of the identity of a place. The ability to evolve over time that has characterized this area makes it therefore different

03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

can not be occupied by butchers, meat workers, bakers or other craftsmen whose condition requires the use of an oven, no paintings, signs or banners of the occupation of the one who will occupy the facades or the porches that will decorate the facade of houses on that street will be put.�

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04

The influence of tourism on the city and its spaces

03 | Analysis of mass tourism sites in Paris

from the others with a great presence of visitors. Will painting shops in Montmartre ever leave space for another activity? What could replace a showroom on the Champs-ElysÊes? The only way to keep alive the public space is to let it adapt, because if you keep it in a museum it will die. These three focuses within the French capital are particularly interesting for understanding the phenomenon of mass tourism in cities and they form the model of analysis. In fact, they are aimed at the three areas that attract visitors and consacrate the success of a place. The icon-monument, the identity atmosphere and the commercial offer: the presence of these three elements is enough to make a city a pole of contemporary tourism. In Paris we find Montmartre, the Eiffel Tower and the strip formed by the Champs-ÉlysÊes and rue de Rivoli, in Rome Trastevere, the Colosseum and via Condotti-via del Corso, in Barcelona the Barrio Gotico, the Sagrada Familia and the Rambla. For each city of mass tourism, it is possible to trace these three recurring environments through which it is possible to reconstruct a general model of it, which can then be analyzed to develop an understanding of the state of the site and related dynamics linked to it.

36

37


38

The city has become a consumer product, so every aspect of it that can produce consume needs to be valued and cared for, thus generating a sort of city’s “look”.To this aspect contribute all the elements that are part of the imaginary of the visitors, imaginary that has to be supported and never contradicted to reinforce the look that the city offers of itself. It is through architecture that tourism manipulates the image of the city so that it can integrate itself in it, responding in this way to its main aspiration, the economic production. The city of Paris, like many others heavily dependent on tourism, is dotted with famous architectures (derived from the past or contemporary) for which public overexposure is considered as an added value for local culture and economy. The Sacre Coeur, the Eiffel Tower, the Louvre, and even more recent buildings such as the Louis Vuitton Foundation or the Philarmonie are examples of architectures that, even if created in the past for reasons and with different objectives, they are currently consumed essentially through their image. These iconic architectures have been relegated to the promotion of marketing and the ability to sell the city, tempting the tourists with the over visual-stress. Even in the case of contemporary architectures, the “wonder factor” takes on a fundamental role and is a goal to necessarily replicate in the eyes of those who look. The end result is unfortunately often the same, ending with disconnecting the building from the context by depriving it of its participation in urban goals. An example is the Frank Gehry Louis Vuitton Foundation, inserted inside the Bois de Boulogne, which appears totally disconnected from the city’s reality, ending up becoming a symbol of exclusively a new economic pole in the western dial of the city. However, this needs to support the needs of tourism, but it is necessary to understand whether the needs of tourism are the needs of the city or whether the needs of the contemporary city are those of tourism. The real difference seems to be that the architectures and the spaces of the city are

produced to “work” in the daily, those for tourism are produced to be consumed. Architecture is, in this field, considered as a product of visual communication and marketing, being essentially a business card for cities. And here, the architect, as well as the space organizer, begins to carry out commercial functions in tune with the political, tourist and economic ones. Architecture has to be mediatic, and to be mediatic it must be iconic, and to be iconic it must convey a strong image. Big cities have always had the need to build icons to strengthen their skyline through the construction of new symbols. From the cathedral of Montmartre built at the beginning of the 1900s up to the Montparnasse tower, cities have to physically show their work and their dynamism materializes in buildings that are always higher or able to amaze the public. This gives rise to a competition with neighboring cities (London for example) which triggers the mechanism that creates buildings with an image that is increasingly more self-referential but universally recognizable and able to increase the tourist flow towards the places that host them. This new approach is often aggressive towards the urban environment in which opting for abstraction of the image, integration and continuity in the fabric are overlooked. Architecture aiming at tourist consumption ends up imposing visual imposition within the place it insists on. Even the surrounding public space will undergo a transformation, often being treated as a simple scenario. Urban entertainment and animation is created by tourists and contributes to redefining the city: tourism reinvents space and the way it is produced. European cities have a great density of monumental heritage which, exploited and consumed by the masses, represents a huge source of economic yield. What has changed more with tourism dynamics was the new architecture representation as a consumer product. The city is redefined according to the nature of consumption and the new creations within it inevitably reflect its diffusion. Tourism is reflected in urban space and architecture through the creation of forms for visual consumption. The relationship that consumption tends to create is a link between an individual and an object. Given this, tourism develops to

04 | The influence of tourism on the city and its spaces

04 | The influence of tourism on the city and its spaces

04.1 | Tourism space

39


04 | The influence of tourism on the city and its spaces

04 | The influence of tourism on the city and its spaces

40

familiarize architectural production with its consumers. This end has been achieved with the creation of globalized images, identifiable everywhere from all cultures. These modern images representing a sign and a status give rise to a desire.The celebration of an object, by form or iconography, as in the case of the Eiffel Tower Sacre Coeur, reveals the need for spectacularization and globalization of the pictorial representation to awaken the desire for consumption. Tourism manifests its new dynamics mainly through the globalized image, able to reach everyone and to awaken this will through the relationship between tourism and the acquisition of a social status. But how did an immaterial element like the image become a product? Probably the spread of television as a stimulus for the consumption of images, in parallel with photography. Both contribute to the virtual construction of the city and the world, enriching them with aesthetic values that stimulate the will to consume them. The creation of a mediatic and iconographic image are fundamental in order to reach every corner of the world, generating interest in sightseeing. The relationship between the space and the architecture of tourism with the world is minimal, and is reflected only in the facades that cover the buildings, because it is through them that consumer images are developed. Perpetually on the move, chasing the great world events (the Olympics, the Expo...) the city builds icons and skyscrapers while keeping entire neighborhoods crystallized within itself, those chosen by the tourist flows. Urban space design is now associated and supported by the design of the tourism space, the goal is to increase the number of visitors. Architecture becomes a marketing space where it rethink geometry and order to enhance the tourist-economic aspect. This is a problem that has existed for long time but whose dangerousness has exponentially grown in recent years with the advent of social networks. Nowdays the city’s marketing has moved on new fields, like Facebook and Instagram, now it is possible to experience the tourism space also in a digital form. Since these have gone from being a “window on myself” to being a “window on the world”, they soon

41


04 | The influence of tourism on the city and its spaces

itself. On the other hand we can say that tourism revitalizes the city by adapting it to this new era marked by high technology, consumption and modernity that permeates the past. Sometimes, in a fundamentally consummate view, tourism can also replace a portion of the historical fabric within the city by reinventing the landscape based on the mass tourism needs. The reactions to this approach may vary. While it is true that some may regard it as one of the major forms of contemporary urban regeneration, others consider it responsible for the loss of identity. Regardless of any interpretation, it is through tourism that the city identifies and rediscovers itself. Tourism leads to consumption, consumption of capital production and this production leads to the creation of new interventions dotting the city. Perhaps without this cycle, the city may not look alive in the way we are used to seeing it. The city and its spaces reflect essentially what the tourist seeks and what society does not need. Some parts of it seem to appear as complexes disconnected from their context, contributing little to the functioning of the city and society. It is difficult to establish in some cases whether tourism is produced by urban architectures, or urban architecture is a product of tourism, since it reflects its main motivation: capital production.

04.2 | New urban phenomena

If urban identity has been determined from one precise historical moment, what then are the physical phenomena of the contemporary one, thinking in terms of mass tourism and globalization? To which topos can we bring the so-called tourist areas of the city? We certainly inherited from the past the overwhelming importance of economic. The commodity fetishism hovers above those places in which the most common activity is the retail sale. The recipients of the exchanges, for a numerical question, are the occasional visitors, it follows that the offer is oriented toward them. Ends so to disappear the

04 | The influence of tourism on the city and its spaces

42

became the preliminary means of approach in the knowledge of a place, consequently cities have enormously increased their visitors with the advent of digital ones too. It is sufficient to type the hashtag with the name of a city to have the possibility to experience it online. The most common hashtags in the French capital crown the #TourEiffel (2,200,000), followed by #Louvre, #Montmartre and the Avenue des Champs-Elysées (confirming the omnipresent triptych Atmosphere, Pure Monument and Commercial Strip). On the Internet you can also find the list of the most used hashtags in the various arrondissements (#pfw “Paris Fashion Week” dominates three out of twenty, to be noted also #love for the IIth and #foodporn for the Xth arrondissement). It is interesting to highlight the difference that emerges between the Paris of Instagram, which enhances the commonplaces of the capital, and the real one. Based solely on social media, through the keywords related to the place, the Parisians would seem to live only in the first eight arrondissements, wearing high fashion clothes and eating sweets in front of the city monuments, the photos posted on social networks represent the same city that years ago we would find on postcards. But if the first approach with Paris is via Instagram, it is necessary that this look at the city meets the user’s expectations in such a way that the desire to move from telematic to physical tourism arises. So we return to the need of the city to nurture its attractiveness by producing images to be consumed that meet the expectations of others, triggering in this case a circular process that feeds itself according to the usual dualism of supply and demand: if on social networks the photographs of French confectionery are successful, is good to invest on this particular field. For the same reason, if the attention of the photographs focus on the buildings-icon then more will be built. The city needs to be photographed, and to make this happen it has to pose itself according to the orders of the photographer, the tourists. The risk of this approach, as already mentioned, is the transformation of space into a film set, the evolution of the city in a super-Paris that enhances every commercially relevant aspect becoming everywhere identical to

43


04 | The influence of tourism on the city and its spaces

that whole series of activities ready to alleviate the labors sprout around the places in which people are in a row. Minimarket with drinks to reh\ydrate, ice-cream shops to alleviate the warm, fans for fanning with picture of the local attractions. The stairways and the benches around the monuments are filled with people not committed to socialize, to living the space in the manner for which it was thought, but only to recharge themselves as soon as possible in the frenzy of vacation.The last physical materialization that characterizes the landscape in these urban areas are the signboards. Written in giants fonts, illuminated, in relief, in 3D, they overcrowd the city appearing to our eyes. With just looking around us we note that everyone seems to have something to sell. The written word is the medium, English is the language. The dehors are thronged with whiteboards that advertise menus (“14 euro, three courses, exclusively from 12h to 13h�). Also this phenomena brings this case to the feeling of wonder that draws from the very fast communication that does not give the time to choose. You visit the attraction more enlightened, you go to buy under the bigger signboard. The artificial stars of the cathedrals of consumption illuminate with their light the path that leads to them, and we are joined.

04.3 | The Common Layer

Looking at the city as a sum of layers, we note that there is a common layer within every historic city desirable for the mass, and that is the space for tourism. The presence of the new urban phenomena of the tourist city listed above contributes to the identification and define its perimeter inside of the city fabric. This category of space is repeatedly repeated in every city that enjoys tourist luck, whether it is in France, Italy or Asia. Using the same codes, the same languages and typologies, it helps to generalize the environment by separating it from the context in which it is located. Places that keep the identity of a city, invested

04 | The influence of tourism on the city and its spaces

44

proposal of everyday products destined to residents, replaced by a proliferation of generic local products, accompanied by the eternal presence of souvenirs to bring home, bars and sellers of sandwiches to find refreshment during the stops. If these elements have some attraction for the mass, on the other hand become a sort of background noise for residents walking nearby. To find refuge to overexposure to these, the citizen has developed a sort of shell against them, a Simmelian blasĂŠ attitude that makes them appear no longer as objects but transforming them in abstract pixels, abandoned heaps on stalls or inside the shops. Another phenomenon that characterizes the tourist town is the ticket. The tourist-town demands by the visitor a pass in order to be able to experience it. The need of the ticket triggers a mechanism which transforms the buildings in a money machine, depriving them further into common imaginary of their value handed down from history. In intention to attract more people returns again the mechanism of spectacle of the artifact or what it offers in its interior, advertising it to the extreme, covering the facade with posters and yelling to the town their own content as it would a seller. The city also offers the extreme version of the phenomenon, the super-ticket, the pass museums. During the three days of stay the pass allows individual to visit more than fifty museums, monuments and attractions by triggering a frenzy of the visit that prefers the quantity to quality, an indigestion of artworks, photographed and forgotten. The number of tickets needed to visit a city is useful to understand its nature. How many tickets does a person need to experience a place? How accessible are our cities without paying? Upstream of everything, before being able to buy the stuff from stalls, first to obtain a ticket, it is however necessary to tackle the row. A wall of people standing and waiting for something. The row wraps around the ground floor of the buildings, it splits squares in two, forcing other pedestrians to change of route. But if pleasure resides in expecting something, so it is true that it is the waiting that fatigue more the visitors. Following the laws of the market, the offer presents itself in the place where demand exists and is so

45


04 | The influence of tourism on the city and its spaces

ground but can retreat, moving only a few ways in the case of a change in the routes. Following the capital owned by tourists, it is able to adapt to the environment by exploiting it to pursue its objectives. It nourishes of the identity of the places and then resells it to the themselves in the form of souvenirs produced

in Asia, bypasses the large voids in the urban fabric physically going around the monuments, skillfully supports the desire for consumption by changing its offer based on the visitor’s requests. The places affected by mass tourism in our cities have as their main objective economic production, but once the flow of money is given, it is no longer possible to think of interrupting it. And so it is that tourism has been able to establish a dependence on it by the historical centers. His is a well-worn and so rooted mechanism to disorient us if we do not find its recurring phenomena by visiting the city.The tourism layer is now part of the city. However, the desolation for flattening all forms of diversity leaves room

04 | The influence of tourism on the city and its spaces

46

by the mass of tourists in search of it, are thus transformed into non-places of identity. We are faced with a general flattening of diversity, bent on economic needs dictated by consumption. It changes the stage but not the daily performance shown. Even if local architecture may be different (though this affirmation is increasingly true only for the architecture of the past), the human dynamics that develop around it have become uniform. The signs always recite the same phrases, the signboards advertise the same merchandise, out of the shops are exposed the same products: the only phenomena that define the space are consumer desire, long waiting files, access tickets to attractions. The historical centers end up like a movie set. The stage consists of public spaces and iconic buildings of the city within which is allowed the access for visitors. All surrounding buildings remain motionless: now abandoned by the inhabitants who have escaped the search for more livable neighborhoods, they appear as a background scene behind which there is nothing left. Looking closely at the spaces of tourism, it is evident that these are the result of the addition of extremely strong images that overlap each other. Examined individually, the phenomena that characterize the tourist city appear as condemnable in an incontrovertible manner: the mass tourism produces demonstrations that attack the city. Nevertheless, these manifestations, considered in their entirety, have been able not only to stratify within our cities, but to surround the most delicate artifacts by virtue of the history they hold. The genesis of what then became a common layer is the result of a gradual process through which consumer tourism has managed to be silently accepted in the urban fabric. Along the streets that lead to the most famous places in the city, inside the buildings that surround the squares we have granted, distracted by economic needs, that all the dynamics that now forcefully impose themselves on them take hold. Progressively tourism has managed to make us addicted to its presence, to make its consumption of space legitimate. The tourism space has no pre-established borders but is able to evolve following the flows of people. It widens where it finds an economically fertile

47


for curiosity and desire to frame the phenomenon in order to understand it and to mitigate it. It is extremely interesting be able to find a portion of a city that is always the same in itself on every side of the globe, often irrespective of the historical and cultural differences that exist. Taking into account the high frequency with which this common layer can be encountered, it is able to obtain dignity of study. The “Common layer” of tourism uses predetermined patterns in all the cities around the globe in the same way as the financial district or production areas, which always have the same characteristics. For this reason, the Common Layer of tourism has become the object of this survey, to codify what it is and how its languages are born, the images it uses and the sensations on which it is made. By decomposing it into an atlas through its recurrent elements that help define its essence, it is possible to construct a general picture of the phenomenon. Understanding how mass tourism can materialize within the city with the consumption and subtraction of quality to the public space, the merchandising of identity, is crucial for identifying new approaches to “making architecture” within it. These approaches may be linked to the architectural tradition of the context, to the linguistic and typological codes (hence the identity of the historical city as a containment), on the other can be linked to the most recent phenomena to which, willy-nilly, we are going in order to be able to mitigate them and insert them into the urban fabric.

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05

The Common Layer: Atlas of the phenomenon


| Index Map of the most visited tourist sites in Paris A | New urban phenomena A.1 | Souvenir shops A.1.2 | Patterns A.2 | The line A.3 | Tickets B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis B.1 | Boundaries B.2 | Atmosphere: Montmarte B.1.2 | Pure Monumet: Tour Eiffel B.2.2 | Commercial Strip: Champs-ElysĂŠes, Rue de Rivoli C | Space consumption within the city C.1 | Space consumption

Index

47


Map of the most visited tourist sites in Paris

10 millions or plus

from 1 to 10 millions

from 500.000 to 1 million from 100.000 to 500.000

Map of the most visited tourist sites in Paris

less than 100.000

Map of the most visited tourist sites in Paris

48

49


A

New urban phenomena

50

51


A | New urban phenomena

A | New urban phenomena

52

53


A.1 | Souvenir shops

54

Avenue des Champs-Elysées

Rue de Tilsitt

Rue Saint-Martin

A | New urban phenomena

A | New urban phenomena

The souvenir shop is the most frequent phenomenon that can be traced by examining the spaces of tourism. The ground floor of many buildings around the monuments is often completely occupied by it, for example rue de Steinkerque around Montmartre, rue d’Arcole on the Ile de la Cité or under the arcades of rue de Rivoli at the Louvre. The streets and squares in which the tourist presence is greater offer to it their worst face. This commercial typology contains a large part of the new urban phenomena related to the tourism analyzed previously and constitutes a sort of synthesis. The souvenir shop masks its presence through the overabundance. The entrance inside is mediated by a myriad of objects of the most varied nature, hanging on the outer walls of the building or stacked on supports along the road. Looking in an abstract way the piles of objects exposed externally, these are transformed into the new patterns that characterize the tourist city.

55


A | New urban phenomena

Rue d’Arcole

Rue d’Arcole

Rue d’Arcole

A | New urban phenomena

56

Rue d’Arcole

57


A | New urban phenomena

Boulevard de Rochechouart

Rue du Mont-Cenis

Place Saint-Pierre

A | New urban phenomena

58

Rue du Mont-Cenis

59


60

A.1.2 | Patterns

Magnetes

A | New urban phenomena

A | New urban phenomena

Exploded view of the facade

61


A | New urban phenomena

Sweatshirts

A | New urban phenomena

62

Postcards

63


A | New urban phenomena

A | New urban phenomena

64

65


A.2 | The line

66

Parvis Notre-Dame - Place Jean-Paul II

A | New urban phenomena

A | New urban phenomena

The task of consecrating as a “tourist� a portion of space within the city is reserved for the omnipresent line of people waiting for something. The experience of the city for those who live the daily life is characterized by short waits and rapid exchanges, while the tourist city prolongs the waiting time, in the overabundance from which it is characterized. Whether it is food or a museum, the presence of the line acts as a mediator for something that is worth (in appearance) worth experiencing, so it is a mechanism that can self-feed: if there is a line then you have to get in line. The tourist fortune of every element in the city can be calculated by taking the size of the row on the outside. The row surrounds the buildings like a fence preventing those who are not part of approaching it and reacts uniformly to those who incautiously do so by pointing out point of their beginning that in the meantime is gradually growing.

67


68

Rue de la LÊgion d’Honneur

Place du Carrousel

Rue des Rosiers

A | New urban phenomena

A | New urban phenomena

Boulevard du Palais

69


A | New urban phenomena

A | New urban phenomena

70

71


A.3 | Tickets

A | New urban phenomena

The tourist city allows the individual to freely experience it only within pre-established perimeters. A deeper knowledge of this is only allowed if you have a certain number of tickets, the passes that the tourist city requires and distributes on payment. From the ticket of the plane to that of the subway, or of the bus, passing through the museums, civic and religious buildings, the daily life is punctuated by the purchase of the ticket. It is interesting to ask ourselves and try to calculate how many tickets we need to consider complete our experience of a city. To a greater number of tickets purchased corresponds a deeper knowledge of the place? Are public transport tickets sufficient for understanding the city, or is it also necessary to visit the cathedrals of culture? Making a comparison between the capitals of the world and the tickets needed to visit them could give us an overview of how accessible our cities are without having to pay.

A | New urban phenomena

72

73


B

Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

74

75


76

Within each tourist city it is possible to find three recurrent environments that are the main objective of visitors during their tour: the neighborhood that contains the identity (true or presumed) of the place, the place that houses the symbol of the city and an area with an explicit commercial vocation. In fact, all European capitals contain a district that can be defined as “typical”, which in the eyes of those visiting the city is a synthesis of the identity of the place and its atmosphere. In the case of Paris it is Montmartre, the hill where the Bohemian painters lived at the beginning of 1900 and that, despite being an extremely small area compared to the rest of the city, still influences the vision of the city of those who visit the French capital. Although the rest of the city fabric has nothing to do with Montmartre and its atmosphere (which has perfectly been able to monetize itself creating tourist-themed attractions), the whole city is ideally connected to this particular period of history. The second category is that of pure monument. A city’s architecture-icon that constitutes the symbol to be consumed of the place. In the emptiness surrounding the monument, the Eiffel Tower in this case proliferate the commercial exchanges that regard it and that are able to bypass the lack of a physical structure that can accommodate them by physically going underneath it. The last environment is the commercial strip, a portion of a city destined solely for consumption and for the purchase of material goods. In the analyzed case it is the 6 km constituted by the ChampsElysées and rue de Rivoli. The first part dedicated to the luxury trade, the second, because it is affected by the presence of the Louvre, instead is a majority oriented towards the sale of icons and tourist souvenirs below the arches that characterize it. Finally, the last part of the route, in the last section that from the Marais arrives to Bastille, returns to the possession of the citizens while maintaining the commercial vocation.

Perimeters of analysis

Montmartre Atmosphere

Tour Eiffel Pure Monument

Champs-Elysées, Rue de Rivoli Commercial Strip

B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

B.1 | Boundaries

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B.1.1 | Atmosphere: Montmartre

Place du Tertre

Place Saint-Pierre

B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

paths

metro stop

B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

78

identity sale

uart

hecho

e Roc

vard d

Boule

79


B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

Rue du Mont-Cenis

Place du Terte

Rue du Mont-Cenis

B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

80

Rue Norvins

81


B.1.2 | Pure monument: Tour Eiffel

Jardins du TrocadĂŠro

Street vendor, Champ de Mars

82

void

street vendors

B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

Champ de Mars

83


B.1.3 | Commercial strip: Champs ElysĂŠes, rue de Rivoli

Rue de Rivoli Place Charles de Gaulle

84

flow of people

tourism focus

metro stop

Place de la Concorde

Perceived flow of people along the commercial strip

B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

Avenue des Champs-ElysĂŠes

85


Avenue des Champs-ElysĂŠes

B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

87 86

Luxury sale along Avenue des Champs-ElysĂŠes B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

Place Charles de Gaulle


Place de la Bastille Rue Saint-Antoine

Rue de Rivoli

88

flow of people

tourism focus

metro stop

Perceived flow of people along the commercial strip

B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

Rue de Rivoli

89


B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

rue de Rivoli

Place de la Concorde

Identity sale along Rue de Rivoli (number of shops) B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

90 bl

bl

bl

bl

oc

oc

oc

oc

k

k

k

k

k

k

k

k

k

k

k

k

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

13

12

11

10

oc

oc

oc

oc

oc

oc

oc

oc

oc

k

bl

bl

bl

bl

bl

bl

bl

bl

bl

40

30

20

10

rue de Rivoli

91


block 12

block 2

block 12

block 9 block 11

block 5

Identity sale along Rue de Rivoli: analyis of the arcades

B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

block 5

B | Places of identity. Perimeter of analysis

block 1

92

Identity sale along Rue de Rivoli: analyis of the arcades

93


C

Space consumption within the city

94

95


96

If we consider the city as a stratification of all the layers that compose it we can see how the common layer of tourism has managed to overlap with it by anchoring firmly to the basic structure as a salt concretion to a rock of the sea. In approaching the city, the visual relationship that the subject enters into it is mainly through the ground floor of the buildings that are part of the urban fabric. The physical materialization of the tourist layer therefore mainly affects this level by following the consumer along the most frequented paths. Over time we became accustomed to his presence to the point where he no longer noticed the consumption of space that interests him, but it is sufficient to look critically at a photograph taken in a street in the city center in order to capture the intrusiveness of all the elements that they compose it. Thinking of bringing home a memory of the place, what are we actually photographing? Starting from the bottom we find the blackboards and the signs resting on the asphalt that advertise the menus of the restaurants, then the shelves and the trolleys crammed with the goods for sale arranged chaotically. The facade of the building is covered and unrecognizable by t-shirts, sweatshirts, scarves of the local team. Above the clothes, wrapped around the top of the store are bulbs and colored lights that illuminate the goods or the tables indicating the way forward. At the height of the first floor there are instead the signs, which are also well lit, that shout from a distance the presence of commercial activity. The intrusion of the common layer of tourism has in many parts of the city obscured the ground floor of the buildings turning not to the town but only to a type of consumer, the occasional tourist.

Rue Norvins

C | Space consumption within the city

C | Space consumption within the city

B.1 | Space consumption

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Rue de la Huchette

C | Space consumption within the city

Place Jean-Baptiste ClĂŠment

C | Space consumption within the city

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99


Rue de Steinkerque

C | Space consumption within the city

Rue Saint-SĂŠverin

C | Space consumption within the city

100

101


Avenue des Champs-ElysĂŠes

C | Space consumption within the city

Rue Xavier Privas

C | Space consumption within the city

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The presence of tourism in a city like Paris, understood both as a flow of people and as physical materializations of it (with the presence of shops, commercial offers, dedicated activities ...) is an element that is no longer possible to question for economic and historical reasons.The new technologies to support travel, the social media and the desire for discovery that arouse in looking at their photos and the new flows of people from developing countries that will soon have greater chance to travel, lead inexorably towards the constant growth of tourism in the city. Since tourism is a huge source of income it would be impossible and anachronistic to think of putting into practice attitudes aimed at reducing its presence, even if sometimes considered inconvenient. Despite Paris, unlike a small town, it may be able to survive even without it, it is equally true that it depends largely on tourism, especially if understood as the “engine” of the city as regards the design of public space or events that they interest it. Tourism therefore produces extremely contradictory dynamics: it is able to give vitality to an entire city, while being at the same time responsible for the wearing down of large parts of its urban fabric. On a macro scale it is able to liven up the French capital, which in order to keep its attractiveness alive needs to evolve and promote its offer in all fields, culture, fashion, sports... We can therefore say that the strength of Paris is such also because of the great tourist flow that interests the city attracted by the events that the capital offers. But it is at the same time true that analyzing the phenomenon with the magnifying glass we can see how mass tourism is able to dangerously devitalize the public space. Through the aggressive manifestations that it produces and that are deposited over the surfaces of the city that acts as a structure, entire streets or squares end up being extinguished, dried up by this flow that passes through them. In order to satisfy the public’s request, some parts of the city risk dying, becoming the museum of themselves, overwhelmed by quality-free businesses that push people to abandon them. The other eventuality is that tourism

pushes towards planning and designing the public space purely oriented towards itself, giving rise to buildings and public spaces solely for the purpose of marketing the city and the production of images by visitors. Even if this negative face of tourism exists undeniably in different parts of the city, it is however true that Paris has been able to limit the phenomenon by preventing it from spreading excessively around certain tourist focuses. For example, taking as “tourist” the areas bordered by the ZTIs we see how these cover only 7% of the entire city area.The enormous mass of people who daily visit the city obviously moves through the marked perimeters, but unlike other cities that have been attacked in a uniform way, in the French capital it is enough to get away from a street, turn at a crossroad, to see how spaces designed for tourism and spaces designed for citizens coexist even within a short distance. The Common Layer of tourism and the phenomena connected to it have stratified only within some parts of the city, generating a sort of tightly sealed structure that does not interact with the surrounding areas. Given the proximity with which the two faces of the city coexist, applying a strategy in the management of the tourist space that seeks to mitigate the impetus and the most degrading phenomena could help to make the two compartments interact again avoiding zoning. In this way, by avoiding the flight of citizens, the proliferation of poor quality manifestations within the areas they had abandoned would also be avoided, keeping the attractiveness of the city unchanged and the dynamism generated by tourism within it.

Conclusions

Conclusions

Conclusions

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The Common Layer. The mass tourism manifestations on the cities  

The tourist pressure that has ran over many cities in the world since the XX century has contributed to change the nature of some areas, sub...

The Common Layer. The mass tourism manifestations on the cities  

The tourist pressure that has ran over many cities in the world since the XX century has contributed to change the nature of some areas, sub...

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