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oxygen | 19 — 04.2013

could represent this platform. Their triumph, the absence of alternatives sufficiently robust and at the same time able to intercept adhesion in different areas and in different regions of the world, had allowed for its de-ideologization, or the transformation from “partisan banners” into signs under which to rally humanity as a whole. For those who challenged it, this shift took the form of the “dictatorship of the single thought,” a totalizing if not totalitarian conformism. Like it or not, this was the condition that allowed – after ’89 – to formulate the hypothesis of global governance, which was actually nothing more than the extension, with minor adaptations, of the rules and principles of the intra-Western mode of op-

eration to the entire global system. The current conditions are quite different. This is also due to the limits shown by the economic crisis that began to attack the system in 2007 and the outbreak of tensions between democracy and the market that it has exacerbated – demonstrating how the practice has increasingly moved away from its true liberal model – and the particular, and not universal, nature and organization of Western political and economic relations have become evident once again. Not only. Precisely the attack on the paradigm of equality – understood as being a rejection of privilege – implicit in some of the proposed solutions to exit from the crisis, leads one to believe that, with the end of the transient

era of the “post-Cold War,” the clash between ideological visions is once again to have full citizenship already in the West. And even more important is to consider that, while this contrast between the two souls of the Western world is positively equipping a new era of pluralism of ideas and policy proposals, elsewhere visions and experiences are being reinforced that are completely alternative if not explicitly hostile by those whom we had deluded ourselves into thinking would have monopolized the international system at the same time with the crisis and the fall of the Soviet Union. To represent this set of problems in relation to the renewed proliferation of platforms of values and interests, that, as always, are

A future of extreme pluralism, in which the certainties of the past will be of little help, if not downright detrimental 110

looking for their own pathway to a universal dimension (think of the concept of “harmony” as opposed to the “trade-off”) does not mean to imagine a bleak future in which the competition among ideals will necessarily become a clash between the actors who embody them or in which they identify themselves. And it would make even less sense to envisage scenarios of real military conflict, especially now that the growing ineffectiveness of the ordering capacity of force is plain for all to see. What matters, instead, is to stress – and it is crucial to be equipped for – a future characterized by extreme pluralism, in which the certainties of the past, even the recent past, will be of little help, if not downright detrimental.

Oxygen n. 19 - Governance, futuro plurale  

La crisi economico-finanziaria e la rivoluzione nel modello sociale contemporaneo hanno imposto l’avvento di una nuova era che vede avanzare...

Oxygen n. 19 - Governance, futuro plurale  

La crisi economico-finanziaria e la rivoluzione nel modello sociale contemporaneo hanno imposto l’avvento di una nuova era che vede avanzare...

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