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Grassroots

The Newsletter of the Research Committee on Social Movements, Collective Action and Social Change (RC48) of the International Sociological Association EDITORS

Benjamín TEJERINA, University of the Basque Country, Spain Ignacia PERUGORRÍA, University of the Basque Country, Spain

TABLE OF CONTENTS

02 Note from the RC48 President 04 XVIII World Congress of Sociology 05 Accepted Abstracts 120 RC48 Timetable 121 Guidelines for Presenters 122 Guidelines for ISA grant application submission 123 Practical Information 124 Visa Requirements 124 Hotels and Tours 125 Farewell Party 126 Announcements 128 About RC48 and the ISA 130 Benefits associated to RC48 membership 132 About Grassroots


Grassroots

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Note from the RC48 President Dear colleague, Happy 2014! We are pleased to share with you a new issue of Grassroots, the Newsletter of the Research Committee on Social Movements, Collective Action and Social Change (RC48) of the International Sociological Association. In this issue we focus on information regarding the XVIII ISA World Congress of Sociology, to take place in Yokohama, Japan on July 13-19, 2014. We have received more than 290 proposals for participation. After a long process of selection, and relocation, session organizers and program coordinators have selected a total of 176 papers, differentiated into two categories: for oral presentation and distributed papers. This issue of Grassroots contains the abstracts of the papers that have been accepted, and also a timetable of all RC48 sessions. Please, bear in mind that April 1st, 2014 is the registration deadline for all participants with accepted papers.

In addition, we have included Guidelines for both presenters and ISA grant application submissions, some practical information regarding the conference venue, visa requirements, hotels and tours, and the ISA farewell party. We hope to see you there! Throughout the month of April we will be sending out a new issue of Grassroots, with the final conference programme and with further useful information for those who are attending the conference in Yokohama. Until then you can share information and follow the RC48 activities on our website. Warm regards,

BenjamĂ­n Tejerina President Research Committee on Social Movements, Collective Action and Social Change (RC48) International Sociological Association Mail | Web | Facebook | Twitter

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Spanish version

Nota del Presidente del RC48 Querido colega: ¡Feliz 2014! Te enviamos un nuevo número de Grassroots, la Newsletter del Comité de Investigación sobre Movimientos Sociales, Acción Colectiva y Cambio Social (CI48) de la Asociación Internacional de Sociología (AIS). Este nuevo número de Grassroots está centrado en el XVIII Congreso Mundial de la AIS, que tundra lugar en Yokohama, Japón del 13 al 19 de Julio de 2014. Nuestro Comité ha recibido más de 290 propuestas de participación. Después de un largo proceso de selección y reubicación, los organizadores de las sesiones y los responsables del programa han seleccionado un total de 176 ponencias, diferenciadas en dos categorías: para presentación oral y para distribución.

También hemos incluido pautas para los ponentes y para aplicar a las becas de inscripción de la AIS, información práctica acerca del lugar donde se realizará el evento, requerimientos de visa, hotels y tours, y la fiesta de despedida de la AIS. ¡Esperamos encontrarte allí! Hasta entonces puedes enviarnos tu información, y seguir las actividades del RC48 en nuestro sitio. Un cordial saludo,

Este número monográfico de Grassroots contiene los resúmenes de las ponencias aceptadas. Por favor, recuerda que la fecha límite de inscripción al congreso es el día 1 de abril de 2014.

Benjamín Tejerina Presidente Comité de Investigación sobre Movimientos Sociales, Acción Colectiva y Cambio Social (CI48) Asociación Internacional de Sociología Mail | Web | Facebook | Twitter

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XVIII ISA World Congress of Sociology “Facing an Unequal World: Challenges for Global Sociology” RESEARCH COMMITTEE ON SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, COLLECTIVE ACTION AND SOCIAL CHANGE (RC48) Yokohama, Japan July 13-19, 2014

Preliminary Conference Program (Final Conference Program will be issued after April 1, 2014 – the conference registration deadline)

PROGRAM COORDINATORS Benjamín TEJERINA, Universidad del País Vasco, Spain, b.tejerina@ehu.es Ignacia PERUGORRIA, Universidad del País Vasco, Spain, ignacia.perugorria@fulbrightmail.org

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Accepted Abstracts ACTIVISTS AND ACTIVISMS AMIDST OCCUPY-TYPE PROTESTS: PRACTICES, POSSIBILITIES AND DILEMMAS Session Organizer Ignacia PERUGORRIA, Universidad del País Vasco, Spain, ignacia.perugorria@fulbrightmail.org Format: Oral Language: Spanish, English Research Committee RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 47736 Outraged Communications: How the Spanish Indignados Use Mass Media and Social Media during the 15M Movement Ariadna FERNANDEZ-PLANELLS, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Spain Abstract Text: Recently, social movements worldwide have introduced innovations in their communication methods. In Spain, the #spanishrevolution that started on May 15, 2011 (the 15M Movement), shows this newstyle communication with action. Amidst regional election campaigning, thousands of people, mainly young, took the streets, becoming known as the Outraged (los Indignados). Many occupied Spain’s main squares. This communication examine empirically the relationship between the 15M Movement, also known as The Outraged Movement, the mass media and the social media. The journalistic coverage of the 15-M movement in Spain seems to have undermined the credibility of Spanish media among young activists. On the other hand, the 15-M’s own communication channels and the social web became benchmarks when they got information about the movement. How young activists get informed about the 15M? For what purpose use youth activists mass media? Have the mass media lost their role as empowering? This communication studies how the Outraged of the #acampadabcn, the camp in Barcelona’s central square, used the mass media and the social media tools to get information about the Movement. This paper tries to identify a transfer of credibility from traditional media to alternative media and the social web as a result of the 15-M. The research combines participative observation, web analysis, questionnaires, in-depth interviews and analysis of front pages from the most important Spanish and Catalan print media.

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Abstract id# 36185 Activists and Activism In The Occupy Movements In France and In Ireland Didier CHABANET, Triangle (Social and Political Science), Ecole Normale Supérieure de Lyon, France Abstract Text: In the autumn of 2011, attempts were made to set up Occupy movements in Ireland and in France. Aside from some initial displays of solidarity initially, the general public in the two countries paid little attention to initiatives and Occupiers enjoyed very limited success in mobilizing even a modest number of people. This paper argues that the reasons for the weak level of mobilization and of public support in France and in Ireland are related to movements’ internal characteristics – their focus on nonhierarchical structures, the sociological make-up of their members, their tenuous and confrontational relations with potentially key allies, etc. This led to a situation whereby despite widespread feelings of anger and frustration regarding the state of the countries’ social and economic affairs, activist failed to generate mass participation, they did not succeed in transforming their narrow interests into symbols that concerned society as a whole, and that they were never hailed as champions of the public good. In this paper I look only at one specific aspect of the movements’ failures: the movements’ internal characteristics. The movements brought together leaders and activists that came from far different social milieus. This led to considerable tensions within the camps in a very short time and to the movements’ very rapid demise. Limited by the small number of the occupiers that had relevant organizational experience and knowledge, and by the very severe internal tensions that led to illadvised strategic choices, the movements never truly managed to widen their appeal. The empirical investigation is based official documents, on newspaper coverage in Le Progrès, Sud Ouest, and Le Monde (France) and in The Irish Examiner and The Irish Times (Ireland), and on in-depth interviews with French and Irish occupiers, organizers, civil society and alter-globalization activists, trade unionists, and political advisers.

Abstract id# 35539 Outsiders Take Control Of The Occupy Movement In Ireland Frédéric ROYALL, School of LLCC, University of Limerick, Ireland Abstract Text: In 2011, attempts were made to set up an Occupy movement in Ireland. Despite some initial displays of solidarity, the general public paid scant attention and Occupiers enjoyed very limited success in mobilizing even a modest number of people. This paper argues that the reasons for the weak level of mobilization and public support are related to several factors – mainly internal to the movement. First, the movement promoted non-hierarchical structures. Second, the movement’s sociological profile very quickly changed and it became populated by first-time and marginalized individuals with limited experience in organization or mobilization. Third, many of the younger, disadvantaged protesters were radically opposed to the idea of building alliances. Difficulties soon arose between first-time protesters and the many, older, middle-class, and more seasoned activists. But by refusing

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to engage with potentially key allies, Occupy protesters reduced their capacity to have any kind of meaningful political or social impact or to appeal to their focus group, the victims of the economic crisis who hardly made to feel welcome in the camps. These examples point to a movement that was guided by people who in most cases lacked relevant social capital and who were also rather inflexible and intolerant. So despite widespread feelings of anger and frustration regarding the state of the country’s social and economic affairs, protesters failed to generate mass participation, to transform their narrow interests into symbols that concerned society as a whole, and to be seen as champions of the public good. 
The empirical investigation is based official documents, on newspaper coverage in The Irish Examiner, the Irish Independent and The Irish Times (Ireland), on secondary sources, and on in-depth interviews with French and Irish occupiers, organizers, civil society and anti-globalization activists, trade unionists, and political advisers.

Abstract id# 39573 Occupy Gezi: From an Uprising to a Social Movement? Ayse SAKTANBER, Sociology, Middle East Technical University, Turkey and Binnaz SAKTANBER, Political Science, City University of New York, Graduate Center, USA Abstract Text: Occupy Gezi started as a small protest to oppose the demolition of a park in Istanbul and quickly transformed into a national grassroots initiative against the government’s authoritarianism and a hybrid democracy, which locks political action into the ballot box. After a month of intense street protests leaving 5 dead, dozens wounded and under arrest, it has shifted to “park forums” as thousands gather in their neighborhood parks to discuss the future and come up with a game plan. This lecture will look into how the #OccupyGezi experience opened new social and political possibilities, spaces of political action (online and off) and a new kind of political language; what shook the so-called “apolitical” generation out of their comfort zones to the streets; and brought people from all walks of life and political spectrums together. It will also look into the chances of Occupy Gezi becoming a full-fledged social movement and the limitations it faces in the process.

Abstract id# 51962 Embodied Protest in Occupy London: Between Homo Sacer and the Biopolitical Body Jana COSTAS, Department of Intercultural Communication, Freie Universität Berlin/Copenhagen Business School, Denmark and Juliane REINECKE, Warwick University, United Kingdom Abstract Text: In this paper we discuss the relation of embodied protest and public space in Occupy London. We draw on Agamben’s notion of the homo sacer – the excluded included life embodied by the figure of the homeless, refugee and so forth – to analyze how in protest camps embodied protest relates to resistance against sovereign power . Drawing on primary data gathered through participation observation of and interviews with participants in Occupy London, we investigate the extent to which the camp constituted a subversive space of excluded inclusion as protesters sought to position themselves as homines sacri – “bare life” challenging sovereign power. Yet, we also show how protesters struggled to navigate tensions between representing such “bare life” of the homo sacer

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and the biopolitical body. This lead not only to various difficulties in building protest community but also in the interactions with the general public and media. Particularly, tensions became manifest as the homines sacri of the homeless people joined the camp. We discuss the implications of Agamben’s biopolitical insights for the relation of resistance, public space and community building in protest movements.

Abstract id# 66567 Everything but the Funnel Cake: Art and the University of Puerto Rico Student Occupation of 2010 Katherine EVERHART, Sociology, Vanderbilt University, USA Abstract Text: My dissertation, Everything but the Funnel Cake: Art and the University of Puerto Rico Student Occupation, explains the use of aesthetic performance and display in protest. In the summer of 2010, students occupied the University of Puerto Rico (UPR) for 62 days, protesting austerity measures by newly elected Governor Luis Fortuño. In retrospect, the occupation would be referred to as “The Creative Strike,” for its overwhelming aesthetic dimension. Drawing upon two years of ethnographic data, including both on-site and virtual observations, 31 in-depth interviews, and movement documentation, my research is situated at the nexus of sociology of culture and social movements. The use of artistic intervention in protest is not novel; however, contexts specific to the 21st century, including new media, paved the way for an emerging set of tactics in response to increasing privatization and economic austerity measures. The UPR protest resembles past actions like the Battle of Seattle in 1999 and anticipated coming actions, such as the Occupy movement. These actions are notable for the heterogeneity of participants, stated commitment to non-hierarchical organization, and dynamic aesthetic atmosphere. This dissertation illuminates the elevated role of art as a means to manage movement pluralism, demonstrating how aesthetics are deployed to both unify and differentiate movement participants. It combines major theoretical perspectives from social movements, the sociology of culture, and political sociology, filling in subdisciplinary gaps in “user-created” culture and identity formation, and the challenge of political pluralism. In doing so, it illuminates both longstanding protest challenges and 21st century configurations.

Abstract id# 45216 June Journeys: Activism, Repression and Social Inequality in Brazil Lia ROCHA, Social Science, Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Abstract Text: Early June this year – reason why they’re known as “June Journeys” - , thousands of Brazilians took the streets to protest a raise in bus fares. However, in just a few days, the demonstrations encompassed other claims and grew in size, drawing more than a million people to the streets of Rio de Janeiro and other Brazilian large cities. Although the number of people protesting has been diminishing since July, the number of demonstrations has been increasing and expanding in causes brought to the public space. This communication aims to analyze these demonstrations. My hipothesis is that these protests are related to social inequality, current transformations in Brazil’s major cities and the resilience of

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authoritarianism in Brazilian politics and society. They also relate to our civil society lack of civic tradition and distrust in institutionalized politics. The goal is to trace the chronology of events in order to identify its main actors and issues raised by them. Then, I intend to analyze the various repertoires of action and mobilization: the internet as a powerfull and yet limited tool, the traditional social movements’ participation and challenges, the new actors like “the black blocs”, the rise of conservative discourses among the protesters, etc. I also explore the possibles relationships between demonstrations in Brazil and global protests that have taken place in large cities in the last couple of years.

Abstract id# 37329 Occupying Land, Occupying Schools: Transforming Relations of Production in the Brazilian Countryside Rebecca TARLAU, Graduate School of Education, University of California, Berkeley, USA Abstract Text: Over the past thirty years the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement (MST) has been the principle actor developing alternative educational practices for rural schools. This research examines the reasons why this movement is concerned with education, the pedagogies activists developed, and how these ideas are tied to an attempt to transform social relations of production in the countryside. There is much debate about the role schools play in social reproduction. Liberal paradigms view schools as “neutral” institutions that provide students with skills needed to integrate into society (Mann 1848; Durkheim 1925; Parsons 1959). Theories of reproduction analyze how schools function in the interest of the capitalist state (Althusser 1971, Bowles & Gintis 1976). Scholarship on critical pedagogy builds on these theories of reproduction and scrutinizes how hidden ideologies normalize the hegemonic culture (Apple 1979; Macedo 2006) and reinforce social and racial hierarchies (McLaren 2003). Within these critiques, critical pedagogues also maintain a “Freirean optimism” (Freire 1970) by analyzing how educational practices can enhance students’ ability for critical reflection (hooks 1994; Giroux 2001). However, Apple (2006) argues that there are few empirical examples of educational transformation. This research illustrates the difficulties in implementing reforms that contest established relationships of power. First, while the MST has had success changing law at the national level, this was only possible through an alliance with other rural organizations. Second, even with national support the MST’s ability to transform schools is different across the country: in certain locations local governments work in coordination with the movement, while in other areas MST schools are shut down and governments implement dominant neo-liberal reforms such as standardized testing, scripted curriculum and merit pay. Finally, these reactions highlight the different power relations that exist in each locality, and why certain government actors reject education reforms if they threaten current capital relations.

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RETHINKING DEMOCRACIES: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND DEMOCRATIC PROCESSES. PART II Session Organizer: Paola REBUGHINI, University of Milan, Italy, paola.rebughini@unimi.it Benjamín TEJERINA, Universidad del País Vasco, Spain, b.tejerina@ehu.es Piero IGNAZI, University of Bologna, Italy, piero.ignazi@unibo.it Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 49198 Concepts and Practices of (Counter-)Democracy in the 2010s Movements Geoffrey PLEYERS, Université de Louvain (UCL), Belgium; FNRS/UC Louvain & CADIS/EHESS, Belgium Abstract Text: This paper proposes a cross-analysis of democracy as demand and practices as defined and implemented by young activists in recent social movements. It draws on first hand empirical material from three qualitative research: democratization movements in Mexico (12 interviews, 2012-2013), Moscow (23 interviews, 2013) and Rio de Janeiro (32 interviews, 2013); progressive activists in Europe (7 countries, 37 interviews and a focus group, 2012); and ecological transition activists in Brooklyn (22 interviews, 2010-11) and Belgium (34 interviews and 2 sociological interventions, 2012-13), as well as 7 interviews with Occupy Wall Street activists. Text analysis (NVivo) and consolidated methods of discourse analysis suggest that four main forms of counter-democracy can be isolated in young activist’s discourses: direct democracy, responsible democracy, argumentative democracy and protest democracy.Direct democracy at the local level is notably connected to experimentation in horizontal and participatory deliberation processes as well as neighbourhood assemblies. Responsible democracy leads to stress citizens’ responsibility, whether in their consumption practices (the local transition movements) or in monitoring elected representative and civil servants (often mentioned in Russia and in Brazil). Argumentative democracy is mobilized by committed experts, who trust in the impact of rational and well-developed arguments and popular education. Finally, many activists insist on protests, popular movements and mass demonstrations able to influence policies. The paper will briefly analyze each of these forms of (counter-)democracy, the cultures of activism it refers to, their subjective dimensions and their relation to institutional/representative democracy. It will underline the heuristic potential of cross-fertilizations among these forms of counter-democracy and representative democracy. Taken together, they offer concrete ways forward for a multidimensional approach to deal with structural limits of representative democracy and to explore paths towards more democratic societies.

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Abstract id# 50819 Post-Neoliberalism. Is Representative Democracy Still Possible? Pekka SULKUNEN, Helsinki Collegium for Advanced Studies, University of Helsinki, Finland Abstract Text: There is widespread consensus that representative democracy as we have known it in post-war Western Europe is in decay. Electoral participation is low, market forces dominate political decisions, neoliberalism has hegemony over more democratic political doctrines, while political differences are based on symbolic rather than interest conflicts. Alternative concepts for democratic action have been proposed. Agonistic conflict (Mouffe), counter-democracy (Rosanvallon) and resilience (Lamont) describe processes of resistance to control the power of elites. Using the theory of justification by Boltanski and Thevenot as a starting point, this paper argues that such forms of resistance may not be sufficient to solve the moral crisis of the state, however important they are as regards mobilisation. Representative democracy requires political processing of the principles of justification – belonging and differentiation; dignity and human worth; and the common good – into a “general will” (Rousseau). Jacques Donzelot showed (1983) that the sociological idea of the social was crucial in the early twentieth century debates of republicanism, and this paper argues that it is still relevant for the analysis of democracy. Political processing of the general will is possible if boundaries of belonging to groups and interest conflicts between them are negotiable. Analysing a debate on religion in Finland, this paper argues that underneath the apparently symbolic conflict, detached from social structures, there are groups with boundaries and interests that can be politically processed. To identify them requires considerable sociological effort and empirical analysis.

Abstract id# 56808 The Great Potential of Acting Together in Urban Movements: The Case of Gezi Park in Taksim, Istanbul Asuman TURKUN, City and Regional Planning, Yildiz Technical University, Turkey and Yasemin SOLMAZ, Planning Department, Gaziosmanpasa Municipality, Turkey Abstract Text: Although there are important contextual differences among countries, urban movements have had an important place in social movements since the mid 1960s, related to inadequacies in collective consumption. The neoliberal shift in economic policies after 1970s and the changing priorities of new urban policies in favor of regeneration or renewal have increased segregation and exclusion tendencies and eviction practices in urban areas, giving rise to urban movements with the claim for “the right to the city”. After 2000’s, “urban transformation” in the form of “renewal” have become the most important planning tool in Turkey. The implementations appear to destroy the historic and cultural heritage of cities and erode the housing rights of especially low-income people. Hence, various associations started to be established to defend property and tenant rights in addition to the ones related to the whole city, concerning transformations in public spaces, big urban projects and important infrastructural investments that threaten environmental sustainability in Istanbul.

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This paper aims to evaluate the level of participation of different interest groups in their struggle for “the right to the city” and their potential of acting together. It is believed that urban movements bringing together different groups on the basis of this shared goal can create profound effects. This has been questioned through interviews made with neighborhood associations, chambers, nongovernmental organizations and trade-unions in Istanbul. The research results have reflected the potential of acting together; and on May 27, 2013, this was actualized under the leadership of Taksim Solidarity Group, consisting of more than 100 separate civil society groups, against the construction of a shopping mall in Gezi Park in Istanbul. This movement confirms the findings of the research in showing the great potential of social movements in bringing together different groups ranging from the neighborhood scale to the urban and national scales.

Abstract id# 57448 Social Movement Transformations in the 20th Century: Japanese Experience Dai NOMIYA, Graduate School of Global Studies, Sophia University, Japan and Makoto NISHIKIDO, Humanity and Environment, Hosei University, Japan Abstract Text: In this presentation we investigate causes and conditions of social movement change in the postWorld War II Japan. Social movements in Japan have experienced tremendous transformations after the World War II. Starting with the movement surge in the 1950s, Japan witnessed a sharp rise in popular protest in the early 60s, culminating in the peak in late 60s. After a sharp decline in the early 70s, the entire civil action has stayed relatively calm up to the present. Japan also witnessed huge transformations in repertoires of contention. In the 1950s, Japan saw a rise in labor movements, along with anticapitalist, student, and environmental movements in 1960s. Why did Japan, as non-western democracy, experience such a huge transformation in social movements after the World War II? Big shifts in quantity and quality of social movements have been recorded in some other countries. In such cases they often experience huge structural transformations. The Japanese case, with no structural change during the latter half of 20th century, does not allow us to lay out the same explanation. Also the shift is not toward a “social movement society.” Japan seems to have become a society content with what they have. We employ both qualitative and quantitative methods to investigate into the causes and conditions for social movement change in the post WWII Japan. Quantitatively we use event data analysis to identify changes in volume and categories. Qualitatively we look for cognitive change that involve shift in values and perceptions toward social movements. Our finding is that change in international politics along with growing global civil society had to do with the change in social movements in Japan. Also past experience of the 60s may have had a negative effect on the perceptions and motives of the later generations to give rise to social movements.

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Abstract id# 65439 Democratic Upset and the 15-M Movement. the Social Basis of the Political Crisis in Spain Benjamín TEJERINA, Universidad del País Vasco, Spain Abstract Text: Recent years have witnessed a great diversity of mobilizations in authoritarian political regimes (Arab Spring, Colours Revolution) and consolidated democratic societies (Europe, North and South America). Driven by the consequences of the economic crisis, the implementation of liberal economic programs in different social sectors, and the persistence of significant democratic deficits, numerous citizens with a low level of previous political mobilization occupied the public space to show their discontent. The reasons are complex and, therefore, it is difficult to find a unique explanatory array that can be applied in all cases. The Spanish case has served as an example to other subsequent mobilizations and although it displays obvious peculiarities, due to the depth of the economic crisis, it also presents similarities with other cases mentioned. The aim of the paper is twofold. Firstly, deepen in the reasons that activists and sympathizers of the movement 15-M consider as mobilization triggers: the immediate consequences of the economic crisis and people responsible for it, the politicians’ behaviour and its role in the crisis, the functioning of democratic institutions, the elements that limit, condition and pollute democracy, and the crisis of the political link between representatives and citizens. Secondly, to analyse the contributions and proposals of 15-M claiming for a more democratic process, as well as the results and impact of the mobilization. The following data will be used: 1) the survey of the CIS (Center for Sociological Research) to the Spanish population on the 15-M movement; 2) eight focus group sessions and ten individual interviews with activists; and 3) the results of a survey carried out by the INJUVE (Spanish Youth Institute) on social and political attitudes on the 15-M based on the answers of 1,100 young people aged between 15 and 29 years old.

Abstract id# 65808 The Squares Movements and the Resurgence of Popular Democracy Paolo GERBAUDO, Culture, Media and Creative Industries, King’s College London, United Kingdom Abstract Text: This paper argues that the squares’ movements of 2011-12, a protest cycle comprising the indignados in Spain and Greece to Occupy Wall Street in the US and the UK marks a turn in collective action with a renewed majoritarian ambition and the aim to refound democratic institutions. I attempt to capture the nature of this popular identity by contrasting it with the countercultural identity that dominated the anti-globalisation movement. Analysing materials originating from a long term ethnographic research, I identify two fundamental traits of the squares movements, a) majoritarianism and b) emphasis on unity, opposing them to the minoritarianism and emphasis on autonomy of the antiglobalisation movement. The squares movements appeal to the majority of the population rather than to an idealistic minority, calling citizens to embrace a new ‘democracy 2.0’. Furthermore, they put much emphasis on unity, in contrast with the emphasis on internal autonomy and diversity of anti-globalisation activists. The article proceeds to gauge the significance of this popular turn and its reflection of the democratic crisis of contemporary societies. I assert that the adoption of a popular

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identity bespeaks the spread of social grievances amidst the global financial crisis, and the capacity of appeals to resistance to resonate with different sectors of the population beyond the activists milieux. Finally, I argue that the squares’ movements are best understood as transitional movements, and moments of foundation and social recomposition of a new democratic system beyond the neoliberal corporate state. These movements present many opportunities for the development of a progressive democratic politics, but they are also ridden with deep contradictions, in their proceduralism and the lack of substantive demands beyond democratic demands.

Abstract id# 67738 Addressing Inequality through the Soil: Anti-Mining Social Movements and the Challenges of Democracy in Peru Kyra GRIECO, CERMA/Mondes Americains, Ecoles des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales, France Abstract Text: This presentation will examine demands for democracy and social equality raised by social movements resisting the implementation of extractive activities in Peru. Through the case study of a local movement opposing the implementation of a large-scale mining project in the northern Peruvian highlands, my aim will be to draw attention to the impact of social-environmental conflicts, and the debate they engender, on the national democratic process. Two decades of mining bonanza have substantially modified the Peruvian economic and political landscape, sparking unpreceding growth alongside widespread social conflict. Existing inequalities between metropolitan coastal elites and rural, Andean or Amazonian populations have been at the same time significantly deepened and progressively challenged by the unequal distribution of environmental costs and economical gains connected to mining. Since former President Alberto Fujimori’s resignation in year 2000 and the country’s transition back to formal democracy, the controversy surrounding extractive activities has come to play an important role in the national political agenda, leading candidates to position themselves on the subject. Presidential elections in 2011 saw for the first time the victory of a candidate upholding a manifestly anti-mining, nationalist discourse, but once in government president Ollanta Humala rapidly changed his stance, choosing to further support foreign investment in the sector, repressing opposition and alienating large part of his electorate. On the basis of fieldwork carried out in the northern Andean region of Cajamarca, the site of a lively social movement which has so far cost the government two cabinet reshuffles, we shall focus on specific demands for social and political democracy which are emerge from the debate over resources. The choice of topics and language, as well as the tensions within the social movement itself, shed light on the challenges currently facing Peruvian politics and the difficulty of implementing democracy in an extremely unequal society.

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Abstract id# 36513 Political Process In Arab Republics: Metamorphosis Of The Islamic Movements Leonid ISSAEV, General Politics, National Research University Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia Abstract Text: After the Arab Spring the Islamists have achieved the greatest success in the countries where their activities over the past decades were under complete prohibition of the authorities. In countries with relatively developed (by Arab standards) parliamentary system that did not leave Islamists outside the brackets of political process the proportion of the Islamists in parliament even after the events of the Arab Spring is still quite low. Therein lies the paradox of the Arab political culture. Prolonged suspension of Islamists of participation in the political process in the subsequent introduction of democratic procedures makes Islamists slogans extremely attractive and in the conditions of free and fair elections inevitably bring the Islamists to power. But there is a trap in which the parties using Islamic slogans inevitably fall: the need to solve acute social and economic problems. Inability to solve them in a short time, as it is desired by the people and, as a result, unrealized expectations of citizens subsequently lead to a drop in popularity of the Islamists whose period in power is associated with the failures. Moreover, the situation is worsened markedly by the fact that Islamists fall into another trap. On the one hand, while continuing to pursue a policy of Islamization they worsen the economic situation in the country, and this fact greatly undermines their popularity among the population, Islam becomes associated with poverty and stagnation. On the other hand, the incline in the direction of technocracy often leads to a split in the Islamist camp separating them into moderates and radicals. First, it inevitably leads to a weakening of their general positions. Second, it pushes the radicals on the path of violence taking them beyond the law and undermining their image in the eyes of citizens.

Abstract id# 40274 Politics As Usual or Transformation? Analyzing the Impact of Mobile & Internet-Enabled Politics in Emerging East Asia and Latin American Democracies Wilneida NEGRON, Political Science, City University of New York - Graduate Center, USA Abstract Text: Mobile and internet-enabled technologies are changing the dynamics of election politics worldwide. However, studies looking at their effects on political engagement have produced contradictory claims. These studies have either focused on advanced western democracies or emerging “fourth wave” democracies in the MENA region (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Algeria, Jordan, Yemen, and Bahrain). In the former, mobile and internet-enabled technologies have been found to reflect “politics as usual”, in that once nations have achieved a qualitative leap toward liberalization; their dynamic impact tends to fade. But in the MENA region, they are found to be “transformative and liberating” technologies. This paper unravels these contradictory findings by looking at online political engagement in “third

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wave” emerging democracies in Latin America and East Asia – two regions which together account for over half of the Internet users in the world. These democracies do not experience the level of socio-political instability found in MENA, yet they also have not fully institutionalized democratic practices and institutions to the extent found in older advanced western states. By looking at mobile and internet-enabled political engagement in these countries through questionnaires with voting age citizens and political parties, I’m able to begin distinguishing the complex interplay between attitudinal, socioeconomic factors, and institutional environments that give rise to different forms of political participation. As a result, this paper contributes to the much-needed theoretical development of citizen engagement and mobile and internet-enabled technologies that may allow us to predict what different forms of participation may arise in new democracies around the world.

Abstract id# 50169 Les Mouvements Sociaux Et La Constitution De 1988: La Formation D’une Culture Démocratique Au Brésil Andre ROCHA, Philosophy, Universidade de São Paulo, Brazil Abstract Text: Cette communication vise à présenter la recherche qui a été développé par des chercheurs dans le cadre du projet «La formation d’une culture démocratique par les gauchistes d’Amérique latine» travaillant groupe CLASCO (Consejo Latino Americano de Ciencias Sociales). Dans le cas spécifique de cette recherche est d’étudier le processus constitutionnel où les mouvements sociaux brésiliens ont joué un rôle actif et tematizaram les différences entre la dictature et la démocratie dans plusieurs dimensions de l’histoire de la société brésilienne. Pour les mouvements sociaux, la différence entre la dictature et la démocratie ne peut être réduite à des termes juridiques ou même la simple forme de la constitution et de l’Etat, mais implique également des processus d’autonomie, la réalisation de leurs droits dans les différentes dimensions de la société civile. Le but de ce travail est l’étude du constituant 1987-1988 avec l’enquête sur les changements dans la structure de la société pour évaluer les processus de démocratisation de la société civile elle-même dans ses différentes dimensions. Théoriquement, nous comprenons que la différence entre démocratie et totalitarisme doit être pensé à partir de l’enquête phénoménologique des relations sociales et de la structure même de la société, c’est la façon dont la société elle-même en établissant participer aux décisions politiques ou est forcé de en instituant propre pour le bouclage de la politique. En d’autres termes, le concept de démocratie ne s’arrête pas à la forme de l’Etat de droit avec pluralité partisane et indirects, mais comprend à la fois la réflexion sur la transformation des institutions et des processus de démocratisation de la société elle-même. Cette recherche vise donc à reconstituer la façon dont ce processus a eu lieu au Brésil, en utilisant comme référence la participation des mouvements sociaux brésiliens dans le processus constitutionnel dans les années 1980.

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CIVIL SOCIETY AND COLLECTIVE ACTIONS. PART I Session Organizer and Chair: Debal SINGHAROY, Indira Gandhi National Open University, India Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 32990 Beautiful Trouble All Over The Place: Art and Performance In Latin American Social Movements Ines M. POUSADELA, Center for Latin American and Latino Studies (CLALS), American University, USA Abstract Text: Expressions of dissent have dramatically changed during the past few decades. Although the connection of art to political protest has a long prior history, social movements have recently embraced a variety of new, innovative modes of artistic expression, including various forms of public performance. Art has increasingly become a source of political imagination and innovation, thereby widening and diversifying social movements’ repertoires of action. At the same time, as a consequence of the development of the regional and global exchanges and networks that are the hallmark of globalization in the digital age, social movements around the world have become increasingly interrelated. Processes of diffusion and collective learning have therefore accelerated; in other words, social movements around the world are increasingly shaped by others, which they in turn contribute to reshape. As a result, while the repertoires resorted to by specific social movements are now more heterogeneous than those of their own predecessors, thet also seem to be more similar than ever before to those of their counterparts in distant parts of the contemporary world. These phenomena have been overlooked until recently, and are still largely unexplored territory. This paper aims at starting to fill the gap in our understanding of the new repertoires built by social movements in Latin America. Building upon empirical research conducted in 2010-2012, the connections between social and political protest and art and performance, as well as the roles of the new communications technologies, are examined for three Latin American social movements: the LGBT movement in Argentina, the student movement in Chile, and the women’s movement in Uruguay.

Abstract id# 65629 Digital Democracy and E-Participation Experiences in Brazil: Citizen Participation in the Cycle of Public Policy Rafael DE PAULA AGUIAR ARAÚJO, Política, Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo - PUCSP, Brazil; Sociologia, Escola de Sociologia e Política de São Paulo - ESP, Brazil; Marcelo BURGOS PIMENTEL DOS SANTOS, Política, Universidade Federal da Paraíba, Brazil; and Cláudio LUIZ DE CAMARGO PENTEADO, Política, Universidade Federal do ABC, Brazil Abstract Text: ICTs have enabled new forms of political participation, increasing the capacity for mobilization and articulation of citizens, promoting greater involvement of social actors in policy decisions. The

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current setting of relations between civil society and the State requires the creation of new spaces and opportunities to debate the construction of ideas and shared point of views among these political actors. Thus, there are new collaborative processes of what may be considered as digital democracy. New social arrangements are developed from the current characteristics of contemporary civil society and its fragmentation, complexity and plurality. On the other hand, the State is also experiencing significant changes in its organization and operation. Consequently there is a growth and development of civil society organizations, expanding opportunities for citizen participation. In this perspective, the design of internet, together with the interaction tools, has enabled an agenda of political actions, which mean a breakthrough in the development of democratic processes. They also permit new communication mechanisms among State and civil society. ICTs have been used by both agencies and State institutions as individuals and social groups, increasing spaces of the public sphere and the political arena . The webactivism appears as articulation and advocacy strategies, increasing the possibility of the State include the demands on your agenda and, in some cases, change the decision-making and policy implementation proces. The analysis of these actions and their impact allows greater understanding of this new form of political participation . This paper examines some Brazilian experiences promoted by Rede Nossa São Paulo – a network of civil society organization – located in São Paulo through citizen participation and how they operate and interact with the State in the public policy cycle. The analysis of them indicates the empowerment of citizen action towards encouraging democratic practices.

Abstract id# 49255 Social Justice, Liberalism and Philanthropy in the UK Balihar SANGHERA, School of Social Policy, Sociology and Social Research, University of Kent, United Kingdom Abstract Text: This paper examines how charitable and community foundations as normative institutions relate to issues of social justice, legitimacy and accountability. We will argue that grant-making foundations use their resources to support basic liberties and to assist the most disadvantaged groups in society, pursuing a liberal conception of social justice and equality. But there are some tensions and limitations, partly arising from their historical legacy, internal features and structural positions within the polity. Foundations tend to have UK-focused mission statements, operate with minimal accountability, have parasitic endowment and sources of philanthropic donations, have privileged and conservative trustees, and face pressure from the right-wing media. To achieve a Rawlsian liberal form of social justice, foundations have to change their institutional practices and routines, aiming for justice and a socialised and democratic production system, rather than regulating economic and social inequalities. The paper draws upon an ESRC-funded investigation into philanthropy that involved 34 semi-

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structured interviews with executive directors or senior project managers of charitable and community foundations and grant-makers. Each interview lasted on average 1.5 hours, divided into two parts: the first part asked the interviewees to describe the history of their organisations, and to outline their current strategic themes and priorities; and in the second part, they explained the use or the lack of the concept ‘social justice’ in their organisation. In addition, further interviews were conducted with sixteen participants from the first round either via Skype or emails to collect extra information.

Abstract id# 41649 Going Beyond Passion and Dedication: The Struggle Towards Professionalization Among Grassroots Philanthropic Organizations in China Huiquan ZHOU and Ying XU, Department of Social Work, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Abstract Text: Grassroots philanthropic organizations (GPOs) have emerged in China in large numbers. Previous studies tend to focus on these organizations’ interaction with the government, particularly their experience with the unfriendly NGO regulation system in China, while leaving their daily operation, and their process of development out of the discussion. The current study looked at GPOs in China at a particularly important stage of their development: when they face increasing internal and external challenges and could no longer remain informal. Through studying southern China GPOs involved in rural education promotion (n=44), we show that rather than the unfriendly registration system harming the development of GPOs, organizations have been enjoying their informal way of operation, including lack of legal identity. They focus on their relationship with the rural students, the cohesion within the organization, and the feeling of being able to help. They often have little desire to register or formalize until various internal and external changes, such as the growth of members and the expansion of programs, challenge the sustainability of the organization. At this point, GPOs do not naturally formalize. They first try all they can to maintain their usual way of operation, until the idea of professionalization is introduced to them by outsiders. Such a foreign idea may cause much confusion among the members, resulting in disagreements about the organization’s future. Under different situations, GPOs will choose different paths. Some will professionalize, and become paid staff NGOs; some will remain informal and wait for better opportunities; some will take a clear stand to resist future attempts of formalization; and some will dissolve or break into different organizations. Government policy only starts to influence GPOs once they decide to seek registration.

Abstract id# 67225 Do Community Seed Banks Createspaces for Autonomy in the Neoliberal Property Regimes Era? A Case Study of DDS in India Archana PATNAIK and Guido RUIVENKAMP, Rural Sociology Group, Wageningen University, Netherlands Abstract Text: Farmers have their seed-saving system and system of sharing and exchanging seeds. The maintenance and conservation of genetic resources for example, of seeds has raised many issues especially after the introduction of Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs). This issue has been the concern of many

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national as well as the non-governmental organisations. Seed conservation, maintenance and access has important repercussions on agro-biodiversity and traditional knowledge associated with them. Thus, issues of access and sharing of seeds ultimately has implications for farmers and on innovations. In this regard the practices adopted by a NGO for conserving rice germplasm was studied. Here we tried to find out how they create and co-create their collective being in the neo-liberal world and their contestations against the state and the market. The paper highlights on how differing circumstances created social relations based on self-determination as pointed out by John Holloway a tuned with the local needs in the local context for maintaining and transforming the commons beneficial for the actors in the NGOs.

Abstract id# 66292 Housing and Civil Society Organisations in Indonesia: New Challenges and Opportunities Sonia ROITMAN, School of Geography, Planning and Environmental Management, University of Queensland, Australia Abstract Text: Civil society organisations, and grassroots organisations in particular, have become a significant stakeholder in the provision of housing and services, contributing to tackle poverty. Grassroots organisations provide marginalised groups with new opportunities to make their voices heard and to become visible in the policy debate. Several organisations have proliferated worldwide in the last two decades, especially in the countries of the South. This paper analyses the role of civil society organisations working on housing in Indonesia. The government has failed to cater for the housing needs of all citizens and there are currently more than 7 million people in the country in need of housing. In a historically top-down approach, the decentralisation reform of 1999 provided civil society new opportunities to participate in decisionmaking. This paper examines to what extend this has happened during the last decade and to what extend civil society organisations are able to influence policy-making in the housing sector.

Abstract id# 46958 Lateral Networks of Homeowner Associations and Civil Society Building in Urban China Xiaoyi SUN, Department of Public Policy, City University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Abstract Text: Civil society organizations are crucial for the development of civil society, because these organizations teach citizens democratic practices on the one hand, and constrain the power of the state on the other. Recently, lateral networks of homeowner associations are being formed in many Chinese cities. While not being recognized by the authoritarian state or even faced with potential political risks, these networks are playing an ever more important role in facilitating homeowners’ collective actions to defend their private property rights. Existing literature tends to understand homeowners’ collective action as a reactive response to counteract the powerful real estate developers and their management agencies in a yet mature housing market. But based on interviews, participant observations, and online discussions of the lateral networks of homeowner associations in Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou, this study argues that these networks are proactively adopted as important infrastructures for the

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development of civil society organizations in urban China. Driven by the ambitions of promoting the development of civic organizations in China, the activists use homeowner associations as the most practical way to make such attempts. They not only deal with immediate material interests concerning housing and neighborhood management, but also strive for the participation of member associations on a regular basis and for the engagement in city decision making processes. This study attempts to explore homeowner activists’ motivations as well as their strategies and tactics to establish and run such lateral networks. It has profound implications for state-society interactions and civil society building in contemporary urban China.

Abstract id# 51728 From Demanding to Delivering Development: Challenges of NGO-Led Development in Rural Rajasthan, India Saurabh GUPTA, Chair of Social and Institutional Change in Agricultural Development, University of Hohenheim, Germany Abstract Text: The NGO sector in India has seen unprecedented growth in the recent past. A whole range of NGOs are not just ‘demanding’ development from the state but also ‘delivering’ development in the Indian countryside. While popular interest in the role of the non-governmental development sector is growing, it is not complemented by empirical studies which explain how do local NGOs evolve and change over time? What happens when grassroots NGOs expand their activities, capacities, resources and power to consolidate their position in the development regime? This paper addresses these questions on the basis of organizational life history of a grassroots organisation in the desert state of Rajasthan in India. The evidence presented in the paper derives from qualitative research undertaken during a three-months stay with the NGO, involving semi-structured interviews and open-ended discussions with a broad range of stakeholders including NGO functionaries and villagers, direct observation, participation in NGO meetings and local documentary sources. Based on new data on NGO practices in the arena of natural resources development over a span of four decades, the author argues that grassroots organizations working without the constraints of tight budgeting schedules and time-plans do alter local power relations and caste-based discriminations, and have the potential of ending exploitative relations of patronage. Furthermore, the expansion of the organization indeed brings in more resources and funds for development in Rajasthani villages but the complex tasks of transforming local power relations, which created goodwill for the organization earlier on, have come to be replaced by meeting the targets of land treatment and budgetary allocations. The paper concludes that in their quest of ‘delivering’ development services ‘professionally’ and fast-track, grassroots organizations face the challenge of increasing ‘bureaucratization’ of the organizational structure and functioning, creation of new relations of patronage, and of losing touch with the grassroots.

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Abstract id# 46149 Social Innovation in the Housing Policy in Spain Liviu Catalin MARA, Departament de Teoria Sociològica, Filosofia del Dret i Metodologia de les Ciències Socials, University of Barcelona, Spain Abstract Text: The context of this research is the economic and financial crisis that has had the effect of exponentially increasing unemployment and evictions across the country. This research has one general objective, and two more specifc objectives. The general objective is to analyze the impact of social movements on innovation based on scientifically validated successful actions, in public housing policy in Spain, since the beginning of the crisis (2008) to the present. The first specific objective is to review the scientific literature in order to find successful actions at the international level in the fight against the loss of housing that have allowed more people, belonging to the most disadvantaged social groups, to have adequate housing. The second and final specific objective is to identify if there is a presence of some of these successful actions in the field of housing in the context of Barcelona, where I place this research, and how social movements have influenced the implementation of these initiatives. The results show that there has been a change in housing policy and social movements have contributed substantially to this change through innovative solutions and social pressure towards the Spanish political system. The innovation introduced by the social movements are both at the individual level (processes of financial literacy, empowerment, deliberation and participation) and at the civil society level (collective action, collaboration with organization promoting new models of housing, such as cooperatives). These innovations have open a new path for the future development of the housing policy in Spain and also has turned civil society more powerful and a significant actor in the dialogue with the State institutions.

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YOUTH AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS. PART II Session Organizer: Benjamín TEJERINA, Universidad del País Vasco, Spain, b.tejerina@ehu.es Airi-Alina ALLASTE, Tallinn University, Estonia, alina@iiss.ee Session Chair: Kenneth ROBERTS, University of Liverpool, United Kingdom, k.roberts@liverpool.ac.uk Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 44236 Comparative Research on Contemporary Youth Social Movements: The Case of the Sahwa Project Carles FEIXA, University of Lleida, Spain and Jose SANCHEZ GARCIA, Geography and Sociology, University of Lleida, Spain Abstract Text: The methodological approach of the SAHWA project responds to the call of the European 7FP under the topic SSH.2013.4.1-2 “Facing transition in the South and East Mediterranean area: empowering the young generation” by conducting a systematic analysis of young people political participation, economic prospects, job opportunities, and the experience of such processes of transformation in other regions such as Europe, as well as the nature of change in social values and norms in the SEM countries. The data and insights produced by the research and the prospective foresight exercise will provide the basis for new policy approaches to a region that is undergoing profound transformations. This approximation lies on the border between scientific disciplines and concepts and its inter-disciplinary approach. SAHWA explores norms, social values and the role of youth cultures in the SEMs in a comparative and critical perspective. Its intent is to build upon previous research, employing an innovative, pro-active approach that views youth’s political participation as a potential tool for the exercise of agency by different youth groups. In this way, the norms, social values, agency, economic challenges and political empowerment phenomena can be assessed according to the critical nodes emerging from encounters of the local with the global, conceptualized as “the increasing interconnections between youth across the world and their awareness of such connections” (Schafer, cited in Hansen 2008). It has become clear that the current challenge for sociological and anthropological research is to map the new contours of these changing times and the roles being played by various social agents. The epistemological orientation is guided by the extended case method proposed by M. Burawoy (1998). This method is based on an interpretive view of social science, generalizing from structural and symbolic connections between actors and social processes, as revealed by the research itself.

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Abstract id# 52079 Second-Generations Asking for Citizenship. the Italian G2 Network Against the Consequences of Migration Liana Maria DAHER, Educational Sciences, University of Catania, Italy Abstract Text: Migrants’ descendants associations are now quite common in Italy. Their main claims are focused on the issue of citizenship, demanding a redefinition of the law that takes note of the changed conditions of the country after migration flows. This is the case of Rete G2 that, along with other more or less formalized groups, have recently given birth to the media campaign on the rights of citizenship named “I am Italy, too” (L’Italia sono anch’io), and to a large number of petitions and claims. A lack of recognition of equal opportunities in the labor market, but also the exclusion from active participation in the political and social life of the country to which they feel they belong are the main topics of their claims. Thus, the “right to difference”, often invoked by their parents, becomes a handicap for their full social integration: being different involves the risk of becoming “second-class citizens.” Second-generation youth believe they have gained the same rights of mobility of their native peers, but they often remain anchored to the subordinate social position of their parents. They do not feel like foreigners even though they are placed as such, at least from a legal point of view. They live the complexity of migration without being migrants adding to the typical adolescent insecurity conflicts emerging from the inter-relationships between home country, parents and receiving society. In this context, the construction of a balanced definition of identity in a plural sense often becomes uncertain. The paper aims at examining the underlying reasons of migrants’ descendants protests relating to social inclusion, as unexpected and unwanted consequences of migration, and looking at these associations/movements as one of the possible agents of legislative/institutional as well as cultural change. The speech will also be articulated referring to empirical data collected on the ground.

Abstract id# 40478 Spaces of Dialogue? the Case of the Wsf Tunis 2013 from the Perspective of Local Youth and Volunteers Sofia LAINE, Finnish Youth Research Network, Finland and Fatma JABBERI, Université de Carthage, Tunisia Abstract Text: The paper focuses on the World Social Forum (the WSF) held in Tunis 26-30 March 2013 from the local youth perspective. The WSF Tunis brought together 60,000 participants from formal and informal social movements and networks all over the world for five days. The authors distinguish the young WSF volunteers from other Tunisian youth who participated in the forum. The data drives from participatory ethnography and action research. Around 15 WSF volunteers and 20 young Tunisian civil

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society actors involved in the WSF Tunis were interviewed during and right after the forum. The research questions focus empirically on the dialogue/non-dialogue from the young Tunisian participants points-of-view: 1) what kind of local (Tunisian) dialogue took place; and 2) what kind of global dialogue (esp. together with non-Tunisian participants) took place – inside and outside workshops and sessions. These questions intertwine with the questions of why the WSF came to Tunisia and what affect it had to the local civil-society from the young informant’s perspective. The paper also studies the roles and effects of the local youth in the WSF as well as the success and shortcomings of the WSF Tunis from the perspectives of the young volunteers and young Tunisian civil society actors. The Tunisian author of the paper (Jabberi) was the volunteer coordinator in the WSF Tunis for around 1,200 volunteers (applying action-research and auto-ethnography), the Finnish author (Laine) was carrying out her post-doctoral research in the forum (and conducting interviews as part of her ethnography). Therefore, the academic dialogue between the global South and North takes also place in the setting of co-authors, carefully reflected in the paper.

Abstract id# 44283 Comparative Research on Contemporary Youth Social Movements: The Case of the Genind Project Jordi NOFRE MATEO, CES-Nova, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Portugal; Center of Youth Studies, University of Lleida, Spain and Ariadna FERNANDEZ-PLANELLS, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Spain Abstract Text: The year 2011 has witnessed the emergence of new types of social movements, transnational in scope but especially intense in the Mediterranean area, one of which precipitating factors has been the leading role of the new generations and the urban middle classes. The year began with the so-called ‘Arab spring’, continued with the ‘#spanishrevolution’ of 15-M, the Chilean students protests, riots in some English working-class suburbs, the Occuppy Movement in the United States and ended –at least till date- with riots in Turkey and Brasil. The antecedents date back to the ‘antiglobalization’ movement emerged in Seattle in 1999 and in Porto Alegre after 2001, the revolt of the French ‘banlieues’ in autumn 2005 and the Greek mobilization in winter 2008, coinciding with the start of the international financial crisis. This paper presents the results of a research project funded: The Indignant Generation. Space, culture and power in the youth movement of 2011 [GENIND]. While it is early to assess the impact of such movements, it seems evident that they respond to a new cycle of social protests, which manifest in public space (both in the squares of cities and in the Net). The project aims to shed light on the nature, causes and recent drift of such movements, taking the Spanish case as a reference point and comparing it with the mobilizations in four Mediterranean countries (Portugal, Italy, Greece, Egypt), and other territories where there was also mobilizations (England, USA, Chile, Brazil). Although it is based on ongoing ethnographic research, their orientation is primarily theoretical. The main objective of this communication is to present the GENIND project and its main results. It discusses the convergent and divergent elements of such movements, its innovative aspects and its continuities with previous movements and their local and global impact on youth and society.

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Abstract id# 52718 Mobilization and Performance in the Public Space in 2011: A Comparative Approach José M. PÉREZ-AGOTE, Sociology, Public University of Navarra, Spain Abstract Text: From the Tunisian Revolution onwards the increase in social mobilizations around the world shows not only a significant shift in the political sphere but also some heavy evidence of social change. Young people, who have been at the center of those mobilizations, are especially susceptible to provide evidence of change when cultural, moral or attitudinal issues are involved. Furthermore, such mobilizations possess significant symbolic and cultural dimensions, and constitute fusion experiences in which a great charismatic power, able to trigger off social and cultural change, is generated. These experiences may or may not have a ritual nature. According to J. Alexander, in the less complex and differentiated societies, social cohesion is generated by rituals, understood as periodical repetition of symbolic interaction in which participants fuse in the whole. However, in more complex and differentiated contemporary societies, the ritual is unable to keep fusion by itself, thus allowing for social performance to achieve the re-fusion of those social elements no longer cohesive. The main goal of this paper is to approach some of these mobilizations in which youth occupied the streets as social performances, and to explore its consequences for social change. The four 2011 cases to be analysed are: the Egyptian Revolution, the Spanish Revolution (15-m), the London riots and the Youth World Day in Madrid (JMJ/YWD). They are analyzed following the basic elements that shape social performances: actors, audience, collective representations, means of symbolic production, mise-an-scène and power

Abstract id# 33495 Multicultural Movements In Indonesia: A New Youth Initiative For Social Transformation Lucia Ratih KUSUMADEWI, Department of Sociology, University of Indonesia, Indonesia; Centre d’Analyse et d’Intervention Sociologiques (CADIS), Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), Paris, France Abstract Text: The massive process of reislamization of society that started to develop after the time of ‘Reformasi’ in 1998 has brought many social changes in everyday practice of social life in Indonesia. Today, Indonesia has to face almost everyday the problems related with the disruption of harmony of livingtogether. Besides religious-fundamentalism and terrorism, the intolerance among religious groups, violence against minorities and the demise of cultural diversity respect value have become a serious problem in society. Concerned with that situation, many young people in Yogyakarta in Central Java have built movements for bringing back social tolerance in Indonesian public sphere. As counteractions and counter-discourses, the movement has successfully gained the public support and built larger networks in local and national levels. The movements also have become the source of ideas and inspiration for wider discourses on diversity in a global multicultural world. Of course, there are challenges that they have to deal with in order to achieve the social transformation.

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Abstract id# 50638 Identity As a Variable for Violent Protests - a Case Study of Korean Student Movements in Democratized Korea Yoshiyuki AOKI, Department of Area Studies (Asia), The University of Tokyo, Japan Abstract Text: Literature of collective violence has argued that violent protests decrease in the democratic countries. However, Korean student movements chose forms of violent action, such as Molotov cocktails, even after the political democratization in 1987. Why did student movements continue to employ violent actions in democratized Korea? Existing studies on Korean student movements have pointed out that the influence of North Korean Chuch’e ideology, which is the North Korean state ideology of self-reliance which justifies violent revolution, as the cause. Yet, as ideology is an inflexible notion, ideology oriented studies failed to determine the process in choosing violent actions in protest. In order to overcome this limitation, this paper applies collective identity, through narratives, symbols, and rituals it manifests, as a variable. Identity is viewed as a key variable in social movement studies. However, with the exception of Charles Tilly’s work, there is no research that examines the reciprocal relationships between collective violence and identity construction. In his seminal work on collective violence, Tilly argued that the construction of exclusive collective identity severs the inter-movements networks which results in polarization of a group, and finally accounts for the collective violence. This paper applies Tilly’s perspective --identity-polarization nexus-- to explain the choice of violent action forms by Korean student movements. This paper conducts discourse analysis in three levels. At the first level, the statements and memoirs of the activists establishing new student organizations will be analyzed to reveal if inclusive/ exclusive collective identity accompanies polarization of student movements. And the second level, the statements on violent and non-violent events exercised by these student organizations analyzed will be dissected to confirm if the exclusive identity activates the violent actions. Finally, this paper compares collective identity of student movements under the authoritarian regime and the democratic regime to analyze its historical continuance and distinction.

Abstract id# 68207 Assessing Trade Union Renewal Though the Implementation of Youth Committees: A Comparative Analysis of Two Union Organizations in Quebec Melanie DUFOUR-POIRIER and Melanie LAROCHE, School of Industrial Relations, University of Montreal, Canada Abstract Text: This paper analyses the revitalization of union representation through an advanced form of involvement among young members, namely Youth Committees. Between 2009 and 2012, ten interviews were conducted with union leaders in two trade unions operating in the public and the private sectors in Quebec. At the same time, approximately thirty focus groups were held with more than 300 young

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members of these unions. On the one hand, our first objective was to determine whether or not these Youth Committees had helped to foster the participation, internally, of young members (30 years old and under) and to better integrate issues of concern to these members into the unions’¹ agenda. On the other hand, our second objective was to examine whether or not these Youth Committees had helped to propel changes related to the unions’¹ structures, agenda, and practices. Our results reveal the presence of three areas of tension associated with the rather erratic internal functioning of Youth Committees and their difficult integration into national and local union structures. Youth Committees represent a forum through which young members can discuss the relevancy of the unions’ structures, agenda and practices, giving them the possibility to bring about change internally. However, the decision-making role ascribed to Youth Committees remains unclear: such uncertainties truly limit their capacity to bring about in-depth change and propel new strategic orientations inside both unions. Yet, the observed transformations confirm the wish of national leaders to facilitate the integration of young members and provide them with real opportunities to have a say on strategic priorities and upcoming struggles. Nevertheless, the integration of Youth Committees remains incomplete. These unfinished developments invite further reflection on the topic.

DEMOCRACY NOW: ARE NEW UNDERSTANDINGS OF RADICAL DEMOCRACY TRANSFORMING ITS PRACTICE? Session Organizer and Chair: Francesca POLLETTA, University of California, polletta@uci.edu Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 44771 Consensus Decision-Making in Meetings As an Interactive Accomplishment: Silence without Silencing? Christoph HAUG, Department of Sociology and Work Science, University of Gothenburg, Sweden Abstract Text: This paper starts from the observation that most of the literature on decision-making is ensnared in methodological individualism: at least in the western world, it seems that a decision can only be understood as the outcome of an individual act or an aggregate thereof (voting). Nevertheless, genuinely collective practices of decision-making (consensus) are widespread across institutional and cultural settings, but the collective dimension of these is inadequately understood, leading to confusion between unanimity (everyone agrees) and consensus (no one disagrees). Both researchers and practitioners of decision-making have largely avoided this issue, so that empirical studies often remain unclear about how exactly a decision was made, and decision-making groups sometimes find themselves in the paradoxical situation of disagreeing whether they have reached consensus or not.

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Based on participant observation of numerous meetings among global justice activists using the consensus principle, this study seeks to untangle some of the conceptual confusion through a detailed interactional analysis of meetings as communicative events. Focusing on the final stage of the decision-making process, the paper identifies four types of consensus: imposed, acclaimed, hasty, and considerate. Drawing on previous findings from conversation analysis, it is argued that although they all observe the absence of voiced disagreement, they differ significantly in how this absence is constructed interactionally. Therefore, what appears to be the same mode of decisionmaking – consensus – should be treated as different modes, both by researchers and practitioners. The paper concludes by discussing the consequences of this analysis for radical democracy and antihegemonic practice, wondering whether it is possible to produce silence without silencing.

Abstract id# 33018 Crowdsourcing and Democratic Deepening: A Critical Appraisal Nicole CURATO, Center for Deliberative Democracy & Global Governance, Australian National University, Australia Abstract Text: The past three decades have witnessed a range of democratic innovations – from the much celebrated participatory budgeting in Porto Alegre to sit-ins to protect green spaces in Istanbul. Although the precise consequences of these innovations leave a mixed picture of success and failures, the importance of public participation and deliberation in political life has been generally considered important for democratic deepening. Crowdsourcing legislation is one of the most recent additions to these innovations. In Finland and potentially the Philippines, ordinary citizens are given the opportunity to draft and/or comment on bills subject to parliamentary consideration through the use of technology. The lawmaking process is viewed to be more participatory, epistemically superior and responsive to citizens’ opinions by aggregating the “wisdom of crowds.” While crowdsourcing legislation has the promise of creating more inclusive and direct forms of political engagement, my presentation aims to take stock of crowdsourcing’s normative and practical assumptions using a deliberative democratic framework. It is argued – albeit tentatively – that while the crowdsourcing can be an innovative platform in collective problem-solving, it also creates and reinforces existing hierarchies in participation.

Abstract id# 35517 A Radical Left Group In The Argentine Trade Unionism Of Civil Servants. Ideas and Actions In The Context Of a Long Strike Process Santiago DUHALDE, Philosophy, CIEP-UNCPBA / UBA / CONICET, Argentina Abstract Text: In this paper we will present the principal characteristics of a trotskyist group that leads a shop-floor union institution in a recognized Argentine hospital. This radical left group achieved the control of this

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shop-floor institution in the year 2002, in the context of one of the deepest crisis in Argentina. In the year 2005 they were the head of a hospital’s workers strike process that put in public debate both the labor conditions of the employees and the acceptable methods of protest. The mobilization action was the form privileged by this group, which could not be controlled by the trade union’s leadership. His trotskyist vision and ideas were colliding with the peronist counterfoil of the trade union conduction. This way, his only resource of power was the workers’ mobilization. The strike lasted approximately seven months and intervened in it the UNICEF, the minister of health and the president of the Argentine republic. The main demands were a wage increase and progress in hospitable infrastructure. But below these claims it began to gestate a political attempt of wear of the national government, helped by political left parties and trade unions. Finally, this maneuver of the radical left group, who continued with the strike beyond the possible, caused a strong wear of the workers and the later loss of the organization reached till then. In methodological terms it was a case study. In turn, we conducted interviews with members of this radical left group and trade union leaders, we made an important analysis of documentary and journalistic sources, and we carried out participant observation in the workplace.

Abstract id# 40018 Climate Upsurge: An Ethnography of the Climate Movement James GOODMAN, Social and Political Change Group, University of Technology, Australia; Rebecca PEARCE, School of Social Sciences, University of NSW, Australia; and Stuart ROSEWARNE, Political Economy, University of Sydney, Australia Abstract Text: In this paper we report on a project analysing the emergence of a grassroots social movement dedicated to direct action against the root causes of climate change. The project investigates the dramatic turn in climate politics that occurred in the mid-2000s. Engendered by mounting evidence of climate change, and by the ongoing failure of international negotiations under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, and rejecting the pragmatism of professionalised nongovernment environmental organisations, this grassroots-based political movement launched a radical programme for climate action from below. Through public protests, civil disobedience involving direct actions, counter summits, and deliberative events that created a sense of community, solidarity and personal political agency, climate activists sought to translate climate science into politics. The climate movement sought to build a political vision and the political capacity to challenge the elite politics of climate change, the ‘climate pragmatism’ that had dominated climate politics science the 1990s, and the legitimacy of the carbon-intensive economy. The paper explores this significant moment, when a radical climate politics introduced a new dynamic to the landscape. The authors are to publish this work in 2013 as an ethnography of the search for climate agency, based on the authors’ involvements in the climate movement and in-depth interviews with climate activists from 2007 to 2010. Focusing particularly on the climate movement in Australia, a country reaping the economic benefits of the coal and gas boom, the book charts both the possibilities and pitfalls revealed by the upsurge, interpreting it as a pre-figurative moment for an anti-systemic climate agency.

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Abstract id# 59600 Radical Left Wing Groups and Environmental Mobilizations in Turkey Hayriye OZEN, Political science and Public Administration, Atilim University, Turkey Abstract Text: A number of protest movements emerged in Turkey over the last decade against big investment projects such as hydroelectric power plants, goldmines, thermal power stations, nuclear power stations, and dams. Envisaging these struggles as part of the broader anti-capitalist struggles, left wing groups heavily involved in these mobilizations in order to direct their opposition to neoliberal capitalism and corporate globalization. This study focuses on two environmental protest movements that emerged under the leadership of the radical left wing individuals and organizations: the movement against hydroelectric power plants in the eastern Black Sea region, and the movement against goldmines in the Aegean region. Examining the effects of the leadership of the radical left figures on these two movements, it argues that while the involvement of the left wing individuals and organizations proved decisive in the generation of these grassroots mobilizations, it also simultaneously undermined the same movements in various ways. The leftist figures played critical roles in the emergence of these mobilizations by raising critical awareness in local people concerning investment projects, by providing them discursive frames to view investments and environment, by providing resources in the form of information and materials, and by connecting local protesters to the leftist networks. Yet, they also influenced the movements in negative ways by preventing the involvement of liberal groups to these movements, and by carrying over the cleavages and clashes between the leftist groups. Moreover, the involvement of the radical left groups is used by the state as a pretext to criminalize and stigmatize the protesters as well as to repress the environmental movements.

Abstract id# 49851 Whatever Happened to Japan’s Radical Left? Patricia STEINHOFF, Sociology, University of Hawaii, USA Abstract Text: In the early postwar period Japan developed two major parliamentary left political parties, the Japan Communist Party (JCP) and the Japan Socialist Party (JSP). Each was supported by labor union federations and other affiliated organizations, which mobilized for social movement activities on many issues. By the late 1950s, an extra-parliamentary New Left emerged among university students. The first group broke from the JCP-dominated national student federation to form an independent Communist League, and a second independent student group developed out of Trotsky study groups on various campuses. For over a decade, the student-based New Left played a major role in social protests alongside Old Left parties, labor unions, and other civil society organizations. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, Japan experienced a New Left protest cycle that paralleled those in Europe and the United States. It concerned very similar issues and had a similar trajectory of escalation of violence followed by strong state repression, which ended the protest cycle and drove the most radical elements underground or into exile. However, unlike the radical left in many European countries and the United States, the radical left in Japan has been largely invisible since the 1970s and is only now becoming somewhat more visible.

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Based on long-term fieldwork, this paper will trace the Japanese radical left’s evolution into an “invisible civil society” that continues to engage in social movement activity, but has had little impact on mainstream Japanese political agendas and action repertoires. The analysis will examine internal conditions within the movement and its interaction with the larger Japanese social and political context, including public fear engendered by the escalation of violence, the rigid employment structure that permanently marginalized radical activists, continuing state counter-measures against the radical left, and the gradual dismantling of the support base for left political parties.

DILEMMAS OF UNFINISHED REVOLUTIONS Session Organizer and Chair: Piotr SZTOMPKA, Jagiellonian University, Poland, piotr.sztompka@uj.edu.pl Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 39271 Revolutions That Fumble: The Case of the Philippines Teresita CRUZ-DEL ROSARIO, Bangkok, Thailand Abstract Text: A generation has passed since the 1986 people power uprising that deposed strongman Ferdinand Marcos, ended 21 years of martial law in the Philippines, and restored democracy. A generation of activists has since been groomed in the intricacies of navigating the delicate relationship between social movements and state power, between insurgency and critical collaboration. Over a period of two decades, the Philippines has experienced a political transformation that can be characterized, at best, as an attempt to continuously define and redefine the contours of a liberal democratic order with social movements and citizen participation as a core feature of social and political life. Yet this project at political transformation is hampered by what Gramsci terms “consensual domination” which results in “polyarchy” (Robinson 1996) here defined as a system of elite domination in which “a small group actually rules and mass participation in decision-making is confined to leadership choice in elections carefully managed by competing elites”. Thus, while re-democratization has indeed occurred in the Philippines through a non-violent uprising in 1986, there remains much skepticism over a style of liberal democracy in which a handful of elites compete for political power through the ritual of elections. Consequently, the Philippines continue to perpetuate the rule of political dynasties, albeit democratically elected, which in turn propagates social inequality, marginalization and disenfranchisement. This paper argues that unless the political and economic base of consensual elites is dismantled, the country will continue to stumble in its attempts to institutionalize an authentic liberal democracy ---- one that was envisioned by the 1986 people power uprising.

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Abstract id# 66914 Egypt’s Revolution in Three Waves: Uprisings Against Mubarak, the Military, and Morsi Amy AUSTIN HOLMES, Watson Institute for International Studies, Brown University, USA, and American University in Cairo, Egypt Abstract Text: Contrary to what many expected, the ousting of Mubarak did not represent the end of the Egyptian ‘revolution’ or the beginning of an orderly ‘transition period.’ Rather, the entire period since mass protests first erupted on January 25, 2011 is better understood as an ongoing power struggle between those who want to radically transform Egyptian society – or what is referred to in colloquial Egyptian Arabic as ‘continuing the revolution’ – and those who are attempting to salvage the old regime. What gave the uprising its revolutionary character is that it went far beyond the demand to oust Mubarak. The resounding chants for “bread, freedom, and social justice” represented wide-ranging demands for economic, social, and political rights. But more than this, the protesters wanted the downfall of the regime. This was not merely a rhetorical device or empty protest slogan. Often overlooked by outside observers is the fact that the Tahririans named the names of a whole slew of Mubarak cronies who they wanted to oust from power. Secondly, I will chart this power struggle as it has evolved in what I see as three broad revolutionary waves: the first uprising against Mubarak’s regime from January 25-February 11, 2011; the second wave of unrest against the military junta from February 12, 2011-June 30, 2012; and the third wave of protests against President Mohammed Morsi that began in November 2012 and continued until the following summer. In charting this power struggle I will show how the opposition movement has changed over the course of the past three years, with a particular focus on the Tamarod campaign as the allegedly grassroots movement that led to the military intervention on July 3, 2013. The research is based on extensive fieldwork in Egypt, as the author lived in Cairo throughout the period under consideration.

Abstract id# 46325 The Democratic Transit in Post-Communist Ukraine Irina PROKOPCHUK, Department of Sociology, University of Kiev, Ukraine Abstract Text: The specific character of the democratic transit in Ukraine. 1) changes in the society have the character of an “institutional explosion”. However, after almost two decades of transformations we have to state with pain that the Ukrainian lives against the backdrop of the destroyed institutions of the Soviet time, non-functional institutions of new, post-Soviet time. 2) Lack of a considered strategy of transformation. Each group of the political elites mobilizes the masses according to its values and vectors of development. For more than 20 years the society has been at the stage of transit, without a well-defined destination point. 3) The fictitious constitutionalism resulted in multiple changing of the form of government in Ukraine to the presidential-parliamentary form ( 1996); the parliamentarypresidential ( 2004); the presidential-parliamentary (2010). The legislative graphomania of the Ukrainian parliament requires individual quantitative and qualitative analysis. All of this resulted in the lack of a stable legal platform in the Ukrainian democratic transformations. 4) An activedestructive function of the elites ( political corruption, political irresponsibility, fusion of business and the government, restrain of institutional transformations as an opportunity to manipulate the

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society under the crisis conditions). 5) A passive-destructive role of non-elite. Low social-economic standards of the Ukrainians’ life resulted in dominance of the strategy of survival over the personcenter approach; the social behavior of Ukrainian people is limited by short life projects , political escapism, political deprivation, and the syndrome of learned helplessness . All of this explains complexity of transition from the “homo soveticus” model to the model of the “homo civil society“. 6) Civilization and geopolitical split of the society along the axis of Russia/Western. Each “Eurointegration step” of Ukraine is accompanied by pained and negative reaction of the top executives and the political elite of Russia .

Abstract id# 35439 The Road To Revolution and Egyptian Youth: Findings From The Value Surveys Helen RIZZO1, Abdel-Hamid ABDEL-LATIF2 and Asmaa EL-MOGHAZY2, (1) Sociology, Anthropology, Psychology and Egyptology, American University of Cairo, Cairo, Egypt, (2) EMAC Research and Training Center, Egypt

Abstract Text: The Arab Spring that began in late 2010 captivated the world’s attention, particularly in Egypt with the uprising that began on January 25, 2011 in Tahrir Square and ended Hosni Mubarak’s reign as president 18 days later. Before December 2010, protesting against repression and injustice was risky and often seen as futile. El-Ghobashy (2011) argued that it was when the main protest sectors of the first decade of the 2000s finally came together, united in their demand for “bread, freedom, social justice!”, that Mubarak was forced to resign. Both the media and scholars alike have noted that youth were some of the key players in the uprisings in Egypt and across the Arab world. Because of this recognition, Moaddel and de Jong (forthcoming) argue that it is necessary for scholars to move beyond anecdotal evidence and assumptions based on the young age structure of Arab countries to empirical research that documents the role of youth in the Arab spring. This includes shifting sociopolitical and cultural values over the past decade that led to the desire to mobilize for change. In Egypt, while the role of youth as key organizers of the January 25th uprising has been clearly documented, their changing values over the decade preceding the uprisings have not. This paper will examine how sociopolitical and cultural values that reflect the three demands of the January 25th uprising—bread, freedom and social justice—changed among Egyptians in the decade preceding 2011 and whether Egyptian youth exhibited attitudes that were more supportive of these goals than the rest of the population. We will use data from nationally representative value surveys conducted in Egypt in 2001, 2005 and 2008 to address our research questions.

Abstract id# 68100 Support for Democracy and Citizens Participation in Lithuania: From Alienation Toward Active Citizenship Jurate IMBRASAITE, Department of Sociology, Vytautas Magnus University, Lithuania Abstract Text: Democracy is rather fragile, when it is based on formal democratical institutions. Support for govermental institutions and citizen participation in the process of political governance is an essential condition for the functioning of democracy and ensuring the stability of society. Citizens are free

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to choose a number of ways to influence the political process. However, not all modes of political participation are equal with respect to the consolidation of newly established democratic system. High levels of support for democracy and participation in conventional political acts constitute a precondition for a stable democratic system. On the other hand, other authors argue that low levels of institutional trust and participation in legal protest actions may be considered as acts of selfexpression and it is not dangerous for stability of democracy. The focus of this paper is to identify and to investigate types of citizenship in Lithuania. What groups of citizens in Lithuania may be distinguished in accordance with their level of evaluations of democracy, trust to political institutions and participation in political acts? What are the factors that determine the differences between types of citizens? What are the causes and explanations of different patterns of satisfaction of democracy, political trust and participation between types of citizens? Based on the survey conducted in Lithuania in 2010 and 60 semi-structured interviews, the paper draws conclusions that four types of citizens (trustful reserved, non-trustful reserved, non-trustful active, non-trustful passive) may be indentified according to evaluations of democracy, institutional trust and participation in political acts. From theoretical perspectives of active traditional and postmodern citizenship, the characteristics of identified groups are mixed, because of socioeconomic and cultural conditions in Lithuania

Abstract id# 48282 New Constitutional Framework, Persisting Authoritarian Practices: The Case of Morocco after the 2011 Constitutional Reform Khalil DAHBI, Graduate School of Global Studies, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Japan Abstract Text: Following one of the largest waves of protests that the country had experienced since its independence, Morocco witnessed the drafting and the adoption of a new and arguably less authoritarian constitution. The subsequent electoral success of the Islamist Parti de la Justice et du dÊveloppement (PJD) and the formation of a PJD-led government were considered tokens of goodwill demonstrating the monarchy’s commitment to the reforms. Nevertheless, the optimism faded away in the face of increasingly repressive responses from the state to the protests, the continuing inability (or unwillingness) of the PJD government to pursue its reformist electoral promises, the extremely slow pace of the drafting of organic laws pertaining to the enactment of various constitutional provisions, and the awkward responses of the government to scandals that elicited popular outrage and sporadic protests. The overall picture emerging from a review of the political situation in Morocco in the years following the adoption of the new constitution is that of a political system unable or unwilling to follow through with the process of reforms in which it engaged itself. Thus, this paper argues that the Moroccan state seems unlikely to be able to move beyond the repressive modes of authoritarian governance that it has hitherto relied upon, given the deeply entrenched interests of its elites, a factionalized and divided opposition, and a population that mistrusts institutionalized politics and is wary of the risks associated with revolutionary changes. It also analyzes the uncomfortable position of the PJD, caught between its inability to deliver on its electoral promises and the recurring snubs that it receives from

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the monarchy and its allies. Finally, this paper suggests that the reform in itself is better understood as being more of a show of goodwill targeted at the international community rather than a sincere commitment to democratization.

Abstract id# 65346 Ukrainian New Left and Grassroots Social Protests: A Thorny Way to Hegemony Volodymyr ISHCHENKO, Department of Sociology, National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukraine Abstract Text: When and how the emerging radical new left in the post-Soviet societies is able to win hegemony within the rising social-economic protests mobilization? In the context of the post-Soviet ‘weak civil society’ the new left has a unique opportunity to use ‘the primacy effect’ in order to win strong position within the grassroots social protests. The prior strong position within the movement around some problem gives the privileged position compared to other political groups when the mass mobilization around it erupts. I will analyze the case of Ukrainian radical leftist student union ‘Direct Action’ organized in 2008 by ideological anarchists and libertarian Marxists which appeared to lead 20,000 student mobilization in over 15 Ukrainian cities against introduction of paid services in the universities in 2010 when established student NGOs were siding with the government or discovering they have no mobilization potential. However, the ‘primacy effect’ has its limits as not so many issues are remaining ‘vacant’ (because of the far right active intervention particularly) and not each issues has the same potential to destabilize the political regime. It means an increasing necessity for the post-Soviet new left to win and retain hegemony in the broad coalitions competing with other politicized and often hostile actors over non-politicized masses. Analyzing the case of highly successful ‘Save Old Kiev’ initiative against the privatization of public space, established in 2007 with the dominance of the new left groups coalition but where the far right has ultimately won hegemony, I will show the process of ‘double instrumentalization’: participation without systematic attempt to establish ideological influence and use of the grassroots protests for the publicity of particular political groups. If these two typical failure strategies are allowed to proceed, they lead to increasing distrust, the collapse of coalitions and isolation of the new left groups.

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FEMINISTS MOVEMENTS AND FEMINISTS MOBILIZATIONS IN A COMPLEX WORLD Session Organizer: María MARTINEZ, Universidad del País Vasco, Spain, maria_m_g@hotmail.com Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 52235 Las « Feministas Autónomas » Latinoamericanas y Caribeñas: Veinte años De Movilizaciones y análisis Del Contexto Neoliberal Jules FALQUET, Social Science, University of Paris Diderot-Paris 7, France Abstract Text: Presento en esta comunicación una interpretación de veinte años de historia de la tendencia “autónoma” del feminismo latinoamericano y del Caribe, nacida en 1993 en el 6to encuentro feminista continental, en oposición crítica al proceso de Beijín y a la ONGización del movimiento, en el contexto de la nueva globalización neoliberal. Basándome en los conocimientos adquiridos a raíz de mi participación en diferentes grupos y eventos desde 1992, (en la perspectiva epistemológica del punto de vista situado), como en diversas entrevistas que realicé a lo largo del periodo, asi como en diversas publicaciones autónomas, intentaré contribuír a rescatar la memoria de este pensamiento contrahegemonico poco conocido y a menudo caricaturizado. En una primera parte, presentaré tres grandes momentos de transformación histórica de esta corriente. Luego, analizaré sus contribuciones teóricas y políticas, tanto al movimiento feminista como mas ampliamente, a otros movimientos sociales y a la academia. Se verá que las autónomas latinoamericanas y del Caribe, en su diversidad, han realizado aportes decisivos al feminismo y al lesbianismo transnacional, desde el Sur. Proponen entre otros, una fuertísima crítica al concepto de género y al modelo de “desarrollo” neoliberal impuesto por la cooperación internacional ; nuevas luces sobre la imbricación de las relaciones sociales de sexo, clase y “raza”; y son pioneras en el pensamiento decolonial. Abordaré tambien las condiciones de posibilidad de la elaboracion de este pensamiento “radical” : producción colectiva de la reflexión, vinculación con la práctica politica en varios movimientos sociales, y posición social personal de las activistas-teóricas. Me apoyaré en un articulo ya publicado que incluye una amplia bibliografía : http://julesfalquet.files.wordpress.com/2010/06/art-20-ac3b1os-tirc3a9-c3a0-part.pdf

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Abstract id# 39124 The Dilemma of Feminist ‘double Activism’ and the Pressure of Separatism Jacinthe MICHAUD, Gender, Sexuality and Women’s Studies, York University (Glendon), Canada Abstract Text: Feminism shares boundaries with other political movements, often acting in synergy with many of them. The term “double activism,” coined by Italian feminists, describes the position of feminist activists who are simultaneously involved in political organizations of the left (parties, movements, unions) and feminist collectives. The act of moving across boundaries – between the left and feminism – came to light when this double allegiance was presented as conflicting loyalties in the 60s and 70s by feminists advocating a complete separation of their movement. Double activists who lived that experience, were criticized for not devoting their energies entirely to women and feminism; for not thinking and acting freely outside frames of reference controlled by masculine thought. The pressure felt was described as schizophrenia resulting from being engaged in two opposite worlds and not feeling whole in neither of them. This presentation is based on a comparative research between two types of feminisms which have never been compared before: Québécois (Canada) and Italian feminisms during the 60s and 70s. The paper intends to go beyond the Italian case dominated by the traditional and the New Left and beyond the 60s and 70s period by showing that double activism was – and still is – shedding light on the political evolution of the feminist movement. This is especially the case today, with the renewed synergy found between feminists and other political actors such as young queer, anti-authoritarian, anti-colonial and anti-racist political groups. The paper will focus on the complex consciousness of double activists; the existential aspect of presenting oneself as a member of a political group while helping to create feminist collectives; and the simultaneous activity of bringing social struggles within the frontiers of feminism while seeking to bring feminist principles and feminist struggles within leftist groups.

Abstract id# 35423 Islam Vs. Secularism: Women’s Social Movements In The Arab World Ahmed AL-RAWI, Media & Communication, Erasmus University Rotterdam, Netherlands Abstract Text: The events of the Arab Spring led to several political and social reforms in the Arab world and one of the fruits is that it facilitated the creation of feminist movements that called for establishing a secular society wherein women can achieve equal status and rights along with men. Social networking sites (SNS) such as Facebook were used as tools to promote this kind of online activism and create a collective identity for the members of these movements. This study investigates over 220,000 Facebook posts and comments taken from three online feminist movements which supported gender equality in the Arab world. The results show that these movements sometimes face fierce resistance from Islamists who believe that their religion is under attack. Instead of having one type of posters and commentators, three main online groups are identified, each one competes to garner attention and support from the public.

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Abstract id# 49712 Bridging Differences: Feminist Alliance Framing of Peruvian Women’s Health Movement Yin-zu CHEN, Department of Sociology, National Taipei University, Taiwan Abstract Text: How do divergent social groups build and maintain their alliances for collective action is the central question in this paper. To explain the networking and cooperation between social movements groups or even different social movements the resources mobilization theory and the political process approach emphasized on the external impulse for alliance and coalition’s building. Meanwhile the constructive perspective put attention on the interaction and subjective aspects of collective identity. However, the long term alliance between divergent social groups can not be explained without considering their different oppression experiences that make the communication in alliance difficult. Emphasizing the role of life-world experiences that intermediate the contextual change and the we-ness construction in an alliance, I argue the long term alliance of divergent partners requires a permanent discursive “leveling” of different experiences among participants. To outline this argument, I study the experiences of Peruvian women’s health movement from 1980 to 2000. The collaboration between women from different social classes – NGO-feminist and the grassroots women-- suffered tension and conflicts as their activities extend from self-help groups to medical institutions. From an intersectional perspective I analyze the experiences of both groups, and show the dynamic framing strategy of feminist NGOs to bridge these different experiences and to maintain their alliance with the grassroots women.

Abstract id# 38416 Feminist Disagreements: The Post-Colonial Confrontation Between Femen and Muslim Women Jean-François BRAULT, Political Science, Paris 8 University, France; Sciences of Religion, EHESS EPHE, France Abstract Text: Founded in 2008, Femen is a feminist Ukranian protest group based in Kiev and in Paris, whose main political enemy is patriarchy. In their struggle for gender equality, Femen activists see religious institutions as a substantial tool of oppression against women ; hence the current anticlerical position of the group. In Femen’s approach, nudity is the best means to break free from male dominance, and they deeply believe that being topless can be empowering. Femen’s mobilizations are always carried out in a spectacular way, in which they scream and shout provocative slogans that are also written on their naked bodies. In my paper, I will mainly focus on Femen slogans that are addressed to muslim – especially veiled – women, encouraging liberation from both religion and male domination: “muslim women, let’s get naked”, “nudity is freedom”, “bare breast against islamism”, “topless jihad”. Muslim women have answered Femen’s injunction to liberate through nudity by creating a series of networks, accompanied by virtual and physical mobilizations, in which muslim women from all over the world post photos online featuring reactive slogans such as “Islam is my choice”, “nudity is not freedom”, “Femen stole our voice”, “there is more than one way to be free”.

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Indeed, one can clearly see how Femen’s mobilization has entailed a countermobilization led by muslim women, and under what circumstances the latter are questioning a hegemonic western idea of what a free body looks like. Far from being an isolated event, the current struggle between Femen and muslim women to define what “feminism” is and, by extension, what a free woman is, is not new. Rather, it alludes to a more deeply rooted antagonism that dates back to the colonial period.

Abstract id# 40169 Digitally Networking Grassroots Feminists in China: The Case of Women’s Voice Di WANG, Gender and Women’s Studies, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA Abstract Text: During the “16 Days Activism Against Gender Violence” of 2012, Women’s Voice coordinated a Chinabased petition for eliminating domestic violence named “10,000 People Signing Up Online For The Legitimation Of The Anti-Domestic Violence Act.” In this campaign, several activists posted bloody nude pictures of themselves on Weibo as their signatures and as innovations for more participation. In this paper, I study this campaign of Women’s Voice as their online activism makes its mark in China’s feminist movements for its success in raising the general consciousness about phobic violence and gender diversity. I will focus on how Women’s Voice uses digital networking strategies in this 2012 petition. I will analyze body images and slogans in the 2012 petition for eliminating domestic violence to investigate how Women’s Voice can successfully use two basic codes--nudities and antiviolence--to gather activists from different regions and with different long-term advocacy. In using social network sites like Weibo, groups and individuals come and argue together. Accesses are built and communication across different feminist focuses become possible. It is through participating in this petition coordinated by Women’s Voice that grassroots activist networks emerge and are always motivated for China-based feminist actions. Therefore, I argue that this campaign can be a pioneering model for grassroots social changes in digital China.

Abstract id# 42981 Theorizing Queer Temporalities Mona LILJA, Peace and Development Research, School of Global Studies, Sweden and Mikael BAAZ, School of Business, Economics and Law, Sweden Abstract Text: Traditionally, feminist research has focused more on the content and the supposed effects of gender norms and their relations to power, than how the gendered power relations may change. However, there has been a tenet within feminism and—more recently—masculinity studies, which more specifically discusses how to change these power relations. A further research specifically looking at how such gender norms change is warranted. How might the gender stereotypes that surely inform the enactment of violence, transform into something new? In queer pedagogy advocates try to find solutions for resisting gendered norms, for example, through queering time. The question is what is mean by ‘temporality’ and ‘queer’? What norms of temporality are queer supposedly challenging? Taking temporality in queer studies as starting point new strategies of resistance, against different gendered power relations, prevail. This paper, discusses various resistance strategies in relation to different attempts to reach gender equality.

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MEDIA AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION Session Organizer: Takeshi WADA, The University of Tokyo, Japan, wada@waka.c.u-tokyo.ac.jp Edwin AMENTA, University of California, Irvine, USA, ea3@uci.edu Patrick HELLER, Brown University, USA, patrick_Heller@brown.edu Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 66561 Good Press: Why Movements Get Covered and with Substance Edwin AMENTA, University of California, Irvine, USA Abstract Text: When did and why do movements and SMOs sometimes gain sustained newspaper coverage and when and why is this coverage sometimes substantive? Our story-centered argument holds that the social organization and operating procedures of the news media account for its differential treatment of institutional political officials and movements, but also provide openings for sustained and substantive coverage for movement actors, a potential cultural consequence for movements. We argue that the main routes to both sustained and substantive coverage are for movements to mimic and challenge institutional political actors and processes, such as by contesting elections, preempting legislative processes, and launching court cases. Other routes include mounting successful strikes and waves of protest. Routes to sustained coverage that are not expected to be substantive include investigations, trials, violent opposition, and occupations. We use the data from the Political Organizations in the News project to identify the longest sustained coverage “runs� for SMOs across the twentieth century. The results show that 37 high-profile SMOs gained sustained coverage 302 times. Analyses of the subjects and the assignments of authors in these coverage runs provide preliminary support for our story-centered arguments.

Abstract id# 43844 Filming the Revolution: Youtube Videos and Collective Action Framing in the 2011 Egyptian Uprising Karen CALDERON, Department of Sociology, University of the Philippines-Diliman, Philippines Abstract Text: The uprising that toppled the Mubarak regime in Egypt was distinct from previous events of political contention. One of the things that made it so, as many analysts have argued, was the directly observable role that new media technologies played in the strategic mobilization of the #Jan25 protests and in the continuous documentation of the events during the uprising. This paper explores the mobilizing role of digital images of the protest events.

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In this research, I investigate how the internal narratives of videos of the uprising—produced and circulated through new media technologies between January 25 and February 11, 2011—aided the anti-Mubarak protesters in constructing, negotiating and reinforcing discourses that idealized collective direct action and delegitimized the Mubarak regime. Based on my visual discourse analysis of eighty YouTube videos and online interviews with some Egyptian protesters, this paper looks into the making of the “people power” narrative. It explains how moving images of the event became a site for the construction of collective action frames, mobilizing ideas that warranted the revolution. It examines the dominant images and themes in the videos, revealing a politically meaningful overlap of visual and verbal layers of event signification. It argues that the selective highlighting and toning down of certain aspects of Egypt’s changing state-society relations through visual representations of the uprising conjured up a coherent narrative of the eighteen-day event, in effect reinforcing the antiMubarak protesters’ resolve to overthrow the Mubarak regime. Through this paper, I interrogate the interaction between mainstream media reportage and citizen journalism, arguing that in the case of the Egyptian uprising of 2011, the simultaneous video production by professional journalists and amateur footage takers created a plethora of visual materials that corroborated each other. However, I emphasize the necessity of agency in harnessing the subversive potential of media images.

Abstract id# 42792 One Country, Two Diseases: Contentious Movements and Newsmaking about HIV & HBV in China Dong DONG, David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong Abstract Text: Media spotlight is crucial for social movements. In countries with little press freedom, news is a scarce resource and a battlefield that social activists, especially those from the grassroots level, compete among themselves and with other social and political forces in winning visibility, public attention and resonance, and legitimacy. Using the concept of “discursive opportunities” (Koopmans, 2004) as a theoretical framework, this study endeavours to display the concrete, complicated ways in which contentious movements and news production actively engage and mutually evolve. The study contains two parts. The first part is a longitudinal content analysis of 3,126 news stories on two epidemics from six Chinese newspapers. The two epidemics are HIV/AIDS and Hepatitis B. China today has an estimated 700,000 people living with HIV/AIDS and 100,000,000 with Hepatitis B virus (HBV). However, news coverage on the two diseases shows very different discursive patterns and is made through different routes. The question is why? One possible answer comes from the analysis of the discursive opportunities created by the interactions between the journalists and the grassroots social activists. Therefore, the second part of the study is constituted by two case studies: the contentious movements on uncovering (1) an HIV blood contamination scandal in China’s rural areas, and (2) a nation-wide employment discrimination against HBV carriers. Research data were collected through in-depth interviews with more than 40 activists and journalists in China and overseas who were involved in the two movements. Key strategies employed by the activists in attracting media attention and affecting media frames are identified and compared. Journalists’ reactions toward

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their strategies are also displayed and analyzed. The study concludes that discursive opportunities for contentious movements are context specific and largely associated with the activists’ ability to improvise.

Abstract id# 45885 Framing the Protest Eva ESPINAR-RUIZ, Sociology II, University of Alicante, Spain Abstract Text: Many authors have analyzed the influence of media on the political debate. This role is particularly crucial in certain contexts as the one characterized by the present global capitalist crisis. In this way, media can contribute to the prevalence of a specific interpretative framework, including the definition of causes, actors, solutions and actions. Considering this construction of frames there is one topic that can play a key role: media representation of social movements and different forms of citizen protest. In order to conduct this research we have chosen the case of Spain. Specifically, we have applied a quantitative methodology for analyzing Spanish newspapers’ representation of social movements and citizen’s protests. We have selected a sample of 1.017 news published in the three Spanish major newspapers from March to May, 2012. The analyzed period of time includes the consideration of three key milestones: a general strike, the first anniversary of the Indignados movement and the first Spanish general strike in Education. A number of variables have been constructed in order to contrast previous studies about protest representation with the data collected for the Spanish case. Most of these previous studies highlight the presence of a media protest paradigm: a bias coverage that supports the status quo and disparages groups that challenge it. Our results show most of the characteristics of this protest paradigm: reliance on official sources, focusing on conflict and violence, discredit of actors, etc. However, there are significant differences between newspapers. There is not an homogeneous discourse, but clear differences related to political affiliations and interests, editorial policy, specific events, etc. Similarly, coverage varies in relation to the different forms of protests, actors and actions. Specifically, the conservative newspapers apply a particularly negative frame when the protest involves unions or political parties opposing the government.

Abstract id# 49056 ‘otro Chile Es Possible’: Media Glare, Online Social Networks, and Framing Political Opportunity in the Chilean Student Movement Jackson FOOTE, University of Wisconsin - Madison, USA Abstract Text: Massive street protests calling for reform in Chile’s education system captured global attention and a 75% national approval rating in 2011. In the past year-and-a-half, college and high school students in the country considered South America’s free-market laboratory have taken center-stage for the economic, political and educational legacies of the 17-year dictatorship that ended in 1990. Some have become international media stars and others organize politicized “flash mobs” via Facebook, Twitter, and Youtube. Chilean Student leaders, activists, and “citizen” journalists have constructed unique responses (online and off) to what Todd Gitlin (1980) labeled the “media glare,” providing the basis for a renewed discussion about the relationship between social movements and media.

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This study is based on a combination of social media and news analysis, in-depth interviews with movement participants, spokespeople, mainstream and alternative journalists, and observations at meetings, assemblies and protests. It explores the media ideologies (Gershon, 2010) and notions of counterpublics (Fraser, 1990) that inform how Chilean students use online social networks to engage with mainstream journalists, respond to media coverage they do not find favorable, and help foster alternative discursive spaces about issues they find get ignored. Youth activists in Chile have developed multi-faceted strategies to balance savvy engagement and principled avoidance of traditional media conglomerates that dominate the landscape. This study demonstrates how student movement leaders operate in constant dialogue with the organized grassroots student base, other civil society organizations, and increasingly sophisticated media teams to navigate different publics, construct their own discursive spaces and successfully open space for discussions about constitutional reform, participatory democracy, and the critique of economic neoliberalism.

Abstract id# 66916 Digital Contention: Anonymous and the Freedom of Information Movement Jared WRIGHT, Sociology, Purdue University, USA Abstract Text: The main task of this paper is to analyze the online collective known as “Anonymous” as a case study using the theoretical framework of traditional social movement studies. I outline this framework in the literature review section of this paper as nine distinct characteristics, each pertaining to a different aspect of social movement research. My purpose in doing so is to argue that Anonymous is part of a larger, loosely-connected new social movement, which I call the Freedom of Information Movement, as well as to show how its unique characteristics which have developed out of new digital technologies are making it necessary for sociologists to update and expand upon our existing theories and concepts of social movements. Some of this work has already begun. There have been several, though not many, studies of cyber-activism, hacktivism, digital repertoires of contention, cyber diffusion, online activist networks, and decentralized organizational forms of online movements. Through a combination of historical and qualitative content analyses of news articles, websites, operational fliers, and other written materials associated with Anonymous, I am attempting to build upon and expand this new and growing paradigm concerning online social movements and digital forms of contention.

Abstract id# 32931 The Politics Of (Un)Free Speech In Turkey: Lessons From Gezi Park Joshua HENDRICK, Sociology, Loyola University Maryland, USA Abstract Text: Although a slight majority of Turkey’s electorate supports the governing Justice and Development Party (JDP), since coming to power in 2002 the JDP has become the target for increasingly more active social opposition. This opposition erupted in May 2013 when what started as 50 people protesting the razing of Gezi Park in Istanbul blossomed into a six week city-and-countrywide uprising against what participants framed as encroaching JDP-authoritarianism. Instead of reporting on the mobilization of thousands, however, or on the violent overreach of force employed by security forces, during the early days of the protests Turkey’s mainstream print and television news media failed to report...much

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of anything at all. In what amounted to a concert of deafening silence, Turkey’s mainstream media sources went dark. Rather than suffering at the hands of an authoritarian dictate from above, however, what made this case of media blackout unique was that it was the product of self-censorship on the part of corporate media sources fearful of potential JDP reprisal. When international media sources picked up the slack (e.g., BBC, CNN Int.), and when social media sources became overwhelmed with the postings not only from protesters in the Park, but also (with no other outlet) from journalists at their desks; it became clear that mainstream news in Turkey was broken. Is Turkey’s Fourth Estate beyond repair? Based on fieldwork conducted during the duration of Turkey’s “Gezi Park Uprisings,” this paper answers this question by analyzing data collected from career history interviews conducted with a diverse sample of mainstream Turkish journalists. This paper concludes that rather than a deathnail in the coffin of Turkish news, its appears that a likely impact of the Gezi Park uprisings is a rebirth of dissenting public discourse in Turkey, and a new era of social critique.

Abstract id# 45347 Social Media Use for Contentious Politics: Facebook-Activism Against Imposed National Education Curriculum in Hong Kong Tin-yuet TING, Sociology, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, USA Abstract Text: This paper examines the use of social media for the protest against the “Moral and National Education” curriculum in Hong Kong. Employing media content analysis and archival research, it explores how social media use facilitated grassroots movement organizations and stimulated cyber-activism among atomized users in practice. On 30 August 2012, a local student organization – Scholarism – went on a hunger strike. Occupying the public area in front of the Headquarters of the Hong Kong Government, members of Scholarism protested against the controversial curriculum imposed by the Education Bureau. In the subsequent days, tens of thousands of people joined the protest. Nine days later, the government succumbed to the pressure and retracted its plans. While new information and communication technologies provide the technical infrastructures for organizing movement campaigns and protests, various uses of new media configurations offer flexible mechanisms for people to take part in contentious activities. During the occupation protest, Scholarism eagerly employed Facebook technologies to coordinate collective actions and mobilize participants. At the same time, numerous users made active use of Facebook to communicate about the movement, forge social networks, produce alternative knowledge, and create innovative protest activities. As diverse actors simultaneously undertook online activism, the patterns of their computer-mediated communication facilitated the emergence of counter-publics and the development of movement practices and culture. Borrowing insights from the growing theory on computer-mediated social movements that challenges the assumption about requirements for formal leadership and organizational hierarchies, this paper argues that new media use modified the relationship between social movement organizations and individual users, and permitted alternative forms of civic engagement for democratic participation.

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Abstract id# 38134 The Reverse Panopticon Metaphor: The Autocratic State’s Fear of Being Recorded Jinyan ZENG, Social Work and Social Administration, The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Abstract Text: In the aftermath of the catastrophic earthquake that occurred in the Chinese province of Sichuan in 2008, the artist and activist Ai Weiwei launched an independent ‘citizen investigation’ movement that challenged the government’s failure to gather accurate data on the number of deaths, especially the deaths of schoolchildren who had fallen victim to shoddy school building construction. Through a case study of this movement and its suppression by the Chinese State, this paper aims to analyze how new media facilitate the power dynamics between the autocratic state and social movement actors. To analyze this campaign, the paper uses David Whiteman’s ‘coalition model’, developed to evaluate the impact documentary film affect social movement actors, and redefines this model. First, activist documentary film that is disseminated via the internet and makes use of the internet at various stages of the creative process does not merely influence the dominant public sphere, but, rather, it creates new public spheres, including a local ‘grievance community’, as well as an activist community. It creates new internet spaces to discuss issues addressed by the documentary. Second, the documentary film production and distribution become key processes of movement mobilization in this context. Third, various state agencies’ responses to social movement actors illustrate a pattern of the autocratic state’s fear of being recorded. The prison Panopticon metaphor is therefore reversed in the process: the governor who is monitoring all members of the autocratic society, becomes the subject of allpervasive observation by its prisoners in the new public spaces created by new media technologies. This study signifies discursive social movements in the digital century in a party-state with multiple strict controls and heavy censorship on expression and association.

Abstract id# 61935 Constructing the Virtual and Material Public Spaces: The Cases of “We Are All Khaled Said” Facebook Page and Tahrir Square during Egypt 2011 Revolution Ashkan REZVANI NARAGHI, Urban Studies, University of Wisconsin Milwaukee, USA Abstract Text: Social movements use urban spaces for their representation. They demand a spatial setting for their full effectiveness. However, spatiality of social movements has entered into a new phase since the mid-1990s. The prevalence of the Internet as part of the daily lives of people has challenged traditional theories of social movement and political public space. Recent revolutions and social movements in the Middle East and North African countries, the Arab Spring, and the protests in reaction to the economic crisis and austerity programs of governments in different parts of the globe have created a new phase of research on the relationship between online activism and social movements. Scholars focus more on the role of social networking sites (SNS) and try to articulate their contribution to social movements. This essay has argued that Hannah Arendt’s conception of public space can contribute to the definition of material and virtual public spaces in contemporary social movements. By investigating Tahrir Square as a material public space and ‘We are All Khaled Said’ Facebook page

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as a virtual public space during the Egypt 2011 revolution, this essay has studied the relationship between these spaces and the events of the revolution. It has showed that Arendt’s concepts of action and speech can theorize the virtual and public spaces of the Egyptian revolution.

MOVEMENTS AND CIVIL SOCIETY ACTORS AGAINST CORRUPTION AND ORGANIZED CRIME Session Organizer: Francesca FORNO, University of Bergamo, Italy, francesca.forno@unibg.it Alice MATTONI, European University Institute, Italy, alicemattoni@gmail.com P. P. BALAN, Kerala Institute of Local Administration, India, balanpp25@gmail.com Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 42684 The New Radicals: Anti-Corruption Activism in Papua New Guinea Grant WALTON, Development Policy Centre, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University, Australia Abstract Text: The corruption literature highlights the important role that citizens play in fighting corruption. How or if citizens should be supported in their fight is the topic of much conjecture. On the one hand scholars and anti-corruption organisations argue that, to be effective, citizens must be supported by international and transnational organisations. From this perspective it is sometimes argued that a-political, non-confrontational citizens’ groups are best positioned to fight corruption. On the other hand, some critical scholars argue that civil society should be independent from international organisations; left to their own devices they can more legitimately engage in confrontational politics against corrupt institutions, organisations and individuals. For these critics, such responses stand in opposition to the neoliberal discourse of international donors and NGOs. There has been little research into the discourse and activities of anti-corruption activists to support these theories. This paper draws on participant observation and interviews conducted in 2008 with anti-corruption activists (referred to as The Coalition) – who were not supported by international organisations – in Papua New Guinea. It shows how The Coalition’s politically confrontational anti-corruption activities reflected popular concerns about the state and powerful elites, more so than other anti-corruption NGOs operating in the country. Yet The Coalition distrusted local efforts to address corruption; instead they argued for neo-liberal solutions and neo-colonial institutional arrangements. The Coalition are ‘new radicals’ in PNG, past Papua New Guinean anti-corruption activists argued against what they labelled neoliberal and neo-colonialist policies of international organisations. The findings suggest that activists’ willingness to advocate for local solutions can be shaped by popular perceptions about

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the capacity of the state and the private sector, as well as transnational discourse about the causes of corruption in developing countries.

Abstract id# 38660 Resistance Against the Narco-Machine: An Analysis of the Mexican Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity Emiliano TRERÉ, Communication and Journalism, Autonomous University of Queretaro, Mexico Abstract Text: Violence in Mexico has increased exponentially, especially since the decision of former president Calderón to start the ‘war on drugs’ in 2006. During the six years of the Calderón government (20062012), victims of the narco-war were treated as simple numbers, ‘collateral damages’ of a necessary war to protect the ‘security’ of the Mexican people. The Movement for Peace with Justice and Dignity (MPJD) emerged in 2011 to expose the inconsistencies of the war against drug-trafficking, criticize the official discourse of the government and the media, and restore the dignity of thousands of victims of the narco-machine. Even if the MPJD represents one of the most important movement emerged in Latin America in the last decade, there has been a considerable lack of academic attention, in particular outside of Mexico, towards its practices and its achievements. Drawing on an extensive review of the literature and on in-depth interviews with key actors of the movement, this article aims to fill this gap by providing an analysis of its emergence, its repertoire of contention, its communication practices and the central role played by the victims.

Abstract id# 45469 Personalized Engagement in the Current ‘New’ Wave of Anti-Mafia Grassroots Mobilization Francesca FORNO, Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Bergamo, Italy Abstract Text: This paper discusses the social mechanisms set in motion by a new anti-Mafia organization called Addiopizzo (Goodbye, Pizzo ) which has been able to successfully encourage a growing number of entrepreneurs and shopkeepers to refuse to pay racket fees to local mobs in the city of Palermo, Italy. By using communication technologies that enable personalized public engagement as part of a new interpretative frame which has brought political consumerism into the repertoire of the anti-Mafia movement, Addiopizzo activists – a group of post-grad students formed in 2004 – have succeeded in creating a range of collective and selective incentives that have made it possible for local businesspeople to overcome the problems of collective action and build new social bonds of solidarity. Referring to social movements and diffusion theories, the paper discusses how a relatively small and locally based SMO succeeded in bringing about important changes by organizing itself locally as well as globally, and via Internet. Data for the analysis came from several sources of information, such as interviews with the activists themselves, participant observation, media analysis and a unique dataset reporting the answers given to a structured questionnaire with more than 70 closed questions, distributed in 2011 to 277 entrepreneurs who had joined the mobilization campaign entitled “Change your shopping habits to fight the pizzo” at various points in time.

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Abstract id# 48644 Social Movement Participants’ (Herak)Attitudes Towards Corruption in Jordan Khawla HASAN, IKCRS, Acting president, AMMAN, Jordan Abstract Text: This paper aims at describing the social movement participants’ attitudes (Herak) towards corruption in Jordan. Moreover, it aims at determining corruption’s prevalence; causes and national encountering efforts. A questionnaire developed by Al Badayneh was used as a research tool for this study. A convenient sample consisted of (821) participants from the Jordanian social movements in (12) governorates in Jordan was selected. Most participants were males (78%) with an average age of (40) years, A round half of them 51% were BA holders, 15% were unemployed. Participants view Karak, Mafraq and Zarqa city as the highest cities in public corruption. Findings showed that participants perceive the highest corruption (bribery) were prevalence among government tenders, senior staff and ministries. Meanwhile participants perceived the government tenders, senior staff and the parliament as the highest in using their personal relationship. Participants viewed national efforts against corruption as not effective, waste and favoritism, patronage, regional, making decisions for personal benefits, circumvent the laws were the most common. Moreover, findings showed significant differences in all measures of corruption attributed to the type of movement, and political identification. Finally, the most important determinants in corruption perceptions are corruption prevalence, government corruption and the lack of seriousness to combat corruption.

Abstract id# 50884 Disability Rights Movements Today in Sweden and Belgium Marie SEPULCHRE, Sociology, Uppsala University, Sweden Abstract Text: Disability rights movements have been militating for the right to live an independent life in the community since the 1960s. This is more than fifty years ago and one can wonder what those movements do look like today. The paper discusses disability organizations in Sweden and Belgium. The hypothesis according to which disability movements in those two countries present different features and have contrasting impacts on the State will be tackled. Apart from taking into account the formal and informal configuration of these movements, their degree of institutionalization, the available resources and the level of participation of their members, the study also looks at the content of the claims of the disability rights movements and at the composition of their members. The simple question of “Who claims What?” will enable a discussion about the role of disability rights movements in Sweden and Belgium today – whether they can be considered as Civil Society or not – as well as a discussion about the participation of persons with a disability in society. I argue that the study of disability rights movements leads to interesting considerations about the welfare state in Sweden and Belgium, which belong respectively to the social-democratic and conservative-corporatist welfare regimes, according to Esping-Andersen’s typology. Furthermore, this paper addresses the issue of the possibility of building a social movement for people with a risk of marginalization. And finally, the discussion will address the question whether the disability rights movements in Sweden and Belgium

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have contacts with similar organizations in other countries, and whether they are influenced by supranational conventions – in particular the UN convention on the rights of persons with disabilities.

Abstract id# 51674 Social and Institutional Anti-Mafia. a Comparative Study on the Italian and Argentinian Experiences Ludovica IOPPOLO and Giulia POSCETTI, NGO LIBERA Associations Names and Numbers against mafias, Italy Abstract Text: The proposal concerns a comparative study on social movements against organised crime and corruption in Italy and Argentina, based on an ethnographic and qualitative approach. As authors and members of LIBERA Associations, Names and Numbers against mafias, the main anti-mafia association in Italy and promoter of the network ALAS – America Latina Alternativa Social, we experience the double condition of observers and activists. This privileged viewpoint allows us to explore the internal dynamics of the movement and the links between the institutional and the social level. The starting hypotheses are: 1) the symbolic frame of anti-mafia and anti-corruption movements in these two countries is not just centered on law respect and repressive measures, but on wider issues of social justice, democracy, rights and equality; 2) in the two cases of analysis it is possible to observe a dialectical relation between movements and institutions; 3) this dialectical relationship creates a needed momentum for developing effective and successful public policy against mafia and corruption. In Italy, nowadays we can observe a social anti-mafia movement, where the core action is not any longer the law-abiding revolt to mafia’s violence (like in the 80s and 90s), but the construction of a civil and responsible society. In Argentina, the anti-mafia movement is more recent, strongly linked to the crisis started in 2001. In fact, this movement was born as a popular and communitarian reaction to the profound social and economic destabilisation and it has promoted a commitment against economic crimes (corruption and labour exploitations) recognised as ones of the main deterrents to the country’s recovery and development. Therefore the Italian and Argentinian cases are particularly significant for the background features, the connections between the two countries, and the study of relations between movements and institutions in the fight against mafia and corruption.

Abstract id# 64947 On the Reasons to Claim the Resistance to the Extortion Racket: An Empirical Assessment Andrea Mario LAVEZZI, DIGISPO, Universita’ di Palermo, Italy Abstract Text: The presence of organized crime plagues different regions of Southern Italy. The contrast of criminal organizations such as the Sicilian “Cosa Nostra” may feature interventions by the State as well as mobilization of the civil society: individual citizens, firms or their associations. In this paper we study the determinants of the decision of firms deciding to resist to extortion, a typical activity carried out

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by organized crime to secure resources and to control the territory. To this aim we built a unique database including data on the firms that joined the non-profit organization “Addiopizzo” of Palermo (Sicily), around 800 firms, and a control group of non-joiners. For all firms in the sample and in the control group we gathered firm-level data (sector of activity, age, balance sheets, etc.). Then we merged this database with census data on the location of the firm, in particular demographic, social and and economic data on the neighborhood or the “census cell” in which it is located. By our statistical analysis, we aim at evaluating the relative weight of the different factors (firm-specific or related to the territory where the firms is located) that may account for the decision to join (modelled as a dichotomous choice). In particular, we will evaluate the possible presence of “chain reaction” effects, by which the decision to join may depend on previous decision of others. Preliminary results show a higher probability to join for firms with higher value added and lower bank debts, operating in highly populated and high-education neighborhoods, with lower problems in labour market participation and unemployment. Moreover, we find a lower probability to join for firms operating in the sectors of Construction and Transport, that are sectors where the presence of organized crime is stronger (Lavezzi 2008, Global Crime).

Abstract id# 48695 Indigenous Organizational Alternatives in Mexico before a Power Vaccum: The Case Studies of Uciri and the Community of Cheran Carlos CHAVEZ BECKER, Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales, UNAM, Mexico and Ana DEL CONDE, Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales, Mexico Abstract Text: In Mexico, both, the economical democratization and liberalization processes have entailed an increasing power fragmentation. In some of the country’s regions this fragmentation has been expressed through a larger incapability by the State to regulate social economic and political relations. We will use the expression “power vacuum” to make reference to this specific incompetence. In the present work we intend to research the way in which indigenous organizations were able to break the domination structures generated through the State’s absence in public matters. Our central hypothesis proposes that in presence of a power vacuum, non-corporative and indigenous associations intercede, through an autonomous political association act, to solve weighty problems and contradictions that affect their communities’ development. To corroborate this approach we have decided to use two case studies: The Union of Indigenous Communities of the Isthmus Region constituted by coffee producers, formed in Oaxaca; and the Cherán’s Major Council, an autonomous local government established in Michoacan. The former results significant because the organization was the consequence of a collective effort conceived by indigenous, who managed to break the chains of intermediaries led by local hoarders or coyotes, regularly supported by violent illegal groups. This process resulted in a re-appropriation of profits from coffee production. The latter case reviews the recent uprising by the indigenous Purhepecha community of Cherán against organized crime. This was pursued to recover the wooded lands of the Purhepecha plateau, and to eliminate the oppression generated by criminal groups. Both cases are useful to think about organizational alternatives that allow, from the sphere of civil society, relevant contributions in overcoming a profound backwardness; one that affects local people from specific indigenous communities. This was managed on the one hand, by re-establishing equality and equity in economic relationships and, on the other, by re-structuring the regional security scheme.

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Abstract id# 32582 The Price Of Successful Secession: The State, Its Separatist Challenger and Organized Crime In Serbia and Georgia, 1989-2012 Danilo MANDIC, Sociology, Harvard University, USA Abstract Text: What role does organized crime play in determining the success of separatist movements? My paper explores the role of organized crime in the separatist movements of Kosovo in Serbia and South Ossetia in Georgia from 1989-2012, two cases that share remarkable similarities but have generated different outcomes in the level of successfulness of the separatist movement. The crucial difference, I will argue, is that while both Serbia and Georgia were thoroughly criminalized states in the 1990s, the former took negligible and the latter substantive steps towards curbing the extent of organized crime. This crucial difference accounts for Kosovo’s greater success in nearing sovereignty compared to South Ossetia’s more limited success. Exploring the relations between separatist movements and organized crime in these two cases sheds light on different opportunities for resource mobilization afforded by criminal enterprises, and on differing strategies of states, crime networks, and separatist movements towards each other.

Abstract id# 52296 La Strada Netowrk As an Example of Tansnational Mobilization Against Trafficking in Women Anna RATECKA, Sociology, Jagiellonian University, Poland Abstract Text: My presentation will explore mobilization around trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation in the Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). I will focus especially on the La Strada Netwrok (LS) that is a network of non-governmental organizations from CEE and Netherlands. La Strada was developed in the mid 1990s as a result of cooperation between Dutch, Polish and Czech activists and since then developed in a European network and is a recognized actor in anti-trafficking mobilization on the national level as well as internationally. This network becasue of its roots as a cooperatiob between activists from the Western Europe and from post-socialist countries is a fruitful example to explore the processes of transnational mobilization. Firstly, I will use the concept of transnational activist networks in order to examine the role of the exchange of information and knowledge as well as the patterns of cooperation between activists form Netherlands and CEE. Secondly I will give a closer look to the framing of traffcikingby the network as a whole and by particular members of LS. Trafficking is linked to migration policy, national and international security, politics of prostitution etc. Framing of trafficking by a NGO depends on the location fo the actor, the views on prostutution, the source of funding etc. Using the example of La Strada I will investigate of the way particular LS members manage to reconcile a moderate framing of traffiking with gaining audience and support in local contexts.

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Poland will serve as a case study for the analysis of the interplay between framing of trafficking by activists and relations between NGOs and the state agencies.

OCCUPY-TYPE PROTESTS IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE. PART I Session Organizer: Ruth MILKMAN, City University of New York Graduate Center, USA, rmilkman@gc.cuny.edu Michael SHALEV, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel, michael.shalev@gmail.com Session Chair: Stephanie LUCE, City University of New York, USA, stephluce@gmail.com Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 33134 We Are The People! Street Demonstrations As a Means Of Communication Bert KLANDERMANS and Jacquelien VAN STEKELENBURG, Sociology, VU-University, Netherlands Abstract Text: We are the people! Street demonstrations as means of communication Over the last decades we have witnessed a dramatic rise in the occurrence of street demonstrations. Increasingly, citizens chose street demonstrations as a means of communication. “We are the people!” or more recently “We are the 99%!” are appeals to politicians to listen to the people and to take their claims serious. Movement politics have become the natural counterpart of party politics. Employing a unique dataset of over 80 demonstrations that occurred between 2009 and 2013 in 9 different European countries, we give voice to the citizens who populated these protest events. Some of these demonstrations were people protesting the austerity measures they were suffering from. For instance, students protesting a raise of tuition fees or public health workers fighting budget cuts. Other were people demonstrating against the way democracy was practiced in their country. Democracy, as we know it for decades, no longer satisfies many a citizen. Not only in post-communist and authoritarian regimes but also in mature democracies people challenges democracy as it is done. Occupy-London or Amsterdam, or the 15thof May in Spain are examples. We will compare the participants in these two types of demonstrations. What were their grievances? How did they evaluate democracy in their country? Did they trust state institutions? What did they expect from their participation? Did they participate in party politics next to movement politics or had they given up party politics? How were they embedded in the multi-organizational field? We maintain that movement politics is a necessary complement of party politics. The democraticness of a country is defined by the quality of both movement and party politics.

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Abstract id# 41337 Who Participates in Encompassing Protests and Why Does It Matter? Israel and Spain in 2011 Michael SHALEV, Sociology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel Abstract Text: In Spain and Israel in the spring and summer of 2011, multiple demonstrations each mobilized hundreds of thousands of participants in the framework of Occupy-type protests. The Spanish Indignados (15M) and Israel’s social justice movement were instances of an unusual variety of protest, labeled “encompassing” because it combines massive mobilizations with high levels of public support. Such encompassingness does not necessarily imply society-wide solidarity, but may instead be based on what are in effect multiple parallel protests in which some social sectors are underrepresented or even altogether absent. This paper reports analyses of national sample surveys carried out in both countries, showing the effects of political cleavages and other social divisions on the passive and active engagement of individuals in these instances of encompassing protest. For Israel only, these conventional sources are supplemented by data collected via mobile phone signals, which make it possible to paint a reliable portrait of the social, cultural and political characteristics of demonstrators.

Abstract id# 68766 Gezi Uprising in a Macro-Comparative Perspective Sahan Savas KARATASLI and Sefika KUMRAL, Sociology, Johns Hopkins University, USA Abstract Text: This paper examines the class structure of the 2013 Gezi uprising in Turkey in comparison with the 2011 wave of global social unrest. Although the Occupy-type movements that took place primarily in North America and Europe were important segments of the movements which created the 2011 wave of social unrest, they were not the only ones. For instance, the cluster of movements known as the “Arab Spring”, or worker struggles in new zones of global production in South, Southeast and East Asia were also parts of the 2011 wave of unrest. Many studies which discuss the class composition of the 2011 revolutions, however, often rely on single analytical models mostly constructed upon the experiences of North American and European protests. Arguing that single analytical models will fail to address the complexity of the contemporary wave of social unrest, in this paper we discuss the class composition and social base of the 2013 Gezi uprising in Turkey in comparison with different segments of the 2011 wave of global social protest. In the first half of our paper, based on a database of newspaper reports on social protests from 1990 to 2012, we provide a global survey of the class structures of movements which constituted the 2011 wave of social unrest. In the second part of the paper, we discuss the class structure of 2013 Gezi uprising in respect to discussion of diverse class compositions of social protests across the world. We conclude that although the primary source of conflict resided in the changing condition of declining middle classes - like the North American and European cases, Gezi uprising differed from these cases in the way (1) how these middle class grievances were formed and articulated, and (2) how a larger coalition of class interests were created.

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Abstract id# 34674 A Transnational Movement In Local Context – The Occupy Movement In Germany Oliver NACHTWEY, Department of Sociology, University of Trier, Germany and Ulrich BRINKMANN, Economic Sociology (Dep. IV), University of Trier, Germany Abstract Text: The Occupy movement was a global phenomenon. After the advent of Occupy Wall Street (OWS) occupy camps mushroomed to other, in particular western capitalist states. The starting point of our own empirical research was the question, who participated in the Occupy movement. In our contribution we would like to present findings from an online survey of the Occupy movement in Germany. Carried out in autumn 2012 the study is based on more than 1000 voluntary participants (activist and sympathizers) of Occupy – it was announced through the channels of the occupy movement, Facebook and Twitter. In our analysis we differentiate between three different groups: (a) Campers, the core activists of Occupy, (b) activists, who have been active in the camps and participated at demonstrations, etc. and (c) sympathizers, who have a predominantly positive attitude towards the movement, shared links, etc. but didn’t participate in physical actions. We present empirical results for these subgroups about their class/labour market position, their financial situation, their education degree, their (material and post-material) values, their attitudes towards work and society and their forms of critique of the financial crisis. We present both a narrative analysis of the development of Occupy in Germany and an analysis of the political, social, temporal, and spatial aspects. This includes an overview of the specific frames of actions and a field analysis of other groups involved in the protest, media coverage and the advent of “Blockupy”, a broader alliance of left wing groups, trade unions and Occupy activists. Thus we analyze the German Occupy movement in two ways: Firstly, we compare it to the empirical results of the OWS-research by Milkman et al. (2012). Secondly, we compare it to the social and political patterns of other recent social movements in Germany.

Abstract id# 35930 Dissatisfied But Not Enough – Israeli Protest Of Summer 2011 Tamar HERMANN, Political Science, The Open University of Israel, Israel Abstract Text: In the Summer of 2011, between the first major eruption of protests in Tahrir Square and the emergence of the American Occupy Wall Street movement, Israel experienced a massive protest wave. However, unlike Egypt and the US, at that time Israel did not experience unusual political, social or economic difficulties. In fact, by most objective parameters, this was a relatively calm period. Yet the protest gained unprecedented attention and participation. Based on social movements political process theories and public opinion data collected in the framework of the monthly Peace Index and the annual Israeli Democracy Index run by the author, the paper will examine the reasons for the unexpected momentum of this protest campaign; and analyze the public assessment of the 2011 protest ex post facto.

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The main argument here is that the 2011 protest popularity on the one hand and its negligible results on the other are two sides of the same coin. Dissatisfied with the government performance and motivated by their perceived political inefficacy and simultaneously fascinated by the political and social transformative ideas, rhetoric and activities of the Arab and Western protest campaigns of the time, the Israeli masses filled the streets of Tel Aviv from July to September 2011. However, the data suggests that the protestors were not “hungry” for substantial social, economic and political changes. In fact, they had national (Jewish) and (middle) class vested interests in the maintenance of the socio-political status-quo, as was manifested later in the 2013 parliamentary elections. Because of this duality, significant political dissatisfaction together with strong motivation to maintain the socio-political superstructure, despite certain similarities, unlike the Tahrir and Occupy struggles, the Israeli 2011 protest did not and could not have produced a clear transformative agenda or action plan.

DEMOCRACY NOW. PART II Session Organizer: Sharon BARNARTT, Gallaudet University, USA, sharon.barnartt@gallaudet.edu Francesca POLLETTA, University of California, Irvine, USA, polletta@uci.edu Session Chair: Francesca POLLETTA, University of California, Irvine, USA, polletta@uci.edu Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 34670 Subjective Action As Utopia: Horizontality and Autonomy In Youth Politics In Latin America Anna-Britt COE, Epidemiology and Global Health, Umeå University, Sweden and Darcie VANDEGRIFT, Department for the Study of Culture & Society, Drake University, USA Abstract Text: Young people’s political action in contemporary Latin America can be characterized by two key qualities: horizontality and autonomy. Horizontality and autonomy are not altogether new in Latin American political action. These qualities are reflected in the region’s persisting aspirations to find alternatives to authoritarianism that has characterize both civil and military governments alike since independence until contemporary times. And these qualities have been espoused by social movements that emerged in the 1980s that sought to challenge longstanding social hierarchies sustaining authoritarian politics, including feminist, indigenous, environmental and urban neighborhood. Yet, young people today give new meanings to horizontality and autonomy in their political action due to new conditions created by the dominance of the market and media, individualization, consumerism and globalization. Youth choose forms of political action that allow them to be directly involved in

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decision-making and to have freedom – personal and collective – from others’ control. And young people see their own subjective action, rather than government action, as the solution to their demands and problems. By constructing their own action as utopia, not as a goal to work towards but rather as an inspirational starting point from which to act practically in the present, young people challenge longstanding notions of an ideal future society that have historically sustained political action in the region. Drawing upon our own empirical studies as well as a systematic review of secondary literature, our presentation/paper will explore how young people in Latin America understand horizontality and autonomy in their political action, where these understandings come from and what the consequences of these are.

Abstract id# 52904 Keep off the Astroturf: Boundary Judgments about the Authenticity of Corporate-Sponsored Participation Edward WALKER, Sociology, University of California, Los Angeles, USA Abstract Text: The post-sixties period in American politics was accompanied by the rise of communications technologies and organizational practices that facilitated new political interventions in civil society by corporations and industry groups. These practices appear to have brought about significant public mistrust of corporate-backed participation, in which interventions that lack independence, transparency, and/or integrity are often dismissed as “astroturf,” or illegitimate public participation. Building in part from organization-theoretic perspectives, this study investigates the roles of key mediating audiences in the judgment and categorization of authentic social practices. It does so using a vignette-based approach in which subjects are provided with a variety of accounts of corporatebacked public participation campaigns and asked to derive judgments about their legitimacy in the public sphere. The findings of the study help to reveal how the boundaries of authentic action in the public sphere are policed by publics, as well as the ways that market actors occasionally do make interventions judged to be legitimate by key public audiences. The study will also expand the growing scholarly dialogue on how best to interpret the use of democratic participatory practices when used strategically by actors other than grassroots citizen groups.

Abstract id# 64376 Radically Challenging Politics: Anarchists in Poland and in Sweden Magnus WENNERHAG, Södertörn University, Sweden Abstract Text: In this paper, we compare anarchist activism in Poland and Sweden. In particular, we discuss in which degree differences in the political opportunities (and threats) that the anarchist movements face – as well as differences in civil society’s national configurations – affects the activists’ ideas, repertoires of action, and their preferred ways of making politics. The paper draws on empirical data from our ongoing research project ‘Anarchists in Eastern and Western Europe, a Comparative Perspective’.

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While Sweden has been a liberal democracy for long, Poland was democratized only during the last decades. Because of this, civil society and the political liberties and possibilities that movements potentially could enjoy in a democratic society have developed differently. For actors within civil society, these different trajectories have also created different patterns of how they think that political change can be achieved. One could therefore expect differences in how the anarchist movements – as all political actors within civil society – have developed in the two countries, and regarding how they wish to accomplish political and social change. Using interviews with anarchists, we analyze how they conceive themselves as political actors and how they conceive their prospects of influencing politics, the general opinion, and/or everyday life. We also discuss the meaning of the anarchists’ critique of representative democracy, the state, and authority, and how this framing is used to politicize dimensions of everyday life as well as intervening in both local and national political struggles. Furthermore, we focus on how anarchist groups amplify already existing tensions and conflicts in order to radicalize the claims of other actors – especially those connected to the broader left – and discuss what this ‘radicalizing’ means.

Abstract id# 65778 Is This What Democracy Looks like? Conceptualisations and Practices of Democracy in the Italian Anti-Austerity Protests Lorenzo ZAMPONI, European University Institute, Italy Abstract Text: Claims related to democracy have been ubiquitous in most of the episodes of popular protest that have been developing in the last two years in relationship with the Euro crisis and the implementation of austerity policy in many European countries. Direct democracy has been identified as one of the main claims of the Greek anti-austerity mobilisations, while, in Spain, movements and intellectuals openly debate on the need of a new constitutional process, claiming that the unprecedented cuts to welfare imply the rupture of the social and political pact on which the legitimacy of the state built after the transition was based. The adoption of austerity policies in the Euro Zone, decided at supranational level by bodies like the EC, the ECB and IMF, has accelerated and made visible to the general public long-term trends of vertical transformation of democracy which had already been developing for years. But what does it mean to mobilise for democracy in contemporary Europe? Why and how is this happening? How does this claim interact with the peculiar Italian context, characterised by a deep political crisis, by the apparent contradiction between the presence of intense anti-austerity protests and the lack of a recognisable anti-austerity movement, and by the heritage of the Global Justice Movement? How are democracy and commons, unity and pluralism, occupation and re-publicisation conceptualised in the movements? And what impact do these conceptualisations have on the mobilisation practices of the movements? I intend to answer these questions through a deep analysis, based on qualitative interviews and observant participation, of the Italian anti-austerity mobilisations, focusing in particular on their organisational cultures and practices, on the relationship between movements, electoral politics and policy making, on the influence of foreign examples.

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Abstract id# 67599 Bombs in the Bush and the Boundaries of Community: Competing Rhetorics Surrounding Environmentally-Motivated Property Destruction in Northern Canada Paul JOOSSE, Sociology, University of Alberta, Canada Abstract Text: Tomslake, a little hamlet in the Peace region of Northwestern B.C., is a community divided on itself, collectively torn over the expansion of extraction industries which have brought both unprecedented wealth and rapid lifestyle and environmental changes. Many have welcomed this activity as other industries have declined. Some, however, have a different view, and along with traditional protest strategies, one extraction company, EnCana Inc., has been beset by a series of bombing attacks followed by letters which cite as justification the company’s record of environmental malfeasance. During the investigation of the attacks, the RCMP has consistently maintained the theory that the person responsible for the bombings is from the area, and that a few uncooperative people are protecting the bomber. My interviews with residents and extensive fieldwork have confirmed that considerable sympathy does exist within the community for the bomber’s grievances, as does empathy for the type of frustration that could lead to property destruction. In this paper, I outline some of the discursive battles that are taking place between various stakeholders, including residents, the companies, local politicians, and the RCMP in this modern Canadian struggle over the borders of community and the legitimacy of environmentally-motivated property destruction.

PRE-DISASTER ALTERNATIVE POLITICS IN POST-DISASTER PROTESTS Session Organizer and Chair: Patricia STEINHOFF, University of Hawaii, USA, steinhof@hawaii.edu Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 36353 The Street Politics Of The 3.11 Disaster Robin O’DAY, Sociology, University of Hawaii, USA Abstract Text: In the weeks and months after the Tohoku disaster on March 11, 2011, tens of thousands of people took to the streets in Japan to protest and voice their concerns about the government’s role in exacerbating the crisis. Of particular focus within these protests were the perceived mishandling of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear accident, and the broader dangers associated with relying on nuclear energy. These protests were significant since they were some of the largest street protest to occur in Japan since the 1960s and 1970s when hundreds of thousands took to the streets of Tokyo to oppose the revisions of the US-Japan Security Treaty (AMPO). How should scholars, therefore, interpret and explain the

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recent anti-nuclear street protests within a broader perspective on popular forms of political dissent in Japan? What can these protests tell us about the nature of civil society in Japan? How did such a catastrophic event affect civil society groups already engaged in different social struggles? In an effort to help answer these questions, this paper approaches these questions ethnographically from the perspectives of different Japanese activists that were organizing public protests around irregular employment and growing economic inequalities before the disaster. What role did these groups play in the post-3.11 protests? How did they shape the street politics of the 3.11 crisis? Conversely, how did the crisis shape their politics?

Abstract id# 37166 From Underneath the Radar: Japanese Alternative Activists and Urban Protest after 2000 Julia OBINGER, Department of Japanese Studies, University of Zurich, Switzerland Abstract Text: The post-3/11 demonstrations against nuclear power have been regarded as a sensational development in Japan, where disruptive protest movements had been conspicuously absent since the 1970s. In contrast, I argue that collective public protests have been part of the repertoire of urban activists since the early 1990s, albeit rarely noticed by the larger public. One prominent activist network is the group Shirōto no Ran in Tōkyō, who have been at the forefront of a number of protest movements from the early 2000s in Japan, e.g. the Freeter-movement or protests against urban regeneration and restrictive legislations. Not a pronounced environmentalist group, they nevertheless emerged as the main organizers of the early 2011 anti-nuclear demonstrations, utilizing their network and long-rehearsed creative protest repertoires. Besides these symbolic demonstrations, they enact prefigurative politics in their daily lives, implementing their alternative visions of urban sociality, entrepreneurship and empowerment. What distinguishes their network from other organizations is their strong cooperative and creative commitment beyond the restraints of conventional association like NGOs or political parties. By interpreting their framing of the 3/11 crisis in a larger context of social change, the struggle against precarity and new developments in (proto-)political activism, I will explain how Shirōto no Ran as a non-environmental group did respond so quickly to the disaster – despite their low level of organization and professionalization. The key issues to be explored will be how they 1) organize themselves 2) develop protest agendas 3) mobilize participants, all seen under the larger topical and temporal trajectory within this group. By uncovering the workings of such seemingly “invisible” activist networks who operate outside the established civic organizations, the understanding of current forms of social movements in Japan will be broadened, re-thinking the terms of civic participation.

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Abstract id# 31913 Mediating the Professional and the Amateur: Social Activism in a Post-Union Democracy Yoko WANG, Sociology, University of Hawaii at Manoa, USA Abstract Text: Since the fallout of the triple disaster in March 2011, coupled with the government’s pursuit of the reactivation of nuclear plants, Japan has once again become a seedbed for grassroots political activity. Various anti-nuclear rallies and demonstrations are held across Japan, and the largest of them all, the Friday Protest rally in front of the Prime Minister’s Official Residence has been staged more than fifty times. Such contentious activism, especially among Japanese youth, has been quite inconceivable in the country for many years. How should we understand this development in relation to the three decades of relative silence after the end of student movements in the 1970s, which is said to have left a negative legacy by its violent disintegration? Building on the sociological studies of the protest cycles, this paper explores the concept of “abeyance” and demonstrates the working of “mediators” as key actors for social movement continuity in a post-union democracy.

Abstract id# 53019 3.11 Crisis and Okinawa’s Demilitarization Movements Rinda YAMASHIRO KAYATANI, Sociology, University of Hawaii at Manoa, USA Abstract Text: Okinawa has a long history of resistance against the U.S. imperialism and Japan’s power over its islands and have been engaging in various forms of resistance to protect their ancestral lands, dignity and human rights. This paper looks at the demilitarization movements in Okinawa, and examines what kind of impact Japan’s post 3.11 crisis have brought to the movements and how Okinawans have responded to it. One of the common frameworks used to describe a connection between Okinawa and 3.11 survivors is that they both are “sacrificed” for the larger “national agenda.” Some of the anti-nuclear protestors and Japanese settlers in Okinawa suggest that it is a coalition opportunity between people of Okinawa and the survivors. However, some Okinawan activists criticize such framework because it overlooks complicated power struggles between Okinawa and the national government. Another common misconception is that Okinawa is a safer place to be. Various types of Japanese organizations have planned getaway programs for the survivors of 3.11 in Okinawa. Okinawa is marketed to be a “safer place” since it is the farthest location from the “affected region” in Japan. These programs upset some activists for its false and disrespectful claims. Due to the largely concentrated and long lasting U.S. military presence, Okinawa’s land and water has been contaminated by many toxic chemicals such as PCB, dioxin, depleted uranium and so on that the military had stored. Lastly, some of the post 3.11 Japanese settlers in Okinawa declare themselves “refugees” and participate in the demilitarization activism threaten the ownership of the movement and attempt to shift the focus of the movement to fulfill their agenda.

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Abstract id# 47030 “Alternative Unions” and Their Involvement in the Post-3.11 Disaster Politics Shinji KOJIMA, Sociology, University of Hawaii at Manoa, USA Abstract Text: Labor unions I call alternative unions are increasingly becoming a noteworthy presence in the contemporary Japanese social movements scene. These are individual membership-based unions, such as general unions and community unions. I call them alternative because from the standpoint of nonstandard workers, they serve as an alternative to enterprise unions from which non-standard workers are usually excluded. This paper examines the ways in which these alternative unions, who have made themselves into prominent figures engaged in nonstandard employment issues, became involved in the post-3.11 disaster politics. This study uses ethnographic and archival data gathered during fieldwork in Japan from April 2008 to September 2009 in addition to follow up research conducted in 2010 through 2013. I demonstrate that alternative unions live enmeshed in a complex web of individual and organizational ties, and they thrive by building new ties as they respond to newly emerging crises. From the standpoint of individuals who are involved in labor disputes through these unions, they come to be enmeshed in a dense network through union affiliation. They develop new bonds and ties with individuals they meet anew. As a consequence of this organizational social capital being transferred to the individual, some come to participate in social movement activities on their own, separate from union affiliation. The network transfer sometimes leads in the long run to nurturing new activists who respond and engage in emergent crises. I argue that alternative unions serve a double role in the field of social movements in Japan. First, they actively engage in emerging crises by utilizing their networks with other unions and civil societies. Secondly, these unions serve to connect individuals through these activities, which sometimes lead individuals to participate in movements on the newly emerging crisis.

Abstract id# 68108 Emergent Platform Stage of Japanese Civil Society after the Fukushima Accident: The End of “ Winter of Social Movements” in Japan? Reeya KOMODA, Hitotubashi University, Japan Abstract Text: After the severe accident in Fukushima Daiichi nuclear power plant, major campaign issues in antinuclearpower have become variable. Before the accident, these issues were related to the anti-nuclear power plant construction in particular regions and anti-atomic weapon for the risk of causing radioactive contamination. However, this crisis broadened the range of these issues and changed the risk. Not only living environments in Fukushima were destroyed by the tsunami, but also the environments in other regions were influenced by the risk of the unseen health problem which may be caused by radioactive contamination. How did Japanese civil society organizations respond to the arising issues? What are the differences and commonalities of the organizations working through each issue? To investigate the questions mentioned above, we conducted interviews with leaders of civil organizations on related issues in Tokyo, Osaka, and Fukushima, and a questionnaire survey on hundreds of the organizations which appeared in newspaper after the March 11.

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From these researches we find out that the wide range of issues in nuclear power which was caused by the crisis gave way to the emergence of, not only the anti-nuclear power organizations which passed through the “winter of the social movements” before the Fukushima accident, but also new comer organizations which keep sometimes ambiguous or neutral stance on nuclear power. But, for example, a new comer movement proposed a law request for the victims, which was finally got through, to the local government. In other words, a newcomer organizations can have the means of accessing Japanese society. So, these organizations can provide the alternative means to fight against the government for Japanese civil society organizations of the issues in nuclear power. These research findings must make important resources to predict the future of the civil society after the great earthquake.

Abstract id# 31041 The Fukushima Effect: Explaining the Recent Resurgence of the Anti-Nuclear Movement in Taiwan Ming-sho HO, Sociology, National Taiwan University, Taiwan Abstract Text: Taiwan’s anti-nuclear movement has traversed a checkered trajectory over the past three decades; yet, its recent revival after the 2011 Fukushima Incident had been unanticipated. This article analyzes the political outcomes triggered by a major international disaster. I argue that Japan’s nuclear catastrophe did not directly stimulate Taiwanese activism, but its effect was relayed through a host of domestic factors. The persistent efforts of anti-nuclear activists after their 2001 defeat were eventually rewarded with the local audience becoming more receptive to their message. The resurgence of social movements under the second KMT government (2008-) also provided them a more supportive environment. Finally, the fact that the DPP was forced into taking a backseat helped the anti-nuclear sentiment to cross the partisan divide.

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PROTEST, MOVEMENT AND NEW IDENTITIES IN CONTEMPORARY INDIA Session Organizer: Dipti Ranjan SAHU, University of Lucknow, India, sahu.dr@gmail.com Rajesh MISRA, University of Lucknow, India, rajeshsocio@gmail.com Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 51576 Challenging Law and Justice from below: The Public Interest Litigation (PIL) Movement in the Dalit Community Maya SUZUKI, Faculty of Policy Studies, Chuo University, Japan Abstract Text: In this paper, I examine protest movements of the marginalized Dalit community (formerly known as Untouchables) in contemporary India from a case study of Balmiki (a sweeper caste). In particular, I explore the political aspects of caste by focusing on the caste-based quota system, known as “reservation,” which is a part of India’s affirmative actions. This paper is organized around two significant issues. The first is the formation of a “new” identity among the Dalits through saint worship, which poses the following question. Why has the community embraced saint worship? The answer to the question lies in their religious choice to worship a saint, which gives them a sense of dignity and empowerment, and helps in the construction of a collective identity among members. The second issue is the implications of caste-based identity politics. Since the late 1980s, an important factor Indian politics is the shift to a multiparty system and the rise of identity politics. With an increase in equality and social justice, marginalized castes have risen to challenge existing policies and demand an equal share in state resources. I found that the success rate for the implementation of the reservation policy for the benefit of the lowest castes was significantly low. The distribution has been uneven among the targeted groups. Moreover, the results of my fieldwork revealed that most people tried to hide their caste. However, a number of them also affirmed their caste in order to obtain the benefits of welfare schemes and protect their rights by challenging the judicial system through Public Interest Litigations (PIL). This paradoxical response explains why caste identity has become more positive and assertive, which has led to the politics of difference in contemporary India.

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Abstract id# 65614 From Agitation to Political Autonomy: Interlinks in Three Movements in a Northern Province of India Rajesh MISRA, Department of Sociology, University of Lucknow, India Abstract Text: This paper attempts explore the impending continuities in people’s mobilization by identifying the inter-linkages in three contemporary movements in a northern province (Uttara-khand) of India. In an empirical study of the three movements; the movement against felling trees (chipko i.e. hugging trees), the movement against alcoholism (Sharab-bandi), and the movement for a separate hill state, it has been found that these movements are entwined in terms of issues, leadership, organizations and ideologies. The present paper highlights the role of the middle class in contributing to evolve and articulate the issue/demand of the protection of a customary right of the local populace into a demand of political autonomy and the right to self-development of a regional community. Secondly, the paper focuses on pathways of the growth of specialized organizations from a spontaneous rise of a people’s groupings. Thirdly, the paper explains the nature and role of leadership and intelligentsia in creating and articulating symbols, discourse and narratives of a distinct identity. Furthermore, it also pinpoints the role of middle class youth in dissemination of partial and total ideologies and debates which engender the conditions of mass awakening and thereby broadening the public sphere and rousing people to provide a critique and organize unremitting struggles. The assiduous mass mobilizations by way of intensifying issues/demands, strengthening organized efforts and upgrading ideological inputs has produced conditions for civil society to collectively engage against state and eventually increasing people’s space i.e. moving a step forward in democratization.

Abstract id# 52183 Rapid Social Change and New Religious Movements in Post-Independent India Rajeev DUBEY, Sociology, Tripura University (A Central University), India Abstract Text: The changing texture of religion is considered to be an important part of the structural transformation in post-Independent India and one worthy of closer analysis. As we know, theorist of modernity had written off religion in the 1950’s and 1960’s. It is now accepted, if a little late in the day, that religious identity rarely disappears with modernity. Rather, modernity refashions religious identities in various ways. It is manifested in the global religious resurgence of ‘New Religious Movements’ (NRMs). Possibly the rise of ‘New Religious Movements’ are felt rather strikingly in modern western societies undergoing rapid social change and experiencing diverse anxieties and ambiguities inherent in a hyper-modern and technological civilization. Yet, what gives meaning to the proposed paper is that it sees beyond the west, and examines how new religiosity is increasingly visible even in a society like ours. As our society is undergoing rapid transformation and a new middle class with new aspirations is emerging, we witness the steady growth of religious channels on television, phenomenal growth of new gurus and cults, and new preoccupation with yoga, ayurveda, health and alternative life practices. This research paper aims to highlight Rapid Social Change which necessitated and facilitated rise

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and growth of new religious movements in Post-Independent India. It focuses on a fast-growing and high-profile contemporary Guru faith originating in India and attracting a transnational following. By drawing upon multi-sited fieldwork among the Sri Mataji Nirmala Devi primarily urban, educated ‘middle-class’ Indian devotees, the researcher provides crucial insights into new trends in popular Hinduism in a post-Independent and rapidly modernizing Indian setting. It attempts to locate the macro structural sources of New Religious Movements in post-Independent India; highlight the micro structural availability of people in a particular New Religious Movement.

Abstract id# 52212 Development Induced Protests in Contemporary India: Response from the State and Civil Society Dipti Ranjan SAHU, Sociology, University of Lucknow, India Abstract Text: The issue of forced human mobility has been receiving much attention from the government, policy makers, civil society organizations, activists and academia in contemporary India. Social scientists interpret forced human mobility as involuntary mobility and internal displacement. The desire to take control over a certain territory and its resources becomes a cause of conflict which forces its residents to leave their current homes. The most visible are displacements associated with conflict over resources or antagonisms based on ethnic background. In the case of development-induced displacement or conservation-induced displacement, territory becomes an arena of specific conflicts between the interests of the public or private sector and the needs of people displaced or affected by particular development decisions. Development-caused displacement is often associated with conflict over resources which have led to landlessness and consequent problems. The paper attempts to analyze the contemporary Indian society and development-induced displacement from a class-caste-gender perspective. The lower one is on that ladder, the greater the negative impact of changes introduced in their lives without their consent. The marginalised communities especially Dalits and tribals feel it more than the others do and women among them are the worst affected. They are deprived of the resources that were basic to their survival and are denied access to education, health services and nutrition. It forces them to deny their children right to childhood and to a decent adulthood. Women are deprived of the little autonomy they had. Development cannot be real till such failures are remedied and its benefits reach those who pay its price.

Abstract id# 52855 Land Transactions, Structural Mobility, Party Politics and the Identity Dynamics in an Indian Village Supriya SINGH, Sociology, Lucknow University, India Abstract Text: This paper attempts to examine the processes of proletarianization and embourgeoisment as an outcome of land transactions in a village near an Indian Metro, Lucknow, by using qualitative fieldwork method. In the recent years due to increasing urbanization agricultural land is rapidly getting transformed into non-agricultural uses. The ever increasing price of land is encouraging peasants

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to sell their agricultural land and subsequently leading to upward mobility as well as downward mobility. It has resulted in landless labours as jobless, who were mainly engaged in the land as sharecropper or as a daily wage earner. This has led to scarcity of local labours for work because now they are adopting alternative proletrianised occupations e.g. working in government launched labour schemes or working in nearby cities as laboures or in other proletrianised occupations. The structural occupational mobility can manifestly be observed in the village, indicating a change in the homogeneous character of the occupational structure of the village and the peasants of the village cannot be termed as peasants neither socio-culturally nor occupationally. Land Transactions have de-linked the traditional organic bonds among peasants, landless and land owners resulting in encounters, conflicts and tensions among communities/classes, which have further been stimulated by party politics at the village level. Structural occupational mobility with penetrating and divisive party politics have released intricate trend of the formation of caste, class, and political identities ridden with competition, contest and political mobilization.

Abstract id# 51725 Globalization, Development and Tribal Movement:Some Issus of Kondhs of Odisha Bibekananda NAYAK, Center for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy Babasaheb Bhimrao, Ambedkar University, India Abstract Text: The globalization has ostentatious the material as well as non-material culture of the marginalized people in general and tribal in particular. India is considered to be the land of unity and ethnic diversity but globalization is mainly based on universalism. The tribal economy is being replaced by the global market economy, which has created obstacle in the livelihood patterns of everyday lives of the tribals. The problem faced by the tribal community today is of their exclusion from the development policy. In the name of development the Kondh are victimized on the grounds of their identity, culture and forceful eviction and displacement from their habitat. This can be seen through the conditions of Kondh, dwelling in the region of Odisha. Despite of the continuation of KBK (Kalahandi, Bolangiri, Koraput) project of central government the Kondh have neglected. Also the establishment of Vedanta Aluminum Company has disturbed their livelihood, lifestyle, identity, land rights and ecology. Their agricultural land has been sacked, natural belief system has been lapsed, and diseases have been spread through water contamination and etc. All this has accelerated the environmental and ecological degradation too. In this process the Kondhs have lost their agricultural production having a significant effect on their life, institutions and culture. They have displaced from their original inhabitant because the Vedanta Company has occupied their land. Under the aegis of Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti protest is going on. Government reports highlights that they have given compensation to the Kondhs but it is far from truth. Such situation demands that the government policy needs to be sensitive towards tribal culture , institutions and eco-friendly. On the basis of empirical evidence the present paper analyses the problem faced by the Kondh and some suggestion and alternative to the present policy formulation.

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Abstract id# 51932 Displacement and Protest Movements –the Kerala Experience Bushra BEEGOM, Department of Sociology, University of Kerala, India Abstract Text: Kerala is an Indian state located on the Malabar Coast of South West India. It is far ahead in the Human Development Index than any other state in India. Kerala has a great tradition of protest movements against displacement caused by large projects like Silent Valley power and irrigation project in 1970s. Development projects definitely bring displacement. The geographical constraints of Kerala intensified the magnitude of the problem. This displacement causes impoverishment of the local people and their surroundings. As displacement and protest movements havewider sociological implications,this study focuses on, namely, ICTT (International Container Terminal Project) and International Fishing Harbour Projectat Vizhinjam (IFHP) in Kerala. These projects had been implemented in the midst of public protests. This study tries(1) to make a comparison of trajectories of mobilisation of these two projects (2) to find out whether the strategies used by the protestors helped them for getting proper compensation and rehabilitation, (3) to assess the nature and extent of these protest movements .Finally thispaper examine the way in which it is faced by the GovernmentThis study could found that this protest movement of people could really helped them to go ahead with their livelihood and sustenance to some extent. Both of these projects had been evicted a number of people from their land and thousands of people became landless and homeless. In this case, people demand only a fair compensation. They are not even aware of culturocideand ecocide. Orthodox development theory promises “growth with redistribution”, while development policies have failed in practice to distribute growth benefits equally. The findings of the study reveal the lacunae in the policy with regard to development.

Abstract id# 52564 Development, Environment and Identity: An Analysis of Anti-Mining Protest in an Eastern Indian State Sarada Prasanna DAS, Centre for the Study of Social Systmes, Jawaharlal Nehru University, India Abstract Text: In the recent years, there has been spectacular growth in public consciousness about the forms of environmental degradation due to developmental activities in India. This issue is more covered by media and civil society organization and they are trying to create a consciousness among general masses about the relevance of the environment and development in the context of poor people’s livelihood. In several areas local people also united themselves against many state led industrial developmental activities which they think will destroy their culture identities and livelihood due to displacement from their homeland. In this context this paper will critically examine the process of development, land alienation and conflict in the tribal regions of Odisha. The main focus of this paper is to analyze anti-mining movement of Niyamgiri in Odisha. This movement is an outcome of state industrial developmental activity, which is responsible for making poor people poorer by destroying their socio-cultural identities and livelihood at the same time. The developmental initiatives of the state have also generated conflict between different communities in this specific area over these issues. The paper would also like to analyze the responses of the different local communities to these issues. The paper will analyze primary data collected in different times of the

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year 2013 as part of different research visits to the area. The data collected from the field are basically qualitative in nature and based on unstructured interviews with member of different local communities to capture the major objectives of the study.

Abstract id# 39957 Civil Society Actors and the Construction of Human Rights in India Simin FADAEE, Humboldt University of Berlin, Germany Abstract Text: Human Rights discourse has increasingly been adopted by social movements and civil society actors around the world since the 1990s. This discourse has generated negative and critical assessments from scholars in a variety of discipline. However, there is little scholarly research on how local organizations strategically adapt human rights discourses to local exigencies and challenges. In this paper I present original research on the practice of human rights activism in New Delhi, and I focus on NGOs that frame their activism in terms of human rights. I demonstrate that human rights activism is multidimensional, and that notions of ‘human’ and ‘rights’ are empty signifiers which are given contextualized meaning by local actors in the course of activism. I argue that human rights discourse can empower local actors by providing a framework within which they can bundle claims and frame localized struggles. Thus, I suggest that the criticism of human rights discourse is misguided, and instead scholars should focus on how this discourse can serve as an emancipatory vehicle for localized struggles.

OCCUPY-TYPE PROTESTS IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE. PART II Session Organizer: Ruth MILKMAN, City University of New York Graduate Center, USA, rmilkman@gc.cuny.edu Michael SHALEV, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel, michael.shalev@gmail.com Session Chair: Michael SHALEV, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel, michael.shalev@gmail.com Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 32604 Changing The Subject: Occupy Wall Street’s Achievements and Prospects In Comparative Perspective Ruth MILKMAN1, Stephanie LUCE2 and Penelope LEWIS2, (1) City University of New York Graduate Center, USA (2) City University of New York, USA

Abstract Text: Occupy Wall Street burst onto the scene in New York City in September 2011. It was partly inspired by social movements in the Middle East and Southern Europe, and soon after its critique of inequality

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gained traction with the slogan “We Are The 99%,� it helped to stimulate many similar occupations worldwide. In the aftermath of the eviction of the New York City protestors from Zuccotti Park and the similar evictions around the country, the U.S. Occupy Wall Street movement has dissipated. But similar movements have continued to spring up around the globe, and the social processes that led to the emergence of Occupy in the U.S. remain in place. This paper explores the sociological roots of the New York Occupy movement, with particular attention to the changing U.S. labor market. Drawing on the results of a representative survey we conducted of New York City Occupy Wall Street participants in a May 2012 protest march, we analyze the movement’s characteristics and discuss its achievements. In addition, we consider various comparisons and contrasts between the New York Occupy movement and other such movements before and since, and on that basis speculate about the prospects for the future of such movements in the USA and elsewhere.

Abstract id# 33834 The Geographies Of Discontent Nils C. KUMKAR, Center for Area Studies, University of Leipzig, Germany Abstract Text: The protests against the politics of crisis in both the US and Germany are structured along similar patterns: The Tea Party Movement in the US and the right-wing Euro-criticism in Germany stand in opposition to the Occupy Movement on both sides of the Atlantic. These polarized spectra not only deploy parallels in their political messaging, but also in their socio-demographic composition. Beyond this opposition, all four poles seem to be united by a deep mistrust towards their national governments with a focus on domestic socio-economic issues. The paper uses the concept of the socio-spatially determined Habitus, bridging the gap between agency and structure: resonating with the messaging of the respective protest-mobilizations, but in turn also structuring and shaping the development of these very movements. Participant observations in meetings and protests, group discussions and interviews conducted with participants in all four movements are analyzed relying mainly on the hermeneutics of the sociology of knowledge to reconstruct the Habitus as a sedimented body of practical knowledge shared by the participants. The paper seeks to contribute to the understanding of the development of the movements and the different inner and outer limits they encountered. Why did the Occupy Movement in different parts of the US and other countries follow such different trajectories after 2011? Why did the German counterpart to the Tea Party never gain comparable traction - despite numerous attempts and significant resonance in the media? The analysis shows that the polarization of the national protests can be understood as resulting from the different ways in which social classes interpret the social contradictions sharpening in the recent years. While this dispositional schism is mirrored on both sides of the Atlantic, the diverging paths the movements took express the different ways in which the crisis affected the national economies.

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Abstract id# 34270 Street Politics in the Age of Austerity: A Comparative Perspective Marcos ANCELOVICI, Sociology, Université du Québec à Montréal (UQÀM), Canada and Pascale DUFOUR, Political Science, University of Montreal, Canada Abstract Text: Based on empirical material gathered in Ireland, Spain, Israel, Greece, the United States and France in 2011 and 2012, we propose to compare street politics along two main lines: 1) how the transformations of capitalism have had diverging effects on protest; and 2) how the critique of representative democracy constitutes the common denominator of the activists’ grievances but does not translate mechanically into the same kind of movements. The 2008 global financial crisis did not produce the same kind of effects in all countries, although poverty and inequality have increased in all the cases considered here. To understand how the crisis affects and possibly shapes the mobilization process, it is important to distinguish instances where the mobilization enjoyed the support of a large segment of public opinion (Greece, Israel, Spain) from instances where the mobilization was relatively isolated and/or did not lead to a spill over onto other mobilizations (Canada, France, Ireland, United States). In all these cases, “relative deprivation” seems to be playing a role in shaping grievances but cannot alone account for the timing, magnitude, and claims of the protests. Aside from the economic context, the most comment element shared by the recent mobilizations under scrutiny is the fight for “real democracy,” largely inspired by anarchist ideas of autonomy, horizontalism, and direct participation. But “real democracy” is polysemic and has different implications. We argue that in order to understand the practices and claims that have developed in the last couple of years and the way they have disseminated around the globe, we need to look at (1) local legacies, (2) the internal dynamics of groups and networks, and (3) national structural as well as institutional configurations.

Abstract id# 48919 Occupy Wall Street and 15M in Comparative and Theoretical Perspective Jeff GOODWIN, New York University, USA and Eduardo ROMANOS, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Spain Abstract Text: This paper compares and contrasts the 15M movement in Spain (los indignados) with the Occupy Wall Street movement in the United States. We examine the class and social background and the grievances and concerns of the protesters in each country. We also examine the external and cross-border influences on each movement, public opinion toward each movement, and the tactical repertoire, achievements, and limitations of each movement. We ask how these movements support or contradict sociological theories about the origins, diffusion, and outcomes of movements.

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Abstract id# 62379 Who Speaks for the Streets? the Limits of Representation and Institutional Actors in the Mass Protests in Brazil and Spain Gianpaolo BAIOCCHI, Individualized Studies and Sociology, New York University, USA, Ernesto GANUZA, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, Instituto de Estudios Sociales de Andalucía, Spain and Ana Claudia TEIXEIRA, Nepac, Unicamp, Brazil Abstract Text: The twin mass movements in Spain (the “indignad@s” of the Spring of 2011) and Brazil (the “June Protests” of 2013) surprised seemingly everyone in both the mainstream media and progressive circles. Both movements seemed to appear out of nowhere, mobilized very quickly, brought new actors to the streets, and behaved in ways that were unpredictable to organized progressive actors. No political analyst had foreseen the way that relatively specific issues (bus fare in Brazil, the occupation of a park in Spain) would scale up to mass mobilizations throughout each country. Both movements - like Occupy and the Arab Spring - have been subject of significant scholarly attention. Here we consider a slightly different interpretation of events than offered by most analysts as we consider both movements side by side. Here we explore how the mobilizations reflect, and seek to transcend, the limits of representation and participation in each country’s democracy. We locate this movement in the context of a particular, and narrow, vision of citizen participation that has evolved in each country over the last decades. In Spain, these are the institutional channels created during the modernization efforts under Socialist Party rule, while in Brazil this has taken place over the last dozen years under the Workers’ Party. Taking the point of view of protesters themselves as a starting point, we discuss their - sometimes contradictory - diagnoses and imaginings of democracy and how these have evolved in face of outside attemps to frame the movement. We then discuss institutional responses in each case, including political reforms, new participatory spaces, with special attention to the attempts by progressive institutional actors - particularly unions and left political parties, to respond.

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SYMBOLS AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS Session Organizer and Chair: Thomas OLESEN, Aarhus University, Denmark, tho@ps.au.dk Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 50536 “We Target the World’s Worst Crimes”: Creating Symbols of Justice in Human Rights Watch’s Annual Report 2012 Benjamin AUTHERS, Centre for International Governance and Justice, Australian National University, Australia Abstract Text: This paper examines how evocative and emotive images and text are deployed in human rights reporting as symbols of rights violation and protection, and considers how Human Rights Watch (HRW) locates itself in that figurative order as a necessary intermediary between wrongs and their redress. In its Annual Report 2012, HRW focuses on its involvement in “the international justice movement.” Images and textual descriptions of atrocity sit next to depictions of the work of law in the Report, of human rights abusers subject to adjudication in international courts and tribunals. Linking violation and justice in the Report is HRW, represented in words and visuals as “an effective force for justice.” Through an interdisciplinary methodology that brings a critical analysis of the Report’s rhetoric into dialogue with interviews with HRW report writers, this paper examines how the Report creates a narrative in which HRW symbolises an effective response to human rights violations. The Report employs a human rights aesthetic to create visual and textual symbols that denote the work of justice in a legalised, global form. Framing the organisation as part of an international justice movement, the Report positions HRW as exemplary within that movement, an actor who has proven to be indispensible in bringing about justice through its research into, and witnessing of, rights violations. My analysis will demonstrate how the Report’s creation of a symbolic lexicon of justice is co-constitutive with HRW’s own self-representation, a self-fashioning that produces the organization as an ideal NGO within the international human rights regime.

Abstract id# 36725 The Art of Remix in Political Consumerism on the Web – Images of ‘Critique Artistique’ and ‘Critique Sociale’ Sigrid BARINGHORST, Faculty of Arts, University of Siegen, Germany Abstract Text: In political consumerist and anti-capitalist movements re-mix artefacts have been produced by amateur activists as well as professional artists on the Web. With their semiotic practices of ‘cultural hacking’ or ‘cultural jamming’ both types of actors try to semiotically subvert the imagery of dominant

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brands. Brands are decoded and “verfremdet” in order to expose internal contradictions and power relations of capitalistic consumer culture. The paper theoretically interprets these practices as semiotic expressions of a politics of affects from perspectives of new critical concepts of culture (post-hegemony) and democracy (post-democracy). Drawing on the distinction between four sources of critique and outrage by L. Boltanski and E. Chiapello selected examples of culture jamming from social movement actors as well as professional artists are presented and interpreted. The paper argues that the distinction between culture jamming practices of collective protest actors and individualist artists corresponds with the general distinction between “critique artiste” and “critique sociale” developed by Boltanski and Chiapello. We find marked differences regarding the dominant sources of outrage in the imageries: While images of professional artists mostly deconstruct branding as source of loss of authenticity and repression of individual freedom, cultural jamming practices of social movement actors mainly criticize commercial branding for its impact on ecological destruction, social inequality or political repression. Apart from that, both types of visual critique differ in their expression of the relation between production and consumption. Finally, the paper analyzes webbased practices of remix and culture jamming by individualized, non-organized actors that transcend the modern differentiation between experts and amateurs.

Abstract id# 45944 Mobilizing for Immigrants’ Rights Online: Creating Symbols of Belonging to the “American” Nation Bernadette Nadya JAWORSKY, Sociology, Masaryk University, Czech Republic Abstract Text: It’s no secret that being an immigrant, especially an unauthorized immigrant, is a challenge these days in the United States. Discrimination, marginalization and deportation loom large, and comprehensive and fair immigration policy seems an elusive goal. In response, the immigrants’ rights movement increasingly mobilizes online. Among these cyberactivists’ primary tools are symbolic representations of immigrants belonging to the “American” nation, more specifically its civil sphere, the moral universe where battles for inclusion take place. Concrete symbols of family, hard work and community coexist with more abstract representations of “American” national ideals such as equality, fairness and opportunity. Utilizing a cultural sociological perspective, I examine the ways in which the immigrants’ rights movement uses such symbols to perform national identity online. In particular, I employ the tools of the Strong Program, as articulated by Jeffrey Alexander and Philip Smith, among others. The goal is to put meaning and the process of meaning making squarely at the center of analytical attention. What are the ways in which the immigrants’ rights movement creates and engages symbols to signal immigrants’ belonging to the nation? How do such structures of meaning work to portray immigrants as part of the sacred social fabric of the civil sphere and to counter images of pollution? How does the deployment of symbols help translate claims of belonging for a particular group into a universal right of inclusion? To explore these questions, I apply a dual methodology. First, I perform a hermeneutical analysis of the website content of 15 national-level organizations – focusing on the visual but paying attention to important textual cues and discourse. I also interview their leaders and webmasters to explore their motivations, goals and strategies. The ultimate goal is to contribute to the understanding of the relationship between symbols, social movements and national identity.

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Abstract id# 61746 Dynamics of Memory: The Role of the Past in the Strategic Choices of the Italian and Spanish Student Movements Lorenzo ZAMPONI, European University Institute, Italy Abstract Text: Cultural factors contribute in structuring the symbolic environment in which contentious politics take place. Among these factors, collective memories are particularly relevant: memory can help collective action by drawing on symbolic material from the past, but at the same time can constrain people’s ability to mobilize, imposing proscriptions and prescriptions. In my research I analyse the relationship between social movements and collective memories: how do social movement participate in the building of public memory? And how does public memory, and in particular the media representation of a contentious past, influence the social construction of identity in the contemporary movements? To answer these questions I focus on the student movement in Italy and Spain and I analyse content and format of media sources in order to draw a map of the different narrative representations of a contentious past and to investigate their influence on contemporary mobilisations. In this paper, I focus in particular on the impact of the past in the strategic choices of of contemporary student activist. Where does the traditional canon of the repertoires of student mobilisation come from? How is it transmitted? How does this heritage interact with the relationship between the movement and organised groups inside it? How do activist conceptualise movement cultures and traditions and which role do these factors play in the strategic choices of the movements? How are habitus formed and transmitted and how do innovations and changes emerge? How do identity and strategy interact? The paper draws on a critical discourse analysis of 40 interviews conducted among contemporary student activists in Italy and Spain, aiming at assessing the relationship between the past and the strategic choices made in the present, in particular referring to the interaction between mediated public memory and resisting group memories.

Abstract id# 52200 The Violence of Symbols: Jihadism As “Symbolic Méconnaissance” in Pakistan Amélie BLOM, Centre d’Etudes de l’Inde et de l’Asie du Sud (Emopolis program), CNRS, France Abstract Text: What role do symbols play in inducing and sustaining the use of violence by political activists? This difficult question is tentatively answered here by looking at a liminal case-study - self-sacrificial violence – and using data collected during a fieldwork on Pakistan-based Jihadi groups fighting in Kashmir (thus sponsored by the regular army). Islamist armed groups’ production of symbols has generated a rich anthropological and sociological literature. Yet, we still know very little about the receptivity of such symbols (drawings of swords and Kalashnikovs, great battles of the past, heroic

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figures of martyrs, for instance). Moreover, a key element of the mobilizing work of these groups is largely overlooked: how they have transformed words such as jihad, and even Islam, into symbolic objects; “things” that have, yet, an anthropomorphical status (somehow comparable to the “nationthing” of the ultra-nationalists that Slavoj Zizek studies). Endowed with emotional and magical powers, they are loved and admired for themselves, and in need of constant revitalization and protection. This paper argues that this objectification of jihad, as well as of Islam, and self-sacrificial violence are closely interconnected. One concept proves very useful in order to explore this interrelation: that of “symbolic méconnaissance” defined by Anthropologist Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney, in her work on Japanese kamikake pilots, as the absence of communication when people derive different meanings from the same mobilizing symbol. Indeed, the equivocal meaning of jihad is strikingly similar to that of flowering cherry blossoms in imperial Japan. Both are symbols of a quest for ideal purity changed by militarized states, and its proxies in the Pakistani case, into symbols of death without idealist recruits being able to recognize their manipulative intentions. In other words, Jihadi groups’ recruitment process remains unintelligible if the role of symbols in the naturalization of self-sacrificial violence is not addressed.

Abstract id# 67622 Projects-Visions and Ideological Networks in the Spanish 15M Ignacia PERUGORRIA, Universidad del País Vasco, Spain Abstract Text: The year 2011 was particularly fruitful in the visualization of a series of “mobilizations of the indignant” that spread like wildfire around the world. Among them, however, the Spanish case is particularly significant. Since May 15, 2011, the 15M movement or that of the Spanish “indignados” has served as beacon for mobilizations in Europe, the Mediterranean area and the United States. Transmitted through the most recent information and communication technologies by passers by, individual participants and, in a more systematic and strategic manner, by its World Extension Teams, 15M mottoes, activities and organizational traits were quickly broadcasted to the world. In addition, the 15M marked the return to social and economic inequality and injustice as master frames galvanizing mobilization after several decades of identity politics in the developed world. The movement’s primary projects, if not visions, include a transformation of the economic system to provide greater opportunities, greater equality, and greater personal fulfillment. In this paper I will concentrate on the evolution of these projects-visions and the “ideological networks” lying behind them during a two-year period (2011-2013). I will do so by focusing on madrid15M, the official monthly publication of the 15M movement based in Madrid, which counts with collaborators from different cities and social movement organizations sprinkled throughout the Spanish state.

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Abstract id# 40554 Symbols, Communicative Citizenship Actions and the Claiming of Human Rights from a Transnational Perspective: The Case of the Social Movement of Victims of Eastern Antioquia, Colombia Camilo TAMAYO GOMEZ, Centre for Research in the Social Sciences (CRISS), The University of Huddersfield, United Kingdom Abstract Text: In this paper I would like to present the experience of two social movements of victims of Eastern Antioquia (Colombia – South America) that have been developing different types of communicative citizenship actions and symbols in order to do political activism in regional public spheres and claim human rights from a transnational perspective in the midst of the Colombian armed conflict. Specifically, I will focus on the experience of the Association of Victims of Granada Town (ASOVIDA) and The Provincial Association of Victims to Citizens (APROVIACI), and how these two association of victims have been implementing, transferring and adapting in their communicative citizenship actions different symbols and forms of political action having as a reference other victims’ groups of the world such as Women in Black (Serbia), Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo (Argentina) and May our Daughters Return Home, Civil Association (Mexico). My two principal arguments in this paper are: first, these two Colombian experiences (ASOVIDA and APROVIACI) are successful examples of how it is possible to transfer, adapt and implement different types of political actions and symbols from other parts of the world in order to improve social and politic activism in particular contexts. My second principal argument is that the concept of communicative citizenship represents the instrumentalization of a new dimension of citizenship where communicative action is at the centre of the social dynamic, and one of its primary purposes is to understand the different socio-communicative manifestations, actions, strategies, practices and tactics associated with the contemporary struggle for recognition, meaning and significance for different actors in public spheres. The analysis in this paper is based on results of a narrative analysis of 48 interviews that I conducted with different members of ASOVIDA and APROVIACI in October and November of 2012 as part of my doctoral research fieldwork.

Abstract id# 49384 The Symbolic Representation of Borders in the Protest Against ‘Fortress Europe’: The New Geographies and Strategies of the Movements for the Rights of Migrants Pierre MONFORTE, Sociology, University of Leicester, United Kingdom Abstract Text: In the last two decades, the integration of member-states’ immigration and asylum policies at the European Union level has led to a process of transformation and delocalization of borders. In particular, the external dimension of these policies is related with the diffusion of borders across member-states and third countries territories. Consequently, the binary demarcation between the inside and outside of states’ territories is increasingly blurred, and the specific governmental practices and technologies that were once situated at the edges of territories can now be encountered across countries.

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In this paper, I propose to explore the consequences of these evolutions on the social movements for the rights of migrants in Europe. Focusing on the symbolic dimension of protest events, I argue that the changing nature of European borders has influenced their organization and strategies. In particular, I show that, since the end of the 1990s, these movements have represented and used the border as a symbolic space in which new forms of protest are constructed. This analysis is based on the observation of a selection of European networks mobilizing for the rights of migrants. The evolution of the symbolic dimension of their protest since the end of the 1990s has been investigated through three complementary methods: protest-event analysis, frame analysis, and visual analysis.

Abstract id# 40801 Neoliberal Policies and Neoliberal Politics in Latin America’s “Pink Tide”: Moral Riots, Symbolic Boundaries, and Collective Performances in Bolivia’s “Black February.” Pablo LAPEGNA, Dept. of Sociology and Latin American and Caribbean Studies Institute, University of Georgia, USA Abstract Text: Analyses of Latin America’s “pink tide” (the rise of Left-wing administrations during the last decade) explain the demise of governments that followed the IMF and World Bank’s recommendations as a result of the deleterious consequences of neoliberal policies. I argue that to understand the rise of Left-wing governments we need to pay more attention to the connections between neoliberal policies and neoliberal politics (i.e. the political parties supporting neoliberal policies), and analyze the massive revolts preceding the rise of anti-neoliberal governments. Drawing on archival research and in-depth interviews, I develop this argument by examining a two-day massive riot targeting political institutions during February 2003 in La Paz, Bolivia. I analyze these events and their contentious performances to suggest that these protests targeted the political system rather than the institutions of neoliberal governance, thus opening political opportunities for the rise of Evo Morales and the Movement Towards Socialism. The Bolivian case illustrates that collective actions performed during massive revolts are underpinned by moral understandings and the drawing of symbolic boundaries, and that they can create turning points in historical trajectories. I examine the methodological challenges of studying leaderless and spontaneous protests, suggesting that the analysis of symbolically charged performances can be a point of entry for studying such events.

Abstract id# 49657 Building Bridges from Meretricious to Political Activism: The Movement of Prostitutes in Brazil Patricia JIMENEZ REZENDE, Social Sciences, Universidade Federal de São Paulo- UNIFESP, Brazil Abstract Text: The subject of this research is the social movement of prostitutes in Brazil, beginning in the 1980’s, during the redemocratization and the politicization about sexuality. The aim is to know the forms and characteristics of the national movement. Grounded in the social movement theories, the first interest was to detect the political opportunities than turned possible for the first mobilizations

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and the formation of a national network, even as the structures of mobilization and the repertory of action adopted for the prostitutes achieve their objectives along with the institutions and attract new supporters for their sake among society. The research focused also on the social meanings and the cultural symbols that have been used by the movement to redefine prostitution and the collective identity of prostitutes. Having already analyzed the interpretations about reality as well as the different forms the activists have transmitted publicly on these new interpretations. Ultimately, the research has provided analyses about politics and cultural factors that have contributed to the formation and the sustained of the prostitutes movements, since 1980, as the new collective actor in the national ambit.

THE TRANSNATIONALITY OF TRANSNATIONAL MOVEMENTS Session Organizer: Helena FLAM, University of Leipzig, Germany, flam@sozio.uni-leipzig.de Format: Oral Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 65205 Social Movements and Transnationality: A Conceptual Discussion Thomas OLESEN, Aarhus University, Denmark Abstract Text: In June 2009 a short grainy video shocked people all over the world. The video, recorded by a bystander, showed a young Iranian woman, Neda Agha Soltan, dying from a gunshot inflicted by a regime related shooter during protests against the fraudulent Iranian presidential election. Neda almost instantly became a transnational injustice symbol representing the unjust nature of the Iranian regime. The case of Neda is interesting for social movement scholars for a variety of reasons, including the role of new media and the power of photography and citizen journalism (Olesen, forthcoming). The present paper, however, employs the case to ask a range of conceptual as well as methodological questions about the transnationality of transnational movements. Because while Neda’s televised death, motivated various activist organizations and interest organizations to act and criticize the Iranian regime, the activities around the Neda injustice symbol was much broader. Apart from activists, three categories of actors in particular were vociferous and active: politicians/political parties, media, and networked citizens all expressed outrage and demanded change on the basis of the footage. This propels us to ask how we can best conceptualize the activities surrounding Neda’s death. Was it a transnational social movement – or something else? In the paper I argue that it was in fact a social movement. Accordingly, I contend that the defining element of a movement is not the actors involved, but rather the kind of action expressed. I also propose that this way of understanding social

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movements may be especially pertinent in a transnational context where information circulates rapidly and where actors are increasingly networked, connected, and visible and able to engage in numerous and often different political issues at the same time.

Abstract id# 31700 The Paradoxical Power Of Precarity: Transnational Social Movements Susan BANKI, Sociology and Social Policy, University of Sydney, Australia Abstract Text: This paper offers a theoretical treatment of the argument that noncitizens who live in situations of varying precarity are uniquely positioned for transnational political action focused on reforming the home country from which they have fled. The paper undertakes four tasks. First, it explores classical social movement concepts to explain mobilisation of noncitizen populations. Second, it offers a typological and theoretical treatment of transnational political space, arguing that current typologies fail to capture the nuance of noncitizen transnational sites. Third, it develops a concept of ‘precarity of place’ as an alternate model for understanding the arena in which noncitizens mobilise. Fourth, the paper hypothesizes as to the relationship between precarity and various elements of mobilisation. The paper suggests that precarity and mobilisation are correlated, indicating the paradoxical power of precarity for noncitizen transnational social movements. It concludes with implications for both researchers and policymakers.

Abstract id# 50165 Theory of Engaged Collaboration Across Borders: Alternative Perspective on Transnational Advocacy Networks Ma. Larissa Lelu GATA, University of the Philippines, Los Baños, Philippines Abstract Text: This paper proposes a theory of engaged collaboration across borders to explain the process by which local environmental campaign initiated in a Third World setting transforms into a transnational advocacy network. I use grounded theory as tool for analysis in examining archival documents and interviews (n=31) to understand the experiences of partner-organizations of a transnational advocacy network for the environmental cleanup campaign on the toxic contamination in the former US military bases in the Philippines. To invoke international support, this campaign develops a tactical repertoire which includes networking, information-sharing, participatory and direct action, legal engagement, and engaged collaboration. What I define as “theory of engaged collaboration” emphasizes an alternative route to Keck and Sikkink’s (1998) Boomerang pattern and a corollary to Wu’s (2005) Double mobilization model. I theorize that the nature of relationships among partner-organizations within transnational advocacy networks can evolve from mere information sharing into a more engaged collaboration based on various dimensions salient to the ongoing processes in the network. The emphasis lies on how domestic NGO organizes a TAN so that external advocates become involved in the lives of the community being advocated on. In the case study, three prominent dimensions of engaged collaboration are present. The technical/legal dimension comprises the strategic decisions on information sharing, policy advocacy, research, and litigation aspects of activism. The ethical dimension covers the moral and affective aspects of the campaign using victimization frame. Finally,

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the ethnic dimension caters to the collective identity of the campaign anchored on Filipino nationalist identity and the underlying colonial past that created it. Thus, this theory on engaged collaboration enriches the literature because it takes into account how the external advocates deepen their involvement in domestic affairs not only with their partner-organizations and the targeted states, but more importantly with the community of victims.

Abstract id# 48580 The Making and Unmaking of the Global Social Movements in the Japanese Sixties Kei NAKAGAWA-TAKATA, Sociology, The New School for Social Research, USA Abstract Text: Preliminary scholarships in the field of global social movements more or less has been focusing upon successful cases that were able to create alliances with the movements abroad and/or various transnational activities they conducted. However, in order to comprehend the substantial mechanisms of the global movement, investigation of its difficulties and limitations including various obstacles as well as structural and cultural constraints particularly while the social movements attempt to cross national boundaries is decisive. Thus this paper explores, what makes the global practices possible and how it affects the development of global movement through comparing two social movements that aimed to create a cosmopolitan society during the 1960s and 70s in Japan; the Japanese Anti-Vietnam War movement, which created alliance with the movements in the First World western societies and the Japanese New Left that were influenced strongly from the Third World revolutionaries and aimed for global revolution through international hijacking and terrorism. My socio-historical investigation of the movements in the 1960s, which I consider as the beginning of the contemporary global social movements, therefore will reveal the way in which external political factors, differences in terms of network structure and culture as well as capitals, ideology and taste of the activists influence the making and unmaking of transnational actions and thereby shapes the distinct characteristics of the global movements.

Abstract id# 42442 Slowing Down the Juggernaut: Transnational Mobilisation Against Open-Pit Mining in the South Samina LUTHFA, Sociology, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh Abstract Text: Scholars suggested that in the post-colonial global South, environmental struggles or the ‘environmentalism of the poor’ were founded on values that are different than those of the postmaterialist society. Post-materialists often support ‘quality of life values’ and the ‘industry versus nature’ dichotomy. In this paper, I present how, despite such diverse values, resistance against extractive industry succeeded in coalescing and collaborating beyond border. Tenacious transnational collaboration set hurdles against resource extraction by the industry and the state. By ‘burning’ the resources of the dominant forces, these small and incremental obstacles gradually slow down the juggernaut of extraction. I illustrate this with the incremental attacks against one coal mining project (Phulbari Coal Project) in Bangladesh. I analyse the channels through which the coalition partners exerted pressure on the UK-based company and its backers. To assess the impact of the resistance, this paper compares the fluctuations in the company’s share price with the data on protests and

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actions. Thus, in the case of Phulbari, challengers did not channel pressure through other states to intergovernmental organisations. Instead, protestors targeted the company and its backers – the most vulnerable first – to persuade them to leave the company. In terms of tactical repertoire and the process of externalisation, these pressures included petitions, letter writing, direct action and complaint making, as well as frame expansion, frame bridging and frame transformation, which identified a combination of pathways.

Abstract id# 67772 The World Social Forum As a Transnational Agency and Process? From a Perspective on Transformative Entrepreneurship Azril BACAL, Department of Sociology, Uppsala University, Sweden and Erik LINDHULT, Department of Innovation Management, Mälardalen University, Sweden Abstract Text: The World Social Forum (WSF) emerged as an alternative response and project to the World Economic Forum. It is envisioned and mobilized to construct “Other Possible Worlds,” thereby advocating a planetarian alternative to neoliberal globalization. The WSF is made of a great variety of alternative and grass roots movements, associations and peoples coming together in an “open space.” Seeking and constructing alternative ways to deal with the ongoing world global crisis, which include alternative lifestyles and systemic changes to effectively confront and solve the global climate crisis. This is why it can be linked to recent development in entrepreneurship research and practice, beyond its conventional scope, seeking to enlarge and broaden its conventional view. By so doing, entrepreneurship is reclaimed as a vital societal phenomena and as a social force for change in our times (Steyaert & Katz, 2004, Spinosa, Flores&Dreyfus, 1997, Berglund, Johannisson&Schwartz, 2012). Our aim with this paper, based on extensive experiences from participation in WSF activities, is to identify entrepreneurial dimensions and features observed in World Social Forum. To achieve this research objective, we focus on types and levels of interaction and networking taking place within the World and European Social Forum processes. WSF can be approached as a social space, as an organization, as a process and/or as a movement of movements, exhibiting a very extensive and activist-oriented kind of entrepreneurship (Gawell, 2004), that might entail a number of different balancing acts. For instance, between an open and democratic process at the grassroots level, while being also partially centralized and restrictive in various ways. From the perspective of entrepreneurship theory and praxis, one finds a delicate balance between concerted attempts to construct collective entrepreneurship to achieve greater impact, while also trying to act as a venue for a variety of distributed entrepreneurial initiatives, innovations and interactions.

Abstract id# 53230 Rise of Renewed Mobilization Strategies Beyond Imperialism in the NGO World Kaoko TAKAHASHI, School of Culture, Media aand Society, Waseda University, Japan Abstract Text: Conventional paradigm in the arena of international development has been challenged along with the growth of civil society in the third world. In the predominant model, the balance of power among non-governmental organizations (NGOs) is typically prescribed by traditional North-South relations.

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Northern entities, which possess an abundant supply of resources, hold hegemony over their southern counterparts in the decision-making processes. Even in the NGO world where people strive to ensure social equity and political equality across borders, the formation of hierarchy has been justified under the name of aid assistance. In other words, the legacy of colonial imperialism still persists due to continuing influences of international NGOs in the Global North. However, a recent phenomenon has substantially proved that southern NGOs attempt to overcome such a subordinate socio-political positioning, becoming an alternative node of mobilizing financial as well as human resources. In addition, those emerging organizations are getting further eager to develop their global operations, which contribute to opening up a renewed horizon of south-south cooperation at the grass-roots level. This tendency indicates that what is called as international NGOs is no longer defined simply by geopolitical conditions in the history. In order to strengthen fiscal foundations toward global expansion, NGOs in developing countries are required to seek methods different from traditional ones: raising the amounts of donations/grants. To name, innovative schemes pursued by these NGOs are fostering and utilizing social entrepreneurs to increase operation profits through program implementation. Based on an empirical research of NGOs in the Asia-Pacific region, this study investigates resource mobilization strategies of southern NGOs aiming for transnationalization and indentify ongoing structural shifts that would undermine the assumption of North-South relations.

Abstract id# 40756 Transnational Struggle for Memory and Justice: Colombian Exile in Barcelona Liz RINCÓN SUÁREZ, Anthropology, Universidad de Los Andes, Colombia Abstract Text: The topic that I would like to address is the process of how individuals create meanings for life after extreme situations of violence in a transnational context. I use the case of Colombian war, specifically of social leaders who had to leave the country, their lives threatened by the State, paramilitary forces and guerrillas. I will focus on the relevance of remembering the violent past in the context of exile. In this sense, memory acts as a vehicle of meaning in three different phenomena: first as a personal effort to remember, when the social leaders articulate subjective meanings that were broken as a consequence of pain and suffering; second, it occurs within a collective dimension, a social grief, when crimes and war horrors are shown in the public scene through public demonstrations or commemorations. Finally, there is a global scale, when the encounter between different victims or survivors, from a wide variety of countries, mixes subaltern memories and narratives of pain beyond any border, towards creating a transnational community against war. As a conclusion. This intercultural encounter implicates exchanging of ideologies for peace, non – violent actions and cultural strategies of resistance, while transforming local suffering by the right to rebellion, generating a transnational resistance against war and in defense of justice. Interactions between micro (a personal effort to remember) and macro levels (actions orchestrated among different collectives) result in a transnational subject, capable of exercising actions and influence inside and outside his own national state. The delocalization of struggle through memory and truth in a transnational comprehension of space, is related in the motto of Colombians in exile: “May the sky be our ceiling and the world our home”.

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Abstract id# 35537 Problems and Solutions For The European Network Of The Unemployed Frédéric ROYALL, School of LLCC, University of Limerick, Ireland Abstract Text: Most scholars accept that when people from different countries come together to promote a cause they want to give voice to interests that find it hard to be heard in the day-to-day business of politics. A number of scholars have looked at many such types of transnational activities, described as “Europeanization from below” (della Porta and Caiani, 2007). In this paper, I wish to analyze the challenges of transnational collective action and the trials and tribulations of people and organizations that have initiated such activities. The analysis focuses on the developments of the European Network of the Unemployed (ENU) between the mid-1980s and the late 1990s. The first section provides a brief overview of the literature on transnational collective action. The second section looks at issues related to the development of the ENU and the third reflects on the impact of transnational collective action on the network. The paper reflects in particular on the significance of the ENU’s evolution with respect to transnational collective action and on the impact that transnationalization processes have had on the organization, its affiliates, and individual members.
 The empirical investigation is based official documents, on newspaper coverage, and on in-depth interviews with ENU organizers, civil society activists, trade unionists, and political advisers.

Abstract id# 41329 The Transnational Roma Movement in Europe: Territoriality and Tactics Aidan MCGARRY, University of Brighton, United Kingdom Abstract Text: The Roma community is one of the most marginalized and persecuted minority groups in Europe. Facing hostile policies at home and the widespread negative ascription of their collective group identity, Roma elite have attempted to circumvent national political structures in order to address the socio-economic situation of Roma in Europe. Since the mid-1990s European institutions, espousing norms of equality and rights, have offered Roma the opportunity to make demands in the transnational political context and have become key allies in improving the lives of Roma. However, despite the attention given to transnational forms of mobilization, Roma remain citizens of the states in which they reside meaning that transnational forms of protest are built on foundations laid down by Roma civil society. On the basis of these assumptions, this paper is interested in exploring the tension between transnationalism, territoriality and tactics. On the one hand, Roma are frequently constructed by the majority as a parasitic community which do not ‘belong’ in the nation state and have no fixed roots. On the other hand, Roma activists and elite argue that Roma are ‘a nation without a territory’ and maintain that only by mobilizing transnationally can the needs of Roma communities be met. The danger of these dual processes is that Roma become solely a European issue to be solved by European institutions, thereby absolving national governments of their responsibilities vis-àvis their Roma communities. This paper asks how transnational activism impacts on the territorial belonging of Roma and analyses the tactics of the transnational Roma elite.

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LABOR AND ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENTS Session Organizer: Hwa-Jen LIU, National Taiwan University, Taiwan, hjliu@ntu.edu.tw Matthew Carl GARRETT, Wesleyan University, USA, mcgarrett@wesleyan.edu Format: Oral Slot: Tuesday, July 15, 2014: 3:30 PM-5:20 PM Language: English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee) Joint Session with RC44 Labor Movements

Abstract id# 39893 Start Time: 3:30 PM Labor Movement, Environmental Movement in Regime Change in South Korea Shin KWANG-YEONG, Sociology, Chung-Ang University, South Korea Abstract Text: This paper explores the relationship between labor movement and environmental movement in South Korea, showing that the movement dynamics in South Korea which has experienced compressed political and social change is different from those in the advanced industrial democracy. Both labor movement and environmental movement are new social movements in the sense that new labor movement orgnaizations were emerged during the transition from authoritarinism to democracy and environmental movement also began to appear in the post-transition era. Thus the political dynamics has significantly affected the trajectory of both movements, contributing the formation social movement unionism in the 1990s. However, the financial crisis in 1997 made directions of two movement organizations divert from each other. Political democartization and economic crisis made the relationship between the two more independent and autonomous from each other. Democratization also gave negative impact on the development of alliance between the two because each movement had different relationship with the new democratic regime. While labor has been hostile to the democratic regime pursuing neoliberal economic reforms, environmental movement organizations has shown ambigious attitudes toward the democratic regime. The consecutive defeat of democratic political parties in the presidential elections has severely undermined the social bases of both movement in the 2000s.

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Abstract id# 46226 Start Time: 3:45 PM Conjectures on Labor-Environment Alliances Hwa-Jen LIU, Department of Sociology, National Taiwan University, Taiwan and Matthew Carl GARRETT, Department of English, Wesleyan University, USA Abstract Text: This paper examines different historical contexts under which labor and environmental movements have taken their current shapes, and offers some conjectures about possible future trajectories. We put forth a broad schema for explaining the character of labor and environmental movements according to two historical determinants: the historical strength of organized labor, and the overall character of the state (i.e., whether or not it bears an authoritarian legacy). In contexts where organized labor is historically strong and remains dominant, environmental movements are more likely to incorporate livelihood and class politics issues in their agenda, cases such as India and Brazil. However, once the hegemonic labor movements show signs of decline, environmental movements are likely to engage in fierce ideological competition against the dwindling left – cases such as Germany, England and Korea. This competition might take two different paths: the greens attempt to absorb the left (e.g., Germany), or the greens in no small measure cut themselves off from the leftist tradition and do so intentionally (e.g., Korea). In contexts where organized labor is chronically weak, environmental movements are likely to take the helm of social movement sector (cases such as the US, Japan, and Taiwan), and more likely to emphasize the purely ecological dimension of environmentalism and to jettison the class politics embedded in many environmental controversies. We close the paper with a description of possible future paths of convergence and divergence of labor and environmental movements across the world sectors we have described.

Abstract id# 46968 Start Time: 4:00 PM Movement for Justice in Labour and Environment - Post Fukushima Labour with Exposure to Radiation Yuko HIRABAYASHI, Department of Social Sciences, Tsuru University, Japan Abstract Text: This paper focuses on labour with exposure to radiation in post-accident Fukushima. Radiation related labour includes all the work in and outside the troubled Fukushima Dai-ichi nuclear power plant as well as vast amount of decontamination work around the region. Network calling for justice in working conditions and health conditions of workers in radioactive labour has been set up and is undertaking various activities such as: helping workers in radioactive labour find and join unions and fight for better working conditions, gathering and disseminating information on radioactive labour, and exchanging information with staff members of Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, Ministry of Economic Trade and Industry, asking for reform in various policies, and lobbying diet members and their staffers on this issue. This movement takes place at the crosspoint of labour movement and environmental movement and thus is has many implications for these two movements and their collaboration and theoretical studies of them. This paper will address the main issues regarding radioactive labour in post-accident Fukushima and try to introduce theoretical perspectives.

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Abstract id# 52025 Start Time: 4:15 PM Irrelevant or Interconnected? ─the Environmental and Labour Movements Against Electronic Industry in Taiwan Hua-Mei CHIU, Sociology, National Sun Yat-sen University, Taiwan Abstract Text: Since the early 1980s, the development of Taiwan’s Science Parks where the electronic industries cluster has been seen as a model of the developmental state’s capacity to hatch a strategic national industry through a process of upgrading and modernisation. The leading industries in Science Park, computer and peripheries, semiconductor and optoelectronics, have been successfully promoted by the government and the corporations as a clean high-tech industry, which is ideal to replace the high pollution one. The industry has been depicted as golden-hen of the national economy because of its economic success and hence Taiwanese society witness a significant expansion of electronic industry and the model of high-tech Science Park. However, the negative environmental impacts, hazardous consequences and social injustice, and the repression of labour right in the industry have gradually emerged since the late 1990s. As a result, the environmental movement activists, community neighbourhoods, farmers and fishermen and farmers’ right campaigners have collaboratively worked in the movement against electronic hazards and the expansion of Science Park since 2005 and the campaigns for electronic employees’ working rights have gradually emerged during 2008 economic crisis. Despite of relating to electronic industry, the two movements have seem remained irreverent in the beginning, but the gradually discovery of the impacts of electronic hazards on both workplace, community and environment, and the lack of social and environmental responsibilities of electronic capital seem to provide the potential interconnected relations between the two movements. This research concerns the relations between the environmental and labour movements in challenging the electronic industry in Taiwan. The author will explore the composition of activists and the trajectory of the two movements, and discover the difficulties and potentials for the formation of environmentallabour alliance challenging the electronic high-tech industry in Taiwan.

Abstract id# 41607 Start Time: 4:30 PM Why Did the “Blue-Green Coalition” Develop in the Case of Minamata? an Analysis of the Struggles of the Union and Social Movements Against Chisso Akira SUZUKI, Ohara Institute for Social Research, Hosei University, Japan Abstract Text: From the late 1960s to the mid-1970s, there was an upsurge of social movements against industrial pollution. Victims of pollution diseases as well as local residents organized anti-pollution movements and opposed the construction of pollution-prone plants in their neighborhoods. Reactions of labor unions to these social movements were indifferent or even hostile. Some enterprise unions supported activities of residents against pollution in principle but withdrew their support when the latter’s actions, such as filing lawsuits against polluters, came in direct conflict with the interests of unions and their firms. Other unions at firms that caused industrial pollution stood on the management side and took confrontational attitudes toward local resident social movements.

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The paper examines an outlier case of this general tendency (the absence of “blue-green coalitions”), by focusing on the relationship between the enterprise union of Chisso (the SNU) and social movements of pollution victims and their supporters. When it became clear in 1968 that organic mercury discharges from Chisso’s Minamata plant caused Minamata disease, the SNU became actively involved in supporting Minamata disease patients and formed cooperative relations with social movement groups concerned with Minamata disease. The paper explores the factors contributing to the formation and development of this “blue-green coalition” and what concrete results the coalition achieved from the perspective of “strategic capacity” of union leaders. The paper argues that the SNU developed its strategic capacity as it coped with challenges posed by hardline management policy toward the union and management plans to drastically downsize Minamata plant. Union leaders developed the strategic capacity to frame the mutual interests of union members and Minamata disease victims by identifying the management of Chisso as their common opponent in their respective struggles and to mobilize the union’s resources effectively in cooperation with social movement organizations in the struggles against the company.

Abstract id# 67482 Start Time: 4:45 PM The Trade Union Movement and Environmental Crisis: The Concept of Just Transition Daniel ANGELIM, Trade Union Confederation of America, São Paulo, Brazil and João Paulo CANDIA, Universidade de São Paulo, Brazil Abstract Text: The importance of environmental issues on the multilateral agenda of nations is a landmark of the implementation of the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment (1972). This mobilization process culminated in the Eco 92 and in an agreement on the concept of sustainable development. However, beyond this fragile consensus, not much has been done in delivering a new paradigm. The dominant development model still holds in the use of limited natural and non-renewable resources, with dramatic consequences for the future of humanity. There is a large scientific production backing the relationship between the environmental crisis and development model, however we encounter a scenario in which the governments meeting in the United Nations system remain paralyzed. Even with this perturbing scenario, rhetoric disputes surrounding the transition to a new model “dialectically produced” a new perception in international trade unionism on the relationship between environmental crisis, labor, health and worker safety, decent work etc. It is defined as an economic system in which the common denominator is unregulated, consumption-oriented, socially unjust and generated an unsustainable model of production, distribution and consumption.
From this process, the labor movement, from its perspective, has formulated a series of proposals that would result in the mitigation of the effects of environmental crisis. This article proposes to analyze the widest of all: the just transition. For the realization of this paper it will be presented a theoretical framework based on literature review, and then promote the analysis of the documents produced and approved by the International

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Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), the International Labour Organization (ILO) and others that relate to the issue addressed. Thus, this article aims to analyze the content and consequences of the concept of just transition, as well as other proposals from trade unions in the international negotiation process.

RETHINKING DEMOCRACIES: SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND DEMOCRATIC PROCESSES Session Organizer: Paola REBUGHINI, University of Milan, Italy, paola.rebughini@unimi.it Benjamín TEJERINA, Universidad del País Vasco, Spain, b.tejerina@ehu.es Piero IGNAZI, University of Bologna, Italy, piero.ignazi@unibo.it Format: Oral Slot: Tuesday, July 15, 2014: 7:30 PM-8:50 PM Language: French, English Research Committee: RC47 Social Classes and Social Movements (host committee) Joint Session with RC18 Political Sociology Joint Session with RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change

Abstract id# 65374 Start Time: 7:30 PM Mouvements Sociaux Et Sociétés Civile Dans Les Processus De Démocratisations : Le Cas De Conflits Armés Négociés David GARIBAY, Ecole de droit, Université d’Auvergne (France), France Abstract Text: Le processus de négociation de paix actuellement en cours en Colombie entre le gouvernement et les FARC pose le problème de la participation des mouvements sociaux et de la société civile dans des négociations dans lesquelles le passage de la guerre à la paix suppose également une évolution vers des régimes plus démocratiques, par une inclusion de forces jusque là en marge de la politique institutionnelle. Or cette participation est face à un paradoxe : d’une part, elle contribue à légitimer le processus au-delà des parties négociatrices, mais de l’autre sa présence peut altérer des négociations marquées par le secret et la confidentialité. Or en Colombie le processus actuel de négociation est face à une importante mobilisation sociale, avec plusieurs expressions, d’une part des mouvements agraires et paysans, autonomes des guérillas, et de l’autre des collectifs de victimes du conflit armé. Les mobilisations s’adressent au gouvernement mais elles ont aussi un effet sur les guérillas qui négocient. Le cas colombien contemporain sera analysé au regard d’expériences similaires par le passé dans le reste de l’Amérique latine, pour le comparer avec des cas où la mobilisation collective a été écartée du processus de négociation (Salvador) et des cas où au contraire elle a été fortement associée (Guatemala). Cette réflexion visera à rehabiliter le rôle des mobilisations sociales dans les processus des démocratisation, rôle trop longtemps négligé par des approchées théoriques centrées

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sur la négociations entre élites. Il s’agira en particulier de montrer combien ces mobilisations contribuent à élargir le processus de négociation par delà les seuls négociateurs et à fournir à ce processus de changement une légitimité autre que purement électorale.

Abstract id# 60597 Start Time: 7:42 PM Notions and Expectations of Democracy Among the Participants of the Occupygezi Movement in Turkey Ceyda KULOGLU KARSLI, Sociology, Ankara, Turkey; Ayse Emel AKALIN, Sociology, Hacettepe University, Turkey; and Pelin AYTEMIZ, Communication Faculty, Baskent University, Turkey Abstract Text: The aim of this paper is to explore the notions of democracy and the expectations around democratization of Turkey expressed by the protestors of OccupyGezi movement started in Turkey in May 2013. The protests, which began on 28 May over the plans to demolish one of Istanbul’s rare central parks, developed to nationwide rallies against the government. Although the protests have been acknowledged to be a civil unrest participated by people from different political backgrounds, the demographic features of the protestors and their demands remained under-researched and this caused speculations from both the government and the opposition sides about the reasons and impacts of the protests. A group of voluntary independent researchers have conducted a survey with 1060 protestors, during the actual demonstrations on the streets in Ankara. Data were collected in three days (8th, 9th, 10th June) in two different centers of the protests in Ankara. Participants were people attending the protests at the time of the interviews, in varying forms and degrees (example: just standing to actually fighting with the police). Participatory observation and results of other surveys conducted in Istanbul were also used as secondary data. The questionnaire consisted of questions concerning the demands, political backgrounds, reasons and types of participation to demonstrations and expectations of the protestors, along with their demographic characteristics. This paper is based on the analysis of the participants’ notions, expectations and demands around democratization in Turkey. Results suggested that the demands of democratization have varied according to a series of factors, including the political background of the participant, gender, the place of demonstration attended and the different understandings about the government’s policies restricting individual freedoms. The results have also documented the intense police violence experienced by the participants, which is expressed as one of the major reasons for the growing unrest.

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Abstract id# 48458 Start Time: 7:54 PM L’enjeu De La Démocratisation Au Mexique Mise En Perspective Par Les Mobilisations Pour La Défense Des Droits électoraux Et Politiques. Le Cas De L’alliance Civique Tania NAVARRO RODRIGUEZ, Université de Paris 1, France Abstract Text: Dans le cadre de la transformation de régime politique que connaît le Mexique au tournant des années 1980-1990, les mobilisations contestataires sous la forme d’ « associations » connaissent une croissance considérable. C’est ainsi que ce qui était au départ un réseau de groupes localisés d’observateurs électoraux devient une association à dimension contestataire relativement stable de défense des droits politiques et électoraux : l’Alliance civique. L’expertise développée par cette association se constitue dans la perspective de soulever les principaux enjeux autour de la question de la démocratisation, contribuant ainsi à la construction de l’idée de changement politique véhiculée à l’époque. En d’autres termes, les actions d’observation électorale, les consultations citoyennes, les référendums et les actions de contraloría social (l’inspection sociale) réalisés par l’Alliance, façonnent d’une manière ou d’une autre le sens de la démocratisation au Mexique. Cette communication propose donc de réfléchir à comment l’Alliance civique collabore à la construction de l’idée du renouvellement des institutions postrévolutionnaires par la tenue des élections selon les règles à partir de son expertise ? Comment les actions pour un « jeu propre » façonnent le processus de démocratisation dans ce pays ? Nous comptons mobiliser les données récoltées lors d’un travail de terrain mêlant des entretiens approfondis semi-directifs recueillis auprès d’actuels et d’anciens participants de l’Alliance civique, ainsi qu’un travail de dépouillement des archives de cette organisation et un travail d’observation participante réalisé au cours d’une permanence de dix semaines au siège de l’association en question.

Abstract id# 35557 Start Time: 8:06 PM Democracy, Social Movements and Rights: The Challenge Of Pluralism Paola REBUGHINI, Department of Social and Political Sciences, University of Milan, Italy Abstract Text: In recent years social movements around the world have been more and more explicitly related to the issue of democracy. Since the 90s and the triumph of neoliberalism, transnational movements have struggled for an idea of democracy focused on human rights and inclusive citizenship, and not simply on the freedom of voting, producing and consuming. With the alter-global movement, and more recently with 15-M and Occupy, the focus of collective action has shifted from the search of individual freedom – as in many post-1968 mobilizations – to collective rights as main goal of a democratic project compatible with an idea of global justice in a pluralist world. On the one hand, digital technologies have enhanced transnational communications and cross-fertilization of mobilizations situated in contexts still deeply differentiated in terms of culture, history and politics. On the other hand, social rights and human rights have become a general framework of reference hiding different internal positions and interpretations about rights themselves. In this presentation I will focus on the theoretical issues raise by pluralism in the recent history of social movements fighting for democracy and rights.

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Abstract id# 46823 Start Time: 8:18 PM The Student Movement in the (Mexican) Democratic Process Guadalupe OLIVIER, Politica Educativa, Procesos Institucionales y Gestión, Universidad Pedagógica Nacional-Mexico, Mexico; and Sergio TAMAYO, Sociología, Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, México Abstract Text: Recent waves of global movements agree, among others, on three demands: to abandon neoliberal policies, media democratization, and advance the public nature of education. Mexican student movement is part of this trend. In the democratic transition -from a seven decades hegemonic party rule to a right wing governmentMexican citizens believed that the presidential alternation, reached in 2000, would be the alternative to authoritarianism and for an institutional renewal. However, the young democracy was soon eroded with electoral frauds and social unrests. 2012 elections erased any possibility of improvement, when the old party burst with renewed signs of corporatism and complicity with the media. In this context, neoliberal education policies fragmented the youth access to higher education. The expansion of the private sector in this field was the cornerstone of social polarization, because it deepened inequalities both in opportunities for access to education and the struggle for democracy. Part of the explanation is a differential educational discourse, between public and private. This makes perceptions on democracy and social justice impact contradictory the identity of student groups. Thus, in the middle of the election campaign the student movement “#yosoy132” emerged. It claimed the defense of democracy and faced the imposition of the old- regime candidate, due to his intricate web of complicity. The movement, originated in private universities and extended to the public, could articulate values of social justice and democratic liberties: radical transformation of mass media, for better education and against neoliberal economic model. It was expressed in a wide repertoire of demonstrations, rallies and plural networks with working and middle classes. The differential impact of this movement on the national politics and media democratization, based on the previously discussed, is in the present debate contradictory. These are the aspects that will be developed in this paper.

Abstract id# 49123 Start Time: 8:30 PM Overflowing Channels: How Democracy Did Not Work out As Planned John MARKOFF, Sociology, University of Pittsburgh, USA Abstract Text: Pittsburgh, PA 15260 US In the revolutionary moment that launched new ways to govern national states on both sides of the Atlantic at the end of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth centuries, the framers of the era’s new constitutions envisioned a limited though significant role for the citizenry as primary electors.

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Despite the availability of models with more active forms of participation, the direct role of people in government was to be extremely limited. They thereby created a form of democracy that maintained a clear distinction between those in positions of decision-making authority and “ordinary citizens”, rejecting (as Madison urged) the blurring of this boundary, something the very word “democracy” had meant up until that foundational moment. But democracy never played out as planned. Unwelcome political practices were nurtured in the democratizing age – and political parties, interest groups, and social movements became key aspects of democratic politics. Although popular participation was to be carefully channeled, social movements intermittently overflowed those channels and reshaped the institutional design of democracy in many ways, sometimes expanding and sometimes contracting democratic spaces, redefining with some frequency who were full citizens and what were their rights. In the early twenty-first century, some of the movements are challenging the fundamental divide between governors and governed, insisting on direct participation in decision-making. This presentation will explore why this is happening at this historical moment.

Abstract id# 39145 Start Time: 8:42 PM The 132 Movement in Mexico: How Students Changed the Presidential Election Nelson ARTEAGA BOTELLO, Sociology, Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales, Mexico and Javier ARZUAGA MAGNONI, Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, Universidad Autonoma del Estado de Mexico, Mexico Abstract Text: This paper examines how a political performance becomes an effervescent social space that feeds the formation of binary discourses in electoral confrontation, and how this opens doors to political change. It is intended to establish the force of an event within the hierarchy and political structure; how the influence of political performance can reach a broader social scale. It analyzes the university student movements called 131 and YoSoy132. They were structured from the performance of the presidential candidate Enrique Peña Nieto of the Institutional Revolutionary Party during a campaign meeting with students. Different political and media actors defined their position regarding the movements, sometimes classifying them as democratic, and in other cases as political gimmicks to benefit a political party. This allowed the formation of a binary narrative or discursive field ranging between integration and exclusion of movements during the electoral scene. In this sense, the paper shows how political performance may give rise to the creation of icons and referents for social change.

Abstract id# 55637 Start Time: 8:42 PM Runaway Train: Public Participation and the Case of HS2 Amanda CROMPTON, Nottingham University Business School, University of Nottingham, United Kingdom Abstract Text: In recent years, public participation has increasingly featured in policy decision making. While topdown, or formal methods of participation are upheld as an endorsement of democratic decision

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making, there is limited understanding of public participation as an informal, or organic phenomenon. This paper contributes to debates about public participation by exploring the interplay between topdown (formal) and bottom-up (informal) interactions between policy makers, planners and the public. In focusing on the motives and experiences of ordinary people as they seek to influence decisions around a prolific policy issue the paper engages with theories of deliberative democracy and public deliberation (see for example Bohman, 1997; Elster, 1998; Dryzek, 2000; Fishkin, 2009; Mansbridge et al., 2012). By exploring these interactions a more nuanced understanding of multidimensional public participation is developed, highlighting some of the challenges for policy makers when consulting about major policy developments and illustrating how the public might drive deliberations about a policy issue. Our empirical case focuses on the informal participatory mechanisms that informed debates concerning the development of a high speed rail network in England (HS2). In particular we seek to understand 1) how social actors respond to formal consultation opportunities around high profile policy issues, 2) how social actors strive for public deliberation and 3) how ‘informal origins’ of participation emerge and develop.

Abstract id# 57685 Start Time: 8:42 PM The Movement of People’s Politics in Democratisation Process in Thailand Montri KUNPHOOMMARL, Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty of Social Science, Naresuan University, Thailand Abstract Text: This paper aims to explore the concept of people’s politics and its application to the Thai democratic movement. Although Thailand became a democratic country more than 80 years ago (1932), the problems of inactive participation, political conflicts and political unconsciousness are still clearly seen today. The attempts to bring top down into bottom up democracy became a new approach in the new Thai Constitution (2007). Both the political development council and local organization council Acts have been established to support people’s active involvement. People’s participation has also been launched throughout the country. Both the best practices and the drawbacks of people’s politics in the political movement towards democracy will be examined in the paper. The grassoots’ movement for human security, equity and opportunity will be studied as an example of the strengthening of people’s politics in terms of deliberative democracy, civic education and community democracy. The roles of the people’s movement through the works of Center for People’s Political Development Center supported by King Prajadhipok’s Institute in 48 centers/provinces during the last decade will be reviewed and investigated for the success of people’s politics development in the future.

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Abstract id# 49334 Start Time: 8:42 PM When Poverty Alleviation Perpetuates Inequality. Struggles of the Poor in Johannesburg Post-1994 Prishani NAIDOO, Department of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa Abstract Text: Although the institutions of apartheid began to be dismantled in 1994, South Africa still bear the scars of inequality and poverty it etched so deeply along the fissures of race, class and gender. Although the African National Congress (ANC) government has committed itself to eradicating poverty and ensuring “a better life for all”, it has also embraced an approach to macro-economic policy largely neoliberal in character that has resulted in the enforcement of the duty to pay for basic services (water and electricity), in particular amongst the poor. Between 1999 and 2006 in Johannesburg residents in several of its townships (including Soweto, Alexandra and Orange Farm) came together in protests and formed social movements to demand that the municipality put an end to its experimentation with different forms of punishment and prevention of non-payment for the consumption of water and electricity (from cut-offs to prepaid meters). In these struggles, residents identified largely as poor people and demanded that the municipality acknowledge their inability to pay due to being unemployed or indigent by other means. Growing from illegal reconnections and mass marches and pickets, to include legal interventions and a constitutional court case, these struggles forced the municipality into its own series of policy formulation processes in response. This paper will explore the culmination of these processes in the City of Johannesburg’s most recent indigent management policy, which, it will show, puts forward a “pro-poor approach” that brings together a targeted model of partly decommodified access to services for those identified as “the poor”, that are nevertheless delivered within a system that is run along market principles overall. It will argue that the nature of this differentiated system perpetuates inequality even though it might address poverty by encouraging a particular form of life for those identified as “the poor”.

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CULTURAL FIELDS AND MOVEMENT TRAJECTORIES: COMPARING THE EFFECT OF DIFFERENT CULTURES UPON MOVEMENTS IN THE POLITICAL PROCESS Session Organizer and Chair: Jeffrey BROADBENT, University of Minnesota, USA, broad001@umn.edu Format: Oral Slot: Thursday, July 17, 2014: 7:30 PM-8:50 PM Language: English Research Committee: RC47 Social Classes and Social Movements (host committee) Joint Session with RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change

Abstract id# 31252 Start Time: 7:30 PM Confucianism and Discontents: The Repertoire of Disobeying in Recent Taiwan’s Protests Maukuei CHANG, Institute of Sociology, Academia Sinica, Taiwan Abstract Text: Confucianism is like a buzzword for the discussion of East Asia cultures. And yet people disagree on whether Confucianism is just a kind of state ideology, promoted by elites, or actual civil culture prevails in ordinary life. The paper thinks that the two layers of Confucianism can co-exist intertwinedly. In one levle, where elite intellectuals are prominent, Confucianism exists as a body of systematic knowledge, philosophical ideas, and moral standard. In the civil level, it exists as if the underlying logic of people’s daily practices, with an emphasis on folk wisdom and practical rationale, helping people manage their interactions and actions in daily life. This paper will look at the relation between Confucianism, as state ideology and as civil belief, and the repertoire of protests. By repertoire, follow Charles Tilly’s definition, an ensemble of contentious performances. This paper will study two particular kind of repertories that have public’s attention in recent social movements in Taiwan. One repertoire is Guibai or Kwotou, meaning to kneel down with one’s forehead touching on the ground, and the other is throwing objects, like eggs, animal wastes, and worn-off shoes at the high officials. Guibai and throwing objects all bring humiliation and embarrassment to the officials. However, Guibai does not violate the traditional Confucianism’ notion of social order. How are the two possible reach the same meaning in protesting? How are their meanings being transformed in democracy and in the modern political system? This paper will follow Tilly’s methods to document the trend of repertoire changes in past ten years in Taiwan. I hope to demonstrate the repertoire changes can be understood in terms of rising discontents and the failure of institutional politics, and the ineptness of Confucianism to prescribe the norm in civil protests, and thus turned itself into political satire in streets.

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Abstract id# 41421 Start Time: 7:45 PM Culture and Social Movements: The Case of Disability Protests Cross-Culturally Sharon BARNARTT, Sociology, Gallaudet University, USA Abstract Text: Perhaps a naïve observer would think that protests relating to disability would be similar crossculturally, since the phenomenon of disability has certain medical similarities. However, this is not the case. Despite the fact that mobilization around disability issues is increasing, that there is neither one truly trans-national organization nor one international Disability Rights Movement begs explanation. This paper explores data from over 2600 cases of disability protest from around the world, gathered from media reports and analyzed quantitatively. While media reports themselves raise cultural and methodological issues, which the paper will discuss, the analyses also show markedly different patterns in protest issues and tactics. One issue with huge cross cultural variation is that of what constitutes disability rights. In protests in cultures which lack a strong rights tradition, issues which are framed as ‘rights-related’ may actually be framed in others as being ‘services-related.’ Another cultural difference relates to the types of impairments whose problems become protest demands. In a number of countries blindness-related demands show up more frequently than do other impairment-specific demands or than general or non-specific impairment-related demands. Also, in some countries both non-specific demands and demands related to relatively newer conditions such as autism show up more frequently than in others. There are also cultural differences in types of tactics used. While protests often take the form of marches, demonstrations, or lock-outs, in some countries they are more likely to take the form of self-immolation or hunger strikes. These and other culturally-fueled differences such as the timing of disability mobilizations are discussed in order to illustrate the power of culture over the actualization of this social movement.

Abstract id# 42718 Start Time: 8:00 PM Civil Society Organizations and Cultural Repertoires of Evaluation in the Media Debate on Climate Change: Comparing France and the United States Tuomas YLÄ-ANTTILA, Social Research/Sociology, University of Helsinki, Finland and Anna KUKKONEN, University of Helsinki, Finland Abstract Text: National political cultures have an effect on how global political problems are constructed in media debates in different countries. Our starting point is that the repertoires of moral evaluation used to justify arguments related to the problem of climate change are likely to vary between countries, and that these differences may, in turn, affect policy responses. Civil society organizations, we argue, have a particularly important role in bringing moral evaluations into the debate. In this paper, we compare the argumentation of civil society organizations and their allies and opponents in coverage of UN climate change conferences in Le Monde and the New York Times between 1997 and 2011. We find that arguments are more often justified by appealing to civic values like equality, democracy and

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sound legal regulation in France, while monetary value plays a more important role as a justification for climate policy arguments in the United States. These differences are not due to differences in the selection of sources by journalists, but seem to reflect deep-seated cultural differences. In France, even business organizations often resort to the civic mode of argumentation while in the US, civil society organizations often justify their arguments in economic terms. Over time, we see convergence in both countries towards arguments based on the idea of ecological modernization: economic growth, technological progress and ecological values are increasingly seen as supporting each other. Radical ecologist and radical pro-market arguments are both becoming more marginalized.

Abstract id# 45674 Start Time: 8:15 PM Ideas in Conflict: The Campus Protest Culture in the 20th Century Japan Ryoko KOSUGI, Department of Sociology, Tohoku University, Japan and Yasunori FUKUOKA, Saitama University, Japan Abstract Text: In the late 1960s, from North America to Europe and from Latin America to Asia, many countries witnessed a wave of student protests. Since those movements showed distinct features from place to place and shared similar backgrounds such as the Cold War politics and common issues such as antiwar and academic freedom, they provide a good field to examine the critical question haunting recent social movement studies: whether and how culture matters in the emergence and process of social movements (See Johnston et al., 2009; Polletta, 2008). Against this background, this presentation examines a campus protest at the University of Tokyo, Japan, from 1968 to 1969, using data from in-depth interviews with the participants to show how the students’ ideas shaped their perception and interpretation of the situations in the course of the struggle and influenced their choice of strategy and tactics. This presentation focuses on a group of students called “NON SEKUTO RAJIKARU” (non-sect radicals). The protestors were not monolithic but divided into three groups in conflict: Democratic Youth League of Japan (DYLJ) under the guidance of the Japanese Communist Party (JCP), the New Left sects which were seeking a new form of Marxism politics as an alternative to JCP, and the non-sect radicals without any affiliation to DYLJ or the New Left. On one hand, the non-sect radicals and the DYLJ and New Left students were equally marked by Japan’s campus culture dating back to the 1910s: the strong tradition of Marxism as a guiding ideology of social movements and self-cultivation. On the other hand, the non-sect radicals developed principles against the basic lines of DYLJ and the New Left factions, including centralized and hierarchical organizations and strict Marxism orthodoxy. Thus, they created decentralized and horizontal organizations and based their choice on their firsthand observations instead of ideology.

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Abstract id# 62943 Start Time: 8:30 PM This Ain’t Mere Eco-Nationalism: Undervalued Cultural Roots of the Lithuanian Green Movement Jurate KAVALIAUSKAITE, Vilnius University, Lithuania Abstract Text: A nation state embodies the political order of the modernity in contrast to contemporary Green movements foreshadowing its end (Hurrel, 1994; Lash et al, 1996). Consequently, nationalism and environmentalism are considered to be hardly compatible companions (Hamilton, 2002). Therefore a puzzle of the Greens, found at the vanguard of independence movements of Central and Eastern Europe in late 1980s, is often resolved with a simplistic disavowal of their “green” identity. In words of American scholar Jane I. Dawson, here Green movements were no more than a manifestation of econationalism, a mere surrogate for a hidden nationalist strife (Dawson, 1996, 2000). The paper aims to challenge the eco-nationalist thesis, a reductive and homogenizing reading of eco-mobilization of 1980s in the region, bringing to the fore a deeper empirical look into complex and diverse cultural origins of pioneer organisations of the Green Movement (Lietuvos Zalieji) in Lithuania. Archival analysis and in-depth interviews with surviving fathers and active members of the Movement reveal tangible distinctions in the collective identities (Melucci, 1995) of three earliest voluntary environmental associations, Zemyna, Aukuras and Atgaja, in Lithuania. The identity work and differences among the early Greens are poorly explained by eco-nationalist argument, however, their mutual tensions are well represented by the classical distinction between anthropocentric and ecocentric wordviews (Næss, 1973; Eckersley, 1992), embedded in peculiar local cultural meanings of ‘nature’ and conflicting logics of soviet environmental modernization, (neo)traditionalist apotheosis of indigenous ‘ethnoscape’ (Smith, 1999) and lively postmodernist celebration of the ecology of countercultural lifeworlds. These findings urge for a more rigorous and subtle approach to the play of cultural fields and cultural notions of ‘nature’ in environmental/ ecology movements not only in Europe but also worldwide, including Asia (Thomas, 2002).

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YOUTH AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS. PART I Session Organizer: Airi-Alina ALLASTE, Tallinn University, Estonia, alina@iiss.ee Benjamín TEJERINA, Universidad del País Vasco, Spain, b.tejerina@ehu.es Session Chair: Airi-Alina ALLASTE, Tallinn University, Estonia, alina@iiss.ee Format: Oral Slot: Friday, July 18, 2014: 10:30 AM-12:20 PM Language: English Research Committee: Joint Session with RC34 Sociology of Youth RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 31957 Start Time: 10:30 AM Youth and Social Movements In Japan Characteristics Of The Rebellious Youth and Its Mobilization In Japan David Antoine MALINAS, Asian Studies, Paris Diderot University, France Abstract Text: Though not as spectacular or massive as in other countries, recent mobilization of the youth in Japan is however a major phenomenon that triggers the attention of the media and the general public. Especially, the mobilization of young non-regular workers since 2000 had a major role in strengthening the national anti-poverty movement. It supported, for instance, the reform of the assistance income law and the reform of the temporary workers law. However this contribution has been scarily analyzed or has been simply by-passed by some researchers. As a matter of fact, we still know very little about the social mobilization of the Japanese youth. By analyzing results of our research focusing on members of the « Union of the Youth of Tokyo », a leading organization of the anti-poverty network, I would like to present new findings concerning two dimensions of this mobilization: 1) What are the characteristics of the young people who mobilize (in terms of age, gender, income and socioprofessional class) 2) What are the characteristics of their mobilization (primo-mobilization or not; short term or long term mobilization). Our findings are based on quantitative and qualitative data: the archive of the SU (630 entries) and indeath, longitudinal interviews of 50 members that started in 2008, during and after their mobilization in the « Union of the Youth ».

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Abstract id# 35516 Start Time: 10:45 AM Divided and Ruined: The Failed Student Protests In Great Britain Sarah PICKARD, Institut du Monde Anglophone, Université Sorbonne Nouvelle - Paris 3, France Abstract Text: The current decade has been marked by both the global economic crisis and a growth in social movements around the world spearheaded by young people. In particular, we have witnessed collective action – demonstrations, direct action and civil disobedience – regarding higher education. In Britain, there was a series of demonstrations and sit-ins in the winter of 2010-2011 about the Conservative-Liberal Democrat Coalition Government’s plan to cut dramatically public spending on higher education and to raise considerably university tuition fees. In fact, both of the policies were enacted and the ceiling on annual fees went up to £9,000 (approximately 1.500,000 JPY) in 2012-2013. Just after their introduction, a demonstration took place organized by the National Union of Students (NUS). Strikingly, this #DEMO2012 had three themes: “Educate, Employ, Empower,” rather than only higher education and it was attended by far fewer demonstrators. This talk will analyze the social movements organized by young people against higher education reform since 2010 in Britain. It will focus especially on the 2012 demonstration, in order to ascertain to what extent it can be gauged to have been a failure. Drawing on interviews I made with protestors, as well as photographs I took of the demonstration, the talk will reveal that the different types of participants were very polarized about the best course of collective action to take. For example, the extreme-left wing radicals and anarchists accused the NUS of cooperating with the Government, whilst the NUS claimed the extremists were not focusing on the issues at stake. This lead to highly confrontational scenes during and after the demonstrations which detracted from criticisms of the Conservative-Liberal Democrat Government and its youth policy. Instead of uniting and fighting, the protestors were divided and ruled by Government cuts in an era of austerity and lack of social change.

Abstract id# 64624 Start Time: 11:00 AM NGOs and New Trajectories of Engagement and Youth Power in the Occupied Palestinian Territory Abeer MUSLEH, Heller school for Social Policy, Brandeis University/Heller School, Palestine Abstract Text: Youth civic and political engagements are not distinct or separated from each other, and in many cases they overlap and interlink, they result in diversity of youth engagement forms. Youth organizations play an important role in the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) in terms of being a recourse, catalyst, and supporter for youth engagement, whether civic or political. As youth organizations were trying to cope with changes of sociopolitical context in the oPt, they reinforced different trajectories of engagement than the ones that existed within the Palestinian society between the 70’s, 80’s, and early 90’s. The organization’s type (Social movement organization, politically affiliated organization, youth development organization) is a vital factor in deciding how the organization dealt with changes in the context and the frame and trajectory of engagement reinforced.

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This paper aims at understanding the change in the trajectory of engagement in the oPt; how does it differ from the trajectory of the engagement that took place between the 70’s and early 90’s; how does this change impact youth power and position in the oPt; How do different types of organizations provide different strategies, forms, of youth engagement?

Abstract id# 48680 Start Time: 11:15 AM Youth Social Movements and Democratization Grzegorz PIOTROWSKI, School of Social Sciences, Södertörn University, Sweden Abstract Text: In mid-1980s Central and Eastern Europe have witnessed an interesting aggregation of anti-communist struggles. Parallel to the pro-democratic dissidents new movements populated by young people and connected to youth subcultures have emerged, in particular the anarchist and environmental protection movement. These new movements were not only inspired by groups from Western Europe and the US but were also an expression of critique of the dissident movement slowly shifting to (neo) liberal positions and loosing the touch with the workers base as well as the young people whose demands (i.e. regarding compulsory military service) were largely ignored. These newly emerged movements were capable of bridging structures and agency in an unique way. The popularity of these youth movements partially lays in attractiveness of the subcultures that were the vehicles of the new ideas and not in the topics they were bringing up. Moreover, this subculturalpolitical connection seems to have an impact on todays radical movements making them mostly a young people’s domain and activity. This has far-reaching consequences and recent mobilizations in the region (anti-ACTA protests in winter 2011/2012, many protests in Bulgaria in 2012 or the earlier alterglobalist mobilizations) prove the point that coalition-making possibilities and support from other actors are limited. The paper is based on long-time research and fieldwork among social activists (alterglobalists, anarchists, environmentalists, squatters) and former dissidents that took an active role in the 1989 transformations for various research projects. Empirical data were collected from in-depth interviews, participant observations and from movements’ publications (printed and online) collected over the years.

Abstract id# 52889 Start Time: 11:30 AM The Role of Social Movements in Youth Political Participation Reelika PIRK, Institute of International and Social Studies, Tallinn University, Estonia Abstract Text: In the debate of youth political engagement social movements have a crucial role to play. In many contemporary democratic societies political culture is facing a crisis of legitimacy. Scholars around the world have stated that the level of traditional political participation is decreasing, especially among young people. On the other hand, there are opposite views, claiming that instead of being politically disengaged, young people are looking for (new) forms for participating in society, as they

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simply address social issues differently. Thus, new social movements (as well as Internet and singleissue activism etc.) are considered to be new platforms for young peoples´ political activism. This paper is based on case study of ethical-moral values promoting animal rights movement in Estonia. A youth group that consists of politically minded young people who actively participate in and address different issues of the society. The paper explores the importance of social movement activism in sphere of political participation. Especially, it first analyzes how young people conceive their participation and role in society. Secondly, how young activists address political issues through social movements. And thirdly, what challenges they face when participating in socio-political sphere through social movements. The empirical data set includes open-ended interviews and informal conversations as well as participant observations and secondary data sources.

Abstract id# 33422 Start Time: 11:45 AM The Revolution Will Be Televised: Youth, Political Protest, and Hip Hop From The U.S. To Egypt Megan FRANCIS, Political Science, Pepperdine University, USA and Michael DAWSON, University of Chicago, USA Abstract Text: The impact of hip hop music has transcended borders and transformed global understandings concerning the relationship between music and protest. This paper will use the emergence of the hip hop movement by Arab youth as a lens to analyze the influence of United States hip hop and its subsequent influence on global hip hop culture. It examines in particular, the Egyptian rap scene and the crucial role of rap music in galvanizing youth to act and in articulating the betrayal felt by many Egyptians from President Hosni Mubarak’s oppressive regime. The use of hip hop as a form of solidarity and a tool against political oppression was brought to the fore during the Arab Spring in 2011, which set off a number of revolutions in the Middle East and North Africa. Rappers such as El General from Tunisia, the Arabian Knightz and Deeb from Egypt, and the Syrian American artist Omar Offendum—frequently point to United States rappers such as 2Pac, Biggie, and Public Enemy as providing inspiration to their craft. I argue that the emergence of rap music in Egypt was fueled by many of the similar exigencies (high youth unemployment, failed revolutionary dreams, and political marginalization) that fueled the development of the hip hop movement in the United States but that its impact on the political establishment has been even greater. The Egyptian hip hop scene that came of age during the revolution showcases how rap music’s influence on citizens and political institutions has dramatically increased in the modern global era. In other words, this paper argues that we can learn a lot about the current state of youth led social movements by examining Arab rap music during the Egyptian revolution.

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Abstract id# 47556 Start Time: 11:45 AM A New Style of Labor Movement Among Korean Youth Yoojin KIM, Sociology, Sogang University, South Korea Abstract Text: South Korea has shown high levels of collective interest in various forms of social movements in the modern history. So far, Korean scholars adopted social movement theories emphasizing the roles of resource mobilization, rational choices, political opportunity structures, or social networks; however, they could rarely include the role of emotions in social movements. This study focuses on emotional factors influencing the mobilization of social movements: Although the youth generation feels anger and dissatisfaction with the perceived social injustice under the economic crisis, why do they fail to take collective actions? With the ever increasing economic polarization in the present neo-liberal regime, the relationship between emotion and social activities among young people in Korean society has been drawing scholarly attentions. As high rates of unemployment and unstable employment conditions (non-salaried and part-time work) become normalized in the society, youth anxiety and depression are emerging as societal problems. The emotions of the young generation (particularly anxiety and depression) were not approved as cultural nomos in traditional Confucianism and modernism. However, not in the line of Gustav Le Bon, the authentic expression of collective anger (resentment) can incite proactive behavior in a late-modern or post-modern society. In this research, the subjects are youth in their 20s, mainly college students, involved in “Alba Yeondae” which literally means a solidarity group for part-time workers aiming to raise the minimum wage. This study employs ethnography and in-depth interviews to examine how the emotions of youth (anxiety, fear, and anger) exert a socially bonding influence that moves them to collective action. “Alba Yeondae” has emphasized the collective expressions of frustrated emotions against the unjust regime and, in particular, developed a new style of labor movement while reforming the existing structures of societal and economic exploitation.

Abstract id# 65689 Start Time: 11:45 AM Politics As Life-Sphere: Youth Activism and the Question of Multiple Transitions in Mubarak’s Egypt Henri ONODERA, Political and Economic Studies/Development Studies, University of Helsinki, Finland Abstract Text: Vibrant debates have emerged on the role of young people in revolutionary movements since the socalled ‘Arab revolutions’ in 2011. Some attribute the young protagonists with more agency than the latter would themselves consider having. Others point to a certain hype around youth in this context and argue that the role of complex and contradictory social, economic, and cultural processes should be acknowledged in the making of popular uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and beyond. Young activists are, however, depicted often as somewhat one-dimensional social actors.

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This paper argues that locating young people’s activism in the wider context of their everyday experiences helps to unravel the multiple and at times contradictory transitions the young have to negotiate when engaging in youthful dissent under authoritarian settings. Although it is important to recognize that political activism in late 2000s provided crucial formative experiences for many young Egyptians, it is useful to remember that periodic street protesting, online campaigns, awareness raising stunts, and other forms of public dissent occupied only one aspect of their everyday lives. During in-between moments, that is, most of the time, they engaged themselves in other spheres of life such as studying, leisure, work (or finding work) and family. Thus, multiple life-spheres and trajectories within them represent an everyday dynamic in which the young had to navigate in their transitions to adulthood. For instance those, whose parents were opposition politicians, who had secured a job in civil society organizations, and whose friends were supportive of their oppositional activities, benefited from crucial synergies between work, family, friends, and activism. But others were not so privileged, while sustained participation in pro-democracy movements was further structured according to gender, class, region, connectedness, etc. The paper bases on 12 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Cairo between 2007 and 2011.

CIVIL SOCIETY AND COLLECTIVE ACTIONS. PART II Session Organizer: Balan PP, Kerala Institute of Local Administration India, balanpp25@gmail.com Session Chair: Balan PP, Kerala Institute of Local Administration India, balanpp25@gmail.com Debal SINGHAROY, Indira Gandhi National Open University, India, debal_singharoy@yahoo.co.in Format: Oral Slot: Friday, July 18, 2014: 3:30 PM-5:20 PM Language: Spanish, English Research Committee: Joint Session with RC07 Futures Research RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee)

Abstract id# 37656 Start Time: 3:30 PM The Mobilization for Dignified Housing in Spain: A Case Study of the PAH Montserrat EMPERADOR BADIMON, Political Science, Université Lumière Lyon-2, France Abstract Text: Since 2008, there has been a sharp increase in the number of house evictions in Spain and mobilizations in favor of “dignified housing” (vivienda digna) have multiplied. They are mostly based on unemployed home owners facing downward mobility that depart from the traditional profile of radical youths active in the squatters’ movement (okupa) or the global justice movement. These home owners are middleclass and working-class people that benefited from easy access to housing credit in the 2000s, during the real estate bubble. When the bubble burst and they lost their job, they became unable to pay their

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mortgage and faced eviction threats from the banks. In order to explain the multiplication of mobilizations in favor of “dignified housing,” we focus on a particular organization created in 2009 in Barcelona and which has become the most visible and influential actor of this movement: the “Platform of people affected by mortgages” (Plataforma de los Afectados por la Hipoteca, PAH). We argue that the growth of the PAH is not a mere side-effect of the crisis. Many other categories of people are affected by the crisis but do not mobilize as much. We claim that its relative success stems from two processes. First, the PAH has managed to reframe the housing crisis in terms of fraud and deception rather than personal responsibility and as a systemic rather than individual issue. Second, the horizontal structure of the PAH is highly inclusive, allows for multiple types and degrees of involvement, and feeds the development of a sense of belonging that helps sustain the mobilization over time. Our research is based on semi-structured interviews as well as participant and ethnographic observation in Barcelona in 2013.

Abstract id# 40511 Start Time: 3:45 PM How Do Rural Popular Groups Mobilized? Investigation about Local Resistances Against the Closings of Classes in the French Context Lorenzo BARRAULT, University of Strasbourg, Researcher CNRS, France Abstract Text: The contemporary reform of the State, in France as in other democratic countries, has various implications on the lifestyles of the populations. It induces for example a reduction of the school offer in the rural contexts. For mainly economic reasons, the pupils are concentrated in the same schools - “school poles” - which often constrain the families with important daily displacements. In parallel, this school concentration induced the closing of proximity small schools of campaign. Then changes of the public services of education are often the occasion of collective actions protesters which enable to question, in an exemplary way, the relationships of the civil society and the State to the prism of these collective resistances. Empirical investigations were conducted on this question in French rural spaces. The ethnographic investigation is based on observations (close to the institutions and social groups), with about forty interviews (with varied elected members, different administrative officers, and parents of various social backgrounds, militants or not), on archives (administrative and from associations of parents). From these materials and by comparing different cases (closing of class or not, maintenance of closing or reopening further to local mobilizations, etc), this study underlines how particularly marginalized groups as the rural popular groups can attempt to resist collectively to the political reforms and the under State control power by taking support on the experiences of their daily life. The analysis of the release of these mobilizations, dynamics of their progress (repertoire of action, etc), and their conditions of success (or failure) shows that the most deprived populations as the rural popular families succeed to be opposed collectively to the State only while being combined with other more favored social groups (like farmers or teachers) and leaning on political supports (local elected members).

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Abstract id# 42870 Start Time: 4:00 PM Collective Action Between the Street and the Court: Public Hearings in India Stephanie TAWA LAMA-REWAL, Centre d’Etudes de l’Inde et de l’Asie du Sud, CNRS, France Abstract Text: Public hearings, in the contemporary Indian context, are public meetings organized around the implementation of a given public policy (for instance the right to education). These meetings take the form of a confrontation between the administration and the people, moderated by a panel of “experts”. This peculiar form of collective action, characterized by a deeply ambiguous relationship to the judiciary, has become increasingly visible in India in the past decade. This paper will attempt, firstly, to trace the genealogy of public hearings, back to the people’s tribunals of the 1960s; it will show how the public hearing has since been reinvented and reinterpreted, and how it has met with a new popularity as it was used by very different types of actors and struggles. Secondly, the paper will describe and analyze the dynamics of public hearings in order to highlight their hybrid nature, in between the community meeting and the lawsuit. Finally it will try to understand the sources and the limitations of the efficiency of public hearings as a mode of mobilization.

Abstract id# 46024 Start Time: 4:15 PM The Socio-Political Activity of Citizens in the Formation of Civil Society in Russia Leisian KAIUMOVA, Political Science, Sociology and Public Relations, Ulyanovsk State Technical University, Russia Abstract Text: Over the past twenty years, there Russia saw some significant socio-political changes: the institutions of democracy and multiparty system started to develop. Now Russia is moving towards civil society, but it is still at a very low stage of its formation. In our country there is still no effective public opposition and the civil liability is extremely low not only for the fate of the country but also for their own. The aim of our study is to determine the nature of public opinion on activities of citizens in solving social problems as an indicator of the formation of the civil society. We undertook a sociological study “The socio-political activity of citizens in the context of a civil society formation” (Ulyanovsk, 2012), quota-target sample was 1200 people from the age of 18 to 60. Population socio-political activism is expressed more often in verbal form, and their views are polar: 16% of the respondents said they had never participated in political activities, and 84% admitted that participated at least once in various socio-political actions, of which 58% participated in elections. Almost half of the respondents (45%) replied that it is their civic attitude, 10% described their participation in the socio-political activities as a “means to make money”. The situation when institutions of civil society are really working could be more or less overcome by the media. But there are not so much free opposition media. Another reason for the blunting effectiveness

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of the political dialogue between the authorities and the population is low socio-political literacy of the citizens, the percentage being low among educated people willing to express their civilian positions and to undertake particular actions. It is possible to change the situation by combining the efforts of the authorities and public organizations.

Abstract id# 68070 Start Time: 4:30 PM Even the Most Marginalised Can and Do Exercise Collective Agency!: Case Study Empowerment Programme for Caregivers of Children with Disabilities in a South African Township Jean ELPHICK, Development Studies, University of Johannesburg, South Africa Abstract Text: This case study examines the medium-term outcomes on collective agency contributed to by a Community-based Rehabilitation (CBR) empowerment programme for caregivers of children with multiple disabilities in a peri-urban South African township. CBR is the World Health Organisationendorsed approach to promoting human rights and improving quality of life for people with disabilities in developing settings. The newest conceptualisation of CBR includes an empowerment component that encourages interventions to mobilise communities of people with disabilities; promote selfadvocacy and effective communication; and develop peer-led self-help groups. This paper adds to a small but growing evidence-base for CBR using empowering, participatory qualitative methods to allow members of a CBR self-help group to participate as co-researchers in analyzing the outcomes of their participation in the programme. Concrete examples of their burgeoning civil engagement and collective agency illustrates how even the most marginalised in society can and do exercise agency.

Abstract id# 38360 Start Time: 4:45 PM “Inequalities and Dynamics in Health of Indian Tribal Women; An Empirical Perspective Dr Y.Ravindranath RAO, Dept.of Sociology, St.Mary’s Syrian College, India Abstract Text: Health is an important indicator of socio-economic development of any society. The studies of social inequalities, particularly those of health have received growing attention in all modern nation-states today. It has become a concern, owing to the deteriorating quality of life of women population of the third world countries. This paper focuses on the inequalities, disparities and dynamics in health status and health care of tribal women; a marginalized group of India. Data have been gathered from women respondents randomly selected from 141 families of three prominent tribes viz. Koraga, Marati Naika, and Kudubi. The field work was conducted in Udupi district of coastal Karnataka in Southern India during 2010-2012, fully supported by the minor research project of University Grants Commission, Government of India. The paper seeks to address health care, early marriage practice, reproductive health status, awareness about small family norm, housing conditions and health, role of media in health, awareness, utilization of medical facilities, habits and health etc. The paper explores that health of tribal women is affected

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by many inter-related socio-economic and cultural factors. The study reveals that women in general and tribal women in particular are the worst sufferers. Despite modernization, medicalization, globalization, marked improvement in global health and other ongoing developmental processes, the exposure of tribes in general and tribal women in particular, to modern system of medicine is not significant. The paper explores the paradoxes of continuity study and change in the tribal health care practices and interventions. This could also be observed as the contrast between ethnicity and modern-post modern changes. Thus different patterns and levels of health inequalities could be identified among Indian tribal women. The findings will be a contribution to Medical Sociology, Sociology of Gender Studies, Social Anthropology, and to the health of tribal women.

Abstract id# 47306 Start Time: 4:45 PM Rise of Self-Help Groups As a Social Movement: Experiences from the Indian State of Odisha Binay Kumar PATTNAIK, Institute for Social and Economic Change, India and Akhaya Kumar NAYAK, Humanities/Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Management Indore, India Abstract Text: Studying and participating in the process of development has been the approach of governments in developing countries and Non-government organizations (NGOs) there-in for which they have taken plethora of initiatives following both top down and bottom up approaches. Some of those (initiatives) succeeded while others failed. But no programme for socioeconomic development was so wide reached and popular than the Self-help group approach. Self-help group (SHG) is a small, economically homogeneous and affinity group of poor people who come together to save some amounts regularly, mutually agree to contribute to a common fund, meet their emergency needs, adhere to collective decision-making, resolve conflict through collective leadership and provide collateral free loans on terms decided by the group. These groups try to empower the least empowered sections (mostly women) socially, economically and politically. Involving millions of women (through SHG), thousands of NGOs, MFIs, and bank branches give this phenomenon a movement perspective. This paper is an earnest attempt to examine the evolution and development of the phenomenon of SHGs from social movement perspectives. It examines if the phenomenon is a social movement at all and the applicability of different theoretical perspectives to study it. The paper uses the resource mobilization theory and constructivist approach as the analytical frameworks to explain the emergence and working of SHG system. The political and cultural opportunity structure in Odisha has been very much supportive to make the movement wide spread. At the same time operation and control from the top (Government of Odisha) affects the rigor of the movement. The paper discusses some such complex issues of collective actions.

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Abstract id# 48738 Start Time: 4:45 PM Protecting Life: Values, Emotions, and Solidarity of the Right of Asylum Movement Jonas TOUBØL, Department of Sociology, University of Copenhagen, Denmark Abstract Text: This paper investigates the hybrid form of solidarity of a movement that supports refugees without legal residence by providing housing and other assistance. In Denmark you are liable to imprisonment if you intentionally assist an illegal resident. This movement brings people from the political left and right together around acts of protecting life. This basic humanitarian value transcends the left-right dichotomy and provides the foundation for solidarity among the otherwise very heterogeneous members of the movement. The empirical analysis is based on in-depth interviews with the activists. The interviews show that the activists differ greatly with regard to their values and motivation for being civil disobedient. At one extreme, some share a collective identity with a belief in an ethical motivated inter-human responsibility to protect the life and dignity of human beings at its center. At the other extreme some activists share a collective identity related to a more abstract critique of the inhuman views and practices of the system, society and state. This paper claims that in spite of great ideological differences also with regard to the exact interpretation of the shared humanitarian values, the movement is successful in producing a feeling of solidarity and unity that integrates the group and constitutes a minimalistic common interpretive scheme. The paper will show that this solidarity is constructed by two combined processes: On the one hand the shared emotions of compassion and sense of obligation to protect life, and on the other hand the indignation caused by the governments treatment of refugees. These processes constitute the emotion work that becomes a source of solidarity, which is strong enough to compensate for the lack of agreement with regard to framing and collective identity construction as well as a driver for engaging in illegal activities.

Abstract id# 65273 Start Time: 4:45 PM What’s New about New Social Movement in a Time of Economic Crisis? Reflections about the Portuguese Disabled People’s Movement Fernando FONTES, Centre for Social Studies, Centre for Social Studies - University of Coimbra, Portugal Abstract Text: Until the 1960s, social movements were comprised mainly of workers’ movements, focused on class and economic issues, highly organised in trade unions and political parties and using strikes and demonstrations as their main action tactic. The 1960s and 1970s witnessed, however, an increased variety of social conflicts beyond the workforce, particularly in Europe and North America, and the subsequent emergence of numerous social movements around new ‘post-material’ issues. The emergence of these new social movements (NSMs) did not only push for a multitude of issues based

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on identity, but also the investment on civil society as its key location, organised in non-hierarchical structures and networks and embracing direct action and protest. As with other social groups, the failing of disabled persons by the welfare-state made them especially active since the 1960s. This was especially true of the UK and USA, where disabled people struggled “for equality and participation on an equal footing with other citizens” (Driedger, 1989: 1). This action was made possible by the creation of the Disabled People’s Movement composed of diverse organizations of disabled people. Most current debates on the Disabled People’s Movement included the discussion of whether this is a new or an old social movement. Drawing on my PhD about social citizenship and the Disabled People’s Movement in Portugal (completed at the University of Leeds – UK), this paper investigates the ways in which this case study may contribute to the theoretical dispute between old and new social movements. I will begin by examining significant characteristics of the Portuguese Disabled People’s Movement. Then, I summarize the theoretical dispute within disability studies on whether the disabled people’s movement is an old or a new social movement. In the last part, I explore the ways in which the Portuguese case study may contribute to this theoretical dispute.

INTELLECTUAL SOUTH-SOUTH AND NORTH-SOUTH DIALOGUES FROM CRITICAL THINKING, THEORY AND COLLECTIVE PRAXIS Session Organizer: Alberto BIALAKOWSKY, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina, albiala@gmail.com Alicia Itati PALERMO, Universidad Nacional de Luján, Argentina, aliciaipalermo@gmail.com Session Chair: Alberto BIALAKOWSKY, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina, albiala@gmail.com Format: Oral Slot: Friday, July 18, 2014: 5:30 PM-7:20 PM Language: Spanish, English Research Committee: RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change (host committee) Joint Session with RC07 Futures Research

Abstract id# 39024 Start Time: 5:30 PM Circulation of ‘Social Movement Unionism’ Concept As a Case of Intellectual South-South and North-South Dialogue Ercüment CELIK, Department of Sociology, University of Freiburg, Germany Abstract Text: The Euro-America centric and hegemonic development of social sciences has been widely debated in various disciplines, but not significantly in labor sociology. Hence, there is a need for studies developing

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recognition of the experiences of labor movements in the global South, their relevance in the global North, and their scholarly interpretations in both the global North and South. This includes a focus on how the concepts in social sciences, particularly in labor sociology circulate. This two-fold process takes account of both ‘learning from the periphery’ and a ‘mutual learning on a world scale’. The ‘social movement unionism’ (SMU) concept, which has been developed to describe labor movements in the global South in the 1980s and 1990s, and then later used as a model of union revitalization in both the North and South, sets a good example of such consideration. The paper reviews the labor movements in various countries i.e. South Africa, Brazil, Philippines, South Korea, the U.S.A., analyzes the scholarly use of the SMU concept, and attempts to apply the main arguments of the critiques of Eurocentrism to this case. Consequently, this paper argues that SMU can be regarded as an appropriate example of a non-hegemonic circulation of concepts in social sciences on a world scale, since it refers to an alternative trade unionism; represents cases of learning from the south; is based on local engagements and experiences; and develops through and acknowledges multiple cases.

Abstract id# 40175 Start Time: 5:45 PM Pensamiento Crítico De La Desigualdad Social En y Desde El Sur Global. Resistencias y Alternativas Jaime PRECIADO, Department of Iberian and Latin-American Studies, Universidad de Guadalajara, Mexico Abstract Text: El Sur es al mismo tiempo una metáfora que refiere a las víctimas de la historia social, expresa las bases materiales de una geografía de la desigualdad entre Norte y Sur, así como la virtualidad de esa desigualdad (en el Norte hay Sures y en los Sures hay Nortes). La epistemología del Sur, expresa una geopolítica del conocimiento en la que el origen espacio temporal de los paradigmas es matrizado por el poder de la ciencia y la técnica, de los intelectuales y los discursos del orden político y del sentido cultural –civilizatorio- de las sociedades. En este trabajo, se discuten las propuestas paradigmáticas del “posmodernismo de oposición”, de Boaventura de Sousa Santos; de la “crítica a la colonialidad del poder”, de Aníbal Quijano y del “postcolonialismo” de Enrique Dussel y Walter Mignolo. De lo cual se opta por un enfoque En y desde el Sur Global, propuesto por Giovanni Arrighi, como desafío a una sociología global y al mismo tiempo acotada por escalas y procesos diferenciados por dimensiones espaciales y temporales. Se analiza la transversalidad de la desigualdad social en las relaciones Norte-Sur, tanto como las resistencias y alternativas que emergen desde el Sur Global.

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Abstract id# 49065 Start Time: 6:00 PM South-South Dialogues: Social Movements and Intellectual Movements Breno BRINGEL, Institute of Social and Political Studies, State University of Rio de Janeiro (IESPUERJ), Brazil Abstract Text: In recent decades social movements in the Global South have built stronger networks than intellectuals in order to analyse new global socio-political scenarios and act collectively. Based on ten years of research on the reconfiguration of contemporary internationalism, this paper aims to analyse some trends, developments and contradictions of transnational networks and spaces of convergence constructed by (and between) social movements in Latina America Africa and Asia during the last two decades. One of the main objectives is to highlight how these spaces can open an important arena for future construction of agendas and South-South intellectual projects.

Abstract id# 52866 Start Time: 6:15 PM Hacía Una Teoría y Práxis Contrahegemónicas De La Globalización Neoliberal, Desde Los Movimientos Sociales Latinoamericanos y El Caribe Jules FALQUET, Social Science, University of Paris Diderot-Paris 7, France Abstract Text: Esta ponencia se basa en mas de veinte años de trabajo en America latina y el Caribe, sintetizados en mi « Habilitación a dirigir investigaciones » (HDR). Sociologa francesa y activista feminista, he vivido y trabajado tanto en México, El Salvador y Brasil como en Francia. Propongo primero una reflexión sobre la ética de la investigación, apoyada en la espitemología del punto de vista situado, para analizar mi propio trabajo —siendo yo occidental, blanca y de clase mediaacadémica, a la vez que mujer y activista feminista, trabajando sobre movimientos radicales y/o revolucionarios mayoritariamente populares en América latina y el Caribe? Como evitar, en especial, el « robo de conocimientos » y la recuperación por parte de la Academia y del Norte, del trabajo teóricopolítico de los Movimientos sociales del Sur ? Veremos luego como la participación de las mujeres en los movimientos sociales mixtos, asi como de ciertas mujeres racializadas y con consciencia de clase en los movimientos de mujeres, aporta para pensar la imbricación de las relaciones sociales de poder de clase, sexo y « raza » en la globalización neoliberal. Los ejemplos del FMLN en El Salvador, del EZLN en México, del MST brasileño y del movimiento feminista continental, permiten ver como a la misma época en que la academia produce el concepto de interseccionalidad, se gestan una rica práctica y profundos analisis desde los movimientos sociales, que van mas alla de perspectivas individualistas y liberales sobre el convivir de identidades multiples. Concluyo examinando como los movimientos sociales « progresistas », en especial del Sur y de grupos sociales dominados, puede constituir el nuevo intelectual colectivo contrahegemónico y alterglobalizador anunciado por Gramsci.

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Abstract id# 30948 Start Time: 6:30 PM Intellectuals and Development: Reflection from Diverse Latin America Statements Paolo Henrique MARTINS, Sociology, Federal University of Pernambuco Brazil Abstract Text: In this paper I will try to reflect about two points: the difference between economic growth and development, on the one hand, and the existence of diverse national statements about development, on the other hand. The first point is important to remark that the idea of development in Latin America is connected to the traditional criticism about imperialism and dependence. This understanding is particular to the region and it was born in the World War II when Latin-American economists such as R. Prebisch who noted that international economic deterioration was not only an economic problem but a political issue. Thus, it is impossible to generalize this understanding of development to others continents but it is very important to try to compare some different processes. The second point is that the idea of development in the region is linked to the idea of power system, because what is developed is not the country but the power. Then, in this sense, it is possible to define some different development patterns in Latin America that reflect some possibilities of alliances between social and political forces that contribute to organize national power systems in the last decades. To demonstrate our papers we will try to show the differences and similarities between Brazilian and Bolivian cases. It is important to show the relationship and differences between economic and political spheres and about global and local views, from different contexts.

Abstract id# 30591 Start Time: 6:45 PM ¿Quién Programa las Redes Sociales en Internet?: El Caso de Twitter en el Movimiento #YoSoy132 en México Luis Cesar TORRES NABEL, Universidad Pedagógica Nacional, Mexico Abstract Text: El trabajo propone discutir, tras el caso del movimiento #YoSoy132 suscitado en twitter en el proceso electoral de 2012 en México, la idea surgida desde los primeros estudios (Rheingold, 1993; Negroponte, 1995; Budge, 1996; Dertouzos, 1997; Norris, 1999 ) de la influencia de internet en la política en los años 90´s de que los acontecimientos que se gestan en redes sociales de Internet implican participación política horizontal que deviene en movimientos sociales masivos sin jerarquía alguna. La discusión parte del análisis de 17 actores (líderes de opinión en la red social twitter) en cuyo alrededor se gestó la popularidad mediática del movimiento #YoSoy132 que posteriormente devino en otras acciones colectivas tradicionales, tales como marchas, acampadas, etc. Así mismo, se analizan diversos aspectos teóricos de reciente factura (Watts, 2007; Watts & Dodds, 2007) sobre la influencia en las redes sociales, en especifico sobre las hipótesis de que en las redes sociales e internet la influencia social es espontanea y accidental, lo que contradice las viejas hipótesis (Rogers, 1962; Lazarsfield et al, 1968; Merton, 1968; Weimann, 1994, Keller & Berr, 2003) de la programación inicial de de todo movimiento social a partir de ejercer influencia estratégica y previamente definida.

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Abstract id# 35493 Start Time: 7:00 PM La Investigación Acción Participativa y La Construcción De Una Sociología Global Borja MIGUEL, Facultad de Pregrado, Escuela Superior de Administración Pública, Colombia; Facultad de Derecho, Ciencias Políticas y Sociales, Departamento de Ciencia Política, Universidad Nacional de Colombia Abstract Text: El propósito de la presentación es dar cuenta de las posibilidades que ofrece la Investigación Acción Participativa (IAP) para la construcción de una sociología global que forje la convergencia del conocimiento entre el sur y el norte. La ponencia realiza una mirada a la respuesta que la IAP da al conocimiento forjado en la sociología europea y estadounidense. Toma como eje de análisis la IAP para destacar la manera cómo ha contribuido en la desconstrucción del pensamiento colonial y la construcción de un conocimiento endógeno en América Latina y otras latitudes, haciendo un énfasis especial en la forma que se inscribe en la sociología crítica. La IAP brinda enormes posibilidades para establecer redes de comunicación con los desarrollos de la sociología a nivel global, y de hecho así sucede, como se puede registrar en sus congresos internacionales y medios de difusión que reúnen sociólogos de las diferentes partes del mundo. La IAP al plantear cambios epistemológicos como la convergencia entre el saber popular y el conocimiento académico y el papel de las comunidades en la reflexión alrededor de la realidad y el cambio, induce una transformación en la sociología cuya primera característica tiene que ver con las características de la producción del conocimiento, el cual deja de ser dominado por escenarios intelectuales cerrados, para establecer el diálogo entre las comunidades científicas y no científicas, entre el saber académico y el popular, en fin, para generar un diálogo de saberes y una sociología global: sur-sur, sur-norte, oriente-oriente, oriente-occidente, etc. Para comprender la forma en que se configura una revolución epistemológica en la sociología de América Latina y otras latitudes, se estudian las contribuciones de la IAP en el campo de la historia y la sistemática de la sociología.

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SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, PUBLICS, AND THE CONTENTIOUS POLITICS OF THE FUTURE - PART I Session Organizer: Markus S. SCHULZ, University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign, USA isarc07@gmail.com Benjamín TEJERINA, Universidad del País Vasco, Spain, b.tejerina@ehu.es Format: Oral Slot: Saturday, July 19, 2014: 8:30 AM-10:20 AM Language: English Research Committee: RC07 Futures Research (host committee) Joint Session with RC48 Social Movements, Collective Actions and Social Change

Abstract id# 40092 Start Time: 8:30 AM Reading the Past and the Present, Imagining (and living) the Future: The Practice of Mystic in Social Movements Lazaro M. BACALLAO PINO, National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), Mexico Abstract Text: Opposite to the so-called revolutionary strategy in two steps (first, to take the power -it means, the State-; and, second, to change the world), social movements propose a process of social change from here-and-now, taking their experiences and practices as an advance of the new society to be built. In this scenario, we aim to analyse the role of the mystic as symbolical mediation between the past-the present where social movements come from, and the present-the future they try to configure. The mystic is one of the most particular characteristics of the Brazilian Landless Social Movement (MST) that has been extended to many other social movements, both in Latin America and worldly, and we will analyse it through the discourses on it. It is considered as an undefinable notion that mixes ethics, aesthetics, subjectivity, identity, feelings, emotions and ideas, and takes place through many artistic forms (dance, music, theatre, poetry, etc). A really transdimensional and complex practice that articulates the symbolical, emotional, thinking, communicative and socialising dimensions, the mystic offers an analytical scenario for understanding this creative temporal tension between past-present and present-future. Given its particular symbolical and emotional dimension, the mystic plays a core role in the process of creation, articulation and -what is more important- “imagination” of projects and visions of future, from a past-and-present based approach, and in the (emotional) mobilisation of individuals around those purposes and the unity for making it real. Finally, we aim to discuss how the mystic’s special articulation between emotions and reasons, feelings and ideas, sensibility and reflexion -broking traditional divides- becomes a central mediation (Barbero) in understanding the process of re-invention of new practices proposed by social movements.

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Abstract id# 37611 Start Time: 8:42 AM New Practices, Old Debates: Ambivalence and Conflict in Identity Politics Begonya ENGUIX, Arts and Humanities, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya (UOC), Spain Abstract Text: Identity-based social movements face a well- studied and basic contradiction: using their difference to achieve equality reinforces their differentiation. Tensions between difference and equality have permeated activist discourses at least since the 60s shaping various activist positions that range from assimilationism to radicalism. In the current Spanish LGBT movement the tension between assimilation and radicalism has produced an ‘official’ LGBT activism (hosted by the FELGTB - Federación Estatal de LGTB) and a ‘critical’ activism being LGBT Pride celebrations their main battlefield. The progressive incorporation of entrepreneurship - LGBT or not- to such celebrations, and the ambivalent position of public institutions deepen the split between these activist positions. Madrid will not hold the 2020 Olympics, but will hold the World Pride in 2017. Its candidacy was championed by AEGAL (LGBT business association) and the City Council with the support from the ‘officialist’ LGTB associations. The importance of tourism as a source of income, identities as business, the spectacularization of the claims and the idea of consumption as the backbone of identities all mark the present and seem to mark the imaginable future of LGBT activism in our country. This ‘ gaypitalista’ (Shangay Lily) Pride is presented as opposed to ‘authentic’ conceptions of vindication. In this scenario, it is urgent to overcome old antagonisms and find new ways to represent and visualize vindications, new ‘practices’ that aspire to the articulation of the ‘inevitable’ (reification, commodification and exposure of identities) with the defense of rights and claims. We aim to analyze the strategies for the present and the future in this field through content analysis of in-depth interviews with businessmen, politicians and activist leaders (‘officialist’ and critics) and various digital media (blogs, comments on news and websites).

Abstract id# 43308 Start Time: 8:54 AM The Shifting Terrain of Grassroots Mobilization and the Future of Education Reform in the United States Rachel BRICKNER, Acadia University, Canada Abstract Text: Public education has been a pillar of American society since the 19thcentury, but since the 1990s an education reform movement has promoted school competition and accountability metrics for students and teachers as critical to turning around the so-called “failing” American public school system. In practice, this education reform agenda has resulted in the proliferation of non-unionized charter schools, shuttering of urban public schools, and the narrowing of curricula in response to increased

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use of standardized tests. This paper is part of a broader project exploring grassroots resistance to this reform agenda. To date, the education reform agenda has been driven by well-financed foundations that are displacing the political influence of traditional education actors (e.g., elected school boards, teachers’ unions, and parent-teacher associations). As the results of the reform efforts become more concrete, however, a grassroots resistance effort of educators, parents, students, bloggers, and some elected officials has emerged to demand that well resourced, democratically governed schools remain a pillar of every American community. The future of education policy in the US will largely depend on how the balance of political influence shifts between the “reformers” and the growing grassroots resistance. Drawing on data from fieldwork in Michigan, Illinois, and Wisconsin, where the grassroots resistance to the reform agenda has taken different forms and had different levels of success, this paper explores the factors that allow these grassroots efforts to successfully promote their vision of democratic public education. Specifically, the paper argues that four factors are critical: 1) shifting the “failing schools” narrative; 2) strengthening the relationships between union leadership, rank-and-file teachers, and the broader community; 3) finding a common frame that unifies the diverse demands of actors within the grassroots movement; and 4) building on the current social media presence while working to influence mainstream media.

Abstract id# 67490 Start Time: 9:06 AM Futures Talk Across Complex Networks: Projecting Sustainability in the Rio+20 Debates Ann MISCHE, Sociology and Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame, USA Abstract Text: In this paper, we analyze ways in possible futures are imagined, debated, and challenged across contentious online networks in preparation for a major international public charged with deliberations about environmental sustainability. We analyze contending narratives about the future in the online documents of the 2012 United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio +20) and the accompanying “People’s Summit.” These forums engaged overlapping networks of government actors, scientific experts, NGOs, businesses, community organizations, labor unions and oppositional social movements in the articulation of contending visions of “the future we want,” variously positioning themselves for and against conceptions of the “green economy.” We distinguish between projective narratives focusing on values, strategies, and predictions, and further examine whether these are expressed in the imperative, conditional, or subjunctive mode. We analyze how these narrative strategies are associated with particular network positions (and coalitional aspirations) in the contentious, conjoined fields of environmental policy-making and activism. The article will shed light on how movement networks are constructed through contentious talk that bridges online and offline forums in a dynamic, complex field.

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Abstract id# 68546 Start Time: 9:18 AM Social Movements and the Political Invention of Future. Considering Recent Argentina Federico SCHUSTER, Social Sciences, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Argentina Abstract Text: During the 1990’s, neoliberal policies drove Argentina to huge transformations of the state, economy and labour. The process left a large number of poor and unemployed people and concluded with a monster crisis in 2001. During that time, there was a very important change in the field of social movements. As a consequence of the neoliberal policies, labour movement (which has been the most important movement in whole country contemporary history) diminished roughly its statistical presence in social mobilization. This happened in 1993 and in 1996 a new kind of movements grew up. That was the case of territorial movements, established in the poor neighbourhoods and small towns in a few provinces. They were composed mostly by unemployed, who asked for elementary rights to survive. By the end of the century those movements (often known as piqueteros) reached the main cities suburbs and constitute the most important social and political agent in the country. Since 2003, when a new President was elected, the country began its normalisation. With the recovery of employment, Unions regained strength and power, but the territorial movements, even diminished, didn’t disappear. They have been recognized by political agents, some of then entered the parties, other even the state and many of them still have the capacity to mobilize and defy political system, at the local, province or federal level. In this paper we analyse this process and consider why and how these new social movements have emerged as political agents and what influence they had in the recent political period. To do that we use a data base of our own (created by the Grupo de Estudios de Acción Colectiva y Protesta Social, that I lead). It has 10000 cases of contentious mobilization actions and goes from 1984 to 2011. The paper include statistical and qualitative analysys.

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RC48 Timetable Time

Sunday, July 13

8:30 - 10:20 AM

Monday, July 14 Presidential Plenary I Protest, Movement and New Identities in Contemporary India

Tuesday, July 15

Wednesday, July 16

Thursday, July 17

Friday, July 18

Occupy-Type Protests in Comparative Perspective. Part I

Feminists Movements and Feminists Mobilizations in a Complex World

Dilemmas of Unfinished Revolutions

Democracy Now: Are New Understandings of Radical Democracy Transforming Its Practice?

Youth and Social Movements. Part II

Activists and Activisms Amidst OccupyType Protests: Practices, Possibilities and Dilemmas

Labor and Environmental Movements

Democracy Now. Part II

Youth and Social Movements. Part I

10:30 AM 12:20 PM

Civil Society and Collective Actions. Part I

Occupy-Type Protests in Comparative Perspective. Part II

12:20 - 2:30 PM

Lunch time

Lunch time

Lunch time

Lunch time

2:30 - 3:20 PM

Semi-Plenaries & Japanese Thematic Sessions

Semi-Plenaries & Japanese Thematic Sessions

Semi-Plenaries & Japanese Thematic Sessions

Semi-Plenaries & Japanese Thematic Sessions

Presidential Session II & Installation of New President

3:30 - 5:20 PM

Civil Society and Collective Actions. Part II

Symbols and Social Movements

Rethinking Democracies: Social Movements and Democratic Processes

Media and Social Movements in the Age of Globalization

Pre-Disaster Alternative Politics in PostDisaster Protests

Intellectual South-South and North-South Dialogues from Critical Thinking, Theory and Collective Praxis

Cultural Fields and Movement Trajectories: Comparing the Effect of Different Cultures upon Movements in the Political Process

Rethinking Democracies: Social Movements and Democratic Processes. Part II

Movements and Civil Society Actors Against Corruption and Organized Crime

The Transnationality of Transnational Movements

5:30 - 7:20 PM

Opening Ceremony, Presidential Address, and Reception

7:30 - 8:50 PM

9:00 - 11:00 PM

Lunch time

Saturday, July 19

Lunch time Social Movements, Publics, and the Contentious Politics of the Future - Part I (2:30 - 4:20 PM)

RC48 Business Meeting (open to all ISA and RC48 members, and to all conference attendants) ISA Officers Election speeches (open meeting)

Note 1: Timetable status as of January 11, 2014. Please note that all scheduling information is subject to change. Note 2: References: Yellow: ISA-organized events. Red: Joint sessions, time slot allocated by the ISA. Green: RC48 sessions. Pink: RC48 business meeting, open to all ISA and RC48 members, and to all conference attendants.

Farewell Party

Note 3: Details regarding RC48 sessions can be found here: http://www.isa-sociology.org/congress2014/rc/ rc.php?n=RC48. Please, take into account some of those sessions have been eliminated, and others have been modified as a result of the selection process of abstracts. Note 4: The complete XVIII ISA World Congress of Sociology timetable can be found here: http://www.isa-sociology.org/congress2014/timetable.htm

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Guidelines for Presenters REGISTRATION DEADLINE FOR PRESENTERS: 1 APRIL 2014 24:00 GMT • On the registration deadline April 1, 2014 presenters who have failed to register will be automatically deleted from the programme. • It is very important that all participants respect conference deadlines concerning registration and submission of abstracts. No extension of deadlines is possible.

RULES FOR ALL PRESENTERS 1. Limited appearance in the Program

3. Registration payment

Participants may be listed no more than twice in the Program. This includes all types of participation – except being listed as Program Coordinator or Session Organizer. Program Coordinators and Session Organizers can organize a maximum of two sessions where their names will be additionally listed in the program.

In order to be included in the program the participants (presenters, chairs, discussants, etc.) need to pay registration fees by April 1, 2014. If not registered, their names will not appear in the Program Book and in the Abstracts Book.

A “participant” is anyone listed as an author, co-author (oral presentation and/or distributed paper), plenary speaker, roundtable presenter, poster presenter, panelist, critic, discussant, session (co)chair, or any similar substantive role in the program. A participant cannot present and chair in the same session.

2. ISA and RC/WG/TG membership ISA does not require anyone to be a member in order to present a paper, and provides different registration fees for members and non-members. Those RCs which require that presenters in their sessions are members of the RC, and/or also of ISA, should clearly inform potential presenters about these requirements from the very start of conference preparations.

Distributed papers will be listed in the programme and their abstracts will be included in the Abstracts Book, providing the authors pay a registration fee in time. For co-authored paper, in order for a paper to appear in the program, at least one co-author should pay the registration fee by the early registration deadline April 1, 2014; the names of other co-authors will be listed as well. If other co-authors wish to attend the conference they must pay the registration fee.

4. Letter of acceptance For a letter stating that your paper has been accepted for presentation, please contact directly the Organizer of the Session.

5. Full papers submission ISA does not collect and does not publish papers presented at its conferences. Each Research Committee, Working and Thematic Group establishes its own rules on full papers submissions. Please contact your Session Organiser for further instructions.

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6. Distributed paper Distributed papers should be treated like any regular conference papers. If a participant does not show up, the first participant listed under distributed papers will be asked to present his/ her paper.

7. Poster presentation Poster size 90 cm x 120 cm

8. Languages The working language of the Congress is English. All printed materials will be in English. The sessions will be in English except some of the Research Committees, Working Groups and Thematic Groups sessions that will be conducted in Spanish or French. Please check the program.

Simultaneous translation in English, French and Spanish will be provided only for the Opening and Closing Presidential Sessions. If you have questions please use the relevant e-mail address of contacts below: • For ISA membership: isa-secretariat@isa-sociology.org • For conference registration: isaconf@confex.com • For letters of invitation: contact your Session Organizer • For visa queries: Any inquiries concerning visa support should be addressed to Visa Support Office which will be opened in February 2014. Contact e-mail address to be announced. See also: Visa Requirements • For hotel accommodation and tours: to be announced • For book exhibition: wcs2014@ics-inc.co.jp

Guidelines for ISA grant application submission TYPE OF GRANT

DECISIONS

Registration grants have been established for active participants in the Research Committee (RC), Working Group (WG) or Thematic Group (TG) programs.

The Board of each RC/WG/TG will review all applications and recommend the allocation of available funds by March 1, 2014. A list of the selected individuals will be posted on the ISA website in mid-March 2014.

ELIGIBILITY Individual ISA members in good standing (i.e. who have paid the individual membership fee at least two years before the month of the ISA conference) are eligible for registration grants.

HOW TO APPLY One can apply for a grant to only one RC/WG/TG. Multiple applications will not be considered. A letter of application should be sent before January 31, 2014 to the Program Coordinator of the RC/WG/TG where a paper will be presented. E-mail addresses of the Program Coordinators of the RC/WG/TGs are available in the relevant RC, WG, TG section.

GRANT ALLOCATION Registration grant code will be provided to the selected individuals by the ISA Secretariat so that all successful applicants can register with this code to the conference before the early registration deadline April 1, 2014.

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Practical Information VENUE ISA World Congress of Sociology is taking place at the international conference center Pacifico Yokohama, located in the center of Yokohama. • Congress venue Pacifico Yokohama

TRAVEL TO YOKOHAMA Yokohama is a suburb of the Tokyo metropolitan area, 25 minutes away by train from Tokyo Central Station. The nearest international airports are Narita International Airport (NRT) and Haneda Airport (NRT) in Tokyo. From Narita Airport (NRT), it takes 90 minutes by limousine bus or by Narita Express train. From Haneda Airport (HND), it takes 30 minutes by limousine bus. For more details see Yokohama visitors’ guide

TRAVELLING IN JAPAN MORE AFFORDABLE THAN YOU EXPECT Information from the Local Organizing Committee. Are you hesitating to come to Yokohama because you are worried about the cost? The reality is that Japan is not as expensive as you might think. Many visitors to Japan from Europe and North America are surprised to discover that things are less expensive than in their home countries. So plan your trip for the 2014 Yokohama World Congress of Sociology today!

COST ESTIMATES TRAVELING TO & IN JAPAN USD 1 = JPY 93 EUR 1 = JPY 120 GBP 1 = JPY 143 (as of April 2013)

Air Fare (Economy) from NY

USD 930

Paris or Berlin

EUR 1,020

London Hotel Stay /Day

GBP 860 JPY 5-20,000 USD 53-212 EUR 42-160 GBP 35-140

Cheaper hotel or Japanese style inn called “ryokan”

JPY 3,000~

Reasonable Business Hotel

JPY 5,000~

3 Star Hotel

JPY 9,000~

Lunch

JPY 500~ USD 5.30 EUR 4.16 GBP 3.5

Big Mac (with fries and drink) Mac Hamburger O-Bento Lunch Box

JPY 550~ JPY 100~ JPY 450~

Dinner

JPY 800~ USD 8.51 EUR 6.66 GBP 5.16

A delegate choosing cheaper accommodation might only spend: 7 Nights Accommodation Meals ($20 per day) Registration (early bird, ISA member) Total

USD 420 (USD 60/night) USD 140+drinks USD 376 USD 936 EUR 750 GBP 617 + air fare

All prices and tax above are as of April 1, 2013 No tipping is required - not even expected! in Japan

Looking forward to meeting you all in Yokohama! Contact: wcs2014loc@gmail.com

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Visa Requirements 1. List of countries having visa exemption arrangements 2. Participants from several countries need to obtain an entry visa to Japan. Please visit the website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan for information on visa application procedures: Guide to Japanese Visas.

The Japanese Local Organizing Committee will provide assistance in the preparation of documents for visa application for the registered participants only. Please note that visa cannot be issued earlier than in April 2014, three months before the Congress. Any inquiries concerning visa support should be addressed to Visa Support Office which will be opened in February 2014. Contact e-mail address to be provided.

Hotel and Tours HOTELS On-line booking of the hotels with special discount rates for the delegates selected by the Japanese Local Organizing Committee. This service will be operational till June 11, 2014. Links of a variety of accommodations including Youth Hostels and Guest Houses.

TOURS

YOKOHAMA

Information on study tours, excursions and sightseeing options prepared by the Japanese Local Organizing Committee for the ISA World Congress of Sociology will be announced in March 2014. A variety of classes for Japanese culture, like Kimono dressing, Tea ceremony, Paper holding (Origami) and Writing English Haiku will be held within Pacifico Yokohama. Please consult the below links for information on visiting Yokohama, Tokyo, and other parts of Japan. They include information on Attractions and Tours, Accommodations, Transportations, Art Galleries and Museums, Festivals and Events, and Travel Tips. From traditional ryokan stays, historic sites, art museums, Imperial Palace to Tokyo Disneyland, Tsukiji-Fish Market, Ghibli Anime Museum for Totoros!

• Yokohama Visitors’ Guide • Yokohama-JapanGuide.com

TOKYO • Go Tokyo Official Tokyo Travel Guide • Tokyo-JapanGuide.com • Hato Bus - Tokyo Bus Tours Information

JAPAN IN GENERAL • JapanGuide.com • JTB Global Marketing & Travel

FOOD AND RESTAURANTS Searchable Restaurant Site Kosher | Halal For queries on hotel accommodation and tours, please contact : JTB Global Marketing & Travel Inc., wcs2014@gmt.jtb.jp 

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Farewell Party FRIDAY, JULY 18, 2014, 21:00-23:00 The Osanbashi Pier Fee: JPY 3,000 per person

The Farewell Party Fee of JPY 3,000 per person includes:

Delicious Food – Japanese and Other World Dishes The Japanese Local Organizing Committee invites you and your family to the ISA World Congress Farewell Party at the Osanbashi Pier - the Grand Pier - of the Yokohama International Passenger Terminal. Don’t miss a beautiful night view from the Osanbashi Pier of the sparkling city and twinkling stars above Yokohama Bay! Still having another half day, Friday will be the last evening for us to share our great conference outcomes and to enjoy our friendships, conversations, dishes, and fantastic views of the City and Bay.

Including but not limited to: • Vegetarian including Vegan, Kosher, and Halal Foods • American – Yokohama with special historical ties with the USA • Chinese – Yokohama with the largest Chinatown in Japan

Beverages – Drink as Much as You Can! Including but not limited to: • Soft Drinks – tea, fresh juice, non-alcohol cocktails • Beer – Yokohama has the 1st place in beer production in Japan! • Japanese sake, wine, cocktails, and more

Desserts – fruit & sweets • Ice Cream – Yokohama is the best place for ice creams in Japan!

Tickets can be bought through the registration form. See you all at the Osanbashi Pier!

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Announcements Call for nomination elections to the ISA Executive Committee Dear Presidents of ISA RC/WG/TG and National Associations, During the last months, ISA members and National Associations have received timely information about the forthcoming Elections to the ISA Executive Committee for the period Fall 2014-Summer 2018. Now, the deadline to send nominations is very close: January 31st, 2014. Let us remind you that all the relevant information can be found on http://www.isa-sociology.org/ about/isa_elections_2014.htm From the perspective of the ISA Nominating Committees it is necessary to stress the importance of receiving a large number of candidacies which represents diversity at ISA and National Associations.

Please, in this final stage of open nominations consider to foster candidacies among our RCs/ WGs/TGs and National Associations! All a candidate requires is a nomination from two ISA members in good standing. The nomination forms are very simple (see above link). The required curriculum vitae should consist of a maximum of 20 lines, including both academic and organizational experience, and listing up to three selected publications. The form, and curriculum vitae, should be e-mailed to isa@isa-sociology.org by January 31, 2014

Best regards, Amado Alarc贸n Research Council Nominating Committee Chair

Tina Uys National Associations Nominating Committee Chair

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Announcements from our members - Publications I would like to highlight publication and free online availability of the following book, and related resources for teaching, research and activism on gender and sexuality: Corinne Lennox and Matthew Waites (eds.)(2013) Human Rights, Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity in the Commonwealth: Struggles for Decriminalisation and Change (London: School of Advanced Study, University of London). Available completely free online to read or download at: http://commonwealth.sas.ac.uk/publications/ house-publications/lgbt-rights-commonwealth Human rights in relation to sexual orientation and gender identity are at last reaching the heart of global debates. Yet due to the legal legacies of the British Empire, 42 of the states where adult same-sex sexual acts are criminalised are in the Commonwealth of Nations. In recent years many states have seen the emergence of new sexual nationalisms, leading to increased enforcement of colonial sodomy laws against men, new criminalisations of sex between women and discrimination against transgender people. Human Rights, Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity in The Commonwealth: Struggles for Decriminalisation and Change challenges these developments as the first book to focus on experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) and all nonheterosexual people in the Commonwealth. The volume offers the most internationally extensive analysis to date of the global struggle for decriminalisation of same-sex sexual behaviour and relationships.

The book is available on the School of Advanced Study website, where it can be read online or downloaded without charge, or purchased in print. Please see website for full details. http://commonwealth.sas.ac.uk/publications/ house-publications/lgbt-rights-commonwealth The book was launched in Toronto, Canada on 26 June during Pride week at the event ‘Sexuality, Repression and the Law’, in partnership with the unique global project ‘Envisioning Global LGBT Human Rights’ based at York University. Videos of the launch including chapter authors such as Monica Tabengwa from Botswana, and a film on Botswana from the Envisioning project, can be viewed online and perhaps used in human rights teaching and activism: Part 1: http://vimeo.com/70217990 Part 2: http://vimeo.com/70371903 Part 3: http://vimeo.com/70417403 This was followed by a UK launch at Senate House in London on 5 July, including chapter author speakers on Jamaica and Uganda. A video of my opening talk is available: http://www.sas.ac.uk/videos-and-podcasts/ politics-development-human-rights/humanrights-sexual-orientation-gender-identit Further information about dissemination events and links to chapter author websites can be found here: http://www.gla.ac.uk/schools/ socialpolitical/staff/matthewwaites/

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About RC48 and the ISA The Research Committee on Social Movements, Collective Action and Social Change (RC48) is part of the International Sociological Association (ISA). It was founded as a Working Group in 1992, under the presidency of Prof. Bert Klandermans. In 1994 it was recognized as an ISA Research Committee. The objective of RC48 is to foster intellectual, academic and scholarly exchanges between researchers of broadly defined social movements, collective action and social change. The RC48 is currently based at the Collective Identity Research Center (Department of Sociology 2, University of the Basque Country, Spain). The ISA was founded in 1949 under the auspices of UNESCO. With more than 5,000 members coming from 167 countries, the ISA is currently the most important international professional association in the field of sociology. Its goal is to advance sociological knowledge throughout the world, and to represent sociologists everywhere, regardless of their school of thought, scientific approaches or ideological opinion. An account of the internal organization of the ISA can be found here, and a history of the ISA written by Jennifer Platt is published here. The on-going scientific activities of the ISA are decentralised in 55 Research Committees (RC), 3 Working Groups (WG) and 5 Thematic Groups (TG), each dealing with a well-recognized specialty in sociology. These groups bring together scholars who wish to pursue comparative research on a transnational basis and they constitute basic networks of scientific research, intellectual debate and professional exchange. Although they must fulfill certain minimum requirements, RCs have complete autonomy to operate. Each RC’s governing body is the Board, formed by a

President, a Secretary, and a variable number of board members. RC48 participates in the organization of both the ISA World Congresses, celebrated every 4 years since 1950 (Zurich), and the ISA Forums of Sociology, also celebrated every 4 years since 2008 (Barcelona). In contrast to the ISA World Congress, which has a more professional and academic character, the Forum’s original purpose was to establish an open dialogue with colleagues doing sociology in public institutions, social movements, and civil society organizations. This means that every two years, we are involved in the organization of a world-wide event. In between ISA World Congresses and Forums, our committee organizes smaller scientific meetings called RC48 international conferences. These meetings tend to be more narrowly focused than other ISA events and, on average, they gather between 30 and 60 scholars. As a consequence, colleagues can make longer presentations, and we can go hold deeper and more enriching debates. The last of these conferences was convened under the motto “From Social to Political. New Forms of Mobilization and Democratization” and took place in Bilbao, on February 9-10, 2012. You can find all the information regarding this conference in our website.

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RC48 BOARD 2010-2014 President: Benjamín TEJERINA, University of the Basque Country, Spain Secretary/Treasurer: Debal SINGHAROY, Indira Gandhi National Open University, India

BOARD MEMBERS Taghi AZADARMAKI, Iran Tova BENSKI, College of Management Studies, Israel Jorge CADENA ROA, UNAM, Mexico Helena FLAM, Universität Leipzig, Germany James GOODMAN, University of Technology, Australia Lauren LANGMAN, Loyola University of Chicago, USA Markus SCHULZ, University of Illinois-Urbana Champaign, USA

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Benefits associated to RC48 membership 1. SUBSCRIPTION TO ISA JOURNALS • Current Sociology, one of the oldest and most cited sociological journals in the world; • International Sociology, a journal in which all regions, branches and schools of thought within sociology are represented;

2. FREE ON-LINE ACCESS TO • eSymposium, a forum through which ISA members (only) are able to engage in debate, showcasing the diverse work, practices, ideas and voices within international sociology. • sociopedia.isa an online database with state-of-the-art review articles in social sciences. Each of the entries includes a debate section; • SAGE Collection, which includes 37 journals with more than 12,500 articles. • Sage Studies in International Sociology, these publications promote international debate and analyze dominant trends within sociology;

3. ACCESS TO ISA DIGITAL WORLDS • Global Dialogue, the electronic newsletter and magazine of the ISA. It appears 5 times a year, and in 14 languages. It attempts to keep readers up to-date with events in the ISA with reports from Research Committees and National Associations, reports on conferences and on meetings of the Executive Committee, and by announcing changes in journals, in the organization, and so forth. It is also a venue for debates, state of different sociologies, interviews, and much more. The latest issue in English (November 2012) can be found here; • Universities in Crisis, a blog of the ISA that reports on universities in crisis, aiming to build global communities of concerned academics; • Global Sociology, Live! An experimental online course, born from the collaboration of the Global Sociology Seminar at the University of California, Berkeley, and the ISA. It involves conversations between sociology students at the University of California, Berkeley and scholars from around the world. Each week the conversation is recorded and then made available to a global audience through the International Sociological Association. The videos of weekly conversations can be viewed here. There is also a blog associated with the course that can be found at http://globalsociologylive.blogspot.com/. • Sociotube. Films and videos on the everyday lives of sociologists from different parts of the world -- teaching, conducting research, engaging publics, attending conferences, and so forth. The videos can be viewed here.

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4. RECEPTION OF ISAGRAM an electronic newsletter containing announcements of the forthcoming conferences, calls for papers and manuscripts, prizes, competitions, job offers, etc.

5. IMPORTANT DISCOUNTS • A 45% discount on SAGE Publications books; • Special subscription rates to journals offered by various publishers. • A reduction in registration fees at ISA World Congress and Forum of Sociology.

6. SPECIAL BENEFITS DERIVED FROM RC48 MEMBERSHIP • Information: i. Reception of our newsletter Grassroots, including information regarding events and developments related to our area of study around the globe, and also short essays, thought-pieces or other materials written by RC48 members. Grassroots provides, as well, all relevant information regarding ISA Forums and World Congresses: conference programs, timetables, logistic information for travelers, etc. The first issue of Grassroots was published in July 2012 and can be found here. Grassroots is edited twice a year by Benjamín Tejerina and Ignacia Perugorría. ii. Immediate access to this information through our RC48 website, Facebook page and Twitter account. In addition, the section “Resources” within our RC48 website includes information on other research networks specialized in the study of social movements around the world, non-ISA conferences, calls for articles, journals, book series, recent publications, blogs, newsletters, job openings, fellowships, grants and prizes. • Prizes and Grants: i. All RC48 members residing in B and C countries are eligible for ISA travel grants to attend ISA Forums of Sociology or World Congresses. ii. Starting in 2013, all RC48 members undergoing MA or PhD studies and presenting a paper at ISA Forums of Sociology or World Congresses will be eligible for an RC48 Best Graduate Student Paper Award. iii. All PhD students who are RC48 members are also eligible to participate in the annual International Laboratories for PhD Students in Sociology. This year, the laboratory will be celebrated in Sydney, Australia, under the theme “Towards a Global Sociology.” For further information, go to: http://www.isa-sociology.org/isa_lab.htm • Participation in ISA congresses: In addition to presenting papers, all RC48 members are welcome to organize sessions, panels, etc., and to act as chair or discussants at ISA Forums and World Congresses, and RC48 international conferences. • Participation in RC48 Board and business meetings: RC48 members are eligible to integrate the board, or to run for president or secretary of our research committee. Every RC48 member is also welcome and encouraged to participate in our periodic business meetings, celebrated in the context of ISA Forums and World Congresses. • Contribution to RC48 publications: In 2012, and thanks to an agreement with the Collective Identity Research Center and the University of the Basque Country Press, RC48 began to publish the proceedings of RC48 international conferences and ISA World Forums in both electronic and paper format. It is our intention to continue with this effort in future ISA events.

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Grassroots The Newsletter of the Research Committee on Social Movements, Collective Action and Social Change (RC48) of the International Sociological Association EDITORS

Benjamín TEJERINA, University of the Basque Country, Spain | b.tejerina@ehu.es Ignacia PERUGORRÍA, University of the Basque Country, Spain | ignacia.perugorria@fulbrightmail.org

AIM OF Grassroots

Grassroots provides information for scholars interested in social movements, collective action and social change, with an emphasis on events and developments around the globe. Grassroots is driven by the idea of free access to information and open communication.

CONTRIBUTIONS

Please send contributions, suggestions and input to the editors at isa.rc48@gmail.com.

PUBLISHING INFORMATION

Grassroots is edited by the Research Committee on Social Movements, Collective Action and Social Change (RC48) of the International Sociological Association, currently based at the Collective Identity Research Center, Department of Sociology 2, University of the Basque Country (Spain). Grassroots is published twice a year as a PDF and an HTML document.

SUBSCRIPTION & BACK ISSUES

You can receive Grassroots via email. Please subscribe at: http://www.identidadcolectiva.es/ISA_RC48/ > Signup for Grassroots Back issues are available in PDF format on the website: http://www.identidadcolectiva.es/ISA_RC48/index. php/publications-left/grassroots.html. The PDF can be downloaded free of charge.

EDITORIAL OFFICE

Research Committee on Social Movements, Collective Action and Social Change (RC48) of the International Sociological Association Centro de Estudios sobre la Identidad Colectiva Departamento de Sociología 2. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales y Comunicación. Universidad del País Vasco Barrio Sarriena, s/n, Leioa, Bizkaia, España Tel +0034 946 015 093 www.identidadcolectiva.es/ISA_RC48/ isa.rc48@gmail.com

art direction and layout: mikel azpiri landa www.elmaic.info · yosoy@elmaic.info cover photograph: Thomas Northcut Wheatgrass with exposed roots · www.thinkstockphotos.com

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