Issuu on Google+

Iraq Who Won the War Page 20

Outlaws of Rock Page 48

How Bush Destroyed the Dollar Page 48

5 years

ISSU E

later

108

w ar ne w s ed iti on

lumpen

contains program Page 51


Una Mae’s Freak Boutique 1528 N Milwaukee Ave 773-276-7002 check out our weekend sales at our old location 1422 N Milwaukee Ave


Please r e

ISSU E

ad.

108

and se e y o u la ter

features

Iraq War Statistic 20 By Deb White

Iraq, who won the war 23

By the Independent

Conspiracy Theory, Fears of 28 Betrayal and Today’s Anti-War Movement By Stephen Philion

How bush desyed the dollar 31 by Adam Brooks

war on Immigrants

34

By Tom Berry

no end in sight 38 film review By Victor Grigas

where yoru money goes 39 By War reisiters Leaugue

Forwarded Email

40

Departments

05 hello 09 BENton house Interview by edmar 10

sex, Lies andthe WOrld Bank

By Admiral Pip

18

A Date with two devils

By Renay Kerkman

15

Islands Fold comics

By Luke Ramsey

32

Stonerfold

48

By Rand Sevilla

Outlaws of Rock By P. C Wrenn

38 book

review

By Daniel Tucker

PROGRAM

51 VERSION>08 dark

matter

Abridged program insert for yer navigational pleasure


Lumpen Magazine Ed Marszewski Editor/Publisher Matt Malooly Editor Aaron Pedersen Art Director in absentia Aron Gent Arts Editor Brian Meir World Correspondent Rachael Marszewski Comics Editor Eric “Guns” Graf Bob Colacelo Zack Weil Music Editor Ringo Man Behind the Curtain Brunerd.com Technology Consultant 1984 Mike Evans Mariapaz Camargo The Apprentice Mairead Case, Jerry Boyle Guardians

Lumpen Regulars Abra Adduci • Admiral Pip • Party Steve Renay Kerkman • Art Fag • Aya • Rand Sevilla Jennifer Jupitor Stratford

Contributors Daniel Tucker • Luke Ramsey

Cover Seripop (seripop.com)

Thanks Greg Calvert aron pederson

Advertising Inquiries Ed ed@lumpen.com

Lumpen HQ 3219 S Morgan St • Chicago, IL • 60608 • U$ A ph: 773.837.0145 • e: edmarlumpen@gmail.com www.lumpen.com • myspace.com/lumpentimes hosted by onshore.net • web action by nata.org


9ffbj#Q`e\j#:fd`Zj#KiXZkjGfie N_Xkkf[f]fik_Xkg\ijfen_fÊj [`]]`Zlckkfj_fg]fi6I\X[\ijf] f[[Yffbjn`k_k_\jkiXe^\ eXd\j6K_fj\[XieÇ=leepYffbÈ Zfcc\Zkfij6Q`e\jk_Xkcffbc`b\ pfle^K`ddpÊjY\\eje`]]`e^fek_\ CJ;X^X`e6 K?<8EJN<I@J:C<8I%8Hl`dYpÊj c`d`k\[\[`k`fe#)$j`[\[#_\Xmp Zfkkfe(,fq kfk\%DX[\`ek_\ LJ8Yp<em`ifkfk\#]\Xkli`e^Di% =%:%NXi\jYi`cc`Xek#`Zfe`Zcf^f gi`ek\[`eknfZfcfij%G\i]\Zk]fi kfk`e^Xifle[Yffbj#alebXe[ Xjjfik\[ZfekiXYXe[FecpXmX`c$ XYc\Xkfli]`e\\jkXYc`j_d\ek%

?flijf]Fg\iXk`fe Dfe$K_lij1()gd$0gd#=i`1()gd$('gd JXkli[Xp1((Xd$('gd Jle[Xp1()gd$-gd FliÇ@ek\ie\kjÈJkfi\E\m\i:cfj\j

NNN%HL@D9PJ%:FD (/,+N%Efik_8m\el\ :_`ZX^f@C-'-)) ..*$*+)$'0('

J_fgXk?fd\ J`^eLgkfI\Z\`m\XDfek_cp C`jk`e^f]E\n@k\djXe[=i\\ @e$Jkfi\<m\ekj

NNN%HL@D9PJ%:FD


BENTON HOUSE AND ben NOetzel An interview The Benton house is a community space that is located just off of BosleyPpark in the 1100 west 31st Street block of Bridgeport. For years I have run into friends in the neighborhood that have volunteered or done work to help out local youth and retirees in the neighborhood, but never ever went there myself. It seemed almost invisible. We talked to one of our buddies, Ben Noetzel who volunteers at the center to give us a ittle overview of what goes on at the Benton House. Lumpen hopes that readers who are looking for a good place to volunteer in the community will give them a ring and lend them a hand.

ED: What is the primary mission of the Benton House? For example I know that the Benton House is a non-profit association that has been serving the Bridgeport community for decades. They provide services to seniors and to kids. But what exactly goes on there? Ben Noetzel There are lots of programs at Benton House that address different needs and interests for all ages. The after school program has homework help, gym, art, mentoring for jr. high students, a professional development program in sound engineering, daily luncheons and exercise for seniors, a food pantry, AA meetings, Yoga sessions, a community garden, adult basketball, and a slew of others. Benton House has been operating for almost 100 years. According to Maggie Finucane, Executive Director, “Some of the families that come to Benton House [are] 4th and 5th generation. The continuity we offer is unique.” ED: Why did you join the Benton House? BN: I’d been researching uses of art as a community building tool, so it was a good fit for me. I actually didn’t know Benton House existed until I saw a job posting on craigslist--even though it is only a few blocks from my apartment, where I’d been living for over a year. That really came as a kick in the pants for me as far as what I thought about my participation in a cohesive neighborhood/ community. I had been involved in a couple of public art projects which had neighborhood involvement and support, but they were in different areas of the city. There’s something unique about being involved locally, being acclimated in to the area. Ed: What role does the Benton House have for the community? BN What I think is unique here is the openness to programs and availability of the facilities. The staff is all very open to ideas, so if there is a group interest and some one willing to lead or organize the session(s), chances are it can be set up fairly easily. It promotes skill sharing. What is important about these programs taking place at Benton House (as opposed to a residency) is meeting in public space. Benton House’s varied programs yield interactions with the space. Whether it’s the gym or the garden, there are separate groups of people interacting with the space, investing in it. As the population of the neighborhood changes, public resources like these will be crucial to maintain that cohesion.

BN: Right now we are doing painted self-portraits, which is in response to a lot of work that has been made already that seems to deal with selfidentity. Names have been a big thing. There are lots of paintings/drawings of first names, or pictures with enormous signatures. Some have a great sense of style, including those interested in graffiti lettering. That’s a ‘teachable moment’, where there is opportunity to interject in an area of a child’s understanding of something (glorifying the gangster icon, or for example) that I see as relevant to their character. That is why an art program can be so important in an after school setting where academic pressures are taken away. The signals that come up in doodles can be very telling of how the world is being perceived by youth, and can be used to empower them as cultural producers. ED; Do you want people to help out at the Benton House? Do you need volunteers? what would someone do over there? what kind of support is available? BN: Benton House are always looking for volunteers. If you have an idea for a program, a workshop, or want to give homework help, or play ball, stop by. All ages are welcome. We also need art materials: paint, brushes, markers, glitter, anything we can get out hands on. Benton House has partnered with author JoAnne Gazarek Bloom and Arcadia Publishing to compile a photographic history of Bridgeport. If you have photographs or history that you would like to be included, bring them by. We are currently looking for volunteers to help out on Children’s Benefit Tag Day April 11th. Children’s Benefit Tag day is one of 5 official Tag Days in the city of Chicago. The monies raised that day by Benton House volunteers goes directly to Benton House. We ask that you be able to give at least 3 hours of your time that day to help out. Other volunteer opportunities include working on various committees for benefits throughout the year. The buildings need some carpentry repairs and electrical repairs. There’s gardening in the spring and summer. If you have a hobby or skill you would like to share/teach maybe we can put together classes. Benton House is located at 3052 S Gratten Avenue. http://www.bentonhouse.org

ED: What kind of projects do you do with the kids?

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen




SEX, LIES AND the WORLD BANK by Admiral Pip

I’m in Delhi at an international conference about local governance in Brazil, India and South Africa. It is sponsored by the Indian federal government and how we ever got invited I don’t know, but the first thing I tried to do was block Porto Alegre Mayor Soriano’s invitation. Porto Alegre is a famous city where the socialist local government started the World Social Forum, with help from people like Susan George and Le Monde Diplomatique. The same government also introduced a tool to the world called Participatory Budgeting, where neighborhood volunteers elect voluntary delegates to decide how a city spends its investment budget.

I would have to write an entire article about Participatory Budgeting to explain it properly. Just to give an example of its complexity, there are at least 10 different models for PB currently being used.. The real estate industry in Porto Alegre, like in most other cities in the world, continually tries to drive up real estate values by driving poor people out. Participatory Budgeting gives poor people a voice in the development process, enabling them to channel city spending towards actions that solidify their positions in their neighborhoods, for example, public pre-schools, community libraries, health clinics, as opposed to things like malls and parking lots that the real estate community tries to pressure the local government into financing. The World Bank ignored participatory budgeting for years, but now that a conservative real estate backed coalition has taken over the city, they are pumping a huge amount of money into the government coffers to help publicize it around the world. The current mayor has cut the amount of money allocated to Participatory Budgeting

10 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 8

to around 1% of the total budget. Now the program funds things like dance classes and training for young women who “want” to get jobs as maids. But the mayor goes around saying things like, “Our administration has improved Participatory Budgeting because now our citizens have been transformed to managers”. Since we can’t block his invitation, we invite Ernesto, one of Porto Alegre’s leading authorities on Participatory Budgeting, to make a speech ripping the new administration. During the cocktail party Dr. Buzilli, the City Minister of Democratic Governance, approaches our pal and politely asks him not to criticize Porto Alegre in his speech. “It’s a question of patriotism. We don’t want to look like we aren’t united in front of the Indian and South Africans”.

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8

I’m in Delhi at an international conference about local governance in Brazil, India and South Africa. It is sponsored by the Indian federal government and how we ever got invited I don’t know, but the first thing I tried to do was block Porto Alegre Mayor Soriano’s invitation. Porto Alegre is a famous city where the socialist local government started the World Social Forum, with help from people like Susan George and Le Monde Diplomatique. The same government also introduced a tool to the world called Participatory Budgeting, where neighborhood volunteers elect voluntary delegates to decide how a city spends its investment budget.


Ernesto says, “It is not the focus of my speech, but I will make a few small comparisons.” The next night there is another cocktail party. Buzilli, a skinny little guy with a beard, makes a beeline for our pal. I am stuck in a conversation with the former Indian Minister of Urban Development but I watch as things heat up. After an hour I go up to Ernesto, who has turned white. “What happened?” “He is a real snake. For the first 45 minutes he agreed with everything I said. Then he threatened me. And now I can’t say anything about Porto Alegre tomorrow. He used to be a member of the MR-8 Guerilla movement* you know. I have to take his threat seriously.” The next day Ernesto is flustered and visibly struggles during his speech. At one point, he accidentally loads a PowerPoint photo that has a group of protesters waving a sign insulting the mayor. He quickly changes it but the mayor acts shocked. That evening, during my fifth whiskey at a cocktail party at the ambassador’s mansion, I weave my plan.

“Ernesto, I’m going to make love with the mayor’s wife as a sign of solidarity with the people of Porto Alegre. Do you have any suggestions?” He laughs, “She used to be a famous singer. The mayor himself was a successful songwriter during the 70s. We call him the name of one of his songs as a joke, ‘black wind’. His wife surrounds herself with this wall of professionalism. They are a political team. It’s hard to get her to acknowledge your presence. She would never talk to me, but maybe you can do it because you are a crazy long-haired gringo. Good luck. “ I bump into the mayor and spend 40 minutes chatting with him about music. He is a charming guy and I can’t help liking him on a personal level, despite the fact that he works for the real estate moguls. He is an old bohemian who was a legendary teacher during the 70s and was a well-known party animal. He offers to give me a copy of one of his old records. His wife walks up and he introduces me, “Hey, this is Pip. He’s an American in Brazil and he used to be a musician too.” She nods at me as if to say, ‘who cares?’

The final night we dine together at the Muslim Businessmen’s Association of Delhi. Mrs. Mayor sings a song composed by her husband about Porto Alegre. She is in her late 40s and has big, beautiful eyes and a fantastic voice. It is easy to see how she has helped him win so many elections over the years. Then one of the young federal government flunkies sings a Brazilian song. His voice is solid but amateur. An Indian sociologist gets up and sings song in Spanish about Che Guevara. All the politicians from the three countries sing along, with the Buzilli waving his arms in enthusiasm. “Look at those hypocrites”, Ernesto says. “Shh. I’m filming. This might look good on youtube around election time.” Afterwards, I find myself sitting at a table with the Mayor, a couple other Brazilian mayors and federal government officials and their wives, and Mrs. Mayor. The young flunky comes up to her and says, “Hey, did you hear me?” “Yes”. “I come from a musical family. All my...” She cuts him off and looks at me with her big brown eyes. “Pip, excuse me. Do you understand when I speak Portuguese or should I talk in English”? The mayor raises a white eyebrow.

* The MR-8, Movimento Revolucionario 8 de Outubro, was a radical communist guerilla organization during the US-backed Brazilian Military Dictatorship of 1964-85. One of their crowning achievments was the sucessfull kidnapping of the American Ambassador in 1969, exchanging him for two dozen imprisoned radicals, including several future Lula Cabinet Ministers like Jose Dirceau. Since the end of the dictatorship, however, they’ve sold themselves to the centrist party PMDB and have spent a lot of time trying to make a mockery of radical students organizations, specializing in attempts to provoke riots at peaceful protests.

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 11


12 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 7


A Date With Two Devils by Renay Kerkman

“A wonderful, wonderful attribute, Wantonness: rich, rich luster in the conscious temperament which owns it; a Gift-thing delicate and gorgeous. By it I want a Thousand Kisses—made all of Wantonness.”

- I, Mary MacLane

I had thought that I was truly the most perplexed person, politically,

I tell her that, coincidently, I’ve been reading an old book call, “La-

until I serve several glasses of cheap Merlot to a charmingly de-

dies of the Underworld.” These women wait for the Devil, run with

mented woman named Mia Swan. Mia floats elegantly inside a tangy

the Devil, spy for the Devil, tempt the Devil and, eventually, rob the

haze—huddling under her fuzzy-hooded Eskimo jacket. Her unlikely

Devil blind and he likes it. And not the Devil who just models red un-

companion is a skinny boy named Harry Peel—who I immediately

derwear and cloven hoofs under a suit—but that man that a girl falls

card because he looks about thirteen years old.

madly in love with—for real. Of course, some Devils are sexier, more forthright and more generous than others.

Harry demands that I play “Sweet Leaf” and “Enter Sandman,” then shows me the goat-headed monster tattoo under his “Avenged Sev-

“Ok, the Satan thing bothered me a lot—at first. But really, the only

enfold” t-shirt. He sucks down a tall boy PBR, banging is head to the

thing that ever comes out of Harry’s mouth is quoting the bible—and

beat of the pinball machine. Alone at the bar, Mia is dead quiet and

not the flowery, ‘God is Love’ pretty parts. You ever read that last

barely moving, until the third glass of wine kicks her into gear.

book in the bible? It’s a Revelation on religion. The end of one long, wicked joke. Lovey Dovey Flowers? It ain’t like that. It’s f—ed up.”

Mia confesses that she is on a double date—two men and herself. Fortunately, the two men are not aware of each other. Her other date

Harry Peel returns to the bar with a sexy smirk. He grabs Mia and

is alone at a table full of raw tuna, unsuspecting—across the street at

they explore the wantonness of those thousand kisses. I try not to

the sushi restaurant. His name is Bill. At this very moment, the hand-

stare, turning on the TV. Suddenly, Harry runs off to the little boy’s

some Bill thinks that Mia is in the fishhouse’s ladies room.

room. Mia smiles and looks up at the evening news, now overflowing with various bureaucratic rivalries.

“OK, so maybe Bill’s a karaoke god. He can do Elvis. Well-hung, too. He can do Sinatra Owns a house, and all. But Hell, Harry there can

“Hey, I tried to meet men on the Internet, but that world is just full of

do Danzig, Slayer and Henry Rollins--together.”

liars—almost like voting. You look at the names, but who are these people, really? You gotta make a choice based on the words of lying

I pour her another glass of Merlot. She wants me to guess her age,

egomaniacs. Romance lies. That’s how men get laid—and women,

so I card her too.

well, we lie to everyone and ourselves.”

“Yeah. I’m old. I guess I should grow up and have babies—instead

I nod, as I watch the TV news—the long arm of the Devil’s workshop.

of dating them. But… Next thing you know, you’re stuck in some sub-

Beelzebub, the whore of Babylon, Lucifer, anti-Jesus 666. My name

urb, married to a motherhumping hypocrite—a religious creep with

is Legion, for we are many. I find myself falling in love, like a pos-

seventeen hand-guns and a kiddy-porn collection laying right beside

sessed herd of swine falls off a cliff, with the predictably wanton,

his holy bible. He farms you out and then takes your paycheck to pay

devilish contenders.

off his balloon mortgage. Jesus, you get cancer and he calls you a pussy. Almost makes you wanna take up a life of crime.”

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 13


HOme Far Away by Aya

“You should figure out what you want to do with your life”. Is it spineless if what I really want is just a man who I can love and cook and clean for? And perhaps have a dog and, maybe even a baby with? I’m exhausted of running eternally on a conveyer belt. January 1 Aside from the fact I’m completely missing the 1-hour worth portion of memory during our emigration from this mind-numbingly dreary New Year’s party to another district’s not-so-terrible punk club, I compel myself it was quite all right. Battles of the explosives and attacks on vehicles on road and rail with broken bottles on the bridge at below freezing point was a little too touristy, perhaps, but we managed to escape before midnight and view the city be lit by kaleidoscopic fire particles from an empty train when 2008 arrived. For the rest I was drunk, high, overflowing with contentment of laughter and swings of our bodies, helplessly heartbroken as I saw someone close as a desperate manifestation of despair in the corner of my eye throughout the night. January 14 Before I moved here I’d been warned –everyone is depressed in the midst of a German winter. It’s true, December had some deadly cold days, including the day no one could walk on the frozen pavement without sliding across the sidewalk into the traffic, however nowadays the global warming brings us miserably rainy dark days with no sign of the Sun’s orbiting above. January 23 I longed for this stability. A boy with his feet on the ground, as sweet as saccharine-endorsed hot chocolate yet as sensitive as an embroidered silk handkerchief, a hardworking graphic designer and a musician. He loves me passionately more than he loves his girlfriend. Yet what is this sensation absent in my heart? Boredom is taking over, an apathetic sense of resignation. It is painful. February 8 Yesterday me and my band mate missed the reserved train to Amsterdam. After a disconcerting argument that included reproaching and refutation, we dragged ourselves back to the flat we had moved out of just 20 minutes ago. Today the sky was as blue as toilet cleaner liquid, and traveling by car and train was smooth. We met up with our singer at Sugar Factory, a big fancy underpants club, waited around in the backroom mingling with drags and burlesque dancers dangling their boobs and smearing paste into their facial pores, and performed for the queer party, for 20 minutes and the DJ

immediately started blasting out house and we got swiftly brushed off to the back. February 10 After taking a stroll by murky Amstel we took off to our friends’ place in Utrecht to stay till next show. The weather has been so splendid and we take walks to the park nearby to feed ducks and chickens and peacocks and Bambis the moldy bread. Then I visited the lover in Rotterdam and said good-bye. Fabruary 12 Is it that hard to find a normal boyfriend? Perhaps so when I’m living with a best friend and going out with him all the time, quarreling like a married couple everyday, with little sense of personal boundaries, which in itself is a very special friendship. Life is uncertain and I’m afraid. February 14 My band performed in Hamburg without our lead singer at a place called Golden Pudel Club, and the second band hassled us off the stage half way through. We, being the super shy folks (don’t ask why we have a band together), hid in the backstage as usual to avoid the après-performance eye contacts with the spectators who were perplexingly amused of our cynical stage act which we hoped they’d believe we were intentionally out of tune and forgetting lyrics and falling off the stage. We said, “man, I want to have sex” and gave a little consoling kiss, and went off to look for someone who’d be our sweet valentines (in failure). February 15 Then of course, without having a place to go back to in Berlin, when Pudel Club shut its door, I stayed behind in Hamburg and bid my mate farewell, who disappeared into the top of the stairs above the harbor with a Jagermeister he stole from the bar, to wait for the ride that was arriving in 3 1/2 hours. The temperature was below freezing point and I viewed the sharp half moon hanging at the tip of a mast of one of the ships in a silent parade. February 17 I don’t know what I’m doing with my life. I looked in the mirror and was shocked to see my face that has aged 5 years in the last month. The hour of departure has arrived, and we go our ways –I to die, and you to live. Which is better, God only knows. The Apology of Socrates, Plato

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 15


16 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 8

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8


LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 17


Illustration by seripop

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8


politica

lly

R ATE D

WAR NEWS FIVE YEARS LATER Iraq War Statistics By Deborah White Iraq: Who won the war? By Raymond Whitaker and Stephen Foley An Interview with Jerry Lembcke Conspiracy Theory, Fears of Betrayal and Todayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Anti-War Movement By Stephen Philion How Bush Won Iraq and Lost the World By A.K. Gupta How Bush Destroyed the Dollar By Paul Craig Roberts Divided Communities and Split Families Planning the War on Immigrants By Tom Barry Where Your Income Tax goes 2009 War Resisters League Film Review No End In Sight by Victor Grigas

fo r yo u co m fo rt


pinko

liberal st at is tic

s

iraq War StatisticS MArch, 2008 by Deborah White

Key statistics about the Iraq War, taken primarily from data analyzed by various think tanks, including The Brookings Institution’s Iraq Index, and from mainstream media sources. Data is presented as of March 9, 2008, except as indicated.

US SPENDING IN IRAQ

Iraqi Troops Trained and Able to Function Independent of U.S. Forces - 6,000 as of May 2007 (per NBC’s “Meet the Press” on May

Spent & Approved War-Spending - About $600 billion of US tax-

20, 2007)

payers’ funds. President Bush has requested another $200 billion for 2008, which would bring the cumulative total to close to $800

Troops in Iraq - Total 164,895, including 155,000 from the US,

billion.

4,500 from the UK, 2,000 from Georgia, 900 from Poland, 650 from South Korea and 1,845 from all other nations

U.S. Monthly Spending in Iraq - $12 billion in 2008 US Troop Casualities - 3,979 US troops; 98% male. 90% non-ofCost of deploying one U.S. soldier for one year in Iraq - $390,000

ficers; 80% active duty, 12% National Guard; 74% Caucasian, 10%

(Congressional Research Service)

African-American, 11% Latino. 18% killed by non-hostile causes. 51% of US casualties were under 25 years old. 70% were from the

Lost & Unaccounted for in Iraq - $9 billion of US taxpayers’ money

US Army

and $549.7 milion in spare parts shipped in 2004 to US contractors. Also, per ABC News, 190,000 guns, including 110,000 AK-47 rifles.

Non-US Troop Casualties - Total 308, with 175 from the UK

Mismanaged & Wasted in Iraq - $10 billion, per Feb 2007 Congres-

US Troops Wounded - 29,320, 20% of which are serious brain or

sional hearings

spinal injuries (total excludes psychological injuries)

Amount paid to KBR, a former Halliburton division, to supply U.S.

develop serious mental health problems within 3 to 4 months of

military in Iraq with food, fuel, housing and other items - $20 billion

returning home

Portion of the $20 billion paid to KBR that Pentagon auditors deem “questionable or supportable” - $3.2 billion Number of major U.S. bases in Iraq - 75 (The Nation/New York Times) TROOPS IN IRAQ 20 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 8

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8

US Troops with Serious Mental Health Problems - 30% of US troops


IRAQI TROOPS, CIVILIANS & OTHERS IN IRAQ

QUALITY OF LIFE INDICATORS

Private Contractors in Iraq, Working in Support of US Army Troops

Iraqis Displaced Inside Iraq, by Iraq War, as of May 2007 -

- More than 180,000 in August 2007, per The Nation/LA Times.

2,255,000

Journalists killed - 127, 84 by murder and 43 by acts of war

Iraqi Refugees in Syria & Jordan - 2.1 million to 2.25 million

Journalists killed by US Forces - 14

Iraqi Unemployment Rate - 27 to 60%, where curfew not in effect

Iraqi Police and Soldiers Killed - 7,951

Consumer Price Inflation in 2006 - 50%

Iraqi Civilians Killed, Estimated - A UN issued report dated Sept 20,

Iraqi Children Suffering from Chronic Malnutrition - 28% in June

2006 stating that Iraqi civilian casualities have been significantly

2007 (Per CNN.com, July 30, 2007)

under-reported. Casualties are reported at 50,000 to over 100,000, but may be much higher. Some informed estimates place Iraqi civilian

Percent of professionals who have left Iraq since 2003 - 40%

casualities at over 600,000. Iraqi Physicians Before 2003 Invasion - 34,000 Iraqi Insurgents Killed, Roughly Estimated - 55,000 Iraqi Physicians Who Have Left Iraq Since 2005 Invasion - 12,000 Non-Iraqi Contractors and Civilian Workers Killed - 548 Iraqi Physicians Murdered Since 2003 Invasion - 2,000 Non-Iraqi Kidnapped - 305, including 54 killed, 147 released, 4 escaped, 6 rescued and 94 status unknown.

Average Daily Hours Iraqi Homes Have Electricity - 1 to 2 hours, per Ryan Crocker, U.S. Ambassador to Iraq (Per Los Angeles Times, July

Daily Insurgent Attacks, Feb 2004 - 14

27, 2007)

Daily Insurgent Attacks, July 2005 - 70

Average Daily Hours Iraqi Homes Have Electricity - 10.9 in May 2007

Daily Insurgent Attacks, May 2007 - 163 Average Daily Hours Baghdad Homes Have Electricity - 5.6 in May Estimated Insurgency Strength, Nov 2003 - 15,000

2007

Estimated Insurgency Strength, Oct 2006 - 20,000 - 30,000

Pre-War Daily Hours Baghdad Homes Have Electricity - 16 to 24

Estimated Insurgency Strength, June 2007 - 70,000

Number of Iraqi Homes Connected to Sewer Systems - 37% Iraqis without access to adequate water supplies - 70% (Per CNN. com, July 30, 2007) Water Treatment Plants Rehabilitated - 22%

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 21


Illustration by seripop


typical

iraq Who Won the war?

british fo re ig ne

rs

by Raymond Whitaker and Stephen Foley - reprinted from The Independent

Not the 90,000 Iraqi civilians or the 4,200 US and UK troops killed since 2003. The big winners are the money men who have made billions. Five years ago today, the world stood on the brink of war. On 16 March 2003, United Nations weapons inspectors were advised to leave Iraq within 48 hours, and the “shock and awe” bombing campaign began less than 100 hours later, on 20 March. The moment the neocons around President George Bush had worked so long for, aided by the moral fervour of Tony Blair, was about to arrive. “I believe demolishing Hussein’s military power and liberating Iraq would be a cakewalk,” Kenneth Adelman, a leading neocon, had said a few weeks before, and so it proved. Within barely a month, Saddam’s bronze statue in Baghdad’s Firdaus Square was scrap metal. But every other prediction by the Bush administration’s hawks proved wrong. No weapons of mass destruction – Britain’s key justification for war – have been found. The Pentagon acknowledged last week that a review of more than 600,000 captured Iraqi documents showed “no evidence that Saddam Hussein’s regime had any operational links with Osama bin Laden’s al-Qa’ida terrorist network”. In 2008, there are still more American troops in Iraq than during the invasion, with no exit yet in sight. Britain’s Ministry of Defence has just admitted that it has been unable to withdraw as many British troops as it planned – there are 4,000 still based just outside Basra, instead of the projected 2,500. So far 3,987 American soldiers and 197 British troops have died in Iraq. So, five years on, who can be said to have won the war? Certainly not Iraqi civilians, at least 90,000 of whom have died violently since 2003, at the most conservative estimate. Other studies have multiplied that figure by five or six. Two million Iraqis have fled the country, and at least as many again are internally displaced. Baghdad households suffered power cuts of up to eight hours a day in Saddam’s time; now they can expect less than eight hours of electricity a day on average. The US troop “surge” has cut the number of murders, but there are still 26 a day in the capital. The list goes on. Nor have the eager promoters of the war, such as Mr Adelman, fared well. (By October 2006 he was admitting: “We’re losing in Iraq.”)

The most arrogant of them all, Donald Rumsfeld, the ex-secretary of defense, was reluctantly dropped by Mr Bush in his second term. His former deputy, Paul Wolfowitz, who famously said that WMD had been used as the excuse for war because it was the only topic Washington’s bureaucracy could agree on, was forced to resign as president of the World Bank after arranging a pay rise for his girlfriend. The Senate refused to confirm John Bolton as US ambassador to the UN. George Bush is the most unpopular President since opinion polls began, mainly because of Iraq. Tony Blair, his partner in the reckless venture, has already gone; those in a position to know believe he would still be Prime Minister had it not been for the war. The standing of both Britain and the US has suffered immeasurably, and the international scepticism engendered by manipulation of the evidence on WMD has hampered efforts to deal with nuclear threats from the likes of North Korea. The main winners of the war are not the ones its instigators planned: Iran and al-Qa’ida. No one in Washington appeared to have calculated that to unseat Saddam, whom the US once supported as a bulwark against the Iranians, would empower the majority community in Iraq, the Shias, or that many of them would look to the world’s only Shia nation, Iran. The US insists that Tehran retains nuclear ambitions, despite its own intelligence estimate that work on a weapon has stopped, but its occupation of Iraq has given Iran a hostage it could never have imagined having. As for al-Qa’ida, it never had a foothold in Iraq until the chaos created by the invasion gave it the opportunity to establish one. And while the US is preoccupied in Iraq, the conflict it neglected, in Afghanistan, is getting worse. Al-Qa’ida has re-established itself in the lawless tribal areas of Pakistan, while its old host, the Taliban, regains ground on the other side of the Afghan border. In early 2003, Mr Rumsfeld mused on what might be the cost of the war to come: $50bn (£25bn) or $60bn, he and White House planners thought. Five years on, the bill is already 10 times that, while here the Commons Defense Committee has just warned of a LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 23


Another army of private security guards escorts convoys, protects infrastructure projects and ferries military equipment around Iraq. These have been followed by business consultants, building project planners and government advisers, many of whom have put their lives at risk in the pursuit of a reconstructed Iraq while their companies earn billions. An estimate last October put the number of private contractors working in Iraq at 160,000 from up to 300 separate companies. About 50,000 were private security guards from companies such as Blackwater – whose killing of 17 Iraqi civilians last September in a gun battle shone a spotlight on the US military’s reliance on poorly controlled private armies. Each Blackwater guard in Iraq, of whom there have been up to 900, costs the US government $445,000 per year. British firms have also been operating in Iraq. After courting controversy in the Nineties, Tim Spicer – whose previous company, Sandline International, was accused of breaking a United Nations embargo by selling arms to Sierra Leone – has re-emerged as a powerful player with his latest venture, Aegis Defence Services. Aegis won a $293m Pentagon contract in 2004, which has since been extended, and employs more than 1,000 contractors in the country. Another British company, Global Strategies, which calls itself a “political and security risk-management company”, employs cheaper Fijian contractors for its Iraq operations. At one point, ArmorGroup, chaired by the former foreign secretary Sir Malcolm Rifkind, was getting half its revenues from Iraq. It carried out convoy protection at rates estimated at between $8,000 and $12,000 a day, and helped to guard polling stations during the country’s elections. By far the biggest winner of contracts in Iraq, though, is Halliburton, the oil and related services company run by Dick Cheney before he became US vice-president and a key architect of the war. The connections between the company and the Bush administration helped to generate $16bn in contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan in the three years from the start of 2004 – nine times as much as any other company. Halliburton decided last year to spin off the division operating in Iraq. That business, KBR, has generated half its revenues there each year since the invasion, providing private security to the military and infrastructure projects and advising on the rebuilding of the country’s oil industry. The Washington-based Center for Public Integrity, which tracks Iraqi contracts in its investigation “Windfalls of War”, says the total value of contracts tendered by the US government in Iraq rose 50 per

24 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 8

cent each year from 2004 to 2006. That had been planned to slow in 2007, but KBR said recently that the US military “surge” meant more business than previously expected. After KBR, the US security contractor DynCorp secured the most work, worth $1.8bn over the three years to the end of 2006. Many of the biggest contract winners have extensive lobbying budgets and funds for targeting political donations. Public records show that BearingPoint, the consulting firm appointed to advise on the economic reconstruction of Iraq, has paid hundreds of thousands of dollars into Republican Party coffers, including $117,000 to the two Bush presidential campaigns. The company is being paid $240m for its work in Iraq, winning an initial contract from the US Agency for International Development (USAid) within weeks of the fall of Saddam. It was charged with supporting the then Coalition Provisional Authority to introduce policies “which are designed to create a competitive private sector”. Last year, The IoS revealed that a BearingPoint employee based at the US embassy in Baghdad was involved in drafting the controversial hydrocarbon law that was approved by Iraq’s cabinet last March. The legislation opens up the country’s oil reserves to foreign corporations for the first time since 1972. Western companies will be able to pocket up to three-quarters of profits from new drilling projects in their early years. Supporters say it is the only way to get Iraq’s oil industry back on its feet after years of sanctions, war and loss of expertise. But it will operate through “production-sharing agreements”, which are highly unusual in the Middle East; the oil industries of Saudi Arabia and Iran, the world’s two largest producers, are state-controlled. So far, major companies such as Shell, BP and ExxonMobil have held back on investing directly in the country while the violence continues – but the war has still contributed handsomely to their recordbreaking profits because of sky-high oil prices. As the US prepared to march into Iraq, crude soared to what then seemed an impossibly high $37 a barrel. Last week it reached a record $110. The Nobel prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz estimates that the war has added between $5 and $10 a barrel to the price of oil. The figure could be higher, if one believes that the rise also reflects a big additional premium for the threat of future supply disruptions that might be caused by geopolitical tensions or increased terrorist activity in oil-producing regions – any of which might be traced back to the passions inflamed by the war.

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8

“surprising” 52 per cent increase in the cost of operations in Iraq to nearly £1.45bn in the current financial year, despite the reductions in troop levels. An unprecedented amount has been funnelled to the private sector. The big winners have been the money men.


the winners

the losers

Dick Cheney The only Washington hawk still in a position of power after the occupation went so disastrously wrong. Part of a lame-duck administration, but can look forward to a comfortable retirement: his former company, Halliburton, has done nicely out of the whole Iraq business.

George Bush Thanks to his invasion of Iraq, historians are seriously debating whether he is the worst President in US history. Even if Cheney and Rumsfeld were more to blame, he will bear ultimate responsibility for the damage to America’s standing in the world.

Iran Could the ayatollahs ever have imagined that the Great Satan would overthrow its great enemy, Saddam, put its Shia co-religionists in power in Iraq and make its soldiers hostage to Tehran’s good will? They have George Bush where they want him, and Israel is nervous Sir John Scarlett Author of the notorious WMD dossier along with Alastair Campbell, he was criticised for allowing MI6 to be used for political ends. But a grateful Tony Blair granted his ambition of heading the service, and the traditional knighthood followed. Al-Qa’ida Saddam had no truck with Osama bin Laden’s men, but that did not stop the White House convincing the US public they were in cahoots. It was the invasion that gave al-Qa’ida a foothold in Iraq and eased the pressure on it in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The Kurds The only Iraqis still wholeheartedly behind the occupation, and why not? America ousted the man who attacked them with poison gas, and guarantees the safety of the closest thing the Kurds have ever had to an independent nation. Tim Spicer Got into hot water with his previous military company, Sandline, in Sierra Leone and New Guinea. Bounced back spectacularly with Aegis Defence Services, which won a huge contract in Iraq, to the dismay of his American competitors.

The neocons Never have arrogance and incompetence combined to such disastrous effect. The ideologues might have been “mugged by reality” and humiliated, but Iraq will suffer the consequences for decades to come. Tony Blair Might still be Prime Minister if Iraq had not stained his record. But given the millions he’s now making, some might think that he belongs in the Winners column. The Palestinians Preoccupied by Iraq, the US has had little time or inclination to press Israel to talk peace, apart from the half-hearted initiative launched in Mr Bush’s last year in office. The US media How did a press that prides itself on its rigour and accuracy get carried along by war hysteria? ‘The New York Times’ and WMD propaganda, anyone? Afghanistan The world supported the US when it overthrew the Taliban and ousted its al-Qa’ida “guests”. But America switched its attention to Iraq. The result: al-Qa’ida and the Taliban have regained strength. British security The 7/7 bombers used Britain’s role in Iraq as their excuse, and the authorities have their hands full trying to prevent disaffected young Muslims seeking to emulate them.

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 25


smartyp

ants

left-win cl ap tr ap

g

An Interview with Jerry Lembcke: Conspiracy Theory, Fears of Betrayal and Today’s Anti-War Movement By Stephen Philion

Jerry Lembcke is professor of sociology at Holy Cross College and the author of The Spitting Image: Myth, Memory and the Legacy of Vietnam and CNN’s Tail-

Philion: What drives you to have a concern about conspiracy theory in American culture and anti-war movements? Why should we be concerned about it? Lembcke: Well, I think conspiracy theory is a great diversion from what we need to be thinking about and the way we need to be thinking about problems in the country. Two things: it points people to conclusions that are way too simple and it contributes to our avoiding real 26 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 8

problems. If we take 911 for example, Americans went very quickly to the conclusion that there was one man responsible (namely Osama Bin Laden), that he had a network of people, and that he masterminded all of it. So, it followed, he has to be the culprit to be hunted down and made answerable. The media, far from exempt from vulnerability to conspiracy theories, was very ready to pick this up. It’ll take a long time for people to consider the media’s role in this. But, if you go back to soon after 911, Al Qaeda is put forth as this organization with a

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8

wind Tale: Inside Vietnam’s last Great Myth.


Bin Laden at the head. You would think, to read press accounts, which were, of course, parroting the Bush administration, that Al Qaeda was a full blown military organization with a hierarchy of credentialed leaders, officers (“Bin Laden’s lieutenants” is a favorite phrase), and the like. In reality, it really was no such thing. There was a British journalist named Jason Burke who wrote an article in Foreign Policy, with the headline “Al-Qaeda - a meaningless label”. At about that time (2004), he had a book coming out, titled Al-Qaeda: Casting a Shadow of Terror, in which he described it as a network of networks, which is a vague amorphous identity. Of course, the bad news is that it made a very elusive, mercurial target for the Bush administration as it mounted a propaganda campaign to mobilize public opinion for a war. Better for it to have us believe there is something more material, more organizationally identifiable, an Al Qaeda as an organization. Despite the fact that a prominent establishment foreign policy journal like Foreign Policy ran Burke’s piece, day-to-day mainstream coverage continued to legitimate the idea of Al Qaeda as a military organization. I began by saying that conspiracy theory acts as a diversion, which I think was Burke’s point too. The real point is the widespread animosity toward US foreign and economic policies around the world. But the American people can’t see that, don’t see that, because we’re so focused on this mythical problem of Al Qaeda. Philion: Of course, this conspiracy theory orientation in American politics isn’t something that emerged with 911, right? Lembcke: I think it’s something that’s very deep in American culture. There’s sort of a Protestant puritan ideology that is central to American culture: “Bad things happen because of bad people.” God holds individuals responsible for bad things that happen. So, morally, ethically, legally, a good society has to act in accord with that principle. We have to find individuals to be responsible for bad things. The simplicity in that is that social reality is much messier. There’s lots of contingency in social reality. There are multiple causations, factors that converge to motivate people to do things, and the simple answer isn’t always the right answer. Right now we have an administration that is influenced by this fundamentalist ideology, they adopt this perspective and it resonates with the American people because it’s very longstanding in American culture. Periodically throughout history it’s revivified in historical events-certainly in the 20th centurywhich stir a fear of left wing conspiracies that are often alleged to have some religious (often Jewish) overtones. Philion: Racial ones as well ... Lembcke: Yes, racial ones as well. Very central to the idea of conspiracy is the idea of secrecy. The line between conspiracy and group planning is really the line of secrecy. The power of conspiracy theory is the fear of the unknown. People we don’t know are said to be carrying out actions against us in secret and in ways that deceive us through ‘trickery.’ And the roots of that in fundamentalist Christianity are very deep. Satan presents himself in the New Testament and Old Testament as good. Ultimate evil masquerades as good, hides, and tricks us. We can’t know it, so we’re at risk because of what we don’t know. That’s very central to

the form of Christianity and the powers-that-be that established this nation and dominated its culture for 400 years. That becomes a subtext of much of our political culture. And there are times in our history when that subtext becomes text, comes to the surface and drives our culture. It doesn’t take much at a time like 911, when emotions are running high, for political leaders to make vague references to shadowy figures that we don’t know. That encourages the thinking that runs in the direction of conspirators and conspiracy. In the case of Osama Bin Laden and Al Qaeda, the fact that it’s a non-Christian religious movement with very strong antiChristian overtones has enough resonance with the same things that anti-Semitism brings to the surface. It enables a bonding between the religious and political sentiments. Philion: The Left is supposed to provide a structural critique, one informed by an analysis and a politics that is different from this, but conspiracy theory seeps into the Left also? Lembcke: It does. I’ve said that conspiracy theory emanates from right-wing culture. But in times of flux, when the Left is floundering and lacking a sense of direction, people who are of the Left are not invulnerable to these theories; they can be attracted to them. The people the Left is trying to recruit and appeal to are sensitive to these things. The political right, like the Left in America, finds fault with the government. The Right in America is very libertarian. It believes in the free market, government free society, or at least local/ small government. Again, it’s the fear of the unknown. If you live in rural Iowa where I grew up, Washington DC is unreachable, inaccessible, and unmanageable. So the central/federal government becomes the source of your fears. Political movements that give expression to those fears and that target the government as the problem in your life resonate with people influenced by those fears. The far right feels the government is the Achilles heel, the soft spot in American culture. It’s where evil and evildoers can make inroads into American culture, a sandbox for evil because it’s beyond the reach of ordinary Americans. For the far right, the central government is the port-of-entry for foreign alien influences. So, during the McCarthy years, where did McCarthy say the communists were? Everywhere, yes, but the greatest amount of damage they were said to create was in the government. So McCarthyites contended the communists had to be rooted out of government. The John Birch Society took that line well into the Vietnam era. Communists in government, Birchers argued, were the cause of America’s problems, stirring up trouble; the war in Vietnam was (they claimed) perpetrated by communists in the government to create disturbance and chaos in American society, which Communists could “take advantage of to destroy American society.” Now, if we just start right there, people on the anti-war Left were opposed to the government at that time, too; they opposed the US government’s prosecuting and the US military’s carrying out of the war in Vietnam. So, if you look at it very superficially, you can see how Left and Right can speak to each other on these kinds of issues. You can see how they can confuse each other; how people who maybe have come to their antiwar views from the political left can think the Right’s views are just as good. LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 27


Lembcke: Well I think conspiracy theory is a barrier to progressive organizing. It doesn’t mean it’s an insurmountable one. There are currents and counter-currents on these issues. On the one hand you have people like a Cindy Sheehan coming from the left who seems to be wooed by a conspiracist agenda. Chip Berlet wrote an article 5, 6 years ago called “Right Woos Left”. I think that dynamic’s still in play. I think there are still too many people on the left who are wooed by this. Philion: Over a month ago there was considerable upset about Moveon.org’s “General Betrayus” ad in the New York Times. Most of the media ‘discussion’ revolved around the theme of propriety and respect for the military. But you’ve suggested that the way ‘betrayal’ exists as a leitmotif in the anti-war movement and the population in general is what makes their ad’s frame problematic. Can you explain? Lembcke: What’s interested me most about the affair was that MoveOn was assuming that this betrayal-themed ad would resonate with its left-of-center constituency--and, given that it was the political right and mainstream media rather than the Left that reacted critically to it, it appears they were right. That’s troubling because the specter of government betrayal as an explanation for costly wars of expansion is itself an emanation of Rightist political culture.

28 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 8

Philion: And you’ve written that the betrayal narrative for lost wars reached an apogee in the post-Vietnam years--the 1980s and ‘90s in particular. Lembcke: The American anti-war movement is not of a single mind on this theme, however. Columnist Eric Alterman warned in the October 15 issue of The Nation magazine that the Bush Administration is preparing to blame the loss of the war in Iraq on home-front treachery, reviving the German stab-in-the-back legend that led to the rise of fascism in the inter-war period, and the myth of spat-upon Vietnam veterans that fed the rise of Neo-conservatism era. Philion: So you’re suggesting that some on the anti-war Left-MoveOn, for example--embrace what is essentially a Rightist leitmotif, the betrayal thesis, while others on the Left--Alterman--see through that and warn us away from it. Lembcke: Right. The problem is that these voices within the anti-war movement are not speaking to one another. Alterman is not speaking directly to MoveOn to say, “Hey, you’re giving voice a Rightist view that can have a very pernicious effect on the movement.” Philion: And you think that there are receptive ears in the American middle and the political left to what MoveOn is pitching? Lembcke: Absolutely. Just as popular culture rendered the war in Vietnam to a war on the home front--all but eliding the Vietnamese from the story--Hollywood is rescripting the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere to appear as conflicts between Americans set mostly in America. Films like The Valley of Elaw, Rendition, and Lions for Lambs are all about Americans at odds with other Americans. In Lions for Lambs by the way, the enemy “Talies” (for Taliban fighters in Afghanistan) are reduced to blinking cursors seen on a computer screen--we never see or hear them as living human beings.

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8

Philion: That then leads to the challenge, to people like you, and other leftists who criticize conspiracy theory, such as Noam Chomsky, Chip Berlet, and Michael Albert: is there a way the left can engage with conspiracy theorists? Is there a need to disengage from them or make a harsh critique of them? In other words, what’s really at stake here? Is the conspiracy theory movement manageable at all, as it were? Or do such groups continue to pose a barrier to progressive left organizing in the antiwar movement?


Philion: And what about the Left? Lembcke: Well, since the dispatch of troops to Iraq in the spring of 2003, the most vocal wing of the anti-war movement has aped the Right’s support-the-troops rhetoric, making “the war” all about the people sent to fight it rather than the politics and economics of the war itself. The war in Vietnam ended with public discourse about the war displaced by discourse about the people sent to fight the war; means and ends reasoning got collapsed. When the means of war became the ends of war, the soldiers and the POWs become the

The problem is that these voices within the anti-war movement are not speaking to one another. national concern. The current war in Iraq picks up where Vietnam left off; the public discourse about Iraq in 2003 was not about Iraq, it was about supporting the troops sent to fight the war. Cindy Sheehan gives a face to that; she’s the booster rocket for that when her son Casey is killed and much of the anti-war movement falls in behind that. The public discourse about the war today is overwhelmingly dominated by the issue of PTSD and the treatment of the veterans of the war. Every major news network has done a special or more than one special on the damage done to soldiers. The Boston Globe recently did a four part series on it, and what there is in that, I think--and I can only assert this at this point--is a resonance with a betrayal theme. Some leading voices in the anti-war movement seem to feel that what will really move Americans is not the material stuff, the political economy of war or even the loss of life and limb per se. It’s that someone ‘lied’ to us about this war, someone sent my son off to war and now they don’t care about him. There’s an assumption that sentiment and emotion move people and particularly the sentiments surrounding betrayal, which goes right back to conspiracy theory. There are links missing there in the way I’ve said that, but what people who are part of that wing of the antiwar movement are really upset about is that someone in government lied to us. For them, the war is about ‘we were deceived’, and ‘we got into this war because of deception’. And that’s the playground of Left and Right. Philion: It’s a game that doesn’t allow a Left perspective on war. Lembcke: No, it does not. The alternative to that is what has been displaced, which does help end wars, namely the politicization of those who have been sent to fight the war. The focus on veterans as victims of ‘betrayal’ displaces from focus on veterans as political actors. I mean how many television specials have there been on Iraq

Veterans against the War? It’s a growing political movement and the media all but ignores it. And if they don’t ignore it, they merge it in with a narrative of damage done to these people by the war; they pathologize it. Now, returning to the role of conspiracy theory in the anti-war movement, the flirtation of Sheehan with this conspiracy theory business is really kind of scary because there are a lot of people around her who are very vulnerable to this. I have friends who are going to say to me “Cindy Sheehan says this, what do you say now?” I have friends I’ve been arguing with about the ‘911 inside jobs’ business for several years now. Once people get locked in on that idea, it’s really hard to move them. Philion: Recently on the Left Business Observer on-line discussion list (LBO-Talk), there was a discussion about a concrete question, namely what to do about conspiracy theorists who show up at local anti-war meetings. What to do if you’re running the meeting and someone from the 911 Truth organization, say, wants to make 9/11 conspiracies the focus of the meeting. How does one handle this during meetings? In the discussion, this generated a number of responses from those who thought such a thing was not terribly desirable for developing a Left understanding of the war. The consensus seemed to be, among others, ‘keep’em busy with minor tasks and get everyone to agree the focus of the meetings and activity is ‘what’s the best, i.e. most effective, way to end the war’ instead of, say, ‘why did the Twin Towers fall?” And then what happens is people stay focused on the important matter of how to get people out to stop the war. Whether 911 was a conspiracy, which conspiracy best ‘explains’ 911, etc. distracts from this goal. Lembcke: Well, I think keeping focus on how to end the war, that’s the key. In a similar vein, I run into this at meetings and public discussions where PTSD and ‘betrayal of soldiers’ come up. People will object, “You haven’t said anything about PTSD or the soldiers at Walter Reed.” My response is I say we have to focus on the veterans and soldiers as key actors in ending the war, not as victims. Of course as a society we need to take care of casualties of the war, but our goal at this meeting is to end the war. And that usually works. I suppose it’s similar to the problem that the 911 Truth angle presents to antiwar meetings you mentioned. Philion: What was interesting from the discussion on the LBO-talk discussion list was that none of the people in the discussion proposed that such people be kicked out of the meetings (nor would I). The consensus seemed to be, instead, that such persons and their issues shouldn’t be allowed to become the focus or the face of the movement. That on-line discussion seemed to tell me this discussion you and I are having about conspiracy theory is one that is not just ‘academic’, but a very practical one for the Left in the antiwar movement. Conspiracy theory is a very real problem from the vantage of the Left, at a time when the anti-war movement is already so much captured by those who don’t have a left analysis of the political-economic causes of this or any war, much less capitalism.

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 29


Illustration by seripop

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8


probab

ly

the ma tr ai to r

n

HOW BUSH DESTROYED THE DOLLAR by Paul Craig Roberts

It is difficult to know where Bush has accomplished the most destruction, the Iraqi economy or the US economy. In the current issue of Manufacturing & Technology News, Washing-

the end of a 60-year period of continuing credit expansion based

ton economist Charles McMillion observes that seven years of Bush

on the dollar as the reserve currency. Now the rest of the world is

has seen the federal debt increase by two-thirds while US household

increasingly unwilling to accumulate dollars.”

debt doubled. If the world is unwilling to continue to accumulate dollars, the US will This massive Keynesian stimulus produced pitiful economic results.

not be able to finance its trade deficit or its budget deficit. As both

Median real income has declined. The labor force participation rate

are seriously out of balance, the implication is for yet more decline in

has declined. Job growth has been pathetic, with 28% of the new

the dollar’s exchange value and a sharp rise in prices.

jobs being in the government sector. All the new private sector jobs are accounted for by private education and health care bureaucra-

Economists have romanticized globalism, taking delight in the myriad

cies, bars and restaurants. Three and a quarter million manufactur-

of foreign components in US brand name products. This is fine for a

ing jobs and a half million supervisory jobs were lost. The number of

country whose trade is in balance or whose currency has the reserve

manufacturing jobs has fallen to the level of 65 years ago.

currency role. It is a terrible dependency for a country such as the US that has been busy at work offshoring its economy while destroy-

This is the profile of a third world economy.

ing the exchange value of its currency.

The “new economy” has been running a trade deficit in advanced

As the dollar sheds value and loses its privileged position as reserve

technology products since 2002. The US trade deficit in manufac-

currency, US living standards will take a serious knock.

tured goods dwarfs the US trade deficit in oil. The US does not earn enough to pay its import bill, and it doesn’t save enough to finance

If the US government cannot balance its budget by cutting its

the government’s budget deficit.

spending or by raising taxes, the day when it can no longer borrow will see the government paying its bills by printing money like a third

To finance its deficits, America looks to the kindness of foreigners to

world banana republic. Inflation and more exchange rate deprecia-

continue to accept the outpouring of dollars and dollar-denominated

tion will be the order of the day.

debt. The dollars are accepted, because the dollar is the world’s reserve

Paul Craig Roberts was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury in the

currency.

Reagan administration. He was Associate Editor of the Wall Street Journal editorial page and Contributing Editor of National Re-

At the meeting of the World Economic Forum at Davos, Switzerland,

view. He is coauthor of The Tyranny of Good Intentions.He can be

this week, billionaire currency trader George Soros warned that the

reached at: PaulCraigRoberts@yahoo.com

dollar’s reserve currency role was drawing to an end: “The current crisis is not only the bust that follows the housing boom, it’s basically

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 31


typical sympa thizer pr ob ab

ly co m m ie

The other war at home: Divided Communities and Split Families: Planning the War on Immigrants By Tom Barry

Politics can be an ugly affair, and it doesn’t get any uglier than when politicians try to best one another in the politics of hate and scapegoating.

The war against immigrants and immigration is being fought on three main fronts: in Congress, in local and state government, and on the campaign trail. While the anti-immigration movement that is coursing through American politics is beyond the control of any individual or organization, the leading restrictionist policy institutes in Washington are setting the policy agenda of the anti-immigration forces at all levels of U.S. politics. Following their success in stopping a comprehensive immigration reform bill in the U.S. Senate that included legalization provisions, immigration restrictionists have rallied around a common strategy: “Attrition through Enforcement.”

34 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 8

Turning Up the “Heat” on Immigrants “Attrition through enforcement” as a restrictionist framework for immigration reform has been percolating within the anti-immigration institutes in Washington, DC for the last couple of years. But it wasn’t until the restrictionist movement beat back proposals for legalization that the strategy has taken hold as a unifying framework for restrictionism in America. The Center for Immigration Studies (CIS) took the lead in developing this strategic framework. In April 2006 this restrictionist think tank published, “Attrition through Enforcement: A Cost-Effective Strategy to Shrink the Illegal Population,” which lays out the main components of a war of attrition against immigrants along with the estimated cost of a multi-front campaign to wear down immigrant residents and dissuade would-be immigrants. CIS analyst Jessica Vaughn opens the report with this observation: “Proponents of mass legalization of the illegal alien population, whether through amnesty or expanded guestworker programs, often justify this radical step by suggesting that the only alternative-a broad campaign to remove illegal aliens by force-is unworkable.”

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8

That’s what is happening in America, as politicians and political candidates at all levels of government join the anti-immigration bandwagon. Meanwhile, immigrants who do the dirtiest work in America are living in fear as they face a generalized immigration crackdown and stepped-up immigration raids.


LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 35

Illustration by seripop


The purpose of attrition through enforcement,” according to Vaughn, “is to increase the probability that illegal aliens will return home with-

and hold-the-line positions to a long-term offensive aimed at definitively taking the battlefield.

out the intervention of immigration enforcement agencies. In other words, it encourages voluntary compliance with immigration laws

Tasting the blood of their victory over liberal immigration reform, the

through more robust interior law enforcement.”

restrictionist movement, led by Washington, DC institutes including

Key components of the war of attrition include: + Eliminating access to jobs through employer verification of Social Security numbers and immigration status. + Ending misuse of Social Security and IRS numbers by immigrants in seeking employment, bank accounts, and driver’s licenses, and improved information sharing among key federal agencies, including the Internal Revenue Service, in the effort to identify unauthorized residents. + Increasing federal, state, and local cooperation, particularly among law enforcement agencies. + Reducing visa overstays through better tracking systems. + Stepping up immigration raids. + Passing state and local laws to discourage illegal immigrants from making a home in that area and to make it more difficult for immigrants to conceal their status. CIS predicts that a $2 billion program would over five years substantially reduce immigration flows into the United States while dramatically increasing the one-way flow of immigrants back to their sending communities. According to CIS, the attrition war would require a $400 million annual commitment-”less than 1% of the president’s 2007 budget request for the Department of Homeland Security.” Without driver’s licenses and without work because of employmentcentered enforcement, immigrants will leave the country-as many as 1.5 million annually, predicts the CIS study. “A subtle increase in the ‘heat’ on illegal aliens can be enough to dramatically reduce the scale of the problem within just a few years,” says Vaughn.

War of Attrition “Attrition through enforcement” represents an aggressive step forward for restrictionism. The “attrition through enforcement” strategy signals the advance of the anti-immigration advocates from defensive

the Center for Immigration Studies, Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), and Numbers USA, has opted for a war of attrition as the best strategy for rolling back immigration. The “attrition through enforcement” is a strategic framework that builds on tactical approaches. To counter proposals for legalization, restrictionists successfully argued that any proposals for increased legal immigration-either through legalization or guestworker programs-should not be considered until the borders were secured and current immigration law fully enforced. The “secure borders” and “enforcement first” frameworks for discussing immigration have been largely accepted by politicians of both parties, eliminating approval of any immigration reform initiatives that would address the plight of the 12 million-plus undocumented residents of the United States. Over the past six months, the restrictionists have moved beyond “enforcement first” to the more aggressive “attrition through enforcement” strategy. And the federal government, state government, and Congress seem to be marching in lockstep with the restrictionists as they all harden their anti-immigration posture. Anti-immigration groups are propagating “attrition through enforcement” as the sensible, practical “middle ground” or “third way” in immigration reform. Rather than calling for a costly and morally repugnant mass deportation of millions of immigrants, the restrictionists have united behind a strategy aimed at wearing down the will of immigrants to live and work in the United States. Immigration raids in the interior of the country and imprisonment by immigration officials of those crossing the border illegally combined with pervasive enforcement of the “rule of law” by police and government bureaucrats will slowly but surely drive all undocumented immigrants out of the country. Restrictionists increasingly argue that mass deportation will be unnecessary since an ever-increasing num-


Detentions and deportations are shattering immigrant communities and families as restrictionists applaud and call for ever-harsher measures.

ber of immigrants will “self-deport.”

legislature, the group says nothing about legal immigration in its mission statement. Rather, the founders say the group “represents a

“Attrition through enforcement” also addresses another weak point in previous restrictionist strategy. Having long demanded that the

21st century Declaration of Independence.”

federal government gain control of the southern border, the restric-

“Similar to the American Revolution, the personal and economic

tionists found that as border control increased more immigrants were staying in the United States, fearing that if they left they would never be able to return. Border control has actually increased the number of undocumented immigrants who have opted for permanent residency.

safety of Pennsylvanians and all American citizens depends upon definitive action being taken by our federal, state, and local governments to end the ongoing invasion of illegal aliens through our borders,” declares the legislators’ organization. By turning back this invasion, they say they will protect U.S. citizens from “ property theft, drug running, human trafficking, increased violent crime, increased gang activity, terrorism, and the many other clear and present dangers directly associated with illegal immigration.”

Although still demanding tighter border control with more agents and more fences (virtual and real), restrictionists also have in “attrition through enforcement” what they consider to be a pragmatic and palatable solution to ridding the country of “illegal aliens.” Permanent residency in the United States, if this strategy is fully implemented, will become a permanent nightmare.

Attrition on the Campaign Trail All the Republican Party candidates have to some degree adopted a restrictionist agenda. Even John McCain, an original sponsor with Sen. Kennedy of comprehensive immigration reform, has said that he now supports an “enforcement first” approach. Fred Thompson won the plaudits of restrictionists when he released his immigration platform, which explicitly adopts the “attrition through enforcement” strategy. According to Thompson, “Attrition through enforcement is a more reasonable and achievable solution [than] the ‘false choices’ of ‘either arrest and deport them all, or give them all amnesty.’” This more “reasonable” solution supported by candidate Thompson includes measures such as denying federal money to states and local governments that provide social services to undocumented residents, and ending federal educational aid to public universities that provide in-state tuition to undocumented residents.

State Legislators for Legal Immigration and FAIR intend to take the war of attrition to every state. According to this restrictionist group, “Once the economic attractions of illegal jobs and taxpayer-funded public benefits are severed at the source, these illegal invaders will have no choice but to go home on their own.” FAIR says that the legislators’ group “will be teaming up with FAIR to develop state-based initiatives to deal with the national problem of mass illegal immigration.” The war of attrition is already leaving a trail of divided communities and split families in its wake. Detentions and deportations are shattering immigrant communities and families as restrictionists applaud and call for ever-harsher measures. It is also ramping up the fear and loathing on the campaign trail. As this war against the country’s most vulnerable population deepens, the American people will need to ask themselves if they feel any safer or more secure, if they have more hope to find better-paying jobs, if their neighborhoods and town economies are more or less vibrant as immigrants leave, and if they are proud of themselves and their country. Tom Barry is a senior analyst with the Americas Policy Program of the Center for International Policy.

FAIR is spearheading the attrition war on the state level, working closely with a new group called State Legislators for Legal Immigration. Formed by right-wing restrictionists in the Pennsylvania state

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 37


xxx

anarch

Media

hi pp ie

ist

Review of the Film No End In Sight By Vicotr Grigas

I’m a guy who was against this war from the beginning. I didn’t think that 9/11 was unprovoked and I didn’t believe the perpetual propaganda about WMD’s in Iraq in the buildup to war in 2002. I protested in all the marches I could, got on T.V. in costume as a Roman / American / Imperialist, and served as an election judge in the 2004 election. After having all my hopes thwarted after the election, I got cynical and distanced myself from any political action. I began watching media. Today, dozens of films about the Iraq War sit on shelves waiting to be checked out, and finally one of them has been made from the angle that matters most. Policy determines the outcome of any task the clowns who inhabit the oval office at any moment set to achieve. Duh. So it took a few years for the cream of the crop to rise to the top, and now we have a picture that is so completely damning, factual, frightening, dramatic and engaging that even Faux News would have a hell of a time refuting it. It’s received a special jury prize for documentaries at the 2007 Sundance Film Festival, an Oscar nomination for best documentary feature, a 94% rating on RottenTomatoes.com, and it’s on at least sixteen critics’ top ten lists. ‘No End In Sight: The American Occupation of Iraq’ by rookie filmmaker Charles H. Ferguson is the best film to date about the Iraq War.

cinematography, a 10 for score, a 10 for editing, 10 for titles / innertitles and graphic design, a 10 for sound, a 10 for narration, et cetera. Should the film be judged as a drama, action or historical film it should also receive high marks.

Immediately I was engaged in the film - you have to be - the storytelling is what sets this war documentary apart. The titles and opening music make the film feel like an historical epic, a grand Hollywood production, and it’s all footage of THIS war, the one right now, the one on the news at 10 tonight. Every line of dialogue was in the film with good reason. Scores of interviews narrate the history of the war, fact by fact, consequence by consequence, tearing apart all those Republican party / Military-Industrial-Complex sound bites we have been hearing for years. And the best part is ‘No End In Sight’ isn’t preachy or propagandistic or anything else that would give you reason to dismiss its content. In the category of documentaries, the film is a 10. A 10 for

I’m trying my best to make this a review and not a rant. I guess the film must have affected me, I’m here writing this, communicating again, trying to make a bit of a difference. Or maybe its cause it’s an election year. Fuck knows. All I know is that every person I tell who sees ‘No End In Sight’ thanks me for the suggestion. Don’t get me wrong - there are other films about the Iraq War (or related ideas) that are worth viewing. ‘The End Of Suburbia’, ‘Why We Fight’ and ‘This Divided State’ all document their subject matter quite well. If you’re into fiction ‘Children Of Men’ is great and if you want a comedy about the war check out ‘Stealth’ - it’s fucking hysterical, much better than ‘Snakes on a Plane’.

38 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 8

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8

When I saw the war start on T.V. I kept saying to myself, “Why the fuck aren’t the troops stopping all that looting? Why can’t they declare martial law?” One of the points the film stresses implicitly and explicitly is that the experienced U.S. military leadership has reasoned strategic arguments - lessons, lessons learned from past wars as to how to go about this war, and that many of those lessons were ignored in favor of goals set out by inner members of the Republican party, namely Wolfoshitz, Cunnilingza and Rummyfucky. I was actually surprised to hear interviews about how information flowed up the chain of command, and how that information was discarded or publicly denounced when it conflicted with Neocon dogma. Ebert tried his best to associate Bush with Hitler in his bunker “issuing orders to dead generals” when he reviewed this picture, and I agree with him. The Neocon ideology is flawed - seriously, dangerously flawed, and it is not such a stretch to compare ANY heads of state who begin wars.


From: ed@lumpen.com To: list@lumpen.com FW: <nettime> Brits in hock--or, Atlas shrugged again ------ Forwarded Message From: Brian Holmes <brian.holmes@__ Date: Sat, 22 Mar 2008 15:55:37 +0100 To: <nettime-l@kein.org> Subject: <nettime> Brits in hock--or, Atlas shrugged again Hey y’all, I just read an amazingly interesting piece of news trivia. It’s an article with one of those lurid yellow-press byline titles: “Debt-Gorged British Start to Worry That the Party is Ending.” New York Times no less. All the puzzle-pieces finally fall into place. Some backgrounders: Reading a book called “China’s New Consumers”--where you find out that by comparison to the West, there really aren’t any--I was totally intrigued to discover that not only the Americans, but also the Australians and yes, the Brits, fulfill the role of “consumers of last resort” on the world market, eagerly ingurgitating the floods of goods pouring out of Guangzhou Province and seemingly everywhere else on the Chinese seabord. Naive and incorrigible culturalist that I am, I just thought “Hmmm, no doubt those rich Anglophone countries are particularly exposed to the fantastic publicity machines built up during the Fordist period to make national populations consume their own production, and so now they are pursuing that role in the world society.” Never for a moment did I make the slightest inquiry into where the money comes from. But now I discover the enlightening news that the British population as a whole is even more in debt than the Americans! Those weary Brit consumers are “£1.4 trillion in debt ($2.8 trillion) — more than the country’s gross domestic product,” and apparently it’s a world record. So when you read below about Alexis Hall and her 50 pairs of designer shoes and handbags (most of which undoubtedly also come from Shenzhen, by the way), remember the miracles of the banking system that made such splurging possible. This has been a phenomenon of the expansive financialized economy of the last decade, which caused people at the epicenters of funny-money growth to give up any worries about anything, not only because the neighbors were moving out to a new mansion in some upscale London borough due to a killing in futures and options, but also because the local banker, credit-card hawk or buy-now-pay-later plan was basically offering you a romp through the shopping mall where fantasy becomes reality even without the windfall profits. Now I don’t wanna moralize about the consumers and I truly hope that everyone has enjoyed, seduced, partied, traveled and generally made whatever extravagant jouissance that is possible in life feel particularly deep-down good on the back of all that free money. What’s interesting today is how integrated world capitalism works and what the consequences will be from it. It’s not surprising to learn in the same article that the American banks Citicorp and CapitalOne kicked off the lending spree in a deregulated

http://www.nytimes.com/2008/03/22/business/worldbusiness/ 22debt.html?_r=1&oref=slogin&pagewanted=print Debt-Gorged British Start to Worry That the Party Is Ending By JULIA WERDIGIER LONDON — At one point, Alexis Hall had more than 50 pairs of designer shoes and handbags. It never occurred to the 39-yearold media relations executive from Glasgow that her £31,500 in debt ($63,000) would be a problem. “It was so easy to get the loans and the credit that you almost think the goods are a gift from the shop,” she said. “You don’t fully realize that it’s real money you are spending until you actually sit down and consolidate your bills and then it’s a shock.” As the United States economy weakens, many Americans are being overwhelmed by personal debt, but Britons are even more profligate. For most of the last decade, consumers here went on a debt-financed spending spree that made them the most indebted rich nation in the world, racking up a record £1.4 trillion in debt ($2.8 trillion) — more than the country’s gross domestic product. By comparison, personal debt in the United States is $13.8 trillion, including mortgage debt, slightly less than the country’s $14 trillion G.D.P. And while the Federal Reserve in Washington has cut interest rates, in an effort to loosen lenders’ grip on credit, the Bank of England’s interest rate increases last year are trickling through to mortgages at the very time home values are dropping and banks are becoming more reluctant to lend. Until now, debt has mostly been a good thing for Britain. In the hands of free-spending consumers, it fueled economic growth. The government borrowed heavily in recent years to invest in infrastructure, health and education, creating a virtuous cycle: government spending led to job creation, which led to greater consumer confidence and more spending, which, in turn, stimulated growth. Economists say Britain’s relationship to debt is complex, but at its core is a phenomenon more akin to recent American history than European trends. As in the United States, a decade-long housing boom and strong economic growth bolstered consumer confidence, creating a perception of wealth almost unknown in countries like Germany and Italy. “Culturally, maybe also because of the defeat in the war, Germans remain reluctant to borrow and banks are often stateowned, pushing less for profits from lending,” said Alistair Milne, a professor at Cass Business School in London. Since many younger Britons have never lived through a period of slow growth, few now see the need to hold back on borrowing, not to mention saving. “The general mantra is spend now, think later,” said Jason Butler,

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 41


The average British adult has 2.8 credit or debit cards, more than any other country in Europe. A growing number are borrowing to pay for vacations, furniture, even plastic surgery. As a result, Britons are spending more than they earn, racking up a household debt-to-income ratio of 1.62 compared with 1.42 in the United States and 1.09 in Germany. To her parent’s generation, Ms. Hall said, owing money beyond a mortgage was “shameful,” an admission of living beyond one’s means. Debt was also more difficult to get. That changed in the late 1990s when American lenders, including Citigroup and CapitalOne, pushed into the British market with a panoply of new lending products. Fierce competition among banks meant potential borrowers were suddenly bombarded with advertising and offers for low- or no-interest loans and credit cards. While Britain’s financial regulators watched the explosion of retail lending from the sidelines, their counterparts in Germany and France were more restrictive. As a result, the British market became the largest and most sophisticated in Europe. The growth was also fueled by soaring demand for debt on the back of rising real estate prices and relatively low interest rates in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Those who did not own a house rushed to join the homeowners watching their property triple in value. The trend on the Continent was the opposite. Home prices in most European countries barely moved, mainly because markets were more regulated, there was more housing stock and renting was more popular. Liz Bingham, head of restructuring at Ernst & Young in London, blames the obsession with homeownership on Britain’s “island mentality”: land is seen as a finite good and a valuable asset. “The housing boom automatically made people feel richer than they actually were and people went on to use the equity locked up in their property almost as a bank account they can dip into every time they want to buy a new car,” Ms. Bingham said. As the perception of wealth grew, the social stigma around debt disappeared. Borrowing became such an accepted part of life that today one in five teenagers does not consider being in debt to be a bad thing, a survey by Nationwide Building Society showed. Debt levels increased further as it became easier to get loans, and retailers, like computer chain PC World, offered both goods and the loans to buy them. Consumers happily accepted, thinking that as long as they were deemed creditworthy, they were not in danger of defaulting. Andy Davie is a case in point. Even after he had racked up

42 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 8

Though I read it long ago, I have never forgotten the discussion of how credit-based consumption began in the US, in Daniel Bell’s book on “The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism.” If I remember it right, he shows how difficult it was to get a population of petty merchants and small-town farmers to actually take the money offered by the banks, and how extensive consumer borrowing, which was precieved as eminently desirable by industrial interests from the period of the Great Slump in the late nineteenth century onwards, only just started to get into gear in the 1920s. An entire culture, that of the Protestant work-ethic, had to be changed to get industrial production really rolling. The rest is obviously history, because the world growth model of hyperconsumption and overdevelopment has increasingly been fueled by credit-based purchasing since that time. After the war there was a first Great Leap Forward based on new consumer durables in the expansive 50s and 60s, followed by a qualitative spatial leap into postmodern sign-consumption that began in the mid-1980s with US deregulation, then gradually extended itself wherever governments would permit, and wherever the cultural reticence to borrowing could be overcome -- that is to say, pretty much nowhere in Asia, and not even much in a place like Germany, but the sky’s the limit in Merry Old England! Now, what’s gonna happen in the mega-recession that is currently on the horizon? Not only are banks going to stop lending, and people are going to stop borrowing, because it has become basically impossible to think there will always be finer weather in the future--but even more importantly, people who start losing their jobs when the recession sets in are obviously going to have to default on their 50 designer handbags, new Bentley, McMansion or whatever it is they borrowed for. And so who’s gonna hold up the world in the future? Now that Atlas has shrugged again (call it the subprime moment) it’s abundantly clear that to keep the fractally expanding pyramid-schemes from crashing with a tremendous world-shattering bang, the biggest and most stable pyramids of all are going to have to step in, namely the national states. And if you have not yet observed how both the American and British central banks are effectively nationalizing relatively large percentages of their private banking systems (somewhere over 10

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8

an adviser at Bloomsbury Financial Planning. “It’s easier to get a loan or a credit card these days than to get a savings product.”

British credit market where the principle of competition forced all the other banks to follow. Well, forced is maybe not the best word, because aren’t we finally beginning to understand what lending actually means when there is no longer any difference between transnational investment banks and bread-and-butter savings-and-loans? What it means is that the banks, rather than having a debit on their balance sheet (the outstanding loan) instead have a new asset to sell to investors, namely, the loans bundled into fancy securities which can be sold to all kinds of pension funds around the world (or more precisely, to other international bankers who in their turn sell them to pension funds). And of course, those same somewhat risky securities plus the insurance policies that go with them and theoretically render them risk-free can also be sliced, diced and resold again by any of the partners in any of the deals, because structured finance is what makes the money-world go round. So with all the income-streams that generates, the banks can go on lending forever from the underlying pool of (not just Western, but also Asian) retirement funds, multiplied by a million dodgy resale operations--that is, they can go on lending forever, IF they can find enough income-earning borrowers as a basis for their pyramid schemes. So that means that you, dear Anglo-Saxon consumer, are the Atlas of the global economy. How does it feel to have the world on your shoulders?


percent already in the US), well, check it out, because it looks like the beginning of trend. A trend that will inevitably have consequences. What are nationalized Western economies with no more financial frenzy on the horizon gonna do with their disappointed, unemployed and bankrupted citizens? Enigmatic and troubling question! We saw some answers in the 1930s but the new ones will probably be different. And here’s yet another enigma: how are the consumptive Western countries going to persuade the productive Asian ones to keep funneling their goods across the oceans, even when there is no more illusory hotmoney payback? Well, Japan was persuaded to do exactly that from the 1990s onward, when it became clear there would be no substantial payback for all the money they ship out (and that’s still the biggest single capital inflow to the US, mostly from private Japanese banks, not the state). But Japan, mind you, is a small, aging country where everyone is already more or less in their stable place, without any roiling social change on the horizon. If you like the excitement of unruly future events, keep your eyes peeled on the Chinese jugernaut! Will they succeed in reorienting their economy so that their citizens actually begin to consume what they produce? Or will the whole export-driven growth model collapse into some new period of chaos? Personally I am not such a big better on chaos-collapse predictions anymore. Both the world economy and the national societies are so intensely managed at this point, that economic chaos and the large-scale wars that you got back in the good’ol twentieth century now appear less likely (though who knows?). The more banal and troubling question is how are people gonna come down from a ten- or even twenty-year binge of consumer ecstasy-rush, to face the changing conditions of a world that has globalized its way into ecological crisis, compounded by the political difficulties of a fully transnational economy? What’s ultimately determinant is how the members of societies, and not only politicians, find ways to deal with such changes. Not for nothing did Bell’s book speak of the “cultural contradictions” of capitalism. One can see in retrospect why the post-68 Leftist culture that hoped to gain ground from that contradiction actually lost all purchase, as easy money killed the ideology market and set people to chasing all those facile and lovely dreams that a credit card can offer. Those old stories about labor and solidarity were just a joke to the hyperconsumers! As for the new ones about desire and expression and the imagination in power, wasn’t that what was happening all around us? Why fuck around with a molecular revolution when the bank itself is offering 50 pairs of everything for everyone? But now in these changing times, when those same people--and that’s us, hypocritical reader, my brother/my sister--now when we have to look for some unlikely thread to guide us through the social labyrinth, what will it be? Millennarian religion? Instrumentalized nationalism? Corporate lifeboat? Transnational empire? Job opportunities in a new hyperindividualized and hypersurveilled bureaucratic police state? Or is there any slim chance, I wonder, to begin collectively thinking again about a new expansion and metamorphosis of that ancient and marvelous political chimera called equality? How ‘bout we meet outside the pawnshop for a little discussion group! In the meantime, best from the heartland, Brian

£70,000 in personal debt trying to keep his fruit and vegetable business afloat, credit card issuers kept increasing his credit limits. “You tend to use credit to pay for credit and as far as the banks are concerned you are fine,” said Mr. Davie, 41. He was finally forced to declare bankruptcy. Though still painful, the process made the prospect of defaulting slightly less daunting. “Rather than showing up at court you just fill in an online form and speak to someone on the phone,” said Mark Sands, director of personal insolvency at KPMG in London. The ease of the bankruptcy process, the availability of debt, the property boom and strong economic growth, lulled consumers into a “false sense of security that is now coming to haunt us,” said James Falla, a debt adviser at London-based Thomas Charles. “It’s all good as long as the economy is doing well, but if that changes people will really get caught short,” he added. And things are changing. Growth has already started to slow this year, and the government lowered its 2008 forecast to 1.75 percent to 2.25 percent, after 3.1 percent growth last year. Home prices are falling, despite a dearth of housing and an influx of wealthy Middle Easteners and Russians, especially in London. Last year, housing foreclosures reached the highest level since 1999 and are expected to rise still further this year. And more than one million homeowners have adjustable-rate mortgages that are expected to reset in the next 12 months — to significantly higher rates. The prospect of rising costs has already prompted some consumers to change their spending habits. The camera retailer Jessops and the fashion store French Connection are among retailers feeling the squeeze and reporting lower sales since the end of 2007. But changing spending habits will not be enough to solve the problem of rising debt levels, said Mr. Butler, the debt adviser. Consumers will also have to learn to save. According to a survey for the Office of National Statistics, less than half the population saves regularly, and more than 39 percent said they would rather enjoy a good standard of living today than save for retirement. Ms. Hall said she was among that 39 percent. She recently took out new loans, planning to repay her existing debt. But she ended up spending the money on more luxury goods instead. This year, she published a book about her experiences. She said she did not expect the book’s proceeds to repay her debts, but it may help the growing number of people in similar positions cope with theirs.


Music 101:

Outlaws of Rock, Or Why Elvis Costello Is a Pussy By P.C. Wrenn

Van Halen lead singer David Lee Roth once said, “The reason all rock critics like Elvis Costello is ‘cause they all look like him.” Personally, I happen to like a lot of Costello’s music, and feel it deserves praise. But whether you agree with Mr. Roth or not, what is certain is that early in Elvis Costello’s career the artist enjoyed something of an outlaw image. But was Costello’s rep truly deserved? His guest appearances on Paul McCartney records and recent collaborations with Burt Bacharach notwithstanding, nothing in Costello’s long and diverse history suggests he was ever anything more than just a very clever tunesmith. There is only one instance that comes to mind, and that incident involved little more than dumb bigotry: Once in an Ohio bar, Costello referred to Ray Charles as a “blind, ignorant n*****” to fellow musicians Bonnie Bramlett and members of Stephen Stills’ band.

If it appears as if I’m attacking Mr. Costello, in this instance I am. He deserves it no less than countless other “rockers” who each day cynically exploit their undeserved outlaw reputations. People like Oasis’ Liam Gallagher, who, as a friend tells me, stormed off stage one night a number of years ago at a show in Grand Rapids after a tiff with brother Noel, leaving the rest of the group to struggle to end the set without him. But I’m quite sure he stuck around long enough to tally up the gate receipts, and like the professional that he is, certainly picked up his paycheck. Had I been at that show, I would have demanded my money be refunded that evening.

44 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 8

These pretenders to the throne of rock royalty merely stand on the shoulders of the true outlaw pioneers who came before them and by simple association (i.e., you’re a rock star and simply must be an outlaw), enjoy the fruits of their labor. After all, who doesn’t enjoy hearing about these rebel rock stars and their antics? This fact is not lost on them, rest assured. In the world of rock & roll, Outlaw behavior should be defined at the very least as being tantamount to committing artistic or career suicide, or both. But this is not accomplished by overt racial slurs or cleverly calculated but nevertheless cynical manipulation of a media who are just plain lazy. Nor can it be accomplished by simply acting petulant…the music business is full of prima donnas, both onstage and off, and nobody really cares that much anymore. If we are to accept the notso-far-fetched belief that rock & roll equals life or death to many of us, then we must demand absolute integrity from the rock artist and nothing less can or will suffice. Having somewhat established the criteria, what follows is a brief list of some of what I consider prime examples of true rock outlaw behavior. Feel free to add your own:

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8

For his stupidity, and this point may be argued by his apologists, Costello was barely called to task by the press or even the usually liberal musical papers for his blatantly racist remarks. Costello later issued a feeble apology in a 1982 Rolling Stone article, saying that he was very drunk at the time and hastily added that, “…in my drunkenness, my contempt for [Bramlett and the others] was probably exaggerated beyond my real contempt for them…” But was it really? If so, then why not direct his criticism at Bramlett? And if not, then why say it at all? Just to grab headlines? It seems that Costello forgot just how much he owed R&B and soul music artists, whose prominent influence can be heard on his earlier albums, particularly 1980’s Get Happy.


pete townsend Pete Townshend: Woodstock, Fillmore East. At the Woodstock Music Festival in 1969, the vibe was one of peace and love. Abbey Hoffman decided to jump onstage and grab a microphone during The Who’s set for some political oratory. Townshend proceeded to hit Hoffman over the head with his Gibson SG and then kick him in the ass, knocking the activist off the stage. Hoffman: “I think this is a pile of shit! While John Sinclair rots in prison…” Townshend: “Fuck off!” Hoffman: “I…God!” Townshend: “Fuck off my fucking stage!” At the Fillmore East Auditorium in 1969, a police officer leaped onstage to inform the audience to evacuate the theatre because the building next door was on fire. For his efforts, the policeman was kicked in the groin by Townshend. Determined not to be left out of the melee, Who singer Roger Daltrey landed a punch or two on the policeman before he tumbled off the stage. To this day, no one in the group has issued anything resembling an apology, saying instead they mistook the cop as some kind of heckler.

keith Richards Drug bust sentencing. In 1967, when facing a potential year in prison for drug charges, rather than weeping like fellow Stone Mick Jagger (who was only looking at 90 days), Richards said he was not sorry. When asked by the magistrate why not, Richards responded, “…because I’m not an old man obsessed with an old man’s petty morals.”

Johnny Thunders I won’t cite any single incident here. Suffice it to say Thunder’s whole life was one headlong dash towards self-annihilation.

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 45


sex pistols British TV appearance. It was in December of 1976 that ITV’s “Today” interviewer Bill Grundy pointedly asked the Pistols about their lucrative record company advance. To this the band replied, “We fuckin’ spent it, didn’t we!” The band then referred to Grundy as a “dirty fucker” and “a fuckin’ rotter.” All of this was done much to Pistol’s manager Malcolm McClaren’s glee, as the incident made headlines all over England. But it was the band’s sudden decision to break up during a concert two years later that pulled the rug out from under McClaren’s designs on exploiting the band further, while at the same time successfully swindling Virgin Records out of thousands of dollars. It was at the Winterland Ballroom in San Francisco where Johnny Rotten uttered the now famous line, “Ha, ha. Ever get the feeling you’ve been cheated? Good night.”

Keith Moon 21st b-day celebration. The hotel remodeling exploits of Who drummer Keith Moon are the stuff of rock legend, but this has to be one of his finest hours. At a Holiday Inn in Flint, Michigan in 1967, when asked to keep the music down by the hotel manager, Moon picked up a large chunk of birthday cake and smashed it into the man’s face. After dashing out of the hotel room, Moon grabbed a fire extinguisher off the wall, ran out into the parking lot, and proceeded to spray foam into the interiors of the dozen or so cars parked there, causing thousands of dollars worth of damage. The humiliated hotel manager calmly wiped the cake from his eyes, went into his office and issued a lifetime ban on the Who at every Holiday Inn in America.

Japan incident. It was on the last leg of their 1993 world tour when Nirvana, flush with the success of the multi-platinum album “Nevermind,” first arrived in Japan. Breezing past the Japanese diplomats who had been sent to greet them, Cobain marched to the end of the airport walkway and surveyed the crowd of people assembled to catch a glimpse of the American icons. He then went to a microphone which had been provided for him, belched loudly and proclaimed that he was there “…to pay you fuckers back for Pearl Harbor.” The Japanese hosts, to whom politeness and proper etiquette were high priority, were horrified. Later on, Cobain would put a shotgun in his mouth and, in what may be considered the supreme act of outlaw rock heroism, pulled the trigger.

46 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 8

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8

kurt cobain


book review A review of DREAM By Stephen Duncombe by Daniel Tucker and Todd Tucker

The problem, as I see it, comes down to reality. Progressives believe in it, Bush’s people believe in creating it. - Stephen Duncombe Dream: Re-imagining Progressive Politics in an Age of Fantasy By Stephen Duncombe New Press, 240pp., $15.95 Any progressive activist in recent years would be familiar with the following scenario: a group that has a history of working together is plotting out upcoming actions and campaigns. As they seek feedback on their plans from a wider circle of friends and colleagues, they run into someone – perhaps a public relations leader, perhaps a political communications professor… let’s just call them “framing gurus” for short – who vigorously insist on the centrality of messaging, sound-bytes, and narratives. While any activist group worth its street cred would undoubtedly concur with the importance of adequately representing your platform, such tactical considerations – when pushed to the extreme – can obscure longer term goals and strategies. A related debate is taking place on the national level, where one of the most influential books for the Democratic Party in recent years has been George Lakoff’s “Don’t Think of an Elephant.” In it, he argues that Democratic candidates could gain support by describing their platform in terms of broad social values that would activate “frames” in voters’ minds, rather just reacting to the GOP. A whole host of Democrats did just that, for instance by describing their opposition to Bush’s “free trade” policies in terms of being “for the future of the middle class.” But activist Stephen Duncombe argues that much more than just framing exercises is needed if progressives are going to move beyond a few electoral victories and ad campaigns into a vibrant and sustainable movement capable of checking corporate power and pushing elected officials further to the left. In his book, Dream, Duncombe takes the Oscar Wilde maxim that “the trouble with socialism is that it takes too many evenings” as evidence that progressives have for too long demanded that their core activists be idealized, selfless monks who are far too clever to value trashy celebrity gossip rags or violent video games - in other words, things most people enjoy.

Of the left’s obsession with reason, Duncombe writes: “The problem, as I see it, comes down to reality. Progressives believe in it, Bush’s people believe in creating it.” Similarly, corporations build power, through the powerful associations created between their products (i.e. Bud) and people’s desires (i.e. sexy ladies). In speaking only to people’s heads, progressives are falling behind in the battle for people’s hearts. He argues that progressives need to spend less time preaching reason, fact, and authenticity and a little more time imagineering. This is the terrain of the spectacle, the place where disbelief, imagination, manipulation and possibility coincide. This is something that the rightwing has mastered with its highly staged photo-ops and code-word memes that intervene in popular vocabulary and imagination. This is where Duncombe argues that because fantasy and spectacle are the “lingua franca” of our time, we have no choice but to use them and understand how they work and what they mean in people’s lives. Duncombe, a veteran of global justice and anti-war movements and a son of civil rights leaders, understands that a typical protest situation is highly scripted: “Leaders organize a ‘mass’ demonstration. We march. We chant. Speakers are paraded onto the dais to tell us (in screeching voices through bad sound systems) what we already know. Sometimes we sit down and let the police arrest us. We hope the mainstream media puts us on the news media for five seconds.” This awareness is, in large part, what informs Duncombe’s proposal that unless the left starts taking seriously the role of irrational emotional attachment to seemingly frivolous things like Paris Hilton and cheesy and clearly fake scenery in Vegas then we are “doomed to political insignificance.” Essentially the argument boils down to this: people are not buying what the left has been selling and so the left needs to pay attention to what people are buying and why that is. And unlike PR analysts, who look only at the “product” (i.e. policy package, media campaign, electoral candidate) of “politics,” Duncombe argues that people must also buy the left’s “process” if a

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 47


A menu of consumer culture spectacles structure Duncombe’s theory: Grand Theft Auto video games, McDonalds’ ads, celebrity gossip rags, and the city of Las Vegas. He argues that the popular appetite for change can be located – even if it’s disguised – in these examples. Witness the appeal of Grand Theft Auto, where players put themselves into the shoes of a poor black man. At the surface, this is nothing more than blaxploitation. At the same time, Duncombe argues that identifying with the hero of the game is “embracing difference,” as opposed to the “banal respecting difference of the multiculturalists.” Furthermore, the rebelliousness and player involvement in shaping the path of the game (through “gamer mods”) are also important impulses for the forming of activists. Rather than call to regulate the game – as Hilary Clinton recently did – progressives should seek to translate and channel these impulses into something politically potent. The left wasn’t always so averse to spectacle, nor were corporations so keen to manipulate it, finds Duncombe. Ivory Soap ads used to tout the modest tagline “an agreeable item of toilet use,” while soap ads of today appeals to people’s desires to not stink and thus get laid. Similarly, Republican president Dwight Eisenhower once wrote that, “should any political party attempt to abolish Social Security… you would not hear of that party again… There is a tiny splinter group, of course, that believes you can do these things. Their number is negligible, and they are stupid.” Today’s GOP dreamed the unthinkable, won elections, and came damn close to privatizing Social Security. Similarly, liberals used to be masters of imagination and narrative, turning complex policy issues into emotional appeals – recall FDR’s fireside chats, or more fittingly, Huey Long’s appeal through song that “every man is a king.” Indeed, from the professionalization of movement politics to the passivity of listening to boring speeches at anti-war marches, Duncombe argues that most political practices on the left are no fun and even disempowering. While much of Dream focuses on the ways that the left has not been keyed into spectacle, Duncombe does spend time exploring a few of the promising exceptions. He cites the work of Reclaim The Streets, a UK originated movement that eventually found wings and landed in U.S. cities. In New York, the group’s actions would go down like this: a harmful institution would be targeted for activist attention, say, a police department or a corporation. Next, a core group of activists would spread the word about a mass action on the target through flyers distributed at parties and through word-of-mouth. It wouldn’t be a typical protest, however: the gathering would seem to happen spontaneously at the drop of a hat, seeing people flood the streets, block the traffic, turn their radios tuned to the same pirate radio broadcast of fast and energizing dance music, creating a coordinated stunt that would facilitate many different forms of engagement from passing out flyers explaining the action, to dancing, to fire-breathing. It was the openness of this activity that characterized another feature of Duncombe’s “ethical spectacle”, for it was open enough to engage people in many different ways. The actions often responded to quality of life laws that involved increased polic-

48 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 8

ing and control of public space, which strangled the social imagination in manifold ways. Reclaim the Streets was not a traditional “cause,” yet still found acceptance from the kind of unlikely alliances of community organizations, ecologists, ant-police brutality organizers and dancing anarchists that are needed to address contemporary urban impediments to the kind of public gathering and democratic space that fosters dissent as well as visions for better or fairer society. Another example Duncombe explores is the Billionaires for Bush group’s satiric bird-dogging of political candidates. The group would often stand opposite the “real” protest, dressed in campy over-thetop top-hats, pearl necklaces and tuxedos associated only with an imaginary elite of Monopoly game boards. They would confuse the typical scene of an anti-war protest through advocacy for even more control by the rich of electoral politics, thereby unmasking the corporate control of elections. This theater of the absurd was clearly and transparently a performance – something Duncombe argues is essential for an “ethical spectacle” to be different from the manipulative and deceiving spectacles that we often encounter in our daily lives. To be sure, many of the examples of movements that have harnessed “dreampolitik,” as Duncombe calls it, have remained on the margins of political power. His descriptions of the Billionaires for Bush or Reclaim the Streets make no apologies for that. But he argues that even mainstream liberals should embrace the dream aesthetic. Rather than disdain corporate advertising as “the seduction of eloquence,” in critic Neil Postman’s words, why no coopt it to create positive associations between paid time off policies and sunny days in the park? In reference to the classic McDonalds’ commercial, Duncombe writes, “I have yet to come across an explanation of how a hamburger can give me free afternoons, bring me closer to my children, or make the sun shine on a clean and free public space.” Progressive public policy – and the organization of people into movements capable of demanding and receiving it – on the other hand, can do all of these things. Indeed, advertising, especially through the classic “before and after” commercial, emphasizes transformation – as does political practice, at its best. It is a generous and thoughtful intention that drives Duncombe’s latest contribution to contemporary progressive politics. Jumping from Walter Benjamin to Martin Luther King Jr., and Umberto Eco to Alexander Hamilton, Duncombe breaks down some of the intellectual prayer curtains that have separated academics from practitioners, historians from futurists, protestors from policy wonks. And while he lauds some of the successful “framing” exercises of the last few decades, he goes beyond Lakoff and PR gurus in his argument for a spectacular reconstitution of social movements’ modes of collective action. Rather than firm prescriptions, his is an innovative synthesis of a variety of streams of thought and a creative exploration of the terrain of today’s politics. There is no doubt that this book will be influential in many kinds of work in the years to come. Daniel Tucker is the editor of AREA Chicago Art/Research/Education/Activism Todd Tucker is a global justice activist based in Washington, D.C.

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8

sustainable movement is ever to be achieved.


In 2008, Dark Matter is all around us. Us artists, us activists, us outlaws. All of us, we are engaged in a culture war and economic struggle against establishments in all their guises. We form communities to counter the alienation of everyday life, and the commercial and institutional structures that stifle reality. We desire another world. And we’re not alone. As artist-activist Greg Sholette says, “a hidden social production has always found its own time and space apart from hegemonies of power and the objectifying routines of work. This dark matter resistance extends well beyond conventional conflicts between labor and capital to form a murky excrescence of affects, ideas, histories, sentiments, and technologies that shift in and out of visibility like some half-submerged reef.”

In 2008, we think it’s time for things to shift. It’s time to re-ignite dormant forces within the murky worlds of radical culture. It’s time to dive. And how? From April 17-27 (11 days), we are gathering to celebrate, identify, discuss and act on the workings of Dark Matter. Version>08: DARK MATTER will showcase emerging, progressive trends in art, politics, technology and music. We’ll gather and see how our peers in the counterculture and at the office create work, spaces, tactics and strategies. We’ll witness multiple possibilities for the future, and leave ready to act. Join Us.


About Version Produced by the Public Media Institute, a non profit 501 3c corporation, Version is an annual springtime convergence that brings together hundreds of artists, musicians, and educators from around the world to present some of the most challenging ideas and progressive art projects of our day. The eleven day festival showcases emerging trends in art, technology and music. Version festival presents a diverse program of activities featuring an exposition/art fair called the NFO EXPO, multiple art exhibitions, events, video screenings, interactive technologies, performances, street art, presentations, talks, workshops, art rendezvous and action. Much of Version>08 Dark Matter was programmed via an open online submissions platform. Other projects and programs were selected and curated by the Version>08 Organizers. (Version hotline is 773.837.0145. 3219 S Morgan St., Chicago Il 60608)

Tickets and Admission

Version Staff

Thanks

Many events for Version are free. Others require $5-10 entry. Admission fees will be presented at the location of the event.

Co-Organisers: Jerry Boyle, Mariapaz Camargo, Mairead Case, Aron Gent, Eric Graf, Sarah Kenny, Anne Lass, Nicole Lucaroni, Matt Malooly, Ed Marszewski, Rachael Marszewski, Myles, Eric Ringbloom, Brian Ulrich, Ken Zawacki

Version would like to thank the following organizations, collectives, institutions and individuals for their help and support, without which Version>08 would not be possible:

The Version Pass A $40 VERSION PASS is recommended to attendees that wish to experience more than five days of programming. In order to make your Version>08 experience more fluid and help us cover the expenses for the 11 day convergence (meals, drinks, production expenses etc) we ask that you purchase one. The VERSION PASS is a $200 value in materials, drinks, food and entry fees to all screenings and events. You will receive a packet with materials for the festival including several publications, posters and a t-shirt. Available at the Co-Prosperity Sphere (3219 S Morgan St. April 18) and at the NFO XPO (Viaduct Theater April 19, 20)

Sponsors Tofurkey Raw Revolution Grolsch Version is supported in part by The Illinois Arts Council an agency of the state.

Maria (the Peggy Guggenheim of Bridgeport) Marszewski, Mike Evans, Dean and Amy Olson, Michael Marszewski and his posse of Union Cholos, John Babbington, Hunter Husar, Nick and Cathy, Mike Slattery, Cor Hersbach, The villagers, Zhou Brothers, Bad At Sports, Mess Hall, Gregory Calvert Secret Order of the Lamprey, Devin Cardosi , Alma, Aron Packer, Brant Villieux, Greg Stimac, Joel Bruner, Randall Kober, Daniel Tucker, The Earthman, Daniel Pope, Patrick Willi, nata2.org, OnShore, WOR, Country Club gallery, MP shows, Joe Bryl,Scott Beiben, and all the volunteers and folks that helped us fundraise, build stuff, promote, install works, donated materials, make food and kick ass.


“Like its astronomical cousin, creative dark matter also makes up the bulk of the artistic activity produced in our post-industrial society. However, this type of dark matter is invisible primarily to those who lay claim to the management and interpretation of culture - the critics, art historians, collectors, dealers, museums, curators and arts administrators. It includes informal practices such as home-crafts, makeshift memorials, amateur photography (and pornography), Sunday-painters, self-published newsletters and fan-zines, Internet art galleries -- all work made and circulated in the shadows of the formal art world. Yet, just as the physical universe is dependent on its dark matter and energy, so too is the art world dependent on its shadow creativity. It needs it in much the same way certain developing countries depend on their shadow or informal economies.” - Gregory Sholette (gregorysholette.com)

+Thursday April 17, 2008

+ Friday April 18, 2008

OPENING OF VERSION>08 THE Space 1026 group show

Opening Dark Matter Group Show

Country Club • 1100 N Damen Ave Hours: 6pm - 11pm free

Space 1026 artists create an installation of prints to represent their individual styles along with a collaborative element of an exquisite corpse canvas. They come armed with screens for a live silkscreen event on-site. Contributing artist are Myles, Meg Kemner, Andrew Jeffrey Wright, Thom Lessner, Crystal Stokowski, Mark Price, Justin Myer Staller, Jesse Goldstien, Isaac Lin, Caitlin Emma Perkis, Ben Woodward, Delilah Knuckley, Zac Beaver, O. Roman Hasiuk, Jayson Scott Musson, Jason Hsu, Alex Lukas, Elena Nestico, Mollie Williamson, Bill McRight, Salty Snacks, Ted Passon, Jesse Olanday, Beth Brandon,Dave Dunn, and more. About Space 1026:: Space 1026 is a artist collective based in Philadelphia’s Chinatown which consists of over 30 members and co-conspirators. Founded in 1997 by four friends and recent RISD grads, Space has grown from its two floors of a building at 11th and Arch into an international art giant. It is a supportive network of dozens of artists who share studios at the Space, past and present. Space consists of dozens of artists who come to our events, and participate in our community. Space 1026 is a center for making, producing and creating, not for some outside world of aficionados, but for each other and for our own kind. Space 1026 is a community - a creative community - not an institution.

AFTERPARTY

10 pm @ TBA

Performances by Ladytown USA, Tomtomtomboy Mahhjong

Co-Prosperity Sphere • 3219 S Morgan St hours: 7pm -2am $8

An art exhibition and happening for Version>08 What do naive art, protest posters, custom rides, zines, composting poop, catapults, LARPing, cosplay, gay dating websites, student mapping projects, shopdroppping, unrepresented artist workers, karoake push carts, roadkill, pirate radio, drawings and culture jamming have to with dark matter? Come and find out. If you are up for it please come dressed as your favorite Cosplay or LARPing character and get your photo taken. The Dark Matter Group Show is an examination of works that address the festival’s theme inspired by Gregory Sholette: Featuring the works of: Michael Genovese, Kate Bingaman-Burt, Michael T Rea, Jefferson Mayday Mayday, JC Hammes, RyanAdam Farcus, Brian Ulrich, Chris Roberts, Ryan Davies, JJ Stratford, Dungeon Magesty, Ryan Davies, Cole Robertson, Daniel Edwards, Christopher Ilth, Michael Hsiung, Mike Slattery, Nat Ward, Dave the Lightbulb man,, Vicki Fowler, Thunderhorse, E*rock, Neville, Erika Mikkalo and many others. 7-10pm Performance: communication // saturation (( four humans // four televisions )) with katie schaag, sarah marie coogan, ellen rebman, and kate graham 10pm Musical Performances by: Fought Pit Er Pat Buquito Pattern is Movement. Also featuring: The Kustom Kaoraoke Room with original video karoake works by Nick Bahr, Edmar, Thunderhorse Video and others. Secret Screening of the The Multinauts! by Telefantasy Studios

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 51


alist, will lead an interactive workshop about why we’re living in very dark days, the Second Gilded Age in fact, a time of extreme economic inequality. 3:00pm Center for Tactical Magic. Aron Gach A fusion force summoned from the ways of the artist, the magician, the ninja, and the private investigator, Tactical Magic is an amalgam of disparate arts invoked for the purpose of actively addressing Power on individual, communal, and transnational fronts. http://www.tacticalmagic.org/ 4:30pm Keynote presentation about Dark Matter by Gregory Sholette 6:00 pm Wafaa Bilal talks about censorship at RPI 6:30 pm Dinner Break! Featuring our annual Korean Polish bar-bq (tofurkey kilbassa also represented!) and! special Texan mesquite bar-bq-ing with the Earthman (included with admisiion)

+ Saturday April 19, 2008 NFO XPO OPENING

1pm @ Viaduct Theater • 3111 N. Western Hours: 1pm to 3am • $8 ($10 for 2-day pass) (entry fee covers all programming and daily bar-bq!) The NFO XPO (pronounced “info expo”) brings art groups, community organizations and artists together to exchange information and ideas. We view it as a trade show for experimental art, emerging spaces, and radical exchange. It’s our version of what an art fair should be and it’s a big part of the festival and the Dark Matter that is Version. Come see emerging artists’ visual works, and participate in artist-run spaces and projects. Learn how to XYZ. Watch some great new videos, meet future historians of the counter public sphere, and party with us like its 2099. Groups, projects, people and spaces representing this year are: Space 1026 (philly), Harold Arts, Green lantern, Trendbeheer (NL), Jim Duignan, Polvo, Secret Order of the Lamprey, Suburban, Earthman (Texas), Stop Trying So Hard (NY), Manifestation Gestation Station by Team Lump (North Carolina), Nato Thompson, The Plaines Project, Corpus Corpus, Reuben Kincaid, Country Club Gallery, Incubate, Knock knock Gallery, The Plaines Project, The Gay Utopia, National Lawyers Guild, Gregory Sholette, Neihgborhood Watch (FL), Center for Tactical Magic, Jack Bratitch, The Finch Gallery, Dill Pickle Food Co-op, Dungeon Magesty, Mantra Trailer, Art Shanty (MNPLS), Three Walls, Plush Gallery/ Randall Garret (texas), Daniel Demchuck, Kristen Cox, Der Weiße Salon (Berlin), Requiem, Nsumi Collective (NY) The Think Tank that is yet to be Named, People Project, Platypus Review, Project Focus, Wheat Paste Collage (NY), Get Knifed, and many others. Visit versionfest.org for updates.

7:30 Underground Multiplex video screenings of works by Arturo Cubacub and Sarah Weis, Telefantasy Studios and Version shorts. Featuring: World Premier of “THE MULTINAUTS” From the creators of Dungeon Majesty, Telefantasy Studios presents, THE MULTINAUTS an all new adventure saga, set in an pangalactic post nuke multiverse. Episode One: Three heroes from different time periods are picked up by a holographic spaceship and sent on a mission to rescue Falco Quasar, a colony pilot, when they are attacked by a mega corporation and it’s mutant empire. 10pm Performances: UPRISING #4 with Nicole Garneau and you. Live music: The C*nts Joe Kisser Nineteen Inch Nails Skarekrau Radio

+ SUNDAY April 20, 2008 NFO XPO CONtinues

1pm @ Viaduct Theater • 3111 N. Western Hours 1pm to 2am • $8 The second and last day of the NFO XPO See details on (Saturday April 19)

NFO XPO Fair and installations will be located in the main theater room. It opens at 1pm and will close around 9pm.

Program Details:

Talks, Screenings, and live music happen simultaneously to the Fair in the Studio room until 3am.

1:00 pm NFO XPO opens Free Univerwity programs start NFO XPO Fair and installations will be located in the main theater room. It opens at 1pm and will close at 9pm.

Program Details: 1pm NFO XPO opens Free Univerwity programs start 1:30pm 10 Chairs. 1 Baseball Field. Part workshop. Part conversation with Kristen Cox Kristen Cox, local cultural producer and class privileged conversation-

52 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 7

2:0opm Making Darkness Visible: The Politics of Popular Occulture and Secret Agency with Jack Bratich The indigenous Tibetan tradition known as Bon contains a rite of passage known as the Dark Retreat. A sensory deprivation technique, the Dark Retreat involves solitary living in a pitch-black cave for weeks on end. It is a time of transformation, a rebooting of the self through


contact with thought-forms, ancient and emergent. Could our culture be said to be undergoing such a process, collectively and unconsciously? 3:30pm Cracking The Looking Glass: Precarity and Everyday Resistance with Timothy Sarrantonio This workshop will explore the intersections of theory and practice, specifically focusing on precarity, everyday resistance, and autonomous movements. 4:40pm Sunday Soup and OTHER OPTIONS OTHER OPTIONS is a both a research project and traveling exhibition that looks at artists, both historically and contemporaneously, who have re-interpreted, altered and created infrastructures, which have affected their everyday lives and artistic practice. 5:00pm Nato Thompson Creative Time Curator Nato Thompson will talk about Paul Chan’s Waiting for Godot in New Orleans. This Creative Time production curated by Thompson, was a site-specific play in the New Orleans’ neighborhoods of the Lower Ninth Ward and Gentilly. 6:30 pm Dinner Break for Korean polish bar-b-q redux! (vegetarians welcome) 7:30 Underground Multiplex: featuring Mike Finch’s Exclusively Yours - the new comedy from Mike Finch where he stars in three separate roles as The Boss, The Salesman, and The Graphic Designer Plus Video screenings of work by Jan De Bruin, The Rotterdam VHS Festival, and shorts from the Select 11 Version edition DVD. 10pm Performances: Magical, Beautiful Pillars and Tounges Josh Abrams Tim Kensella (solo)

+ MOnday April 21, 2008 Bridgeport Space Walk

1pm @ various locations in Bridgeport, FREE (liquids provided at mutherland and c-ps) 7pm @ Mutherland • 1125 W 31st St C’mon lil Sister From the darkest part of a little girl’s closet to the dream of the warmest lady coat ever.... comes, Vicki Fowler’s performance and Installation at Mutherland.)

9pm @ Co-Prosperity Sphere • 3219 S Morgan St Performance by Musket.

10:30pm @ Bernice’s • 3238 S Halsted performance by Orogeny

11:30pm @ Kaplan’s • 960 W 31st St performance by very special guest.

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 53


+ Tuesday April 22, 2008

+ Wednesday April 23, 2008

Mind The Gap

Performance ART Wig out

Featuring the work of: Sonia Jimemez Alvarez, Manuela Barczewski, Sabrina Jung, Annette Jonak, Anastasia Khoroshilova, Anne Lass, Patricia Neligan, Almut von Pusch, Rivkah Young The exhibition features the work of 9 female artists who all work within the field of photography in distinct ways. Their common ground is the diverse engagement with different forms of gaps in this world. The spaces investigated are often overlooked and are rarely put under artistic scrutiny. If one takes a closer look though, one finds in the inconspicuous a broadness of themes, which are both formally and socially relevant. The title of the exhibition gestures towards a world apart, inextricably linked to ours yet hardly ever noticed. It is precisely this world apart, the gaps in the world seemingly so familiar to us that is the focus of our featured artists. The artists were all raised in Germany but have their roots throughout Europe and South America. Most of the artists live in Berlin. “Der Weiße Salon“ (the white salon) is a collaborative project initiated by Sonia Alvarez, Sabrina Jung, Anne Lass and Patricia Neligan The aim is to encourage the exchange between artists working in different media. The main focus is the development of a network amongst internationally based artists. The website www.weissersalon. de (which is being restructured right now and will be online by April) is the main platform accessible to the public. Here one will be able to find new, theme based projects of different artists and initiators every month. “Der Weiße Salon” also manages curatorial projects in Germany and abroad. The group exhibitions are theme based.

After Party All City Night 9pm @ Ronny’s Bar • 2103 N. California $5 Mind the Gap afterparty with our All City friends. Featuring performances by environmental sound collapse, menowah and others

54 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 8

8pm @ South Union Arts • 1352 S. UNION (just 2 blocks south of Roosevelt Rd) Hours: 8pm - 1am • $6 Performances Matthew Nicholas & Eric Warner (Fee Fi Fo Funambulist ) It’s the big show beneath the ceiling of the big top where we find the Minotaur recreating the tightrope daring-do’s of one, Karl Wallenda. Overcompensating for his lack of self completion as a singular being, the Minotaur now finds himself in a maze of personal repetition, but his tight wire dare-devilry routine is more than just a circus act. Under the eyes of the Ringmaster, a frustrated Burlesque Cheerleading Squad, and an over zealous journalist documenting every move, the Minotaur attempts to triumph all. Parker (Freakie Outtie) Referencing peep shows and iPod commercials, Freakie Outie is a study in personal connectivity to pop music. Live music: Gynoslayer Yale Michael Perkins of Far Rad Pure Magical Love is The Capricorn’s

+ Thursday April 24, 2008 PROXIMITY Launch at NEXT

6pm @ The Merchandise Mart Hours: 7pm - 10pm (preview) • by invitation The producers of Version festival release a new art magazine, Proximity, at NEXT: The Invitational Exhibition of Emerging Art. Our friends at Reuben Kincaid Artist Management are also hosting a booth showing works by Michael T Rea, Seripop, Aron Gent, JJ Stratford and others during the fair. About Proximity: Proximity is a Chicago-based magazine dedicated to contemporary art and culture. Our mission is to amplify discourse on local and global art ecologies. We hope to serve as a map - of artists, collectives and alternative spaces, as well as commercial galleries, museums and universities - connecting and cultivating sustainable creative communities. About Next NEXT, a new invitational art fair installed in 150,000 square feet of space on the 7th floor of the Merchandise Mart, Chicago, April 25-28, 2008, to complement Art Chicago 2008, will offer focused curatorial visions of some of the most important developments in contemporary art. www.nextartfair.com

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 2 M A C R H 2 0 0 8

6pm @ Country Club • 1100 N Damen Ave Hours: 6pm - 10pm • free


+ Friday April 25, 2008

+ Saturday April 26, 2008

Version Happening & Official Release Party for Proximity

Closing Event for Dark Matter

9pm @ Sonotheque • 1444 W. Chicago Hours: 9pm - 2am • $10

Get a complementary copy of Proximity magazine at our art party. Enjoy a special DJ extravaganza reunion with

Paul B Davis (UK) DJ LeDeuce Logan Bay

With Videomixing by Thunderhorse Live musical set by Beau Wanzer and J+J+J

Co-Prosperity Sphere • 3219 S Morgan St Hours: 9pm - 2am • $8 Closing night extravaganza with live performances, Kustom Karoake, giveaways and more. Performances by : Brilliant Pebbles Borts Mintorts (SF) Aleks and the Drummer The Chandeliers DJ Douggpound (LA)

+ ATM project

+ Sunday April 27, 2008

+ Directory of Silence

Field Of Dreams

Check versionfest.org for details

7pm @ Reversible Eye Gallery • 1103 N. California Ave. Hours: 7pm - mdnight $8 version also suggest that you check out DIRECTORY OF SILENCE at Reversible Eye. Introducing Christopher Ilth’s visionary and dreamscape collages. Exhibition: April 25 to May 30, 2008 Gallery Hours: Saturdays 1 PM to 5 PM Closing Reception: Friday May 30 – 7 to Midnight Feat. Performers: Lovely Little Girls Demonologists and TBA

The lot at Jefferson and 21st St Hours: 2pm • free Closing night extravaganza with live performances, Kustom Karoake, giveaways and more. The Field Of Dreams show, sponsored by the Plaines Project, is a collaborative art event and action in East Pilsen in which they creatively appropriate the urban landscape and rejuvenate it with art activity. Artists of all sorts are invited to help them activate a vacant lot that is over 20,000 sq ft large through the creation and installation of artworks on the site. Together we will transform this dead, underutilized space into a sculpture garden that is open to anyone who is interested in using it. A celebration of the opening of the Field Of Dreams with a BBQ at 2pm. Bring your own tofurkey and polish! If you are interested in participating or have any questions, please e-mail plainesproject@gmail.com. If we build it, they will come!!

LUMPEN 1 0 8

lumpen 55


56 lumpen

LUMPEN 1 0 7

VOLUME 1 7 ISSUE 1 J A N U A R Y 2 0 0 8


e s from th rchestra Musician phony O m y S o g Chica r ucto

]^c cond [ ^ 2 ff li C PVT host ] cTa a X d a C f y  n o P Ă&#x20AC;0b ark-Anth

 M stra bQ^cW er Orche X id e  n a h c T S S ria BRW ]TX a conductor T P ]S Ma [ S d X ^ T b ]  W R XR a^\P ]c ] V\X]SĂ  Maria B X X]`dXa Ph Lang Increase S b f T = Âż de Stride Turnage Sli Ta Knussen Coursing C WTPc b X y Rumba a a P 7 RT lerĂ­a, SoleĂĄ ] u P B 3 r  e S id Schne Note bXRP ] U^a<d 3aXeT catioN

Lo

S^[_W bcAP ] !$4P

')    W R <Pa h P S ] ^ <

s musician Meet the the t posers a and com tion p e cert rec post-con od and drinks! fo with free

X] V SfX] ] S a P f 0  ] 6aP \ \h BRW ]TXSTaP   P X WX ] Ta<Pa Q[dacWTc [ b ^ _ \ ^ R P P RWTbca PcTbR[PbbXR  WTa^a a P P Â&#x20AC; _ a T T 1 d[ Pcb  W W c c  X T f ] S R [X i\dbX P \T]R^cX] VT  i P Y  S P] PĂ? cWT Ad \QP ]R^a_^aPcTb [  h  u T X [ B^ aPiX WPc f^aZc B_PX]P ]S1 ^U Ă?Pe^ab Â&#x2013;

MusicNOW receives leadership support from IRVING HARRIS FOUNDATION, Joan W. Harris. Major support is provided by Cindy Sargent and Sally Hands with additional generous funding provided by the Joel and Carol Honigberg Fund.

Media support:

Free food and beverages provided by:

Symphony Center preSentS Artists, prices, and programs subje ct to change.

3 12 - 2 9 4 - 3 0 0 0 w w w. C s o . o r g Harris tHeater 205 e. randolpH dr. CHiCago, illinois


#()20

4HE MISSION OF THE #HICAGO )NDEPENDENT 2A DIO0ROJECTISTOSECUREABROADCASTLICENSEFOR ANEWCOMMUNITYRADIOSTATIONIN#HICAGOTHATIS COMMITTED TO LOCAL INDEPENDENT PROGRAMMING ANDGENERALLYTOFURTHERTHECAUSESOFLOCALISM DIVERSITY ANDINDEPENDENCEINBROADCASTING4HE GROUPISWORKINGTOCONVINCE#ONGRESSANDTHE &##TOREMOVEEXISTINGBARRIERSTOTHEGRANTING OFLOWPOWER&-RADIOLICENSESINURBANAREAS INCLUDING#HICAGO7EHOPEYOULLJOINTHElGHT

0LEASEVISITUSONLINE CHICAGOINDIERADIOORG MYSPACECOMCHICAGOINDIERADIO


produced by Public Media Institute + your friends in Chicago.

r

ns

tio

ra tiv e

pe

sC oo

la ge

Co l

ns

ve nt io

ke

Bi

lE di

ng

ki

Xe ro xa

W or

In te r

g

at Pa st e

ba n

W he

Ur

in

ris

ur e

ec

p

Ho

p-

Hi

Fa i

m a Ca rke se d P fo ac r F ka ee ge lin : g In s

Up

A

Un

of

um

ul

ric

rs it y

Cu r

ive

Un

TS J

n

sio

es

m

ffi

ce

ice

us t

Th re e

e

th

W al ls

g

in

Tr as h

ib er al Ci ty

ol

Ne

Th e to Thi b nk Ra e N Tan di am k ca e th l E d: at du Or is ca ati yet tio on n so f

Th e El se P se e w op he le re fr o

ra py S

s

io

yS tu d

lO

yT ra ve

an ta s

ef

Th e

Te l

po ra r

Te m

s

ice

rv

lJ

oc ia

Se

Pa r ty

ra ry

po

Te a

Te m

Th e

p

Lu m

Te am

sf or S

er

ch

Te a

Re

In

st itu te

te

al is

M

IO

AD

bu rb an

Su

SU PE R

Th e

te

ky ar d

St oc

cie

RA UR

EK

AR

So

SK

gu e

lo

Di a

Lif e

r

pa h

e

ad

pa rc h

Si m

g

in

tS

op

rip

Se

nn

Ru

be r

ad yM

at io n

cla m

Ro

Re

Re

kB

ity M e

az in

ag

ts

ec

Pr oj ts

l

Co l

Ra tP at ro

Pu bl ic s

ct or

le

Ps yc Oc hop cu ol pa itic tio al n Mu Lib s er eum at io n

Pr ox im

vo

Po l

ia

ed

t

ec

Pr oj

pu s

Pl at y

M

lo qu e

V

es

in

Pl a

Pi n

tT

ra l

ec

Pr oj

he

ip

Pi lo

Pe r

e

Pe op l on

m ps

Th o

lB

to r

y

es

Pr oj e

hi

lF ac

ag og ica

Pe d

ge

Ar t

Na ils

og ra p

n

tO

r

eo

Pa th

si

ke

Pa s

Pa r

ce

Ou to fP la

ns

io

ch

In

pt

rO

oy

he

Ot

Oi

XP O

n

te e

ne

NF O

Ni

Th e Cu Ne m two ul r at k o ive f Ar t

Na to

ct

g

ng

jo

ah

an tz

ag icp

n

eo

Vi d

M

M

M

M

M

d

in

e

th

p

Ga

s

pe

ha

lS

fu

l

al

sH

es

ng

ni

e

W or

ge

an

xc h

lE

ia

kT rib

ea

ar

at er

ism

ks

im

pt

nt O

ia

ad

an Ge ifes st ta at tio io n n St at io

M

M

M

n

fR

yo

pe

Lu m

ra r

Lib

:

L Fin ege ge nd rm of on Ju ke an y ita

Th e

of e

It

th

e

Se

ry

na

Or di

e

id

La w

x

ra te d

st

llu

Lin

ce

Offi

ba

m

Ku u

s

ed

fI

lo

na

se

st

Ju

ur

Jo

nc e

ie

Sc

re Hi d o gh f S an an ubw d d a Ea Go y F ts es am a6 T e Fo o Su Ge ot bw ts Su a b y

Ja

JA M

Pl ay

In te r

ry

st

du

In

Yo u

tR

ke

BA TE

CU

In

Ho w

ar

Ha ym of

d

ro l

Ha

Ar ts

s

n

io

lit

Co a

go

ive

tL

fP as

ll o

Ha

n

ca

hi

kC

nt er

La

te

lle

ho

yS

lT an

Fe e

n

Gr ee

or

Gr eg

ng

Ga

ti

ra ffi

sG

es

Bl

d’s

Go

d

Go

up .n

se

ts .ri

lis

@

go

ch

go

et

es

Ge o Je rge su W sC B hr ush ist B at tl

r

bo

La

ise

w

ne

Ge

its

Fr u

Fr ee

Fr ee

Fr ee

d

Fu n

ity

rs

ive

Un

St or e

tie

Ou

ek

Ge

e

ki

Fr ea

Fo ra ys

op

sh

e

sT im

Th i

Flo w er

Fir e

n

lS ta tio

en ta

en t

m

ch

ro a

nc

lE

ty

es

aj

en ta

m

rim

pe

Ex

M

Ar ts

ro n

En vi

tic

as

El

n

eo

ng

Du

of

n

llo

Di

de

on

er

Ar ch

ve

Gi

ds

on

am

Di

De p La art nd me Re nt cla of m Sp at ac io e n

s

as

se

ou

eW ar eh

us

Re

lM

ica

Cr it

Cr ea tiv e

p

Gr ou

Cr ac Gl kin as g Ev s: P The er re Lo yd ca o ay rit kin Re y a g sis nd ta nc e

e

ag

Im

ex es

ge

an

Ex ch

pl

Co m

ra tiv e

pe

Co o

ge

le

Co l

ge

an

Ch

ng

Ci ty

o

di

St u

hi

ot

Cl

ic

Ci v

at e

oc ol

Ch es t

yN

go

in es e

Ch

Go

ld

er gr ou

nd

Gr ou

p

en t

lis hi ng

ag ic

r tm

lic Ar t

Pu b

Ar t

Ch ic Lib ago ra U ry nd

ica

Ch

go

Pu b

De pa

er r

le sH .K

ica

Ch

ar

Ch

CH Ao s

al

tic

ce s

an

ce sD

an

Ch

Ta c M

e.n et

Da y

Vo ya g

sE ve r

hi ng

fo r

ot

Ce nt er

Bu

Fa g

Ye ar

Bi llio n

Bi gg

go

rp

e

ris

d

Be yo nd

r ts

Gr ee n

Co lle ct

po

at S

Be eh ive

Ba

Az on e

ive

ie s

s

or

Au t of ono Ch m ica ous go Te rri to r

Ch ica

Su

Cl ea ns e.. .

Tu m

an

ro w 's

bl er

Gr av ity

W e

AR EA

An ti

An d

or

St a

Al lT om

Al be rt

Ur b

ER

An d

M AT T

32 nd

DA RK AC ES TO

nt ry

ar

W

ac e

h

OR

Fa ir

uc

tT he at er

10 26

Un io n

lle ry

lo n

Ga

Ar ts

Sa

he qu e

Th eV ia d

Sp

ut

no t

So

So

Ar t

ia’ s

Ne xt

M

e

Cl ub

De rW ei ss

Co u

ph er e

yS

GO

pe rit

Pr os

Co -

Be rn ice ’s

PL


Lumpen Magazine