Page 1

Inn Din Village

“We begged them not to arrest our husbands.� Rohingya Genocide Report December 2018


Asian Dignity Initiative is supporting victim survivors and local activists who strive to change their lives and uphold dignity in conflict affected area in Asia.

Rohingyas arrive in Shah Porir Dip, Teknaf, Bangladesh on Oct 14, 2017. © CHO Jinsub

143 Sangdo-ro 15-gil, #410 Dongjak-gu, Seoul, 06937, Republic of Korea Tel : 02-568-7723 E-mail : asiandignity2016@gmail.com http://www.adians.net Donate : SHINHAN Bank 100-031-396381 / 아디(ADI)

This project was funded by Gwangju Human Rights Peace Foundation, Human Rights Foundation Saram, Truth Foundation, and Hanwoo Memorial Fund.


â… . Executive Summary

4

Report on the Massacre of the Rohingya People1 - Inn Din Village

â… . Executive Summary

On August 25, 2017, security forces from the Myanmar military Battalion 535, police, and Rakhine civilians attacked the village of Inn Din, located in Maungdaw, Rakhine State. The 400-700 assailants besieged the village in the morning and sprayed gunfire at Rohingya villagers as they fled for their lives. Security forces shot indiscriminate and reckless gunfire and physically beat the Rohingya, ultimately killing and injuring many Rohingya villagers. 89% of victim-survivors interviewed had lost direct family members, defined as spouses, children, parents, siblings, and aunts. Many were forced to abandon the dead bodies in order to preserve their own lives. Security forces set fire to 700-800 homes in the village and looted property. The arson began in the early morning between 7:00 a.m. and 8:00 a.m. on August 31, 2017. Based on an initial survey, the total number of Inn Din villagers killed on

these two days amounts to 147. In the terror after such mass-scale violence and killing, Inn Din villagers escaped to Bangladesh, where they now live in temporary tents inside precarious refugee camps. Yet the systematic destruction of the Rohingya people began far earlier than August 2017. Starting from decades earlier, the government confiscated land from Rohingya villagers and allocated it to Rakhine people. In October 2016, security forces made the Rohingya unfence their homesteads, cut down their trees, and turn over all knives and daggers. And during the time period of 2012-2016, Rohingya experienced various forms of religious discrimination and persecution. They were forbidden to freely practice their religion, with those caught in prayer charged with exorbitant forced fines or arrested. Holding religious events

â… . Executive Summary

or observing religious festivals required payment of forced bribes. Marriage required payment of high fees, in order to obtain permission from authorities. As the permission was issued, authorities directed the Rohingya to have no more than two or three children, under threat of punishment. The Rohingya had no freedom of movement but were forced to obtain a series of travel permissions, even to travel to a neighboring village. Even after obtaining such permission by paying large amounts of money, the military or security forces could still bar the Rohingya from traveling. From 2016, the Rohingya were forbidden to even leave Inn Din village and from leaving their houses after 6:00 p.m. The Rohingya faced discrimination in schooling, thereby foreclosing their education. The government barred Rohingya from obtaining public employment. The military and security forces regularly conscripted the Rohingya into forced labor. The Rohingya also faced discrimination in obtaining medical treatment and healthcare. Although Rohingya voted before 2015, this too was foreclosed after 2015. Finally, no Rohingya held Myanmar citizenship. Indeed, the military forced the Rohingya to accept NVC, a card which registered them as foreigners. In summation, the Rohingya were deprived of basic rights in essentially every aspect of daily life. With the history of religious discrimination and persecution as the backdrop, we recommend first that the international community provide

5

affirmative support to having this matter referred to the International Criminal Court or to a newly established special or ad-hoc court for investigation. The truth-seeking investigation must proceed without any grants of immunity, for the wrongdoers occupy the highest levels of the Myanmar military and BGP, as well as officials of the Myanmar government, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and other Cabinet Members, and also are ordinary civilian citizens. We also recommend that the Myanmar government provide remedy and relief to the victims and survivors, founded first on restoration of previously-held rights, as well as financial recompense to those for whom such restoration is insufficient, such as victims who have suffered psychological harm. In such situations, it is critical to respect and decide the specific substance and form of remedy and relief according to the wishes of the victims and the Rohingya community. Further action includes the introduction of legislation and administrative measures to abolish systems and practices that discriminate against Rohingya, including those involving hate speech and other forms of prejudiced information. Education is necessary to improve awareness of hatred, bias, and discrimination. The Myanmar government must cease registering the Rohingya with NVC identification cards and must ensure restoration of their citizenship rights. Finally, the Myanmar government and the international community must actively guarantee and ensure participation of Rohingya people in discussions about possible repatriation.


Contents 4

Ⅰ. Executive Summary

8

Ⅱ. Background

10

Ⅲ. Methodology

10

A. Interviews

11

B. Initial Survey

11

C. Limitations

12 12

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People A. Discrimination Experienced 2012-2016 1. Oppression of Religious Practice 2. Repression of Marriage and Control of Population (Child-Bearing) 3. Restriction of Movement 4. Denial of Education 5. Denial of Employment 6. Compulsory Forced Labor 7. Rape and Gender-Based Sexual Violence 8. Denial of Healthcare 9. Suppression of Voting Rights 10. Revocation of Citizenship

20

B. Brutality in October 2016

20

C. Massacre on August 25, 2017 1. Situation Prior to the Massacre 2. Siege of the Village 3. Killing Rohingya Villagers En Masse 4. Unlawful Arrests 5. Rape 6. Arson and Looting

27

D. Perpetrators

27

E. Escape to Bangladesh

29

Ⅴ. Facts from Initial Survey

29

Ⅵ. Conclusion and Recommendations

33

Ⅶ. Annex

37

Ⅷ. Acknowledgments


8

Ⅱ. Background

Ⅱ. Background

care, and education; restrictions on humanitarian access; restrictions affecting private life; oppression through arbitrary arrest and detention; and other forms of oppression.

Ⅱ. Background

In August 2017, the Myanmar military commandeered a brutal crackdown on the Rohingya, immediately after Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) reportedly attacked approximately 30 police posts and an army base. The military’s so-called counter-terrorism maneuvers were in fact horrific acts of mass killing, rape, arson, and looting of property. The military termed the scheme “Clearance Operations” and inflicted mass-scale violence against defenseless civilians who had already suffered systematic destruction under the boot of the government. As a result, 800,000 Rohingya people fled to Bangladesh in search of safety and refuge. Numerous massacres in Rakhine State have been well documented by NGOs, like Physicians for Human Rights and Doctors Without Borders,2 and several press outlets, including The Wall Street Journal,3 Al Jazeera, The New York Times,4 and CBS.5 A report by Physicians for Human Rights, using legal and medical analyses, identified how the massacres in Rakhine State conformed with the Myanmar government’s systematic pattern of attacks.6 The perpetrators have consistently been identified as the Myanmar military and Border

Guard Police (BGP), the border guard security force that replaced Na Sa Ka.7 The Inn Din massacre, where on September 2, 2018, ten Rohingya men were arrested by Myanmar troops, massacred, and buried in a shallow grave dug by neighbouring Buddhist villagers has been well-documented by Reuters,8 and other international media.9 The ten men, comprised of shopkeepers, fishermen, an Islamic teacher, and two teengers, were randomly picked from hundreds of Rohingya men seeking refuge. For the first time ever, Reuters provided accounts from Buddhist villagers who confessed to killing Rohingya Muslims, burying them, and torching their homes. This was also the first time that soldiers and paramilitary police were implicated by testimony from security forces themselves.10 The UN has acknowledged multiple human rights violations in Myanmar against the Rohingya through an Independent International FactFinding Mission. The reports detail “systematic oppression and persecution of the Rohingya” and list the factors of denial of legal status and identity; denial of the right to freedom of movement; restrictions on access to food, livelihoods, heath

“458. The Rohingya are in a situation of severe, systemic and institutionalised oppression from birth to death. Their extreme vulnerability is a consequence of State policies and practices implemented over decades, steadily marginalising the Rohingya and eroding their enjoyment of human rights. The process of “othering” the Rohingya and their discriminatory treatment started long before the period covered by the Mission. “459. The cornerstone of this system of oppression is the lack of legal status of the Rohingya. This is compounded by restrictions affecting their movement, subsistence and development, and numerous other human rights violations.... “622. The level of oppression faced by the Rohingya is hard to fathom. Cumulatively all the rules, regulations, orders and practices laid out in this section have made life for the Rohingya in Rakhine State slowly but steadily unbearable. Rights were eroded and removed, in a process of marginalisation, exclusion and “othering”. Layers of discrimination and ill treatment have been added. This occurred in the context of hateful and divisive rhetoric targeting the Rohingya on the basis of their ethnicity, religion and status. The multiple elements of oppression are based on State-sanctioned policies and practices and occur in the context of Statesanctioned discriminatory rhetoric. The Mission concludes that this severe, systemic and institutionalised oppression, from birth to death, amounts to persecution. “623. This persecution has put the Rohingya

9

population in a situation of extreme vulnerability, undermining all aspects of their lives and eroding their living conditions and their coping mechanisms. The daily attacks on human dignity have created intolerable conditions, and have weakened individuals, families and communities, pushing them further into destitution and insecurity. It is this oppressive climate, and the fear and desperation resulting from it, that forced thousands of Rohingya to leave Rakhine State by boat in the years since 2012. ”11 “In its report, the Fact-Finding Mission also called on the UN Security Council to refer Myanmar to the International Criminal Court (ICC), or to an ad hoc tribunal for investigations and prosecutions for the crimes.”12

Asian Dignity Initiative conducted an initial survey of 1064 survivors in refugee camps in Bangladesh and carried out in-depth interviews with selected victims. The purpose of the initial survey and this report is to advance truth-seeking in order to support and aid the Rohingya victims of mass-scale violence, as well as to promote and actualize transitional justice. In addition, a criminal trial to hold perpetrators responsible for their horrific actions will ultimately require the submission of relevant evidence to the authorities. Because such prosecutorial processes take time and often occur in stages, Asian Dignity Initiative also undertook this project with a view toward gathering and preserving such evidence, including direct sworn statements in the form of tape recordings, affidavits prepared based on that oral testimony, and related electronic and documentary evidence, such as personal identification documents, photographs of wounds, and locations mapped via satellite.


Ⅲ. Methodology

10

Ⅲ. Methodology

11

Ⅲ. Methodology

A. Interviews Asian Dignity Initiative interviewed 19 people in total, consisting of 10 women and 9 men. Of these, 2 were under 20 years old; 6 were in their 20s; 4 were in their 30s; 2 were in their 40s; 4 were in their 50s; and 1 was in their 60s. Victimsurvivors, defined as those who personally suffered the trauma of injury, wounding, or death and loss of a close family member at the hands of the military on August 25, 2017, accounted for 17 people. In this situation, arson and looting, although terrifying, are not considered personal harm. Witnesses, defined as those who did not personally suffer such harm but nevertheless experienced the atrocity and mass-scale violence, accounted for 2 people. Before conducting the interview, the interviewer introduced Asian Dignity Initiative, our purpose, and the intended use of the interview content. All interviews proceeded only after receiving both verbal and written agreement. In this report, for the sake of protecting identity, victims’ names are anonymized, and photos of their faces are purposely blurred. Yet the names of the deceased persons are their real names.

B. Initial Survey The interviews, which included more than 100 questions, consisted of four parts in the following order: the initial survey; experiences of discrimination 2012-2016; the atrocity in October 2016; and the brutality in August 2017. The interviews were held in their tents in the camp and each lasted for at least an hour. The interviews were conducted by people who speak the Rohingya language and who received training in human rights documentation. The entire content of the interviews was recorded with the consent and agreement from the victims. Geographical information about the 2017 incident was also collected using imaging from a satellite map. At times, video recordings or photos related to particular incidents were collected from interviewees for the purpose of preserving evidence. Interviews with rape victims were conducted by a female interviewer. However, the location of the interview was not in privacy, due to the difficulty of arranging such space within the camp.

An initial survey of the Rohingya refugee population in the camps in Bangladesh was conducted by 10 interviewers over a period of three months, from April through June 2018. The total target population was 588,000 refugees in Camps 1-13.13 The interviewers, after going door-to-door and visiting every tent in 13 camps, selected refugee families from the villages of Tulatoli, Koe Tan Kauk, Inn Din, Chut Pyin, and Done Paik for mapping and information gathering. The initial survey documented information about the hometown, extent of harm and loss suffered by family members, and names of the deceased. Also collected by photograph were the fronts and backs of the surveyed people’s identification cards issued by the camp authority in Bangladesh. The back of the card states the name of the hometown in Myanmar, which was useful for confirming what was told and written.

C. Limitations The initial survey did not cover the entire refugee population in the camps. This means that more than 115,800 refugees, in Camps 14, 15, and 16, were excluded.14 It is also possible that people who were later interviewed were not involved in the initial survey. Specifically, Asian Dignity Initiative interviewers first conducted the initial survey and later visited again in order to hold in-depth interviews with selected survivors and to gather their sworn statements and relevant evidence. Therefore, family members who were absent when Asian Dignity Initiative staff visited the tents for the initial survey may not have been counted. There was no revisit for the initial survey. It is thus unclear how many people were omitted from the initial survey. Asian Dignity Initiative interviewed 19 in August 2018, approximately a year after the atrocities. Although the degrees may vary, it is possible that all interviewees remained traumatized and/or their testimony included recall biases.


Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

12

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People A. Discrimination Experienced 2012-2016 1. Oppression of Religious Practice Security forces greatly restricted the Rohingya people’s freedom of religion. After 2012, Rohingya were not allowed to use the mosque for worship,15 nor to use the madrasa (religious school for Muslim children where the Quran and Arabic is taught) or moktob for their children’s religious education.16 Although some Rohingya men went to the mosque to pray in secret, they had to place someone outside to keep watch to ensure they were not attacked.17 If caught inside the mosque, they were beaten, fined, and thrown into jail.18 The fines were up to 150,000 kyat depending on wealth.19 They were not allowed to use the megaphone to make calls to prayer,20 or to use a mic for religious sermons.21 They were forbidden to practice Friday prayers (juma), to practice Qurban (animal sacrifice), and to hold special religious events in public,22 such as Eid festival prayers.23 Religious gatherings or congregations were not allowed.24 The Rohingya were not allowed to stay out in the streets after evening prayer.25 “They didn’t allow us our religious practices. They called us “kalar,” which means foreigners. They said that “kalar” don’t have the right to have religion. If they saw

anyone saying prayer then they arrested us, beat us, and seized money whatever they demanded.”26

To obtain permission for special religious events, Rohingya had to pay forced bribes of up to 400,000-500,000 kyat, and even then there was no guarantee that the permission would be granted.27 “We went to speak to the BGP sector commander to obtain permission to reopen the mosque. He demanded 1.5 million kyat to open the mosque. The mosque was opened after we paid 330,000 kyat but was closed again in 15 days.”28

To sacrifice cows (Qurban) as part of the Eid festival, Rohingya Muslims were required to pay exorbitant forced bribes to the authorities, of up to 50,000-70,000 kyat,29 as well as turn in portions of the meat.30 “If we were to sacrifice a cow we had to pay around 30,000 kyat, as well as give 4-7 kgs of meat to the village administrator, BGP, immigration, and police.”31 “We Rohingya were prohibited from freely practicing our religion. The radical monk,

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

Ashin Wirathu, said, “Burma must be free of Islam after 2030.” They wanted to shut down Islam in Myanmar. “After 2012, we were forbidden from using a mic to announce calls to prayer. We were refused permission to join religious preaching groups. We were even forbidden to practice fateha, which is the religious custom of feeding people without money. To sacrifice a cow, we had to give 10,000 kyat and the skin of the cow to the village administrator as a bribe. The 10,000 kyat amount is not fixed, for if it is 10,000 kyat this year, then next year it is 15,000 kyat, accordingly. “We were not allowed to open a madrasa (religious school). This is a place where children study Arabic education. To open one, we required permission from the township administrator. But even if we paid the bribe and they took the bribe, they refused to give us permission. They closed our Arabic school, refused to grant permission for us to build a new one, and refused to give us permission to go to another village to study.”32

Rohingya people were forbidden from making any renovations to the mosque whereas Rakhine people could build and renovate their places of worship as they pleased.33 Security forces closed the mosque, but the Rohingya were not permitted to repair it.34 It was forbidden for more than five Rohingya people to gather at once.35 In addition to restricting freedom of Muslim worship, Rohingya also faced pressure to convert religions. “My husband told me that the BGP captain had at a meeting told the Muslim villagers to convert to their religion. All the discrimination began when our villagers refused to convert.”36

13

“Sometimes BGP sent a message to ROhingya to convert from Islam to Buddhism. They said, “You can’t do your religious activities. You have to convert your religion.” But we didn’t convert. That’s why they didn’t allow us to pray in the mosque. And that’s why they locked up the mosque and madrasa.”37

2. Repression of Marriage and Control of Population (Child-Bearing) One hallmark display of the systematic destruction of the Rohingya people were the concerted efforts to control population growth, by constraining marriage and childbirth in a variety of ways. Rohingya couples could not get married freely. They were burdened with unnecessary and lengthy administrative requirements to obtain marriage permission.38 Couples or parents of couples getting married had to often pay a steep price to obtain La-tei-guwang, assessed based on level of affluence.39 The Rohingya were required to obtain marriage permission from the government for which they were extorted arbitrary sums of money at multiple administrative levels.40 “We had to obtain marriage permission (Letei-guwang) from the Myanmar government which involved several administrative steps. I obtained permission from Hlun Thein who gave me a file with an application. I filled up the application, signed, and submitted it. To do this I had to make several payments, 375,000 kyat, 24,000 kyat, and 16,000 kyat to Hlun Thein during different stages, as well as 1,000 kyat to the gate keeper every time I went and 25,000 kyat to the village administrator.”41 The process involved obtaining a recommendation letter and clearance from the village


Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

14

administrator,42 and a visit to BGP/Na Sa Ka to obtain the marriage permission, where the couple’s pictures were taken and the two signed the relevant documentation.43 The amount to be paid to BGP/Na Sa Ka varied depending on the family’s income level. The upper class paid 200,000-400,000 kyat,44 the middle class up to 200,000 kyat,45 and others 50,000 kyat.46 A survivor also noted that obtaining marriage permission without a temporary registration certificate cost 700,000-1,000,000 kyat.47

me and extorted me for a huge amount of money. They released me only when I paid 1.4 million kyat in a forced fine.”51 Furthermore, a discriminatory two-child policy was put in place and enforced, restricting Rohingya couples into having no more than two children,52 as part of population control of Rohingya Muslims. Those who exceeded the child limit were either jailed or extorted for money,53 and had to pay forced bribes in order to

BGP demanded that one Rohingya woman prove she was not already pregnant, for which she was still forced to pay:

“Those who married without permission were jailed. Hlun Thein jailed Araf Ullah (35, son of Mohamedur Rahman) and Hafeza (30, son of Mv Nur Islam) on the allegation of marrying without permission. Hlun Thein also arrested me, while they claimed that I married without permission. Before they arrested me, Hlun Thein searched for me for many days. I could not stay at home and had to pass the nights outside my home. Finally they arrested

have their children added to the family registration forms, of up to 50,000 kyat.54 The intent of these obstacles and restraints was clearly to fetter population growth of the Rohingya people and ultimately drive them out of Myanmar.  

3. Restriction of Movement The Rohingya’s freedom of movement was severely restricted both before and after 2016, where they were forced to obtain travel permits for a fee (often arbitrary) even to travel to neighboring villages. Before 2016, they could visit neighboring villages, but this was completely banned after 2016.55

“I had to take written permission from the village administrator to go to the BGP camp officer. BGP took photos and signatures from us. And they also checked my body for pregnancy. Then BGP gave us permission. I had to pay 50,000 kyat to the village administrator and another 50,000 kyat to the BGP officer. For the urine test, they charged me 10,000 kyat.”48 Those who did not obtain permission were jailed and fined up to 70,000 kyat.49 Couples unable to pay such amounts who got married without permission had to abort children due to fear of being jailed or extorted.50 The police arrested one survivor even though they obtained marriage permission:

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

The Rohingya were forced to obtain special permission to marry, after filling out a special application form and paying forced fees of up to 500,000 kyat.

The Rohingya were forced to register their family members on a household list.

15

payment of up to 5,000 kyat,63 and then also pay additional money at the checkpoints.64 A similar process applied to travel to the district but the bribes were more. After 2012, Rohingya were forbidden to travel to Sittwe and beyond.65 One survivor stated that he and his brother lost out on opportunities for further education due to these extreme travel restrictions.66 And after 2016, the Rohingya were restricted from traveling even to neighboring villages and could not leave their homes after 6 p.m.67 “Unlike the Rakhine people we could not travel freely. We could not step out of our homes after 6 p.m. The military always extorted money from us. Once I was at a tea shop speaking to my friends, and the police arrived and arrested me. They extorted 30,000 kyat from me.”68

“We were not able to travel even to neighboring villages. If we wanted to travel, we had to obtain Tawkenza and we had to pay for this. Sometimes even after we got Tawkenza the military at the check posts seized money from us, about 5,000-6,000 kyat, saying that the paper is expired.”56

“We were not allowed to go to Sittwe. Before 2012, we could go with Form No. 4, which was issued by the BGP Sector Commander. It was valid for 40 days and costed about 700,000 kyat. But now we cannot go to Sittwe even though Rakhine can.”69

Apart from travel permits, Rohingya villagers of Inn Din had to pay bribes to the authorities at each checkpoint they passed.57

Those found violating these travel restrictions were prosecuted as a border cross case,70 or beaten, fined and jailed.71

To travel to neighboring villages, the Rohingya had to obtain travel permission (Tawkenza) or Form No. 4 from the village administrator after paying 500-1,000 kyat.58 Further, upon visiting another village, Rohingya had to inform the village administrator.59 The travel permission was generally valid for 7 days,60 although it could be arbitrarily truncated. Those who overstayed their permits were fined up to 700,000 kyat.61 To visit the township, they had to complete Form No. 4,62 turn it in to the village administrator with

4. Denial of Education The Rohingya faced multiple forms of discrimination in schooling,72 and were even forbidden from attending school every day.73 According to testimony, compared with Rakhine students, Rohingya students were neglected and not taught at public school.74 Rohingya children did not enjoy equal distribution of materials and donations as were accessible and made available


Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

16

to Rakhine students.75 Teachers went to the extent of beating Rohingya students for no reason,76 referring to them by derogatory terms such as “kalar,”77 and failed to punish Rakhine students who beat up Rohingya students,78 and failed Rohingya students in their examinations.79 Students were also forced to converse in the Rakhine language,80 which was disadvantageous to the Rohingya Muslim children. Of all interviewees, only one survivor had studied up to matriculation, but he was unable to continue his studies, as that required traveling to a university situated outside his village, which he was barred from doing due to the limitation on freedom of movement placed on the Rohingya.81 “Although I matriculated in education, the government refused me permission to continue my studies at university. A student needs to secure 350 marks to be admitted to Yangon Medical College. I earned 350 marks and applied for Yangon Medical College. This was granted, but I did not get permission to attend. Then, for Sittwe University, a student can choose four majors, and we are told which major we get. I was given an English major but I was not permitted to attend Sittwe University. “My elder brother, Abul Naser, studied well and received the major of Law, but he was not permitted to continue his studies. Rohingya students are not allowed to study the good majors, like Law and Engineering, even if we get good grades. “I experienced discrimination while attending high school after 2012. The discrimination definitely worsened after 2012. The teachers abused us in their communication. They always called us “kalar,” which is a word of hatred, and other different kinds of abusive

terms. If any Rohingya student was absent for any reason, they punished us. But they did not punish Rakhine students who were absent even for many days. “We were supposed to use the Burmese language in school. But if we spoke in Burmese, the Rakhine teachers beat us and accused us of misbehaving. In addition, teachers gave additional aid to Rakhine students by telling them the exam instructions in advance and also gave private classes. But they never gave such instructions, guidance, or private classes to Rohingya students.”82 One female survivor stated that the military “dishonored” women if they went to school.83

5. Denial of Employment Rohingya people did not obtain government jobs even if they were qualified for the post.84 “I heard an announcement that only people with citizenship were allowed to apply for government jobs. Myanmar did not consider us citizens, so they forbade us from applying. “Because I could not apply for a government job, even though I was well-educated, I taught children at a learning center and also worked as a voluntary teacher at a school. I had no other good job to do. I also worked as an interpreter for MSF but that was for only a few days. My first day was August 24, 2017, so I only worked for a few days before I had to flee for my life and escape to Bangladesh.”85 Most of the interviewees had farming and fishing backgrounds. Multiple survivors testified that their families had owned land but these lands were confiscated,86 by the police and the military, and

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

given over to Nathalla or other Rakhine villagers.87 Due to this land confiscation, the Rohingya had to rent their own lands by paying exorbitant costs or turn in some of the harvest to the new owners.88 “The land we cultivated did not belong to us, they were rented from Rakhine people. We rented 12 kanis of land, and were required to pay 50 Aris paddy to the landowner. Around 14 years ago, the government took away 8 kanis of land belonging to my father-in-law and allocated it to Rakhine people.”89 “48 kani of lands were confiscated from my grandfather by the government. For fertile land we had to pay 30 Ari of paddy per kani and for other land we had to pay 15 Ari of paddy to the landowners.” 90 One kani of land is equivalent to 1.32 acres. Without access to government jobs, this prevention from owning land in effect resulted in the Rohingya having to rent land at exorbitant rates or work as daily laborers in farms belonging to Rakhine people. One survivor testified that those who engaged in fishing for a living had to turn in portions of their catch to the military.91

6. Compulsory Forced Labor The Rohingya men were subject to forced labor at the hands of the military, police, and BGP.92 The tasks include attending to work in the camps such as tending to grass, drawing water, cleaning, lifting heavy things, cooking, building fences and roads, and cutting trees and soil.93 They were also made to keep watch at night.94 There is not a single recorded case of the Rohingya being paid for this forced labor,95 and Rohingya were

17

not even given food while they provided forced labor.96 The Rohingya were made to work for hours and hours,97 sometimes for days on end.98 Security forces beat and fined those who refused to provide forced labor,99 as much as 25,000-50,000 kyat.100 Sometimes the Rohingya were beaten for no reason.101 Those who fell sick midway were not attended to and instead were beaten.102 The men were called in for forced labor 2-3 times a week,103 a result of which they were unable to tend to farming and or attend to other work they did for a living. Villagers from far away would be kept for weeks.104 “The Myanmar military beat my husband while he was providing forced labor. One military soldier commanded him to boil water. And another military soldier commanded him to prepare chicken curry at the same time. He was unable to complete the two activities at once. So, he was preparing chicken curry, when another military soldier came and kicked him many times. My husband lost consciousness. A Rohingya person brought him home, but I did not have enough money for his treatment. I went begging home to home. Rohingya forced laborers cannot sleep at night or in the daytime. They have to work the whole day and the whole night. They are not paid for the forced laboring.”105 “We were subjected to forced labor. In one incident, three members of the same family had to provide forced labor at the same time. We also had to go on night guard duty around the village. If we move the torch toward security forces at night, then they demand why we moved the torch to them. But if we don’t raise up the torch, then they demand why we did not do it. And then they start beating us.”106


Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

18

Moreover, the unpaid forced labor compounded the hardship the Rohingya experienced, by starving them, as well as by obstructing the Rohingya from working at their own livelihoods and even requiring payment of a forced bribe.107

7. Rape and Gender-Based Sexual Violence During this period, the interviewees testified that security forces committed rape and sexual violence against women. Rakhine villagers also committed these heinous acts of gender-based violence with the tacit support or direct order of security forces.108 Villagers who tried to intervene to avert rape and sexual violence were brutally attacked and sometimes killed. Rakhine villagers were able to rape Rohingya women with impunity as law enforcement turned a blind eye to these acts. “I remember one night around 10 p.m., immigration personnel entered my neighbor’s house under the pretext of checking. He informed my neighbour that her son had arrived from Bangladesh on that day. Saying this, four immigration officers entered the house and raped her daughter Shamsida (22, daughter of Kabir Ahmed). She cried the whole night.”109 “They even raped our women. Usama Khatun (30, daughter of Khala Mia) was raped by a Rakhine man with the backing of the security forces. The security forces man told the Rakhine man to rape her.”110

8. Denial of Healthcare The Rohingya faced differential treatment in accessing medical services. 111 Many stated

that, although the Rakhine could access medical services for free, the Rohingya had to pay large amounts of money. 112 At clinics, the staff degraded the Rohingya. “We were not allowed to see a doctor at the clinic because we are Rohingya. They rejected us many times. They told us to pay and also told us, “This is not your country so why have you come here?””113 “Although we were technically permitted to see the doctor at the government clinic, in actuality we did not receive treatment. A nurse there gave treatment to Rohingya, but only if we paid additional money. But even so, they spoke abusively to us. The government clinic refused us in this way, even though we helped out to volunteer and work when they were giving vaccines to children. We even helped the nurses when giving Rakhine children vaccines. The government clinic was a government clinic in name only.”114 “The Rakhine people told our Rohingya people that we are Muslim and that’s why we are not allowed to go to the clinic.”115 “We were told the hospital was for Rakhine people.”116 Further, doctors and clinic staff refused to treat Rohingya, forcing them to return home with no treatment.117 In addition to the clinics, the Rohingya had to pay bribes to the nurses and watch guards at the clinics. “One of my husband’s sisters was rejected from the government clinic as she could not pay money. She was bleeding. When we gave 2,000 kyat to the gatekeeper at the hospital, he allowed us to enter the clinic.”118

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

9. Suppression of Voting Rights Starting in 2015, voting rights of the Rohingya were denied.119 Before 2012, they were allowed to vote.120 One survivor stated they voted for Aung San Suu Kyi hoping the situation would change for the better.121

10. Revocation of Citizenship The Rohingya were stripped of their citizenship despite living in Myanmar for generations.122 An elder survivor held an AK card in the past,123 through which he held citizenship. “Myanmar did not accept me as a citizen, even though we are already citizens of Myanmar. We should not need to be “accepted” as citizens. We should be given citizenship. We are automatic citizens of Myanmar. My family lived in Inn Din for generations, even prior to 1948. According to the law in Myanmar, we are already citizens of Myanmar. They deliberately denied us our citizenship. “My father had an AK card. I had a white identification card, the temporary registration card, which states my nationality to be Bengali and my religion to be Islam. Before 2012, our nationality was stated as Muslim Islam.”124 But later the government refused to grant citizenship to Rohingya Muslims. Instead they were provided with temporary identification cards, which failed to acknowledge their true nationality and ethnicity, labeling them instead as “Bengali,” a term the Rohingya vehemently rejected while stating that they are entitled to citizenship in Myanmar. Some Rohingya Muslims from Inn Din had white cards (Yiayi Caffra), in which they were referred to as Bengali nationals,125 but these

19

cards were later taken away from them.126 Recent efforts focused on registering the Rohingya with NVC, which in effect would force them to admit to being non-citizens, as Bengali rather than Rohingya. In other words, NVC labeled them as foreigners.127 Rohingya often considered NVC to be even less valuable than the temporary registration certificate and feared further oppression if they accepted it.128 “I did not register with NVC, because doing so means that I become a foreigner. NVC is the first step of genocide. According to the statements of previous presidents of Burma, we are automatic citizens of Burma. Now the government says that we do not belong to Burma. Telling us to accept NVC means they want to make Burma a Rohingya-free land. They are trying to ban us according to a 1982 law, which former President Ne Win enacted with his power to restrict citizenship. “Because we were not recognized as citizens, we faced complete discrimination from all sides. We were denied access to governmental facilities and to jobs in the military, police, and government. We must pay bribes to get permission to build a house, whereas other citizens do not.”129 All interviewees rejected NVC.130 None of them registered with NVC on the basis that it did not recognize them as citizens but rather as foreigners. They felt that registering with NVC would curtail their freedom of movement and other rights available to Myanmar nationals and subject them to more violence.


Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

20

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

21

B. Brutality in October 2016 On October 9, 2016, ARSA reportedly attacked police and military camps. Afterwards, Rohingya villagers of Inn Din faced tougher restrictions, even though there were no incidents of attack against the camps based in Inn Din.131 Security forces harassed the Rohingya, beating them, blocking them from working at their livelihoods, and looted property.132 The villagers identified perpetrators through their clothing: military in green uniforms, police in khaki uniforms, and Rakhine people in civilian clothing of longyi and shirts.133 The military stationed at the temple,134 and at BGP/police camps.135 Numbering 50-70 security forces,136 they forced the Rohingya to unfence their homesteads,137 and cut down their trees.138 Security forces beat Rohingya who did not comply and those who unfenced too slowly, and they also seized a 200,000-300,000 kyat forced fine.139 “Our homesteads were unfenced, all knives and daggers were taken from every house.”140 Security forces also beat, injured, and arrested Rohingya villagers. “After, the attack in Koe Tan Kauk camp,

security forces together with civilians entered our village around 2 p.m. from the south, stationed themselves at the temple, and attacked our village. They beat our people and looted all our belongings…… This day, at around 2 p.m. Baila’s son from Mazorpara who was attempting to flee was shot in the leg. A 25-year-old man who was shot was Ismail’s nephew.”141 “I witnessed on one of these nights Harun (35) getting beaten with sticks and rods, causing injury on his back and chest. The incident took place at the BGP sector…. I also witnessed the arrest of Mv Tayoub (50) who was later taken to Buthidaung jail.”142 “In October 2016, a man named Robir Ahmmed was attacked. Robir Ahmmed was working in the field when suddenly the military came in and dragged him off the fields and shot him. He was taken to the temple where he was beaten and from there taken to the BGP camp. He was also beaten with a stick from early morning until about 10 a.m. As a result of this beating, he had injuries on his face, chest, and back.”143

C. Massacre on August 25, 2017 1. Situation Prior to the Massacre Inn Din villagers were not allowed to leave their village,144 and were even forbidden to leave their homes after 6:00 p.m.145 The military imposed

the restrictions, and those who violated them were severely beaten, arrested, and sometimes shot.146 The Rohingya faced violence and the threat of violence in essentially every aspect of their lives.

Landmarks and key locations in Inn Din village

“One day a group of villagers made a raft using containers and went to sea for fishing. The security forces looted their catch, fined them 5,000 kyat per person, and jailed them for six months. Among them were Rabi (25, son of Hanu), Siraju (22, son of Nuru) and others whose names I cannot recall.”147 “Security forces beat any Rohingya found outside their home after 6 p.m., arresting them and taking them to the camp. Then they extorted 400,000-500,000 kyat from the Rohingya. The military along with Rakhine people came to our village and looted fowl birds. If anyone resisted them, then the military and Rakhine beat us and seized 100,000 kyat as a forced fine.”148

one kilometer away. Luckily the bullets did not hit me because I laid down. On yet another occasion, when I was working and fishing in my shrimp lake at night, a military group approached and aimed their guns at us. I knew one captain, but the other military personnel beat me and confiscated 20 kilos of fish. The next morning, they called us to their camp. When we arrived there, they extorted 15,000 kyat from us. “Another time, the military arrested Mv Abdul Hamid (40) and 7 other people as they returned after fishing in the river. Security forces accused Mv Toyb of being involved with militants. He had to spend 8 months in custody and was released only after paying 10 million kyat in bribes.”149

“One time, I was standing at the gate to my home. A military group came from Shinklin and deliberately opened fire on me from

The weather on Friday, August 25, 2017, in Inn Din was rainy in the morning and cloudy in the afternoon.150


Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

22

2. Siege of the Village At this point, there was significant military and police presence in Inn Din, with the military and police stationing themselves at key locations such as the temple,151 school,152 the bridge in Inn Din,153 the Rakhine village,154 and police and BGP camps.155 The military were in a state of readiness.156 “Approximately 70 military forces suddenly entered our village, coming by a road at the west of the village. They entered our village in a state of readiness. They passed through our village, went to the Rakhine village at about 4:00 p.m., and remained there. Before committing the horrors in the night, some police forces came from the Inn Din sector, went to the Inn Din bridge in three vehicles, and stood around it, while holding their guns in a state of readiness. I heard the vehicle sounds. They crossed the river and took up positions, standing outside the village. “At approximately 5:00 p.m., about 100 security forces came from Shinklin of Rathedaung and stationed themselves at the Rakhine village and temple.”157 Inn Din villagers were woken up by sounds of gunfire heard before dawn, as early as 3:00 a.m.,158 although the majority of survivors reported gunfire between 4:00 a.m. and 6:00 a.m.159 Testimony consistently states that the gunfire sounds came from the south.160 The military entered the village of Inn Din from the south,161 while firing their guns,162 at between 8:00 and 9:00 a.m.163 They numbered 400-700 forces,164 comprised of military, police, and Rakhine civilians.165 The security forces wore green military uniforms and khaki police uniforms,166 with symbols like flowers,167 and red marks.168 They carried guns, launchers, motor guns, and heavy weapons like AK47s, G3, and machine guns.169 The Rakhine

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

23

assailants wore longyi pants and shirts,170 carried long knives and kris swords as weapons.171

3. Killing and Injuring Rohingya Villagers En Masse The reckless and indiscriminate gunfire killed many Rohingya villagers.172 89% of victimsurvivors lost direct family members, meaning spouses, children, parents, siblings, and aunts.173 Many of these victim-survivors were forced to abandon the dying and dead bodies of their family members, because it was heart-breakingly more urgent to flee and preserve their lives. The terrified refugees could not bury their dead.174 In the days that ensued, Rohingya people were killed with complete disregard. While the military and police shot and killed villagers, Rakhine Buddhists also took part in the killings, using knives, swords, and daggers to hack villagers to death.175 Survivors testified to gruesome acts by the military and Rakhine civilians on the Rohingya. After killing, the military either left the bodies there or threw them into the river.176 Some witnesses testified to finding the burnt bodies of their loved ones at their homes.177 Many witnesses said they were unable to conduct a proper burial for the dead and did not know what happened to the bodies of their loved ones.178 “I witnessed with my very own eyes the military shooting to death my neighbour Araf Ullah (27, son of Hasu Ali). The killing took place around 8:00 a.m., and I was at home from where I could see the killings take place. I also witnessed the killing of Fayazu (40) which happened at the grave yard which is towards the east side of the pond. He was stabbed to death with dagger and knife and his dead body was later thrown into the river.”179

Locations of Rohingya killed and injured, often as witnessed by close family members like spouses, parents, and children, as well as the grave of dead bodies.

“We screamed fearfully and started fleeing towards the forest to hide. While trying to flee from our home, my husband Araf Ullah (27, son of Hasu Ali) got a bullet and died. I also witnessed the killing of my neighbor Salim Ullah (35). We entered the forest so I did not see what happened to the bodies.”180 “I saw Araf Ullah (27, son of Hasu Ali) killed. I first got a bullet and he got the second bullet. I was carried to Shitafuri village and Araf Ullah was also taken there for treatment. But he succumbed when he got to the doctor.”181 “My husband had taken the cows for grazing to the cemetery. When he saw the military approaching, he went to the jungle but the military saw him and summoned him. When he went over, he was beaten until he fell down. The military hit him with the gun butt, then shot him in the head. There were Rakhine civilians with the military. One among them

chopped my husband and left him on the spot. The Rakhine man later returned and moved my husband with his leg, trying to confirm whether my husband was dead or alive. Then Rakhine people tied my dead husband with ropes .…I saw my husband Fayaz Ullah (55 years) being killed but there was nothing I could do to save him. The military and the Rakhine people later threw my husband’s body into the lake.”182 “While I was hiding in the forest, I witnessed the killings of my aunt Fulmoti (70) and the villager Zobul Hossain (50). My aunt was killed near the mosque and the villager was killed near the land. They were both shot while trying to escape from the village. I was able to witness these incidents from the hill. I do not know what happened to their dead bodies, because I fled the scene soon after.”183 “On August 25, 2017, the military killed


Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

24

Security forces also arrested Rohingya villagers,191 with no reason given for the arrests.192 On September 2, 2017, as reported by Reuters, the Myanmar military and Rakhine people killed 10 Rohingya men.193 It was from a large group of hundreds of Rohingya villagers gathered on the beach while fleeing for their lives that the 10 men were selected.

“My grandmother was slow and she could not get away when attacked. So they killed her under the bridge. At first, they attacked her with long kris knives and laid her down. Then they chopped at her mouth and neck. We could not help her because we feared for our own safety. They killed her and took her jewelry and about 100,000 kyat she had with her. They left her body on the ground. She was never laid to rest, because none of us could bury her.”185

Asian Dignity Initiative interviewed a number of women who are the wives of the arrested men.194

Many who attempted to flee were attacked and shot at by security forces and Rakhine civilians, resulting in injury.186

“While running to the forest I saw Younus’ daughter (3) and Sayed Ullah’s daughter (7) sustain hand injuries from bullet wounds.”188 “On Friday at 1:00 a.m., we went back home from the jungle to get food to eat. In my home compound, three military soldiers caught me. My two sons were with me and tried to rescue me. The three soldiers fought hard to kill me. Suddenly they chopped me on the neck with knives. And they chopped my son’s

25

4. Unlawful arrests

several of my family members, including MB Rahamot Ullah (60, father), MD Arfan (30, brother-in-law), and Abdul Malek (70, grandfather). I only managed to escape by hiding behind the garden while the military were killing my family members. First the military shot them with guns and then Rakhine people came and used big knives and choppers to slit their necks.”184

“There were military officers hiding near my pond and they shot at me while I was trying to flee. The bullet struck me and I ran despite the wound towards the mosque.”187

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

The Myanmar military injured Rohingya villagers who they did not kill.

neck too. But my sons were able to rescue me and themselves. The military also kicked me in the chest. The doctor said that the bone is broken inside my chest.”189 Rohingya victims of injury still remain unable to obtain proper medical attention due to the costs involved.190

“On the third day when we arrived at Sonhoddha Bill, we saw the military coming from the west end of the village, so we gathered in one place. The military surrounded us, made us kneel before them, and arrested some men. The military tied the men with rope, beat them severely, and took them to Hainsurata camp. The reasons for their arrests were not told. “They were my husband Anayat Ullah (27, son of Sayed Akbor), Sona Ullah (27, son of Abul Fayas), my brother Abdul Nabi (20, son of Mohammed Hossain), Senu (30), Hafiz Ullah (50), Muktar (50), Rafique (25, son of Muhmudur Rahman), and Zubair (18, son of Abu Taher).”195 “My husband Shakot Ullah went down to the Inn Din seashore to look for us. The military arrested him from the shore, took him to the ten person’s group, and killed him by slaughtering him. “The military arrested 10 persons from the seashore and 18 people from Sonhoddha Bill. I know the following people were arrested: Shakot Ullah (25, husband, son of Hasu Ali); Shaker Ahmed (40, son of Abdu Ran); Hafiz Ullah (30, son of Nur Mohammad); Abul Hasim (25, son of Kamalu); Abuillah (15, son

of Kalam); Moulana Abdu Malek (30, son of Mohammad); Abdu Majid (40, son of Amir Hossain); Rashid Ahmed (18, son of Abdu Sukkur); and Nur Mohammad (30, son of Amin Ullah). “When arresting the military informed that they were being taken for a meeting. While this was happening, we were surrounded by the military and forced to go into the water. They fired rounds of bullets over our heads. They told us to put our hands up and we did as we were told. Some of us were afraid and crying. From our group, they picked 10 men and arrested them. We begged them not to arrest our husbands. The military said they wouldn’t hurt our men but after one day they slaughtered our men.”196 “Security forces poured acid on their eyes. They tied our men down on the grass and slaughtered them later.”197 “I witnessed the arrests of my husband and other villagers who were later killed. Their names are Shaker Ahamed (45), Abul Hashim (35), Hafiz Ullah (30), Shokat Ullah (25), Abdul Malek (30), Rashid (17), Banggu (30), Abdu Majid (55), Abul Hashim (17), and Dil Mohamed (50). At about 4:00 p.m., they were first arrested from the beach. I witnessed the arrests from atop of a hill. I did not see them being killed. I heard that they were killed at the military camp and buried in a hole. I saw their dead bodies being buried.”198 Some Rohingya learned of the killings far after the fact. “The military and Rakhine people arrested the Rohingya men. Now, we hear that they were killed. We got the news from UNHCR staff.


Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

26

They showed photos and asked whther the men are our sons.”199

5. Rape and Gender-Based Violence The military murdered a Rohingya man named Zofar Hossain when he tried to avert a rape. “The military chopped Zofar Hussain to death. While we were running to the jungle, a military soldier caught my daughter. Zafor Hussain went to rescue her and he confronted and stood in front of the military. The military chopped him piece to piece, and then they left him on the spot.”200

6. Arson and Looting Along with shooting countless Rohingya to death, security forces set all the houses on fire,201 totaling 700-800,202 on the morning of August 31, 2017,203 starting between 7:00 and 8:00 a.m.204 Gasoline and fire launchers were used to start the fires.205 By September 1, 2017, they had succeeded in burning to the ground all Rohingya homes in the village.206 Prior to burning, the military and Rakhine civilians had looted belongings from their homes of the Rohingya.207 Security forces looted cows, goats, buffaloes, motor bikes, fowl, rice, solar panels, mobiles, gold ornaments, and money.208 Survivors reported that they brought trucks and vehicles to cart the property away.209 “Security forces started burning our homes at 8:00 a.m. on August 31, 2017, and continued until September 1, 2017. They set the fires with launchers and also by pouring gasoline

on the roofs. Within two days, they burned down all the houses, more than 800." “I witnessed Rakhine people bringing their vehicles and loading them with valuable items from the market. They also stole motorbikes. After looting everything valuable from the market and from our homes, they set the fires.”210

Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

27

D. Perpetrators swords and long knives as weapons. I know According to testimony, for the August 2017 some of the Rakhine because I used to go to massacre, the assailants numbered 400-700 211 school with them in the Rakhine village.”221 forces, comprised of military, police, and Rakhine civilians.212 The security forces wore “There were Rakhine children as young as 10 green military uniforms and khaki police years carrying guns.”222 uniforms,213 with symbols like flowers,214 and 215 216 red marks. They carried guns, launchers, motor guns, and heavy weapons like AK47s, G3, One survivor recognized the sons of the former and machine guns. The Rakhine assailants wore village administrator as present when the 10 longyi pants and shirts,217 carried long knives and Rohingya men were arrested and taken away. kris swords as weapons.218 The military forces “The former village administrator’s sons, Tun were reported to be from Battalion 535,219 and/or Tha and Tun Yo, and others were with the from Akiab.220 military. It was about 15 Rakhine people with the military.”223 “The military wore green uniforms, with flowers on the shoulders, and carried AK37 guns, pistols, and other weapons. They For the October 2016 menace, the villagers came from Battalion No. 535 and from other identified perpetrators through their clothing: battalions. I know them because they used to military in green uniforms, police in khaki uniforms, and Rakhine people in civilian clothing come to our market and buy things. 224 The security forces totaled “I saw the BGP Sector Commander…. The of longyi and shirts. 225 Rakhine wore civilian clothes and carried 50-70 people.

E. Escape to Bangladesh Most Rohingya unwillingly fled to Bangladesh, driven purely by fear for their lives. The Inn Din villagers did not opt to flee to Bangladesh immediately at the attacks on their village. From their accounts, it seems that they had previous experience of such raids, and their response was to flee to the mountains or forest, seek refuge in the village madrasa, or send their family members to neighboring villages to stay with relatives while they remained at home. And this is what took place during this incident too.

It was only after the arson attack, which destroyed all their homes in the village, and the outright massacre that they decided to flee to Bangladesh. They were also told to leave by the authorities and Rakhine civilians, who informed them that if they did not leave they would be killed.226 It seems that the decision to flee to Bangladesh was a measure of last resort, upon seeing that their homes were burned and family members were killed. To remain meant inevitable death since it was the law, which was meant to protect them,


Ⅳ. Systematic Destruction of the Rohingya People

28

Ⅴ. Facts from Initial Survey

29

Ⅴ. Facts from Initial Survey The initial survey defines one family as a unit of people who are from Inn Din and who live together in the camp. In the case of Inn Din, the survey covered 918 people in total, 497 men and 420 women. Of those surveyed, there were 4 children aged 10 and under; 87 people aged 1119; 302 people in their 20s; 192 people in their 30s; 117 people in their 40s; 133 people in their 50s; 53 people in their 60s; 24 people in their 70s; 4 people in their 80s; 1 person in their 90s; and 1 person aged 104. Based on the initial survey, the number of people who were killed, or gone missing and presumed killed, on August 25, 2018, amounts to 147. The

names of the deceased are attached in the Annex. Of the deceased, there were 23 children aged 10 and under; 13 people aged 11-19; 24 people in their 20s; 29 people in their 30s; 19 people in their 40s; 13 people in their 50s; 12 people in their 60s; 8 people in their 70s; 1 person in their 90s; and 5 people of unknown age. Devastatingly, 33 of the deceased were under the age of 18. In addition, almost each and every interviewed person was both a victim of arson and robbery/ looting as well as a witness. Of the total 918 people interviewed, the sole exceptions were two people who did not experience arson and 28 people who did not experience looting in Inn Din.

Rohingyas arrive in Shah Porir Dip, Teknaf, Bangladesh on Oct 14, 2017. © CHO Jinsub

that had turned on them. “We decided to flee to Bangladesh when we saw that our houses were being burned and there was no safe shelter for us to stay. Moreover the military and police were holding guns to us and ready to shoot us. They were shouting at us not to enter to our village. We stood at the mosque compound for about 4 hours and the military shouted at us to go away from there.”227 “I was not willing to come to Bangladesh at first. So my family and I went to the forest. From the forest, our community elders called the BGP Commander on the telephone and requested that he let us live. But the BGP Commander said, “Leave at once. Don’t come back here. We will kill you.” Then, Soe Moe, who is a wife of a Rakhine person, phoned us in secret from inside a toilet. She informed us that her husband and the military

had discussed killing us in the forest. After hearing this information, we began walking to the border on September 2, 2017.”228 Many walked for 5-17 days, with no food. To actually cross the border into Bangladesh, destitute Rohingya villagers had to pay money to the boat guide, in amounts varying from 10,00015,000 kyat.231 229

230

Ⅵ. Conclusion and Recommendations On August 25, 2017, the Myanmar military Battalion 535 and police stationed themselves at several key locations and also mobilized Rakhine villagers to collude in driving out the Rohingya villagers of Inn Din. From the early morning, Rohingya villagers heard indiscriminate gunfire which caused them to worry and take steps to flee into the mountains, forest, or places they considered safe. A mob of military personnel and Rakhine villagers shot and violently attacked Rohingya villagers in hiding or attempting to flee. Security forces massacred Rohingya villagers hiding in their homes, or in fields, ponds, and other places, killing a total of 147 Rohingya villagers. Many Rohingya sustained bullet injuries. The total extent of suffering of these

survivors is horrifying. During the massacre, no information whatsoever reported any activity of ARSA or other similar insurgent groups. On August 31, 2017, security forces started setting fires to Rohingya homes, and a total of 700-800 houses were burned to the ground. Before the arson attack, all property belonging to the Rohingya were looted. Inn Din villagers attempting to come back to their village were pushed back by the military, police, and Rakhine villagers, who threatened to kill them if they returned. On September 2, 2017, the military arrested Rohingya villagers from the beach and


30

slaughtered 10 men, as has been well-documented by the news media. Injured Rohingya still remain unable to obtain proper medical attention due to the costs involved. These atrocities were unleashed on Rohingya villagers of Inn Din in response to attacks on police posts by insurgents on August 25, 2017, although no such attacks were carried out at police or military posts situated at Inn Din itself. However, Rohingya villagers of Inn Din were subject to discrimination and violence much earlier than even 2016. Laws were passed in 1982 stripping the Rohingya of citizenship, despite their families having lived in Myanmar for generations. They were given temporary registration certificates as identification documents. Later, efforts were taken to force them to accept NVC. All these registration processes failed to recognize them as equal citizens of Myanmar, instead identifying them as Bengali, a move rejected by the Rohingya who state they are citizens of Myanmar. The Rohingya people’s freedom of movement was restricted significantly, with requirements put in place to obtain permission from the military to travel to neighboring villages, the township, and the district. Permission came as Tawkenza or Form No. 4, which required payment charged arbitrarily depending on income levels. In certain occasions, despite having travel permission, villagers were nevertheless penalized. Those who violated these rules were arrested, fined, and or beaten. None of the survivors had traveled to the capital. After 2016, Inn Din villagers were prohibited from leaving their village. They were not allowed to be out after 6:00 p.m. or even tend to the fields or livestock. Those captured were beaten mercilessly, jailed, and fined. The military forced Inn Din villagers to provide labor free of cost. Those who refused or

Ⅵ. Conclusion and Recommendations

questioned were beaten and fined. Furthermore, the Rohingya people’s freedom of religion was significantly restricted, by cutting off their access to the mosque and madrasa, preventing congregations of more than five people gathering, and prohibiting holding other special religious events. Regulations were introduced to place undue burdens including financial burdens on their ability to marry freely, with requirements to obtain permission by paying for it. Furthermore, couples were warned against having more than two children. If they had more children, then they were punished, and the names of the children were included on the family list only after payment of a forced fine. Rohingya students were discriminated against at school. They were forced to study in the Rakhine language, and the teachers demoted and punished Rohingya children and referred to them as “kalar,” an ethnic slur. Rohingya children were unable to complete school or pursue higher education. Similarly, they were prevented from applying to government jobs. The Rohingya people’s voting rights were taken away starting from 2015. Lands belonging to the Rohingya were confiscated and given to Nathala and Rakhine villagers. In this background, their means of livelihood was extremely limited, having to engage in daily labor work for Rakhine people. In the period of 2012 – 2016, their belongings were looted, villagers were arrested for no reason if they were found by military, gatherings of 5 people were prohibited, women were raped, and villagers were attacked, all while the law turned a blind eye to their predicament. And in October 2016, security forces made the Rohingya unfence their homesteads, cut down their trees, and turn over all knives and daggers.

Ⅵ. Conclusion and Recommendations

The Rohingya were called the derogatory term, “kalar,” which is an ethnic slur. When asked why Myanmar security forces perpetrated such terrible acts, Rohingya survivors spoke clearly: “Myanmar does not want Rohingya. They want to occupy Rohingya property. They hate Muslims. They call us Bengali. They kill us because we did not accept NVC.”232 “They did these things to snatch the land from us and drive us from the country. Although we did everything that they asked for and gave whatever they wanted, the did it to uproot us from the country.”233 “It was because we are Muslim. They made us give up our country. They did all kinds of torture on us.”234 “They took all of our property. They took all of our lands without any reason. They have done such things to force us to leave the country. “We want nationality for living in Myanmar. We want justice for all our stateless Rohingya people who lost their husbands, children, mothers, fathers, and relatives. We want peace. The military of Myanmar took my husband and they killed him, so I want justice for my husband. We want to go back safely to our country.”235 The Rohingya may have found physical safety from persecution in the refugee camps in Bangladesh, but such shaky and uncertain quarters can hardly be considered homes, especially since the Rohingya have lived in Burma for generations, if not centuries. The Rohingya are aware of how they have suffered discrimination and persecution. Yet in closing almost all witnesses said that they wanted justice for the deaths of their loved ones, family, and villagers. They also shared their hopes

31

of returning to Myanmar in an environment where they were recognized as equal citizens, with full citizenship rights. Article II of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, as well as the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, set forth the following definition of “genocide:” “... any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.”236 In this report, Asian Dignity Initiative sought to explain how the Rohingya suffered from systematic destruction between 2012-2016, as well as to demonstrate that the massacre and atrocities committed in October 2016 and on August 25, 2017 in the village of Inn Din followed the pattern of genocide and/or ethnic cleansing. Therefore, our view is that the international community needs to actively intervene and take steps to address the situation. During the course of conducting interviews, the survivors consistently declared their desire for justice, and now it is our turn to respond. For these reasons, we recommend the following. Firstly, the government and military of Myanmar must permit a thorough, effective, and unbiased investigation within the country. For this, the


32

international community must provide political, financial, and technological support. However, considering that the Myanmar government and the military have denied the existence of the Rohingya, have outright denied the genocide, and have failed to cooperate with the international community's efforts to ascertain the truth, the international community, including the United Nations, should refer the case to the International Criminal Court or set up a special or ad-hoc court to investigate the case. To capture the many types and instances of genocide and ethnic cleansing, the truth-seeking inquiry must include the massacre in Inn Din, atrocities in the many other Myanmar villages where the Myanmar military and security forces attacked, and the systematic destruction that occurred starting in 2012 across the fabric of Myanmar society and government. Secondly, the truth-seeking investigation must proceed without grant of immunity to wrongdoers. The focus of the investigation, the wrongdoers, occupy the highest levels of the Myanmar military and BGP, yet also include ordinary people from other ethnic minorities in Myanmar. In addition, officials of the Myanmar government, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and other Cabinet Members, must also investigated for their roles in the atrocities. None of the actors should receive immunity or be exempt from from scrutiny. Thirdly, the Myanmar government must provide remedy and relief to the victims and survivors. The principle of restoration of previously-held rights is the basic foundation, with financial recompense to those for whom such restoration is insufficient, such as victims who have suffered psychological harm. In such situations, it is critical to respect and decide the specific substance and form of remedy and relief according to the wishes of the victims and the Rohingya community.

Ⅵ. Conclusion and Recommendations

Ⅶ. Annex

33

Ⅶ. Annex Fourthly, the Myanmar government should introduce legislation and administrative measures to abolish systems and practices that discriminate against Rohingya. Social leaders and citizens who speak, advance, or promote hate speech and other forms of prejudiced information must be punished. Education should be provided to improve awareness in ordinary citizens of their deep-rooted hatred, bias, and discrimination. Fifthly, the Myanmar government must cease registering the Rohingya with NVC identification cards and must ensure restoration of their citizenship rights. Sixthly, the Myanmar government and the international community must actively guarantee and ensure participation of Rohingya people in the discussions about possible repatriation.

Name Abul Kasim Abdu Mal Abdu Mozid Abdu Shokkur Abdul Gani Abdul Habis Abdul Mabot Abdul Malek Abdul Mojid Abdulhakin Abdullah Abul Hashem Ahlimakhatun Akram Uddin Akram Ullah Akrum Ullah Alima khatun Amanullah Amena Amir Hudson Anisur Rahman Arfan Arof ullah Arofullah Asan Ullah Ashar Mia Asmotullah Ayesha Ayesha Azim ullah Azimulla Azimullah Azizur Rohaman Bodiur Rahman Bodoraman Bodujol Dil Mohammad Fatem Fatema Fayazu Feroza Fisail Foya zollah Full Motion Futoni Habi Ullah Habizu Habizullah Habizullah Habizullah Halima Hamed Hossin Hamid Hoson Hamid Hosson

Age 18m 90 35 40 40 10 22 75 35 30 55 28 5 18 20 20 22 20 35 45 1 30 30 35 6 20 65 25 30 37 50 65 75 45 50 1 32 53 60 3 60 45 25 45 35 35 35 35 60 50 8 25

Name Hamida Khatun Hamidollah Harun Roshid Hashimullah Hashimullah Hashimullah Hashimullah Hasim Ali Hasson Hasu Haydatullah Ibrahim Iman Hosan Jafor Ahmmed Jafor Hossain Jahid hossen Jamal hossen Jamal hossen Jamal Hossin Jeyabu Jolakha Jubair Kala Mia Kefayat ullah Khuilla Banu Kowchar Begum Laiyla Begum Lall mia Mashok Md Ali Ahmmed Md Ayas Md Hasan Md Hashim Md Hoson Md Rofik Md Solam Md. Ayas Md. Erfan Md. Hossain Md. Rafiue Modina Khatun Mokbul Ahmed Mokoroma Mosi ullah Mosiullah MV.Abdumalak Neyamotullah Nimotullah Nobi Hossain Nur Ahmed Nur Alam Nur Hossain Nur mohamed Nur Mohammed

Age 25 60 35 40 28 35 30 70 50 2 16 12 50 45 35 35 35 60 5m 45 35 70 34 70 40 30 50 20 70 12 25 45 5 28 3 10 28 70 20 25 60 4 45 50 40 25 40 11 50 30 30 25 7

Name Nur Mohammed Nur Mustafa -missing Nurjahan Nuro Lamin Nurul Alom Nurul Amin Nurul Salam Oli Hossan Rafique Rafique Rahama khatun Ramotullah Rasail Rashida Roma Khatun Roshid Ahmed Roshid Ahmed Roshidula Roshit Ammed Row shed Ullah Saheda Saiyad Kasim Saker Ahmmed Sana Ullah Sayed Ullah Saynuara Begum Senuar Shamsida Begummissing Shamsul AlAlam Sinowara Sohela Sonam Ullah Soyed Banu Soyod Husan Soyod Salam Toyabakhatun Toyoba Khatun Toyoba khatun Usoma Bibi Yasir Arfart Younus-missing Zahid Hossain Ziaur Rahman Zohir Ahmed Zuhura khatun Zuhura khatun

Age 40 10 45 4 17 65 50 25 50 15 5 20 47 45 56 65 17 27 31 20 45 18 7 4 20 30 12 12 16 17 60 9 3 74 70 60 4 3 30 25 30 18 30 30


Endnotes

34

Endnotes 1.

This project was funded by Gwangju Human Rights Peace Foundation (interviews), and Human Rights Foundation Saram (initial survey). 2. “’No one was left:’ Death and violence against the Rohingya in Rakhine State, Myanmar,” Doctors Without Borders, March 2018, available at https://www. doctorswithoutborders.org/sites/default/files/201808/%27no-one-was-left%27_-death-and-violenceagainst-the-rohingya-in-rakhine-state%2C-myanmar. pdf. 3. “We’ll turn your village into soil: Survivors recount one of Myanmar’s biggest massacres,” The Wall Street Journal, 11 May 2018, available at https:// www.wsj.com/articles/burn-the-houses-rohingyasurvivors-recount-the-day-soldiers-killed-hundreds1526048545?mod=e2fb. 4. “A genocide incited on Facebook, with posts from Myanmar’s military,” The New York Times, 15 October 2018, available at https://www.nytimes. com/2018/10/15/technology/myanmar-facebookgenocide.html. 5. “Investigators call for genocide prosecutions over slaughter of Rohingyas,” CBS News, 2 August 2018, available at https://www.cbsnews.com/news/rohingyacrisis-myanmar-genocide-military-commanders-unhuman-rights-mission/; “Peace Prize Laureates accuse Myanmar leaders of genocide against Rohingya,” CBS News, 1 March 2018, available at https://www. cbsnews.com/news/nobel-peace-prize-laureates-accusemyanmar-military-aung-san-suu-kyi-genocide-againstrohingya/. 6. Physicians for Human Rights, “Please tell the world what they have done to us,” 19 July 2018, available at https://rohingya.phr.org/resources/ chutpyin/?ms=homepagebanner. 7. Note that, in their sworn statements, many Rohingya survivors use the terms BGP and Na Sa Ka interchangeably. 8. “Massacre in Myanmar,” Reuters, 8 February 2018, available at https://www.reuters.com/investigates/ special-report/myanmar-rakhine-events/. 9. “Rohingya crisis: Myanmar to try Reuters journalists who reported on massacre,” BBC, July 2018, available at https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-44762425; “Myanmar authorities planned genocide against Rohingya, rights group claims,” The Guardian, 19 July 2018, available at https://www.theguardian.com/globaldevelopment/2018/jul/19/myanmar-planned-genocideagainst-rohingya-fortify-rights-claims-rakine-state. 10. “In a first, Burmese military admits that soldiers

11.

12.

13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52.

killed Rohingya found in mass grave,” The Washington Post, 10 January 2018, available at https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/ wp/2018/01/10/in-a-first-burmese-military-admitssoldiers-killed-rohingya-found-in-mass-grave/?utm_ term=.9b54b61ce0a0. “Report of the detailed findings of the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar A/HRC/39/CRP.2,” 18 September 2018, available at https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/ HRCouncil/FFM-Myanmar/A_HRC_39_CRP.2.pdf. “Accountability for atrocities in Myanmar ‘cannot be expected within its borders -- UN investigator,’” UN News, 24 October 2018, available at https://news. un.org/en/story/2018/10/1024062. ISCG, map ID_0216, 26 February 2018 ISCG, map ID_0216, 26 February 2018 ID06, ID07, ID10, ID11, ID12, ID14. ID01, ID03, ID04, ID19. ID04, ID17. ID02, ID06, ID07, ID10, ID16, ID18. ID02, ID06. ID01, ID03, ID05, ID09, ID11. ID04, ID07, ID08, ID10, ID19. ID01, ID02, ID11, ID15. ID01, ID02, ID03, ID05, ID08, ID10, ID11, ID13, ID15, ID17. ID04, ID09. ID02, ID08, ID17. ID16. ID01, ID06, ID08, ID09. ID13. ID08, ID13. ID03, ID08, ID10, ID13. ID10. ID03. ID04 ID11, ID13, ID14, ID16. ID13. ID09 ID14. ID02, ID05, ID06, ID07, ID14, ID17, ID19. ID05 paid 800,000 kyat to marry. ID10 ID13. ID07, ID10. ID05, ID07, ID10. ID08, ID10, ID12, ID13, ID15. ID02, ID07, ID14, ID16-19. ID06. ID14. ID07. ID07, ID13. ID14 ID13. ID02, ID05-08, ID10, ID12, ID13, ID18. Some

Endnotes

Rohingya were directed to have no more than three children. ID14, ID16, ID17. 53. ID02, ID12, ID16, ID18. 54. ID05, ID06, ID16. 55. ID03, ID05. 56. ID01. 57. ID01, ID06, ID07. 58. ID03, ID04, ID06, ID07, ID09, ID10, ID13, ID15, ID17-19. 59. ID05, ID09. 60. ID03, ID10, ID13, ID14, ID16. 61. ID13. 62. ID02, ID04. 63. ID07. 64. ID05, ID16. 65. ID01, ID04, ID08, ID09, ID13, ID15. 66. ID03. 67. ID08, ID13, ID17, ID19. 68. ID13. 69. ID07. 70. ID03. 71. ID01, ID05. 72. ID01, ID02, ID03, ID13. 73. ID04, ID14. 74. ID02, ID03, ID04, ID16. 75. ID04, ID13. 76. ID16. 77. ID03. 78. ID13, ID19. 79. ID08. 80. ID02, ID03. 81. ID03. 82. ID03. 83. ID05. 84. ID02-04, ID06, ID08, ID09. 85. ID03. 86. ID02, ID04, ID06, ID10, ID13, ID14, ID18, ID19. 87. ID14, ID16, ID19. 88. ID10. 89. ID06. 90. ID13. 91. ID05. 92. ID01, ID04, ID06, ID09, ID11, ID19. 93. ID01, ID05, ID18, ID19. 94. ID06, ID07, ID13, ID14. 95. ID14, ID18, ID19. 96. ID18. 97. ID14. 98. ID15, ID16. 99. ID04, ID07, ID10, ID16, ID18. 100. ID04, ID10, ID16. 101. ID13, ID12. 102. ID18. 103. ID04, ID07. 104. ID16. . 105. ID14. 106. ID13.

35

107. ID18. 108. ID14. 109. ID10. 110. ID14. 111. ID01, ID03, ID05, ID11, ID16, ID18. 112. ID05, ID17, ID19. 113. ID01. 114. ID03. 115. ID11. 116. ID15. 117. ID11, ID15, ID16, ID17, ID19. 118. ID05. 119. ID04, ID18. 120. ID04, ID18. 121. ID05. 122. ID03, ID13. 123. ID02. 124. ID03. 125. ID01, ID02, ID04, ID05, ID07, ID08, ID10-14, ID1619. 126. ID04, ID06, ID07 127. ID03, ID18. 128. ID13. 129. ID03. 130. ID01-19. 131. ID01, ID02, ID06. 132. ID01, ID04. 133. ID01, ID04, ID19. 134. ID01, ID04, ID08, ID10. 135. ID05, ID19. 136. ID08, ID10. 137. ID02, ID04, ID06, ID08, ID10, ID19. 138. ID08. 139. ID02, ID08. 140. ID10. 141. ID04. 142. ID05. 143. ID01. 144. ID03, ID05. 145. ID08, ID13, ID17, ID19. 146. ID01, ID17, ID19. 147. ID06. 148. ID08. 149. ID03. 150. ID10, ID13, ID15, ID16. 151. ID06, ID12, ID16. 152. ID02, ID10, ID14. 153. ID03. 154. ID03, ID09, ID10, ID13. 155. ID05, ID08, ID13. 156. ID09, ID09. 157. ID03. 158. ID06, ID07, ID09. 159. ID02-05, ID14, ID16, ID18, ID19. 160. ID02-09, ID11, ID13, ID15, ID17, ID19. 161. ID01, ID04, ID08, ID11. 162. ID01, ID04-08, ID10-12, ID14-19.


36

163. ID02, ID07. 164. ID01, ID02, ID04, ID05, ID06, ID08, ID10, ID17, ID19. 165. ID01,m ID02, ID14, ID17, ID19. 166. ID01, ID11, ID15. 167. ID01, ID03, ID09, ID11, ID13, ID15. 168. ID02, ID07, ID14, ID19. 169. ID02, ID03, ID06, ID08, ID13. 170. ID02-04, ID06-10, ID14, ID16, ID18, ID19. 171. ID03, ID14, ID18. 172. ID01, ID02, ID06, ID08-112, ID14, ID17. 173. ID01-19. 174. ID01, ID09, ID11, ID12, ID15, ID18. 175. ID01, ID12. 176. ID02, ID14. 177. ID02. 178. ID01, ID10. 179. ID02. 180. ID07. 181. ID13. 182. ID14. 183. ID15. 184. ID01. 185. ID18. 186. ID13, ID16, ID18. 187. ID13. 188. ID10. 189. ID18. 190. ID13. 191. ID01, ID03-07, ID09, ID10, ID12, ID13, ID16, ID17. 192. ID01, ID03, ID09, ID12, ID13, ID15, ID16. 193. “Massacre in Myanmar,” Reuters, 8 February 2018, available at https://www.reuters.com/investigates/ special-report/myanmar-rakhine-events/. 194. ID05, ID06, ID10, ID17. 195. ID10. 196. ID06. 197. ID09. 198. ID05. 199. ID04. 200. ID14. 201. ID01, ID03. 202. ID02, ID03, ID05-07, ID09, ID10, ID14, ID16, ID19. 203. ID02. 204. ID02, ID03, ID06, ID07, ID09, ID10, ID17. 205. ID01, ID03, ID07, ID08, ID14, ID15, ID18. 206. ID03. 207. ID02, ID03, ID05, ID09, ID13, ID15, ID19. 208. ID01, ID03, ID04-06, ID08, ID10, ID11, ID14-17. 209. ID03, ID12. 210. ID03. 211. ID01, ID02, ID04, ID05, ID06, ID08, ID10, ID17, ID19. 212. ID01, ID02, ID14, ID17, ID19. 213. ID01, ID11, ID15. 214. ID01, ID03, ID09, ID11, ID13, ID15. 215. ID02, ID07, ID14, ID19.

Endnotes

216. ID02, ID03, ID06, ID08, ID13. 217. ID02-04, ID06-10, ID14, ID16, ID18, ID19. 218. ID03, ID14, ID18. 219. ID03. 220. ID11, ID15, ID16. 221. ID03. 222. ID07. 223. ID13. 224. ID01, ID04, ID19. 225. ID08, ID10. 226. ID03. 227. ID14. 228. ID03. 229. ID01, ID04, ID14, ID19. 230. ID14. 231. ID01, ID02, ID08, ID12, ID15, ID19. 232. ID14. 233. ID09. 234. ID12. 235. ID17. 236. Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, Art. II; Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, Art. 6.

Ⅷ. Acknowledgments

37

Ⅷ. Acknowledgments

This report was produced through the support of many individuals and organizations. Our true appreciation and gratitude to Gwangju Human Rights Peace Foundation for supporting our work in documenting human rights. We would also like to express our respectful gratitude to Human Rights Foundation Saram for supporting our work of conducting the initial survey with Rohingya survivors of the massacre and our work to edit this report. Warm gratitude to Sabra Zahid, Aingkaran AK, Jung Jiwon, and Kang Heewon, who poured their hearts out in working on this publication.

To photographer Cho Jinsub, who visited the camps with Asian Dignity Initiative, sharing in our joys and sorrows while also sharing in our work in documenting human rights, and who helped greatly in editing the photographs for this report, a special thank you. Thank you from the bottom of our hearts, to the six activists who traveled to the ramshackle Rohingya refugee camps in 2018 to conduct interviews with survivors and to gather their evidence. And most importantly, our deepest gratitude to the Rohingya survivors of Inn Din village. Our work would not exist without your assistance and bravery in speaking your truth. Thank you.


Profile for donghwa0912

2018 아디 로힝야 인권보고서-인딘마을  

아시아인권평화디딤돌 아디에서 제작한 2018 로힝야 인권보고서-인딘마을 편

2018 아디 로힝야 인권보고서-인딘마을  

아시아인권평화디딤돌 아디에서 제작한 2018 로힝야 인권보고서-인딘마을 편

Advertisement