The Slow Zone: Alternative Paths for Bali Diana Ang Spring 2018 Masterâ€™s Thesis SM.Arch.S Architecture & Urbanism Massachusetts Institute of Technology School of Architecture and Planning
Advisors Adèle Naudé Santos Professor of Architecture, Planning and Urban Design MIT School of Architecture and Planning Rafi Segal Associate Professor of Architecture and Urbanism MIT School of Architecture and Planning
Readers Sai Balakhrisnan Assistant Professor of Urban Planning Harvard University’s Graduate School of Design Daliana Suryawinata Principal Architect and Urban Designer SHAU Indonesia & Rotterdam Indonesian Diaspora Network, Livable Cities Taskforce Leader
The Slow Zone: Alternative Paths for Bali by Diana Angelica Ang Submitted to the Department of Architecture on May 24, 2018 in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Architecture Studies
ABSTRACT: On the surface, Baliâ€™s narrative is one of dualism between rural and urban, traditional and modern, local and foreign. However, flows of commodity and patterns of human migration reveal that these dichotomies are irrelevant, as all coexist in different intensities to balance its two main economies: agriculture and tourism. The inability to recognize this interdependence has resulted in development projects that are harmful for both sectors. The Slow Zone is an alternative model of development that favors and engages local growth instead of relying on outside actors devoid of context. Following the 1997 Asia Financial Crisis, fiscal decentralization in Indonesia distributed administrative power from the province to the district level, creating competition among districts. The high profitability of real estate over agricultural land created development schemes that favor outside capital instead of local needs. The 2014 Village Law is a decentralization mechanism that provides direct funding for infrastructural development and village-owned enterprises based on each villageâ€™s human and natural resource. The Slow Zone proposes reterritorialization of village networks based on agriculture and social relationships. The project site in North Bali represents a broad range of agricultural diversity, which become the foundation for the development schemes. Three design proposals: a mixeduse development, an inter-village cooperative, and an institution, each respectively located in the lowland, midland, and highland areas, respond to the political history, cultural richness, and geographical challenges of the local context. The goal of the spatial design strategies is to retain local control of land and economy through coupling, and not separation of, tourism and agriculture.
This thesis explores a few of the many possibilities in the so-called outskirts of the urbanized areas as a progressive place where the quintessential of life can be vividly experienced through urban development schemes that favor and engages local growth instead of relying on outside capital as a measure of progress. This research and design proposal address personal quests that emerged during the four years of rapid travels between Hong Kong and Rural Indonesia, where the transition between fastness and slowness could not have been more abrupt. On the roads of Lombok, Flores, Sumba, Papua, Bojonegoro, and Bali, I found my identity as an architect and urban designer to be questioned and challenged. At MIT, I found resources and community that gave me a solid foundation to address the challenges.
Acknowledgments I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to: The thesis committee Adele Santos, for your assurance and wisdom, and for the delightful discussions throughout the semesters, from Brazil to Bali. Rafi Segal, for your constant reminder to keep the big picture alive. Sai Balakrishnan, for your guidance in bringing the spatial politics to the developing countries. Your class is a lifelong treasure. Daliana Suryawinata, for the steepest learning curves I have encountered in this profession. Without you, I would not be where I am today. The rural archipelago family Yori Antar and HAP travelmates; Gede Kresna, Ayu Gayantri Kresna and Rural Entrepreneurship class of 2016; Popo and Melati Danes; Putu Ardana and Komang Armada. Thank you for generously opening your doors and sharing your stories and knowledge. The fieldwork team, Christina Sinatra and Bli Gede, for the unforgettable adventure under the sun and rain. The MIT tribe My fellow SMArchS Urbanism and MCP friends, for the inspiration, optimism, and sharing the joy and the pain in the past two years. My family My family in the U.S. and Indonesia, for your support and love throughout the years.
Java Indian Ocean
Fig 1.1. Bali island location. 6
The countryside: a conceptual framework Urbanism Ecology Socio-politics
02 Agricultural land enclosure in Bali Bali within the national and global race for resources Actors network Law transformation Mechanism of dispossession Case studies
03 Fieldwork Methodology Interviews Key takeaways
04 The narrative of productive landscapes in Bali Geography Politics Networks The ritual path
05 The slow zone Framework Catalyst
06 The lowlands Mixed-use development
07 The midlands Intervillage center and transportation network
08 The highlands Sanctuary and slow tourism school
09 Epilogue Urban design principles Network reterritorialization
Ngura Intern Airpo
Fig 1.2. Bali island settlements and network. 8
ah Rai national ort
Manggis Padang Bai Tribuana Semawang
Fig 1.3. Bali Island, a painting by Miguel Covarrubias.
Fig 1.4. Ceremonial procession, a painting by Ketut Soki.
Fig 1.5. Rice fields, a painting by Walter Spies. 11
1. Conceptual Framework
Urbanism The countryside is the frontier for new kind(s) of urbanization through geographical specificity and digital accessibility. Neil Brenner has de-westernized the theory of urbanization and put the non-city at the forefront of the field (Brenner 123). The speed of globalization has instigated a reformulation of scale of thinking in all fields. Planetary Urbanism levels out the urban and the rural, the metropolis and the hinterlands, as equal players in terms of politics, social, and economical, but above all, spatial power. This opens up a case for studying the non-city as the frontiers of development. First, due to relatively more isolation, the non-city still has the ingredients where local identity can still flourish. At the same time, technology is unbounded in reaching people in the most remote parts of the world, creating an interesting disruption to these geographically more isolated places. Second, people want to be closer together, that is why they move to cities. But if we can break down the elements of cities and bring it to the non-city (i.e., access), there can be alternative ways of bringing people geographically closer together in the non-city, perhaps in ways that do not mainly aspire to capitalistic goals. Third, as a form of settlement, the non-city is not yet overly pressured by the politics of real estate, and the values and aspirations of the dwellers are not that of the cityâ€™s. This will help create the differentiation. Fourth, the non-city has an important role of combating global warming and supplying food production. With a strong political will, these are crucial assets of the non-city to create local identity. The reformulation of the countryside lies in rethinking relationships. A project of Urban Design of the rural cannot be conceived in itself. The romantic notion of total self-sufficiency should already be dismissed from the start. At the moment, the idea of studying the rural generally has polar opposites approach, one is the romanticized notion to go back to pre-colonial era, the other is creating a new, sustainable towns and cities from the little built areas that these rural areas 14
Brenner, Neil. The Hinterland Urbanised?, Architectural Design, vol. 86, no. 4, 2016, pp. 118â€“127., doi:10.1002/ad.2077.
offer (such as the biodome). Both of these ideas are contained within the larger idea that sustainability is limited to the physical boundaries of the town/village/city itself. The problem of the built environment, perhaps, is essentially a problem of relationship: we need to look at the relationship between the center and the “peripheries”, and within this relationship, propose a new set of approach and values that can be embodied in the urban forms. In conceptualizing urban-rural transformation in Indonesia, I find the text “The Horizontal Metropolis” by Paola Vigano to be most relatable. The concept of the Horizontal Metropolis attempts to explain, and even replace, the differentiation between urban and rural, especially outside of the territory and concept of American suburbia. The relationship among the patchworks that make up the horizontal metropolis makes it “a reserve for spatial capital, agent of transformation, and a place with great potential for facing contemporary urban challenges” that is “worthy of specific policies and design” (Vigano 553). The key is perhaps stated in “The Emancipation of the Periphery”, where we need to shift the perspective of observing the urban areas from looking inwards to looking outwards, acknowledging that the periphery (and beyond) play an important role in shaping our built environment. Inventions in the development of the countryside must work within the interdependencies of socio-politico-economic infrastructure in the rural. “Holistic Thinking,” a term quoted in by Brown in Infrastructural Ecologies, is described as “capitalizing on proximate relationships and building on interdependencies and reciprocities” (Brown 20). It is a potentially strong method to tackle rural – urban relationship. As economics and politics have engineered nature, the detrimental consequences of nature on human lives can perhaps be solved through understanding this anthropogenic landscape. Brown’s approach focuses on social, environmental, and financial returns as the three equally important foundation for development, and categorizes her methods into relationships instead of the typical solutions focused on “best practices” used by organizations such as World Bank. This can be promising, because obviously what works for a rural area in one location may not work for that of others, and the methods by NGOs can often be patronizing. Studying systems can be a way that is more of a bottom-up approach without losing the big picture, and can result in beautiful solutions because of its site specificity and reflection of local culture and values.
Vigano, Paola, and Chiara Cavalieri. The Horizontal Metropolis: A Radical Project. Park Books, 2018. Brown, Hillary, and Byron Stigge. Infrastructural ecologies: alternative development models for emerging economies. The MIT Press, 2017. 15
In Bali, the relationship (as well as tension) of social, environmental, and financial returns can be very visible between the traditional living villages and the development for tourism. Socially, the traditional villages abide by Hinduism practice and living arrangements whereas the urban development relies heavily on adapting Western culture for the comfort and convenience of the tourists. Environmentally, the villages are perhaps more respectful of the environment as they compost waste, whereas the tourism and urban areas use enormous amount of plastics and drain wastewater into the paddy fields. Financially, tourism is exploiting the traditional villages and slowly merging market economy value to the traditional way of living, creating an interesting cultural hybrid. Fleshing through these relationships and seeing which can be applied to the systems thinking to solve the future of urban – rural development can be a framework for the thesis. This means analyzing which ecological, financial, and social mechanism can breed a spatial quality that is livable, beneficial to the communities, as well as profitable for investors and developers.
Ecology Nature is to be engineered and managed as human landscape. “The only context of natural areas in the modern world is a human landscape.” - Thomas Brown Simpson In “Ecological Restoration and Re-Understanding Ecological Time,” Thomas Brown Simpson provides a paradigm of folding human actions as a part of ecological narrative. By categorizing human and natural action as both altering nature, it gives consent for humans to alternate nature according to human goals, yet at the same time bestowing responsibility for these disruptions for the narrative to continue down human history (Simpson 46). From the perspective of urban development, I think the question then changes from the traditional “how to protect and preserve” to “how to coexist” with nature. Sabine Hofmeister introduces the idea of three wilderness, and our times now as being the second wilderness transitioning to the third. The first wilderness never existed in human history. The third wilderness is a consequence of the crisis that is happening in the second wilderness (the present). This crisis started in the modern era and is described as an “illusion of a productive system beyond and in difference to a (supposedly) reproductive system; in and through it, then, a wedge was driven between the productivity of nature and the productivity of 16
Simpson, Thomas B. Ecological Restoration and Re-Understanding Ecological Time. Ecological Restoration, no. 1, 2005, p. 46.
‘women’” (Hofmeister 301). The third wilderness, then, is the inevitable hybrid between nature and culture. He goes on to describe that the perception of human and nature will change in three ways. First, the irrelevance of the difference between human and nature. Second, diversity of time, and third, the collapse of the division between productive and reproductive systems. The third wilderness will be a new historic phase, where our collective task is to create a humane “nature” (Hofmeister 304). Perhaps my way of envisioning this third nature is a process where globalization will lead to urbanization of the rural, and ruralization of the urban. The boundaries between the two conditions will disappear, and these various places will become human “natures.” The result will not be romantic notions of living in the past, but a hybrid. We need to shift perspective from notion of production to reproduction. Building on Bruno Latour’s idea, the problem of industrialization and capitalism is that it has reduced the rural and urban to production and commodity, therefore enhancing this divide. His proposal is to move towards a notion of (re)production, where nature and economic timeline can be reconciled. Though this is a process that takes generations, perhaps one way to start is to reintroduce the notion of the two times within our everyday context, within both the urban and the rural, which is a restoration of relationship between human and nature. Practically speaking, it is to conceptualize and spatialize cycles and scales of sustainability to not simply economy, but environmental and social, as well as investigating the political structure that allows this to happen. However, there is a dilemma of how the closing of the gap between productive and reproductive system will look like. As long as the market economy is still running and exploiting resources in developing countries, this is not likely to end. What are the ways where the linear (modern) and cyclical (agrarian) notions of time can converge? What does “sustainable development” look like, and what are the boundaries of these environments, will it take on the earth’s scale, or simply contained within communities? There has to be a way to think of different scales of sustainability that still honors the various social, economical, and ecological cycles of that place. Interdependence of rural, towns, cities, and regions will not disappear (we are moving towards the third
Hofmeister, Sabine. Natures Running Wild: A Social-Ecological Perspective on Wilderness. Nature and Culture, vol. 4, no. 3, Jan. 2009, doi:10.3167/ nc.2009.040305. 17
nature instead of staying in second nature or going back to first nature). But what we can think of is, each scale can have its own method of Cultivation instead of simple Production and Consumption. Cities can be less consumptive by starting to produce nature, and urban areas can be less exploited by encouraging its own system of sustainable small economies, perhaps through the agency of digital economy.
Socio-Politics The meaning of land value has changed and may be irreversible, but the commons can be preserved and/or brought back in new ways. Through globalization, exchange value triumphs over all other land values, and justice can and should be pursued from the framework of market economy. Davy lays out a simple yet profound way to understand land as scarcity that is socially constructed through the elements of polyrationality in land values: existence value, exchange value, territorial value, and use value (Davy 135). In creating modern nations and one economy that runs the world, issues such as the institutionalization of land must inevitably take place. Access or possession of commonly owned land becomes a contested issue as enclosures start to be visible (Linebaugh 12). This usually works against the ‘weak’ according to whichever system is dominant, whether it be weaponry (such as the case in many native tribesmen in colonized lands) or skills (such as the case in Otmoor) or income / social level (such as the case in Dadar). There is a change in value from ‘we belong to the land’ to ‘the land belong to us’ – land has become a commodity. However, the socio-political structure of Balinese villages have shown endurance of the notion of the communally owned resources. In developing the countryside, we can think of ways that these can co-exist through modern institutions. The State can be restored as a democratic but authoritative power, not a compromising agent. State as governing agencies seem to be pressured to accommodate different parties interests, mainly culminating in mostly negotiating the rights of the ordinary people vs. the big players. With the domination of market economy, the state’s role is reduced to agency of negotiations and policing, since its role as provider has mostly been transferred to the private sector through neoliberalism, as can be seen from the ways the state relies on bonuses and development transfers to provide for pub18
Davy, Ben. Land values and social construction of scarcity, Der öffentliche Sektor - The Public Sector, Vol. 42, No. 1 2016. Linebaugh, Peter. Enclosures from the bottom up, Radical History Review 2010.108 (2010): 11-27.
lic amenities. While the approach may seem to work, the intention of developers is always to maximize profit instead of providing civic benefits, and reliance on private sector has increasingly highlight the ways that vulnerable groups get jeopardized. Are there still ways that government can gain back its power as provider of basic rights, i.e. gain back the capital? Looking at the case in India, the Municipal Development Rights Bank sounds like a promising example, as well as the Delhi metro line project. In this sense, can the 2014 Village Law and the Village Owned Enterprises act as a political entity that ensure fairness of resource distribution?
Fig 1.6. Settlement patterns in Ubud. 20
2. Agricultural Land Enclosure in Bali
Bali within the National and Global Race for Resources From the Dutch East Indies agricultural plantations in 17th century to present day Democratic Republic of Indonesia, enclosure has remained a mechanism of power control and capital accumulation of the elites. According to McMichael (qtd in White et al.), “The globalization project is an attempt to fashion the world around a central principle through powerful political and financial institutions.” The current state of land deals in Indonesia, like many countries in the Global South, is “less a new phenomenon than a significant surge in the continuing capture of ordinary people’s rights and assets by capital-led and class creating social transformations” (Wily 751). Land dispossession in Indonesia can be classified into two categories. The first is the conversion of forest into palm oil, logging concessions, and other productive forestry activities, and the second is the conversion of agricultural land into real estate and industrial estates. Typically, forest conversion occurs in the ‘outer’ islands of Kalimantan and Sumatra, while agricultural land conversion takes place in the ‘inner’ islands of Java and Bali. Development in Indonesia has followed center-periphery notion, where Java is the center and all other approximately 17,000 islands the periphery. Bali’s adjacency to Java positions it as an interesting site of study. It contains similar problems of Java, such as high population density and intense cultivation, but retains thick traditional practices and vast productive landscapes found in the outer islands. Thus, Bali can be said to encapsulate the many facets of the process of land enclosure within Indonesia.
Alden-Wily, L. 2012. Looking back to see forward: the legal niceties of land theft in land rushes. Journal of Peasant Studies, 39:3-4, 751-775.
The period of development boom in Bali Island took place in a few waves since the 1970s. From 1997 to 2007, the yearly rate of conversion from agriculture to resorts, residential development, and infrastructural projects to support the growing tourism industry was 661 hectares per year. By 2012, it was 1,000 hectares/year (Fagertun 101).
Fagertun, Anette. 2017. Waves of Dispossession: The Conversion of Land and Labor in Bali’s Recent History. Social Analysis, vol. 61, no. 3, Sept. 2017, pp. 108-125. EBSCOhost, doi:10.3167/sa.2017.610307.
This sudden surge of capital into the island has changed the perceived value of land from subsistence to commodity. Land for subsistence is closely linked to ancestral values such as heritage and honor, and the forms of its dispossession, from direct to indirect, are seen as an inevitable consequence of transition into the market economy.
White, Ben, et al. 2012. The new enclosures:critical perspectives on corporate land deals, The Journal of Peasant Studies, 39:3-4, 619-647.
Fig 2.2. Benoa reclamation masterplan.
Fig 2.1. Bypass road and sea toll.
Fig 2.3. Sea toll.
Planned infrastructure Existing infrastructure Settlements
Fig 2.4. Mega infrastructure projects in Bali. 25
Actors The participants that shape the change in geography can be put in four categories: Government & International Authorities, Capital, Temporary Dwellers, and Permanent Dwellers. Government & International Authorities Central & Regional Government The Central and Regional Government, as the highest form of authority, are mainly interested in the economic growth of Bali. During the New Order Era, specific zones were designated as “development zones” and continued to evolve. In 1971, a masterplan by French consultants, SCETO, restricted development to three areas. In 1988, The Ministry of Forestry, Agriculture, and Tourism, along with the regional head, legally expanded the development area into 15 zones. By 1993, the number rose to 21 zones (Warren 2). This number includes conversion of formerly protected areas into agro and eco tourism development. The current development plan for Bali for 2009-2029 shows about 25% of land dedicated to tourism, as can be seen in image 7 (Kebudayaan 165). District Government The decentralization that followed fall of military dictatorship in 1998 gave district government agencies power of regional control. This also means individual districts are responsible to raise their own funding through taxation, which becomes a measure of their political success. The largest funding comes from private developments. District leaders act as midwives, prioritizing these project acquisitions over local development (Wardana 109). Illegal avenues such as tweaking zoning rules and pocketing percentages of the deals are rampant. International Institutions World Bank and various NGOs have been deeply involved in giving recommendations to the government, which contradict or advocate for the rights of the villagers depending on the political climate. Capital Large Corporations During the New Order Era, state-owned corporations and cronies of President Soeharto were able to secure large tracts of land, mainly developed into integrated resorts. These corporations dominated the land in the coasts of South Bali. These luxury developments are intended to serve international tourists as well as the rich middle class of major cities in Indonesia. 26
Fig 2.5. Bali Tourism Development Plan from 1973.
Disbud.baliprov.go.id – Dinas Kebudayaan (Indonesian Culture City Agency for Bali Province). 2009. www. disbud.baliprov.go.id Warren, C. 1998. (Asian Research Centre, Murdoch University, Perth (Australia)). Tanah Lot: the cultural and environmental politics of resort development in Bali. AGRIS: International Information System for the Agricultural Science and Technology, Routledge, agris.fao.org/ agrissearch/search.do?request_locale=es&recordID=GB1999008925.
Fig 2.6. Bali Master Plan from 1973. 27
Fig 2.7. Actors Network. 28
City Entrepreneurs City Entrepreneurs may overlap with Seasonal Residents. They are typically successful businesspeople in other cities in Indonesia who intend to capitalize on the opportunities in Bali. Temporary Dwellers Tourists Bali is the tourism gateway of Indonesia. It is not only a destination in itself, but is the hub that connects international and domestic flights to tourism region in East Indonesia. In 2016, the number of international tourists visiting Indonesia was 11,519,275 people, and 42% out of the total went to Bali (disparda.baliprov.go.id). The islandâ€™s population in 2014 was 4,225,000 people (bps.go.id). There are roughly as many visitors to Bali every year as the population of the island. Seasonal Visitors A further popularization of Bali as a quick getaway from the city has propelled many rich Indonesians and foreigners to own private villas as weekend houses or seasonal holiday residences. The New Rich of Indonesia also buy land at a cheap price for investment. Under the Indonesian law, foreign ownership of land is deemed illegal, but many foreigners circumvent this policy (BAL) through long term, usually 99 years, leases. Permanent Dwellers Farmers Whether by force or not, many farmers sell or lease their land due to a better income from real estate compared to farming. Many also switch to service industry, but due to lack of education, they end up taking low-end job and are at risk when the tourism industry is not going well. Migrant Workers Lucrative opportunity attract migrant workers from other parts of Indonesia to work in the service industry, competing with the villagers. Migrant workers are often preferred by many businesses, as they do not have the same cultural obligation of practicing Bali-Hinduism. City Dwellers These are the long-term migrant dwellers during the Nation building era, from 1945 to present. They have become the â€œurbanâ€? locals, and work in various sectors in Denpasar, the only city in Bali, away from direct contact with the tourists but indirectly supporting the tourism industry.
Bps.go.id - Badan Pusat Statistik (Indonesian Statistics Bureau). 2017. http://www.bps. go.id. Pariwisata, Dinas. 2017. Statistics - Dinas Pariwisata, www. disparda.baliprov.go.id/en/Statistics2
Fig 2.8. Handara Golf & Resort. 31
Law Transformation Land conflict is one of the biggest hindrances to development in Indonesia (conversation with former Minister of Tourism in 2017). This can be understood from transformation of the land ownership system that has evolved throughout four general periods: Colonial Indonesia (17th century – 1945), Independence Period (1945-1965), New Order Era (1965-1998), and Decentralization (1998-present). Though the law evolved, the area of interest discussed in this paper is governed by the Basic Agrarian Law and Adat Law. This section excludes the Forest Law, which is more relevant for study of the outer islands. The process of land dispossession in Indonesia has largely been through manipulation of the law, so the law changes depending on the political and economic agenda of the country. In Bali, land classification can be divided into Private, State-Owned, and Communal (Adat Land). Private land may be agricultural or urban land. The state typically owns the coasts and public administration buildings. Communal (Adat Land) is only practiced in some villages. Dual Land Tenure System (1870-1960) During the colonial period, the Dutch employed a dual system of land, where non-Indonesians could register and obtain title for lands, and Indonesians own land governed by adat, or customary law. Non-Indonesians could rent adat land by making a contract with the village head. Eventually, however, the Dutch acquired most of what was interpreted as ‘wasteland’ (Countrystudies.us). Basic Agrarian Law (1960-present) Following independence, under the founding President Sukarno, Basic Agrarian Law was enacted. This was a land titling project, which until the present day has not finished. During this time, land was redistributed to the farmers and sharecroppers under the concept of “one farmer, one land” (Löffler 6). Adat / Customary Law (Traditional-Present) Adat Law persists today in many of the outer islands of Indonesia but also in Bali. It governs the rural clans and tribes, and protects land, water, inheritance rights, as well as community and marriage laws (Löffler 6).
Mechanism of Dispossession Process during Centralization and Decentralization The process of land dispossession throughout history has involved a combination of two or more of the actors described in previous section. The players involved increased over time, especially during the period of Decentralization, post 1998. Since 32
Frederick, William H, and Robert L Worden. 1993. Land Use and Ownership. Indonesia: A Country Study, Library of Congress, countrystudies.us/Indonesia/. Löffler, U. 1996. Land Tenure Developments in Indonesia. GTZ, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit.
330 usd/sqm Amed
220 usd/sqm 220 usd/sqm
Negara main road
295 usd/sqm Negara beach front
1,840 usd/sqm Tanah Lot beach Front
1,470 usd/sqm Tanah Lot
from 2008 to 2015, land in this area increased 10x
2,950 usd/sqm Teuku Umar usd/sqm
2,200 usd/sqm Sanur beachfront, tourism
2,200 usd/sqm Sanur main road Renon main
1,100 usd/sqm Renon residential
883 usd/sqm Pandawa
Fig 2.9. Baliâ€™s approximate land value, January 2018
the largest change of agricultural land in Bali that is still relevant today happened during and after the New Order Era, I will compare and contrast the mechanism of land conversion that has been used between these two times. New Order Era During this time, development permits were only issued by the central government. Once this permit is issued, the individual or corporation can negotiate with farmers to sell their land, usually at less than the market price. It was also common for government to expropriate land by force by deploying military personals. Large-scale land expropriation can be understood from regional economic development model. In 1987, deregulation of the banking system created an investment boom unprecedented in Indonesia’s history. A tenfold increase in foreign and domestic investment in major projects took place between 1987 and 1988 (Warren 2). A common rationalization of these land appropriation was the instrument of Nationalism. However, many of these projects ended up being private resort area, which created conflict between farmers and government, as they felt cheated. This will be explained in the Bali Nirwana Resort (BNR) case study. Decentralization The mechanism of agricultural land dispossession from the period of decentralization until today can be explained as ‘enclosure from below’ (Fargetun 118), where displacement process is no longer by large-scale corporation but by indirect force into entering the market economy network: “…enclosure from below can be seen as one way of entering capitalist relations, but not as a free choice or as a lower-class agency selling land to ‘live it up’. Rather, it is an effect of the way that the market imposes itself on land and labor (Hall 2012) and of the repression of alternative forms of production. Emergent capitalist relations thus also open up a new space for the enclosure of commons ‘from below’ that have a self-dispossession aspect, allowing for a particular way in which the Balinese can take part in the new economy” (Fagertun 118). This process is aided by officers in the district government, who by expanding the market relations into its district can get revenue, thus political power, often at the expense of the local farmers. This condition is typical of what has happened in the tourism district in South Bali. In Badung District, land taxation has 34
Fagertun, Anette. 2017. Waves of Dispossession: The Conversion of Land and Labor in Bali’s Recent History. Social Analysis, vol. 61, no. 3, Sept. 2017, pp. 108-125. EBSCOhost, doi:10.3167/sa.2017.610307. Warren, C. 1998. (Asian Research Centre, Murdoch University, Perth (Australia)). Tanah Lot: the cultural and environmental politics of resort development in Bali. AGRIS: International Information System for the Agricultural Science and Technology, Routledge, agris.fao.org/ agrissearch/search.do?request_locale=es&recordID=GB1999008925.
Fig 2.10. Implication of development.
inflated to the market value set by the interest of international real estate. In 2007, 80% of the Local District Income (Pendapatan Asli Daerah) came from the tourism industry, specifically the taxation on Hotel and Restaurant (Wardana 108). Due to the focus of economic growth within a certain office period (5-10 years), decentralization of power has not helped protect the land ownership and livelihood of local farmers. Instead, it has helped with the creation of new class based on market economy.
Effects: Job insecurity and resource competition Job Insecurity. Through the Nation building period, the process in agricultural land has shifted from collective control of land towards individual, private control. Warren, quoting Harvey, describes this as Accumulation by Dispossession, “which results in decreasing labor absorption of unskilled workers and a move from labor scarcity to labor surplus” and has led to “an acute new awareness of the insecurity of employment” (Warren 119). The competition within the farmers community and with the migrant workers for wage labor, as well as the pressure of gaining financial profit from selling their land, have changed the meaning of land and labor for the locals, where they now have to participate in the market economy for sustenance. Resource Competition. This is an invisible form of dispossession. Tourism is a water-intensive industry, as can be gauged not just from the density of tourists per area, but also the use of water for golf courses and swimming pools. To understand the use of water for tourism purpose, a hotel room in Bali averages 3,000 liters of water daily, 1 average Balinese need 200 liters of water daily, whereas a golf course demands 3,000,000 liters of water daily. It is reported than out of around 400 rivers in Bali, 260 has run dry. Sixty-five percent of water in Tabanan District has been diverted to the tourism industry (Klein-Aarts 21). Other than this, under-managed water sewage in the tourism sector pollute water for crop irrigation. Farmers and residents are losing this battle for water against more powerful tourism stakeholders, including the government, as will be discussed in the second and third case studies.
Case Studies The case studies are located in fertile rice producing lands in Tabanan and Gianyar districts. Tabanan is known to be the “rice storehouse” (lumbung beras) of Bali because of its vast paddy fields which produces 27.44% of rice in Bali (bps.go.id)
Bps.go.id - Badan Pusat Statistik (Indonesian Statistics Bureau). 2017. http:// www.bps.go.id. Klein-Aarts, Lonneke. 2013. The role of the hospitality industry in balanced use of natural resources on Bali, Research in Hospitality Management, 2:1-2, 21-23, DOI:10.1080/22243534.201 3.11828286 Wardana, Agung. 2015. Debating Spatial Governance in the Pluralistic Institutional and Legal Setting of Bali, The Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology, 16:2, 106122, DOI:10.1080/14442213 .2014.997276 Warren, C. 1998. (Asian Research Centre, Murdoch University, Perth (Australia)). Tanah Lot: the cultural andenvironmental politics of resort development in Bali. AGRIS: International Information System for the Agricultural Science and Technology, Routledge, agris.fao.org/ agrissearch/search.do?request_locale=es&recordID=GB1999008925.
Fig 2.11. Case studies locations.
Case Study No. 1: Bali Nirwana Resort Bali Nirwana Resort (BNR), a project developed under the New Order Era, shows land expropriation by force, involving elite Jakarta conglomerate, Bakrie Group, and the central government. The resort was closed in February 2017 to be redeveloped into Trump Hotel & Tower, involving expansion to its surrounding areas. The management laid off hundreds of current employees this year (Tribunnews.com). As for the land acquisition for expansion, whereas during the New Order Era the farmers were forced to sell their land, the Trump Tower case shows how the farmers are now well informed negotiators of the market value. In both times, some farmers refuse to sell the land for cultural reasons. Bali Nirwana Resort development in 1991 undertook 120 hectares of rice fields facing Tanah Lot, an ancient temple that is of high importance to the Hindu Balinese. These agricultural lands were converted into luxury resort with 401-room Meridien hotel, 450 villas, some of which has private pools, and 18-hole international golf course, among other facilities. Two thirds of the expropriated rice fields were converted into golf course (Warren 8). During the height of the New Order Era in the 1990s, land expropriation by military force was rarely visible in the news due to the State control of the media. Furthermore, in Bali itself, the mass killings of people who were accused of supporting the Indonesian Communist Party in 1965, instilled memory of consequences of speaking against the government. In 1991, The Indonesian Investment Coordination Board (BKPM), representing the Central Government, issued license for the resort development. By 1993, the development had already started before the building permit was issued, environmental assessment impact was finished, and landholders agreed to sell the land (Warren 8). A news article published earlier in 2017 covered an interview of one of the farmers who initially refused to sell his land in 1991. He saw his former villagers one by one giving in to the pressure of the military. Eventually, his access to water was cut off and he was not able to cultivate land, forcing him to give up his land (Abc.net.au). After the projectâ€™s formal approval in 1994, a shrine promised to be protected by the developers was demolished. This spurred a series of protests, which culminated in 96 landholders writing a petition to the central government, saying that they had been deceived to sell the land, as they were not informed that it was for a private development and not government project. 38
Hotel Pan Pacific Resmi Tutup, Pesangon Karyawan Sekira 800 Orang Sudah Dibayar. Tribun Bali, Bali.tribunnews.com/2017/08/02/ hotel-pan-pacific-resmi-tutup-pesangon-karyawan-sekira-800-orang-sudah-dibayar?page=all.Subak Indonesia correspondent Adam Harvey in Bali. Bali locals refusing to sell land for Trump estate. ABC News, 11Mar. 2017, www.abc.net. au/news/2017-03-12/bali-locals-refusing-to-sell-land-fortrump-estate/8323266. Warren, C. 1998. (Asian Research Centre, Murdoch University, Perth (Australia)). Tanah Lot: the cultural and environmental politics of resort development in Bali. AGRIS: International Information System for the Agricultural Science and Technology, Routledge, agris.fao.org/ agrissearch/search.do?request_locale=es&recordID=GB1999008925.
Order Era the farmers were forced to sell their land, the Trump Tower case show
rs are now well informed negotiators of the market value. In both times, some f
sell the land for cultural reasons.
2.12. Bali Nirwana Resort. Image 4.FigBali Nirwana Resort.
ali Nirwana Resort development in 1991 undertook 120 hectares of rice fields
t, an ancient temple that is of high importance to the Hindu Balinese. These agric 39
They demanded a cancellation of the project, as they wanted to be responsible to their ancestors (Warren 9). The resort project proceeded anyway. In 2013, the resort was acquired by MNC Land, one of the largest developers in Indonesia. The CEO, Harry Tanoesoedibjo, is the former president son’s old acquaintance from the New Order Era. In 2015, Trump Hotels signed agreement to become the property management for the hotel. The Vice President of MNC Land, Budi Rustanto, explained that the company plans to expand the resort to 140 hectares (Bloomberg.com). Resistance from surrounding residents reflects a different value today. Through interviews, residents said that they refuse to sell their land because the prices offered by MNC was too low. The villagers want $50,000 per 100 square meters, and was only offered roughly one fifth of their expectation (Abc.net.au). Others refuse to sell at all, having understood the security in owning lands, “It’s the way of rich people to do whatever they want and to offer money to smooth the way for themselves. I plan to buy more land to give to my children instead of selling. Money you can make again, but land is finite, let alone fertile land” (Bloomberg.com). The case shows an evolution of land value in villagers’ perspective. Having understood the history of the land acquisition, they have become active participants in the market economy. This also shows a case of accumulation by dispossession and the job insecurity Fargetun mentioned, as the closing of Bali Nirwana Resort involved the layoff of 800 employees, 600 of which came from the village in which the resort sits, Beraban village, Kediri Regency (Tribunnews.com). Case Study No. 2: Subak Yeh Ho Rapid development of tourism industry in Tabanan has created water conflict among farmers, tourism industry, and the government. The rice fields of Bali are traditionally managed through the system of Subak, which has roots in the ancient Hindu Bali Kingdoms and were developed since pre-colonial era in Bali. Subak is a highly organized and efficient way for water management. Since the economic backbone of the region is the rice fields, which depend heavily on water, Subak also reflects the social, cultural, and economical resilience of the community. The conflict took place in areas within Yeh Ho water basin in Tabanan. During the New Order Era, in early 1990s, the government through PDAM (the State’s Regional Clean Water Company), rerouted over 65 percent of upstream Gembrong spring 40
Company Overview of PT Bali Nirwana Resort. Bloomberg.com, Bloomberg, www. bloomberg.com/research/ stocks/private/snapshot. asp?privcapid=35961614. Hotel Pan Pacific Resmi Tutup, Pesangon Karyawan Sekira 800 Orang Sudah Dibayar. Tribun Bali, Bali.tribunnews.com/2017/08/02/ hotel-pan-pacific-resmi-tutup-pesangon-karyawan-sekira-800-orang-sudah-dibayar?page=all.Subak Warren, C. 1998. (Asian Research Centre, Murdoch University, Perth (Australia)). Tanah Lot: the cultural and environmental politics of resort development in Bali. AGRIS: International Information System for the Agricultural Science and Technology, Routledge, agris.fao.org/ agrissearch/search.do?request_locale=es&recordID=GB1999008925.
The conflict took place in areas within Yeh Ho water basin in Tabanan. During the New
Order Era, in early 1990s, the government through PDAM (the Stateâ€™s Regional Clean Water
Company), rerouted over 65 percent of upstream Gembrong spring water for tourism development
Image 5. Yeh Ho Basin, Tabanan. Fig 2.13. Yeh Ho Basin, Tabanan.
in Badung, South Tabanan, and Denpasar, areas southeast of the site. Other springs that initially 41
fed Yeh Ho were also rerouted for commercial purposes. The process did not consult the local
water for tourism development in Badung, South Tabanan, and Denpasar, areas southeast of the site. Other springs that initially fed Yeh Ho were also rerouted for commercial purposes. The process did not consult the local community, and farmers in downstream areas suddenly found insufficient water for irrigation. Consequently, the farmers had to change their crop cycles, which overall decreased their yield, especially during dry season. The farmers turned to a system â€œnyorogâ€?, or borrowing water from other areas, but this created conflicts among the farmers, as the dry season meant limited water supply for the overall region (Tarigan et al. 99). In a continuous effort to promote mass tourism and to attract further investment in Tabanan after the fall of the New Order, the government enacted UU No. 7 2004. This policy legalized tourism industry to use water resources from the area, proliferating conflicts between government and the farmers (Tarigan et al. 99). In 2006, to alleviate the water deficit, the government built a dam in the middle portion of Yeh Ho basin. However, this water is still shared with PDAM, and in practice, this only served a small portion of the whole catchment. During the drought season, rice fields in downstream areas are entirely non-productive. In contrast, PDAM has a steady supply of water all year (Tarigan et al. 102). Case Study No. 3: Water Pollution in Ubud In Ubud, farmers are slowly dispossessed of their land through water pollution. In 2011, farmers in Ubud started to see visible trash in their rice fields, that they claimed came from rapid urbanization in the area in the form of tourism industry and private villas. One of the farmers interviewed said that he is planning to lease or sell his rice field, as the pollution has resulted in decreased yield (Trisnawati 6). Due to the spectacular view of Ayung River, a major river that runs through Ubud, development of tourism industry proliferated along the riverside. Rice farmers from downstream Subak witnessed hotels, restaurants, and rafting shop throw trash and wastewater directly to the river, polluting spring water that is not only deemed sacred to the Hindu Bali community, but also is used for their rice fields irrigation (Trisnawati 7). Many farmers, due to these water conflicts, have turned to sell their farmland due to decline in production. Furthermore, inflated taxation on land caused by the development boom leave many farmers with little choice. This is a legalization of slow 42
Tarigan, et al. 2014. Conflicts of Water Resources and Marginalization Subak: Case Studies in Tabanan Bali, International Journal of Research in Social Sciences, 4:4, 96-106. Trisnawati, Hikmah. 2012. Dampak Perkembangan Infrastruktur Pariwisata Terhadap Konflik Air di Kabupaten Badung dan Tabanan (Effect of the Development of Tourism towards Water Conflicts in Badung and Tabanan Districts). Jurnal Ilmiah Pariwisata (Tourism Scientific Journal), [S.l.], nov. 2012. ISSN 1858-070x.
Diana Ang, SES 5364
Final Paper, December 15, 2017
Subak witnessed hotels, restaurants, and rafting shop throw trash and wastewater directly to the river, polluting spring water that is not only deemed sacred to the Hindu Bali community, but also is used for their rice fields irrigation (Trisnawati 7).
Fig 2.14. Ayung River among Subak irrigated rice fields.
Image 6. Ayung River among Subak irrigated rice fields. Many farmers, due to these water conflicts, have turned to sell their farmland due to decline in production. Furthermore, inflated taxation on land caused by the development boom leave many farmers with little choice (Kompas.com). This is a legalization of slow dispossession. Slow death 43
of subak system reflects the current incompatibility of market economy with agrarian life. Water in the agrarian life of Bali is a shared resource and a culturally managed institution that sustains
dispossession. Slow death of subak system reflects the current incompatibility of market economy with agrarian life. Water in the agrarian life of Bali is a shared resource and a culturally managed institution that sustains livelihood. However, as development density increase, water becomes a commodity, formalized through policies.
Current Policy In the general discourse of Indonesian agrarian reform, it has been said that land titling is one of the most important aspects to protect villagers. However, as can be seen in the case of Bali, the dispossession has taken place with or without land titling. The more powerful advocates for the protection of the agrarian life in Bali are international organizations, which has taken up projects of strengthening the subak community as a political unit. Historically, villagers have been subject to control due to their lack of political power. The recently ratified Village Law in 2014 (UUD Desa) may be an interesting law to follow closely. This law gives villages, instead of districts, direct autonomy to manage their development. Capital injection of approximately 100,000 USD is given to each village, with a system of checks and balances between the central and village government (dpr.go.id). Priorities are given for Land Titling, development of Village Owned Enterprises, as well as partnership schemes with private companies. Only in its third year of execution, the implication of this law are not yet visible, but it is perhaps not difficult to imagine the many ways of village officials to go around the rules for personal gain instead of true local development. One wonders about the effectiveness of this law in already highly organized villages like Bali. It seems that protection for villagers cannot just be in the form of formalizing political entity and ownership. What is needed may be a protection and acknowledgment of their economical means and the resources needed for their means. To be fair, many villagers have reaped the benefits of growth in economy, and many would be more than willing to participate in the market economy themselves. However, the discrepancy of economic gain between subsistence and real estate has created a situation that is seen as an inevitable consequence of modernization, and in Bali, modernization may as well mean integration, or even reliance, on the tourism industry. The latest effort to protect villagers in Bali has been through eco-tourism and village homestays displaying the terraced rice fields as well as handcrafted products. This is an effort to protect farmers by diversifying their economic means without dis44
Dpr.go.id - Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia). http:// www.dpr.go.id
possessing them from their land. Although this works in some villages in Bali, it is definitely not a one-solutionâ€“fit-all scenario, as not all agricultural fields have this inherent aesthetic qualities sought by tourists. Are there ways that do no rely on tourism economy to address, slow down, and perhaps even stop the slow dispossession through discrepancy between agrarian and market economy? At the rate of urbanization and increased tourism in Bali, this has become an urgent issue.
Fig 2.15. Village scale agency 45
Methodology Perimeter & Cross Section To understand the relationship between urban elements and geographical specificity - while not yet having a site - the most logical way was to explore the entirety of the island via its transverse (north-south) and longitude (east-west) within roughly two weeks. Interviews, photographs, and visual diary were actively kept to stay out of the preconceived understanding of Bali drawn in tourist maps. A research guideline was kept as the focus of the interviews and observations. Baliâ€™s Cross Section Monday, January 8 Drive from Denpasar to Rumah Intaran, Bengkala Village via the main road Tuesday, January 9 Visit to Anyar Market, Singaraja; Fruit gardens and rice fields of Buleleng Wednesday, January 10 Visit to North Bali Villages: Tamblang, Bontihing, Pakisan, Bebetin, Sawan, Jagaraga; Conversation with Guru Kane; Conversation with driver and his family; Conversation with gongmaker; Visit to Banyuasri Market, Singaraja Thursday, January 11 Visit to Tamblang Village Market; Drive from Rumah Intaran to Munduk via Kayu Putih Village; Stopped at Clove Trader; Stopped at Kubu Kopi; Arrived at Munduk Village (Don Biyu); Conversation with Putu Ardana, Adat Village Head of Munduk Friday, January 12 Conversation with Nyoman Bagiarta, owner of Puri Lumbung; Conversation with Komang Armada, highlands farmer; Visit to the plantations of North Bali; Conversation with Putu Ardana
Saturday, January 13 Drive from North to South Bali via Danau Tamblingan and Beratan; Pura Ulun Danu; Sangeh Monkey Forest; Back to Denpasar Sunday, January 14 Conversation with Popo Danes Monday, January 15 Visit to PU Library Tuesday, January 16, 2018 Visit to Sekar Bumi Farm
Baliâ€™s Perimeter Wednesday, January 24 Karta Gosa; Kusamba Pasar Ikan Tenganan; Taman Ujung Tirta Gangga; Tulamben; End in Amed Thursday, January 25 From Amed to Lovina, then to Pemuteran; Conversation with shrimp business owner; Conversation with Stone Carver; A pass through volcanic route; Buddhist Temple; Banjar hot springs; Pemuteran; Conversation with Hotel staff Friday, January 26 Drive to Gilimanuk; Taman Nasional Bali Barat; Gereja Bali; Bendungan Palesari (Gerokgak); Pantai Soka; From Gilimanuk to Negara; Back to Denpasar
Fig 3.1 Fieldwork map. 49
Visual Diary While the research itself focused on spatial planning and policy, a visual diary was kept to record sensual impressions. After all, the urban and rural issues in Bali are not only a mathematical problem, but a poetic one. Patterns Driving downhill to the one and only city in Bali, Denpasar, one can see the transition of desires of city and village. The modern convenience of industrial products in the villages, and the fresh air in the city through the multitude of plant nurseries. Paths Left: The tourist and farmerâ€™s gazes meet at the paved road at the highlands of Buleleng covered in cloves plantations. Right: Diversity of productive plants for consumption or building structures, such as bamboo, chocolate, coconuts, tomatoes, herbs, bananas, et cetera. Economies The economies of North Bali, clockwise from top left: fruit gardens, rice fields, cloves, and home industries (shown is the making of traditional instruments, gong).
Fig 3.2. Patterns. 50
Fig 3.3. Paths.
Fig 3.4. Economies. 51
Interviews Having a theoretical framework and data gathered, I wanted to understand the role of residents of rural areas from personal stories. As I traveled across the island, I interviewed people from diverse age groups and professions, resulting in over forty pages of transcribed document, summarized in eight key takeaways, a starting point for the design proposal. The most important output of these interviews is the understanding of circular migration, and the nonexistent of dualism of rural - urban in Bali. “In Bali, it is surrounded by ocean. If there is no big or branded hotel, the area will not grow economically.” - Enny Harini, LJ Hooker “I sold my land, now I have to work on other people’s land. I needed the money back then. Anyway, I regret it, but I needed the money. Now I work a few hours in the field, and work in the parking lot in the city in the afternoon. My daughters are all already in university. That is a big accomplishment.” - Guruh Kane “There a lot of green movements in America, but after they lost so much. I have an American client here. They moved to Bali permanently because it is so difficult to find healthy food in the US. ” - Gede Kresna “Well, here the younger people also have a lot of ego. they do not want to work in the fields. Farmers get kind of frustrated, there used to be a lot of rice around here, but rice maintenance is quite demanding. They become lazy, so they converted a lot of rice fields to cloves plantation. Cloves do not need a lot of workers. You just plant it once, then the rest is fertilizing it, etc. In the rice fields, you need to use a lot of physical power.”- Ngurah Armada “We invite every investor with so many agendas, as if the island has no agenda. The island of Bali is not big, we can design the whole masterplan! The best visionary masterplan is to do it based on the capability of the Balinese and carrying capacity of the island.”- Popo Danes “I agree with development as long as it is not excessive. If we stick to our core values then it will be ok. Here, we very much believe in spiritual values. A lot of them are based on environmental consciousness. For example, the simplest one is tourism. Tourism, if not done consciously, can become the main purpose for the people of Bali. This is very dangerous, because the core values can disappear. For example, agrarian culture and tourism culture are contradicting. Tourism is a service industry, agriculture is a king’s mentality. The boss is the field. If they are lazy, the field gets angry by not giving good yield, vice versa. They do not get scolded verbally. Agriculture is slow. You have to wait three months to harvest. If this is not understood, the culture can clash, because tourism is an instant culture. I tell my people here that we are still farmers at heart. If you do farming well, and added with good management, then tourism happens. Tourism is an effect, not a purpose.” - Putu Ardana “For me, a promising future of my village is when the working youth can find jobs here they find worthy and meaningful. I plan to make a school that teaches the young how to make Gamelan. We can then promote our products online.” - Ngurah Sedanta 52
Fig 3.5. Interview subjects. 53
“What I don’t like today, government says now we all do organic farming. But the concept is wrong. They distribute organic fertilizer (and subsidize it), but these fertilizer are made by industries. So there is no advantage for farmers. These industries get the profit. I suppose the soil gets better. But a truly good concept would make organic as a culture, not merely use organic fertilizer. It means we do not have to depend on anyone, that we can just make it ourselves.” - Putu Ardana “Farming is not enough for sending kids to school. Only for eating. Because rice price is controlled by the government, it is 2,000 rupiah. We need 3.5-4 million rupiah for maintenance (land management, seeding, and harvest etc. for 3 months, including taxes. Tax is 420,000 rupiah per year per hectare). To pay taxes, if we plant bananas, that’s enough to pay taxes, haha. Yield is 12 million rupiah. So net is 8 million rupiah per three months. If rice is sold without government control, like more than 15,000 rupiah, it will be hard for people to eat.” - Cening Jasa “People need quietness. It is provided by wind, forest. There is a lot of energy here. People will feel at peace here, this is what they look for. So for me an interesting place is where the five senses are fulfilled... They kept on saying, tourism has all these negative impacts, but I think the negative aspect is the people.” - Nyoman Bagiarta “I grew up as the son of farmers, so I knew about farming since I was a child. Going to the fields was an everyday activity. However, my dad also cared about education. I went to Singaraja, Jogja, and Denpasar. Then I came back in 1995. I studied Forestry. There was a lot I get from this study. Knowledge of plants and relationship with soil, how to use fertilizer, how to farm. The way I thought changed since I went to university. Before that, my family used chemical fertilizer. After I learned, we changed. It is about process, not speed of result. Farming is about process.” - Komang Armada “This year, it’s really bad. Around here, cloves crop failed. There is too much rain. There is actually a lot of young people who return to the village because the hotel industry in Denpasar is bad.”- Nengah Sumarta “I just buy and sell cloves. I do not farm them. I was a farmer before, flower farmer (Kembang Seribu). Then I trade cloves since 2000.” - Gede Wijaya “Many secluded lands are also owned by Denpasar people.” - Ayu Gayantri Kresna “Denpasar is a village that is forced to become city, the people are not different, except that there are a lot of outsiders. We need these kinds of area.” - Widy “It is better for villagers to understand their history first. Before they know that they need asphalt, etc, they need to know what they have. Their natural resource. And what they do not have. Because it is from these that innovation happens. E.g. if they have money, what to do with it? Villages now do their own supra agenda. If they have water resource, gold mine, etc., they can develop IT, management, etc, to develop this. They need to know who and what they can do, even before they know about the nation, Indonesia.”- Budiman Sudjamiko
Fig 3.6. Seasonal and daily circular migration. 55
Interview Key Takeaways 1. City vs. village, or the intangible wealth While the administration of city and villages by the book are clear1, I wanted to find out how they are defined in the lives of the people who live there, and whether this dichotomy is still relevant or an anachronism. It should be noted that when Balinese people talk about city in relationship to villages, they are not only talking about Denpasar, but also major cities in Indonesia and Asia, with which they trade with or to which their family members travel or migrate for work. Service vs. Food The main role of village is food provider, whereas city is a service provider. The city may be able to produce food using vertical farming, and the villages may have business centers, but for efficiency, the foundational economy of village today still lies in its productive lands dependent on nature, whereas that of city is service that is dependent on technology. Family vs. Foreigners Villages are slow to grow by natural cycle of life and death. The rate of urbanization (movement from village to city) also contributes to the slow growth of villages. Cities are fast growing places with high exchange of people. To govern a city is to manage people who do not know each other, whereas to govern a village is to govern a very large family. Process vs. Instant Stemming from the agricultural economy, life in the village is about living with process through the cycle of nature and gravity. Rice crop is harvested three times a year, cloves once a year, et cetera. The sometimes unforeseeable natural disruptions such as long rain or dry seasons and pests have created a different fundamental understanding of time. Time is process, the currency is patience and acceptance. In the city, stemming from information technology economy, life is about efficiency through technology that defies nature. Technological disruptions are easily fixed through phonecall across the pacific ocean. Life is a race against time, and time is money. Raw vs. Polished People in villages have first-hand experience of working with materials that humans consume or use (in the case of handicrafts). This closeness to means of work creates a long history of craftsmanship. Urban dwellers work in the service industry through computers and other medium, streamlining production, management, or distribution of these resources. 56
1. Villages in Bali emerged out of the collection of people who originated from the geographical area and have slowly grown to become community. Administratively, the villages of Bali were governed by eight ancient kingdoms that roughly emerged into the administrative districts (kabupaten) they are today. Each district was designated a capital city. Denpasar is a special region that is classified as its down district and city (kotamadya). The notion of city emerged during the Dutch Colonial Era, whereby Singaraja in the North was designated as the administrative center of Bali due to its strategic location for sea trade. After the Independence of Indonesia in 1945, the administrative center was moved to Denpasar in the South due to its abundant flat areas compared to the steep topography of the North, in anticipation of urban development.
Fig 3.7. Foreigners enjoy quietness at Banjar hot springs.
Fig 3.8. Kinship in Sekar Bumi village.
Fig 3.9. Sidewalk construction in Munduk village. 57
2. Rethinking the narrative of progress and prosperity The dichotomy of village and city in Indonesia has framed villages as â€˜backwardsâ€™ and needing help. In conversation with Gede Kresna, we discussed about the meaning of progress and prosperity according to the villages, in contrast to the narrative built by urbanists. According to Gede Kresna, humanâ€™s three fundamental needs are food, water, and oxygen. In this sense, the rural life provides greater wealth. Furthermore, people in major cities such as Jakarta or Surabaya may be wealthier in terms of finance, but not culturally or socially. The coming of industrial agriculture to villages in the forms of GMO and chemical fertilizer has increased rice production but not necessarily the prosperity of the farmers, as it established a system of dependency to the market and erased the natural ecosystem found in the rice fields (such as fish, frogs, eel, etc.) In other words, efficiency of production is replacing the natural systems. In this sense, industrialization has not been successful in making progress. Many other industrial products that enter villages have erased what is readily available in villages, such as mass produced building materials, gas, and household needs. The role of the government in this regard has become a mediator to pass industrial products, as their sense of progress is always looking outwards, not inwards. What then, is a wealthy village? What is the end goal of progress? I have gathered from conversations with many people, a wealthy village means, first, the improvement of human resource in terms of knowledge of their own areas before the larger world, a good management of the environment, and no unemployment. A wealthy village is built with the foundation of advanced agriculture. In addition, when it comes to tourism, it should be tourism for village, not village for tourism. According to the 2014 Village Law, a village should be able to create its own businesses, acquire knowledge, have access to technology, be connected to the market and the world. Yet at the same time, what differentiates city and village is the way these modern life aspects are acquired, which is through kinship, a sense of protecting each other, as well care for the environment. 3. Village, a changing place? Two external factors are affecting change in the villages of Indonesia: the digital economy age and the 2014 Village Law. Along 58
with these, a different mindset of the rural youth are changing the identity of villages. The current older generation are primarily farmers, who take pride in their ability to equip their children with education, all the way until the finish university. They often do not demand their children to return to villages, as there are enough people, and sometimes migrant workers, who work in the fields. The most popular major are tourism, IT, and accounting, which usually lead to works in the tourism industry or government administration. The youth are mobile and exist in the spectrum of village and city, working in the city and going back to the villages for cultural processions or seasonal jobs. This is perhaps a picture of the future of villagers. The digital economy makes market accessible in the most remote parts of the world. Many of the younger generation who stay or return to villages are able to open an online marketplace. Farming, with the increasing industrialization of agriculture, do not need to be tended full time. Handicrafts have always been a side project. Ke-rajin-an, from the roots. Farmers work from 4 in the morning to 9 at night, the rest is free time to do activities such as handicrafts. They also work relatively harder in the beginning and end of a crop cycle. The mid cycle is used to produce handicrafts. The creation of jobs (diversification) for the youth is key to deurbanization. The Village Law is a fast moving mechanism to create independent villages. However, the villages are lacking examples or visions of what to build in villages. Villages need money, but what is it for, is a more important problem. When people are not ready to give this answer, what is being built end up being infrastructure, and a built infrastructure, when not accompanied by human resource development, resulted in the dispossession of locals of their own lands. Perhaps there is role for a designer to envision what villages can be like while being aware of the key qualities and roles that villages can retain. 4. The intercropping economy Although founded on agriculture, Baliâ€™s economy heavily depends on tourism. A slow sector that started in the early 1900s, under Republic of Indonesia in 1945, Bali was designated as the number one tourism destination to support the national economy. The airport in South Bali opened in 1975. 59
In 2014, the number of tourists roughly equaled the island’s population. Agriculture in Bali is done with intercropping method (tumpangsari). Intercropping is a cropping practice that involves two or more crops growing in a relatively close distance with the purpose of producing a larger harvest. Agriculture and tourism can ideally be thought of as intercropping. In 2017-2018, activity of Mount Agung volcano significantly slowed down the economy. For the agriculture sector, this meant a sharp decline in demand. Many villagers work in the tourism sector in the south are on monthly contracts, and during the slowdown of economy their contracts are discontinued, hence they return to their villages in the north until they are called again. There, they help their family or relatives in the agricultural fields, market, or shops. Very few people in the South have no access to other means of living other than tourism (although the youth have been less exposed to farming). They are typically migrants from another city or village. It is generally impossible to live 100% from farming due to “the demands of modern life”, which translates to providing education for children until they can finish university. Bali’s tourism is a cultural tourism. The foundation is actually agricultural (offerings, ceremony, social conventions), but development never really adapt these cultural values. For example, the higher the tourism, the more transformation of productive fields are seen. Local Balinese faces the pressure of change. For example, many cultural ceremonies are obligatory for Balinese, but not for migrant workers, creating a higher demand and preference for migrant workers. Many agree that Bali has to sell quality tourism, not mass tourism. That the people of Bali should be able to choose which kinds of tourists they want and not just welcome anyone. Food security has been a long term problem, but conversion of agricultural land still happens. The government substitutes this elsewhere, such as at the Papua Food Estate in East Indonesia. 5. An island operating as a bunch of villages The locals view on Denpasar, the capital city of Bali, is a rather curious one. People still think of it as the most lucrative place to earn money, which differentiates it from the village. However, there is also a commonly accepted view that Denpasar is a “bunch of villages that is forced to become a city” (conversation with Popo Danes). 60
Bali Population Growth (in thousands) 4000
Source: Bali Province Statistics Bureau
Source: World Population Map
Fig 3.10. Bali population growth
Fig 3.11. Tourist vs. Island Population
Fig 3.12. Bali is the largest contributor to tourism sector in Indonesia
According to spatial planners and policy makers, spatial planning policies are difficult to enforce in Bali because of the strong kinship embedded in the people. Political leaders will loosen regulation or make exceptions because they feel obligated to extend this gesture of gratitude to the people who elected them, or whom they know well (for example, since this family elected them, they will allow them to build in the Green Belt). Other conflicts are the frequent closing of roads to allow for ceremonial processions (in close relationship to agricultural cycles) which created traffic jams in the already narrow roads that were not built for densities of a city. The building of new infrastructure such as the Bali Underpass (and the proposed overpass) had gone through major roadblocks due to cultural beliefs (myth) that one should not build under or above. The Underpass project was finally completed, which relieved a major traffic congestion. There is one myth that everyone seems to respect, which is the maximum buildable height of 15m, the height of a coconut tree, which also conveniently aligns with the philosophy of Tri Hita Karana (harmony among people, nature, ad God) and falls under the height of the highest pura, Besakih. This was enforced in 1970s. It is perhaps possible to think of new proposals as the creation of new myths instead of demystifying the deeply embedded beliefs of the people. 6. This land, how much? This was a conversation with Enny Harini,the Principal of LJ Hooker in Kuta. A lot of people like Bali, and want to do investment here. When the preliminary planning for North Bali took place, people quickly wanted to invest. However, the speed can often be inappropriate, following the model in the South. In 1980, Jimbaran was rather dry and undesirable. However, after Udayana University was built there, the area changed, and this is the kind of model people foresee happening in the North. In Bali, if farmers are sufficient, they will not sell, and if they are lacking, they will sell. Farmlands should be protected. Now, the unfairness lies in the high tax of property and low commercial value for agricultural yield.
There are two forms of tourism-driven real estate development: financial product and residential product. Financial products are structures such as condotels and villas. Proportionally, there is more financial product than residential products. Bali does not witness large residential complex developments such as in Jakarta â€“ the housing clusters are between 10 â€“ 50 units. An example of a relatively large development is Harvest Land in Jimbaran. In 2018, rental market grows more than buying market. There are now a lot of instant developers. Financial Products are typically not owned by Balinese â€“ they are mostly owned by Jakarta, Bandung, and Surabaya people. About 50% are owned by Jakarta, the rest split between Bandung and Surabaya. They do not typically live in the property; it is purely for capital gain, which destroys urban development. Balinese people do not usually move very far from where they are from due to cultural reason. The market for cheap housing (row houses) are for immigrant workers. In Bali, it is surrounded by ocean. If there is no big or branded hotel, the area will not grow economically. 7. Entry Points of Urbanization Roads It is said that when there is a road, there is kavlingan, or the division of plots for sale to become anything that ranges from kiosks to a resort. The placement or widening of road should be done with caution to anticipate this. Schools Existing schools in villages lack contextual teaching that let villagers understand their own surroundings. In villages where life relies so much on natural cycle, this should be prioritized. What other ways can education take place in a daily life of a villager? Markets Markets are exchange places. In local markets, one can see variety of local and imported products. Often, large markets are also public transportation terminal.
Real Estate Growth in Bali Growth in property was small, only the extremely rich talked about development. Development was focused on commercial, such as shophouses. There was no large housing developments.
The villa typed just started, in BNR (Bali Nirwana Resort), there was development, but very exclusive. A lot of agricultural fields weren’t developed.
Villas developed, but were exclusive. The real estate price kept increasing but not so significant.
The real estate grew especially in the south. 60% of development growth are here. In 2002, other than the terrorist bombing, SARS contributed to the decline of tourism. At that time the market was very quiet, there was a lot of supply, but not demand.
Bali “grew” and price increased steeply. A lot of newcomers, initially it was temporary for security following the riots, but changes in price started to become visible. This was a logical outcome of supply and demand relationship.
2002 Bali Terrorist Attack, SARS
1998 May Riots Reformation
Fig 3.13. Real estate timeline.
1997 Asia Financial Crisis
At the end of 2012, real estate market started to stagnate, but many did not realize this because in the same year, permit to build condotel was legalized. Subprime Mortgage Crisis in US affected real estate price
In 2000, land in Sunset Road Kuta was 3.5mil/sqm. In 2015, it was 35mil/ sqm. The price grew uncontrollably. Not just in Sunset, but generally in the South
In a 600 sqm land, one could build 50 hotel rooms. This created problem, and the regulation was changed to minimum lot size of 5000 sqm to build hotel.
Mount Agung volcanic activity delayed, not stopped, the market.
2016 Mount Agung Volcanic Activity
2013 Toll Road Completed, Miss World, APEC
2008 USA Subprime Mortgage Crisis
Extreme Growth (1000%)
4. The Narrative of Productive Landscapes in Bali
Rice Fields Horticulture Dry Crops Built Areas 68
Fig 4.1. Productive lands of Bali 69
Site The site is in North Bali, in Banjar Subdistrict with close proximity to the old capital city. High traffic flows from cargo and ferry port in the West and airport and town in the South. The Site also represents diversity of topographies, productive lands, and agricultural economies found throughout Bali with elevation ranges from sea level to +1200 m.
Fig 4.2. Site location.
Fig 4.3. The productive landscape of Banjar subdistrict in North Bali.
Protected forest Horticulture (cloves, citrus & other fruits, coffee) Rice fields Dry crops Residential 71
Politics of Agriculture Rice. Rice cultivation in Bali has begun since the early centuries. Subak is a sophisticated ancient irrigation system that still governs the irrigation management for all productive fields today. Rice used to be harvested once a year according to the Balinese calendar, before industrialization of agriculture, which ensured three crop cycles a year through intensification, the use of GMO, and pesticides, resulting in loss of biodiversity. Recent developments in the south have competed for water resources, threatening not only the sustainability of the rice production but also the social networks that govern this system. Rice is a staple food in Indonesia, and the price is controlled and kept low by the central government as well as third-party mediators (tengkulak). Among the laborious and low-profit crops, farmers are increasingly less inclined to plant rice â€“ resulting in 1,000 hectares loss of rice fields per year given to real estate development. Coffee. Commercial crops were brought by the Dutch in the early 1800s, one of the most prominent is coffee. Coffee plantations were historically owned by Dutch Estates and later transferred to Indonesian State Owned Companies, however in Bali it is typically privately owned by local farmers. Cloves. In the 1980s, increased price of cloves to be used for tobacco industry created high value of cloves. Along with the failure of coffee in lower highlands, many farmers converted their rice fields and coffee plantations into cloves and orange groves. Monoculture farming, as well as cloves fruits which are poisonous for birds, have resulted in biodiversity loss. Oranges groves are dangerous for the soil, as their trees do not hold the soil, resulting in land erosion. Horticulture. Durian, mangosteen, bananas, mangoes, grapes, among others, are shipped to the demands of tourism in the south and to major markets both domestically and internationally. Lack of access to markets often result in decaying oversupply of fruits left in the gardens. In the recent years, popularity of cloves as cash crops is changing the landscape in some areas into an increasingly homogeneous landscape. Whether intentional or not, some villages are preserving the fruit gardens economy through rituals. â€œNgaturan Buahâ€? is a celebration of durian harvest in Sidatapa Village that is said to have originated in the 700s.
Fig 4.4. Harvest cycle of main crops in North Bali. 72
Fig 4.5. Political history of North Baliâ€™s productive landscape.
Fig 4.6. Species and elevation. 73
Networks Villages operate on networks beyond administrative boundaries. Subak is a highly efficient ancient water irrigation cooperatives structure that is still being used until today.
Fig 4.7. Villages in Banjar subdistrict 74
Subak Irrigation System at Regional Level
TEMUKUS VILLAGE BOUNDARY
Fig 4.8. Subak organization
1. Bingin Banjah 2. Temukus 3. Pagayaman 4.Babakan Tampek
Fig 4.9. Rivers in Banjar subdistrict 75
The Ritual Path Balinese celebrates many rituals that relates to the mountain and sea. The four villages in the hilltop are known as â€œthe guardians of the forest.â€? The forest controls the water that flows to irrigate the lands below. Every two years for four months, residents in the four villages gather to sanctify the water through a series of ceremonies, culminating in a walk to the sea, and back up again, with over one thousand participants. During this time, villages along the path will participate.
Fig 4.10. The ritual path. 76
Fig 4.11. Ritual procession.
Fig 4.12. End of ritual procession at Bali Sea.
The Ritual Path
Fig 4.13. Ritual procession. 78
5. The Slow Zone
Framework Development from government has focused on infrastructure, which increased general income of the districts, but has perpetuated a relationship where locals lose control over their land and economy. We should be able to think of ways to turn the relationship between internal and external players into a symbiotic one, reflecting their interdependence. How can we design new types of urban spaces where capital bridges instead of separates people? For this, we need to see that the progress seemingly embedded in the dualism used to describe Bali do not exist. Rural to Urban, Traditional to Modern, Agriculture to Service Industry, Authentic to Artificial. All coexist in different intensities and spectrum, as described by Terry McGee as Desakota. The Slow Zone is a place that exercises the desire of slowness, not in opposition to progress, but as recognition of its value to the quality of life and path to a prosperous future defined beyond financial gains.
Fig 5.1. Turning relationship between internal and external forces to reflect their interdependence. 82
Fig 5.2. Slow zone principles.
Fig 5.3. Slow zone vision and strategy 83
Catalyst The project takes the ritual path as catalyst for development. Its vision is to bring back, and when possible, increase biological and cultural diversity through local control of economy, relying on shared resources, shared spaces, and local materials. The thesis demonstrates three models of development for three sites along the slow zone, in the lowlands, midlands, and highlands As a policy to develop tourism sites on productive landscapes, organic farming and polycropping have to be practiced. Though earning less from organic farming compared to industrial approaches, the hospitality development becomes the codependent source of economy. The practice of polycropping could reduce the debit of water use in the overall region, helping in overall economic sustainability.
Fig 5.4. Ritual path as catalyst. 84
In the absence of large corporations, villagers partner with each other and limited outside stakeholders to build capacity of local human resources to get maximum economic advantage in the long run. This takes place in the aggregation of home economics such as homestays and other shared resources. Through time, human resource development will result in further diversification of economy, such as food technology
processing â€“ small-scale food processing industries, et cetera. Polycroping safeguards the diversity of produce offered during ritual celebrations, imparting knowledge to the younger generation locals as well as tourists, and maintaining a degree of authenticity of offerings.
Fig 5.5. Project locations along the ritual path. 85
6. The Lowlands: Mixed-Use Development
Rice fields Residential
Fig 6.1. Site 1 89
The Lowlands: Village Mixed-Use Development The areas with the most rapid conversion of rice fields is closest to the main roads. There is a saying, whenever a road is built, â€œKavlinganâ€? or land parceling, happens. The water cooperatives (Subak) is among the most sophisticated method of organizing rice fields in ancient Bali that is still carried until today. The organization is a politically and culturally powerful entities, which gives permission and fines/dues for conversion of land use in villages. Building in conversion and development rules on top of fines can be a step further in control over local economy and land.
Fig 6.2. Subak water cooperatives affecting the site. 90
Fig 6.3. Land parceling pattern.
Fig 6.4. Site context. 91
The pooling of land ownership acknowledges that no one farmer is as strong as outside capital, and that shared financial resources and management is not only one way to retain local control but also play on the strength of villages as being formed by strong sense of community. At the same time, developing larger quantity of land instead of individual parcels give more room to control environmental, social, and cultural impacts. Village Mixed-Use Development proposes a co-op model where commercial development such as housing and businesses can take place while still retaining agricultural aspects, balancing two economies and ensuring profitability for the villagers. Agricultural fields are best left operating undisturbed due to potential for pollution and shared nutrients in continuous soil. The zoning proposes the preservation of maximum agricultural fields utilizing existing roads, with maximum built up zone of 30%, the proportion that balances commercial and agricultural development. The streets are zoned into normal, slow, and slowest. Different frontages give way to unique and flexible codes of development, for example, commercial facing, cultural facing, and agricultural facing streets. The slow zone also penetrates the household scale by requiring percentage of greeneries to not only be green but also functions as home gardens. Within this mixed use zone many local economies thrive, slow restaurant, slow gardening, et cetera.
Fig 6.5. Existing.
Fig 6.6. Incorporation of polyculture farming as component of mixed-use program. 93
Traditional Balinese housing is based on a courtyard typology. Within the traditional courtyard there are a number of orienting principals commonly used for locating different functions. The location of different programs is largely based on the orientation of the nearest holy landscape object, usually a mountain.
In the design of this resort we are exploring new potentials for the courtyard typology within Indonesia in both plan and section.
Zoning based on Cosmology Ord I II I II III IV V VI VII VIII IX X XI XII
Angkul-angkul / Gate Aling-aling / Low wall Paon/ Bale Delod / Kitchen Jineng/ Lumbung / Granary Bale Gede / Working space Bale Dangin/Sakenam / Religious ceremony Bale Dauh / Living quarters, guests are received here Bale Daja/ Bale Meten / Builidng for familyâ€™s elder Merajan /Sanggah / Family/house temple, for ancestor Natah Paon Natah Bale / Domestic symbol of microcosm Natah Sanggah
Nista An area for dirty aspect (mythical & r Madya In between area, used for daily activ the family, and temporary could be u religious ritual Utama Sacred area for religious ritual
Fig 6.7. Typical Balinese housing compound TYPICAL BALINESE HOUSE LAYOUT
Nista - Madya - Utama
Communal Open Space/Yard
Open/ empty space between buildings an that have spiritual, social and practical me ings.
I. Candi Bentar II. Angkul-angkul (Gate) III. Aling-aling (Low wall) IV. Natah Paon V. Bale Gede (Working space) VI. Yard (Gardening) VII. Open space VIII. Padmasana
TYPICAL BALINESE HOUSE SECTION
KATAOMA Schematic Design Report
Fig 6.8. Courtyard principle as center of microcosm. 94
I. Natah Paon Permanent for activies that have dirty asp II. Natah Bale Temporal, it could use for religious ritual a pansion from Natah Sanggah. Main funct family activities III. Natah Sanggah Temporal, but strictly only for religous act
Retain Courtyard as microcosm Home gardens Homestays and home industries Minimum fence height
Fig 6.9. Program variety is reflected in the design of the housing compounds. 95
Fig 6.10. Place development along existing roads / hard edges
Fig 6.11. Commercial development
Fig 6.12. Street speeds and identities
Fig 6.13. Street frontages based on existing context
Fig 6.14. Commercial street.
Fig 6.15. Cultural street.
Fig 6.16. Agricultural street.
7. The Midlands: Intervillage Center and Transportation Hub
Rice fields Residential
Fig 7.1. Site 2 107
The Midlands: Ancient Bali Intervillage Center & Transport Network The five Ancient Bali Villages is known for their traditional way of life relying on natural resources, as reflected in the abundance of home industries, cultural practices, and the use of mudbrick for vernacular houses. Bamboo is used for making household products, whereas palm fruit is used for making palm sugar and drink. In recent years, the popularity of cloves as cash crops is slowly changing the landscape. The midlands also produces fruits that supply the demands of tourism in the south, as well as domestic and international market. However, lack of access to markets often result in decaying oversupply of products. The five ancient villages are sparsely populated and located in a large. Past approaches to develop this area have focused on individual villages potential and unable to gain momentum. The design project proposes an intervillage market and transportation hub as a centralized access for the promotion of home industries.
Fig 7.2. Proposal. 108
Fig 7.3. Home industry of North Bali Aga villages.
The market intersects the ritual road and redevelops the current market. The building material displays artisanship and use of local materials. The program includes: Market for retail and wholesale trade; Information center & travel agencies; Training center for development of home industries; Food processing and packaging facilities. The public space accommodates the flow of cultural procession. Bus terminal in the market facilitate the movement of goods, locals, and tourists among remote villages, such as: The bamboo forest, where tourists can learn and purchase directly from the makers; The durian festival and fruit plantations, where oversupply of fruits can be taken to the food processing facility; The palm fruit plantations, where visitors can see the process of palm sugar and drink making. The philosophy of using natural materials are extended in the homestays as an effort to preserve architectural technique.
Fig 7.4. Site location. 110
Fig 7.5. Local materials are used at the market.
Rammed Earth Wood Grass
Tourists Locals Wholesale buyer 111
Fig 7.6. Market.
packaging & fruit surplus processing facilities
outdoor classrooms & training center with trainers-in-residence
intervillage buses carrying goods, residents, and tourists
outdoor market for retail and wholesale traders information center
public space, market extension
Fig 7.7. Bamboo forest.
Fig 7.8. Fruits festival.
Fig 7.9. Palm fruit plantation.
8. The Highlands: Sanctuary and Slow Tourism School
Rice fields Residential
Fig 8.1. Site 3.
The Highlands: Sanctuary and Slow Tourism School The highlands of Bali is the most fertile for all kinds of crops, making it one of places with the most biodiversity in North Bali. In the 1980s, increased price of cloves to be used for tobacco industry create high value of cloves. Along with the failure of coffee in lower highlands, many farmers converted their rice fields, cocoa, coffee plantations, and spices such as vanilla into cloves and orange groves. While the villages of highlands (the guardians of the forest) are financially prosperous and the economy and landscapes of cloves and coffee have brought a new kind of beauty and traditions, many are lamenting the change in attitude among villagers as proliferation of private hotels increase privacy among residents. At the same time, ecological biodiversity is threatened. For example, Cloves fruits and coffee beans are not consumable by birds, breaking the ecology chain and reducing biodiversity in the area. Development has resulted in the intensive use of plastic products that pollute the environment, and subsequently their identity as guardians of the forest, which symbolically takes care of the water that flows downhill. What is needed to trickle down from the highland is not further zoning rules or regulations, but a reformation of attitude. The project proposed is a Slow Tourism School that guards the way capital translates into values. Many private hotel owners have started initiatives to guard the growth of highlands by ensuring diverse economies and trash management. NGOs and outsiders also have participated. Working with this social commitment, the project proposes a model of education initiated and funded by the four guardians of the forest, with NGOs and private companies as lesser stakeholders.
Fig 8.2. Proliferation of hotels in the highlands.
Fig 8.3. The use of plastic bags increase pollution in the area. 125
Located at the start and end of the Ritual Route is a temple. The project site encapsulates the temple, proposing area within it to become an institution consisting of sanctuary and slow tourism school. Within this zone, strict environmental principles are applied, such as the prohibition of plastic bags, chemical additives, and GMO. The sanctuary is a communally tended farm that brings back the diversity of species in the past as well as new ones, such as: coffee, rice, flowers, herbs, vegetables, and fruits. Within this sanctuary is a hospitality school that brings together locals and tourists into a shared learn and leisure experience.
Fig 8.4. The boundary of the sanctuary and tourism school is a 1,000 m radius from the temple. 126
Fig 8.5. Sanctuary and tourism school plan 127
Fig 8.6. Slow tourism school elements
Garden / Sanctuary for Biodiversity River Cloves
1000m radius Coffee & Fruits
Flowers & Herbs Flowers & Vegetables
Citrus & Chili
Cloves, Fruits, Herbs
Fig 8.7. Sanctuary elements 128
Fig 8.8. Dormitories and homestays
Fig 8.9. Paths 129
Recycle Garden At the center of the sanctuary, next to the temple, end of ceremonial path is a recycle garden which ensures the decorations for ceremonies can be recycled to become fertilizer and given back to grow the gardens. This recycle garden becomes a public space that accommodate the end and beginning of the ritual.
Fig 8.10. Recycle garden 130
Fig 8.11 - 8.15. Variety of foliages that can be grown in the garden 131
Fig 8.16. Recycle garden as end and starting point of ritual path. 132
Cloves Picker Path Cloves Picker Path At the cloves picker path, a series of elevated walkways allow people to get close to the cloves tree, smelling the fragrant cloves flowers. The platform is elevated high and is made of minimal material to ensure sunlight penetration for other species that grow beneath. Whether seasonal clove pickers or mass tourism, the platform is big enough to accommodate flows of people.
Clove Pic Distance: Time: 25 Maximum
canopy level cloves drying area outdoor classroom, viewing deck
branches level a shaded walkway overlooking the river
Fig 8.17. Cloves picker path 134
ckers Path : 1.8 km mins walk m slope: 30 degree
ground level short herbs and fruit trees alley
Rice FieldRice Outlooks Field Outlooks & Theater& Theater
Revenue generating spaces can be found within other parts of the garden, such as rice terraces that functions as an outdoor lecture hall and film screening facility, flower farm that doubles as wedding venues, slow food restaurant and cafĂŠ found among the coffee plantations and vegetable gardens.
Terrace Walk Terrace Walk Distance: 1.8 Distance: km 1.8 km Time: 15 minsTime: walk 15 mins walk Maximum slope: Maximum 45 degree slope: 45 degree
Terrace Terrace Path Path Leading to Leading to outdoor lecture outdoor hall lecture hall
Modified Rest Modified Pavilions Rest Pavilions Resting places Resting for farmers places for farmers Watchtower for Watchtower tourists for tourists
Fertilizer Center & Vegetable Garden
Due to no useDue of to no use of pesticide and pesticide and GMO seeds, some GMO seeds, some crops may failcrops may fail
Post-Ceremony Rest Area
Restaurant Slow food restaurant
Fertilizer Center Recycling ceremonial decorations
Fig 8.18. Shared spaces 136
Vegetable Garden Tended communally
Outdoor reading area Loose furniture
Coffee, Fruits, Herbs Garden
Banana & Coffee
Chili & Coffee
Orange & Coffee
Flower Gardens & Concert Hall
Flower Garden & Concert Halls
Fig 8.19. The sanctuary among cloves plantations.
Codes Derived The collection of projects along the first slow zone can be fleshed out to generate urban design guideline that becomes guiding principles for furthering development along the slow zone.
Fig 9.1. Proliferation of slow zone. 142
Fig 9.2. Design codes. 143
Through other ritual and cultural routes, many other sites can slowly become an alternative development trajectory that restore the balance among nature, people, and profit for Bali.
Fig 9.3. Proliferation of slow zone in island scale. 144
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Image Sources Fig 1.1. Bali island location. Image by author. Fig 1.2. Bali island settlements and network. Image by author. Fig 1.3. Bali Island, a painting by Miguel Covarrubias. Source: Island of Bali. New York, A.A. Knopf, 1937., 1937. EBSCOhost, search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=cat0 0916a&AN=mit.000598077&site=edslive&scope=site. Fig 1.4. Ceremonial procession, a painting by Ketut Soki. Source: http://www.thenews-today. info/goog/barong-dance-painting.html Fig 1.5. Rice fields, a painting by Walter Spies. Source: http://nowjakarta.co.id/museum-macan- holds-the-first-public-exhibition-art-turns-world-turns Fig 1.6. Settlement patterns in Ubud. Google image. Fig 2.1. Bypass road and sea toll. Google image. Fig 2.2. Benoa reclamation masterplan. Source: http://www.afr.com/lifestyle/anguish-bali-tourist- development--and-the-enigmatic-tomy-winata-20160829-gr3v4r Fig 2.3. Sea toll. Source: https://antonadianto.wordpress.com/2017/02/08/bali-manda ra-toll-road-indonesia-design-11th-anniversary-edition/ Fig 2.4. Mega infrastructure projects in Bali. Image by author. Fig 2.5. Bali Tourism Development Plan from 1973. Source: Bali Tourism Development Plan, 1973. Fig 2.6. Bali Master Plan from 1973. Source: Bali Tourism Development Plan, 1973. Fig 2.7. Actors Network. Image by author. Fig 2.8. Handara Golf & Resort. Google image. Fig 2.9. Baliâ€™s approximate land value. Image by author, from interview with Enny Harini, 2018. Fig 2.10. Implication of development. Image by author. Fig 2.11. Case studies locations. Image by author. Fig 2.12. Bali Nirwana Resort. Source: Golf World Resorts, www.golfworldresorts.com/ Fig 2.13. Yeh Ho Basin, Tabanan. Source: Yekti, Mawiti. (2017). Discharge analysis for a system approach to river basin development with Subak irrigation schemes as a culture heritage in Bali. Agricultural Engineering International : The CIGR e-journal. 19. 33 - 44. Fig 2.14. Ayung River among Subak irrigated rice fields. Source: The Travelling Squid, thetravel lingsquid.com/. Fig 2.15. Village scale agency. Source: www.dpr.go.id/dokjdih/document/uu/UU_2014_6.pdf 151
Fig 3.1 Fieldwork map. Image by author. Fig 3.2. Patterns. Image by author. Fig 3.3. Paths. Image by author. Fig 3.4. Economies. Image by author. Fig 3.5. Interview subjects. Photos by author. Fig 3.6. Seasonal and daily circular migration. Image by author. Fig 3.7. Foreigners enjoy quietness at Banjar hot springs. Photo by author. Fig 3.8. Kinship in Sekar Bumi village. Photo by author. Fig 3.9. Sidewalk construction in Munduk village. Photo by author. Fig 3.10. Bali population growth. Source: World Population Map. Fig 3.11. Tourist vs. Island Population. Source: Bali Province Statistics Bureau Fig 3.12. Bali is the largest contributor to tourism sector in Indonesia. Source: https://www.in donesia-investments.com/news/todays-headlines/tourism-in-indonesia-2017-target-not- achieved-due-to-agung-eruption/item8564? Fig 3.13. Real estate timeline. Image by author, from interview with Enny Harini. Fig 4.1. Productive lands of Bali. Image by author. Fig 4.2. Site location. Image by author. Fig 4.3. The productive landscape of Banjar subdistrict in North Bali. Image by author. Fig 4.4. Harvest cycle of main crops in North Bali. Image by author. Fig 4.6. Species and elevation. Image by author. Fig 4.7. Villages in Banjar subdistrict. Image by author. Fig 4.8. Subak organization. Source: http://rstb.royalsocietypublishing.org/content/366/1566/927 Fig 4.9. Rivers in Banjar subdistrict. Image by author. Fig 4.10. The ritual path. Image by author, compiled from interview with Putu Ardana. Fig 4.11. Ritual procession. Source: http://munduk.co/memuliakan-air-memuliakan-semesta/ Fig 4.12. End of ritual procession at Bali Sea. Source: http://www.wisatabaliaga.com/wp-con tent/uploads/2013/09/melasti.jpg Fig 4.13. Ritual procession. Image by author, compiled from interview with Putu Ardana and GIS information. Fig 5.1. Turning relationship between internal and external forces to reflect their interdependence. Image by author. Fig 5.2. Slow zone principles. Image by author. Fig 5.3. Slow zone vision and strategy. Image by author. Fig 5.4. Ritual path as catalyst. Image by author. Fig 5.5. Project locations along the ritual path. Image by author. Fig 6.1. Site 1 Fig 6.2. Subak water cooperatives affecting the site. Image by author based on information from https://bulelengkab.go.id/assets/instansikab/51/bankdata/DATA%20DESA%20KELURAH AN%20DI%20KEC.%20BANJAR%202013.pdf Fig 6.3. Land parceling pattern. Google image. Fig 6.4. Site context. Google image. Fig 6.5. Existing. Image by author. Fig 6.6. Incorporation of polyculture farming as component of mixed-use program. Image by author. Fig 6.7. Typical Balinese housing compound. Image redrawn by author. Fig 6.8. Courtyard principle as center of microcosm. Image by author. 152
Fig 6.9. Program variety is reflected in the design of the housing compounds. Image by author. Fig 6.10. Place development along existing roads / hard edges. Image by author. Fig 6.11. Commercial development. Image by author. Fig 6.12. Street speeds and identities. Image by author. Fig 6.13. Street frontages based on existing context. Image by author. Fig 6.14. Commercial street. Image by author. Fig 6.15. Cultural street. Image by author. Fig 6.16. Agricultural street Image by author. Fig 7.1. Site 2. Image by author. Fig 7.2. Proposal. Image by author. Fig 7.3. Home industry of North Bali Aga villages. Image by author. Fig 7.4. Site location. Image by author. Fig 7.5. Local materials are used at the market. Image by author. Fig 7.6. Market. Image by author. Fig 7.7. Bamboo forest. Image by author. Fig 7.8. Fruits festival. Image by author. Fig 7.9. Palm fruit plantation. Image by author. Fig 8.1. Site 3. Image by author. Fig 8.2. Proliferation of hotels in the highlands. Google image. Fig 8.3. The use of plastic bags increase pollution in the area. Image by author. Fig 8.4. The boundary of the sanctuary and tourism school is a 1,000 m radius from the temple. Fig 8.5. Sanctuary and tourism school plan. Image by author. Fig 8.6. Slow tourism school elements. Image by author. Fig 8.7. Sanctuary elements. Image by author. Fig 8.8. Dormitories and homestays. Image by author. Fig 8.9. Paths. Image by author. Fig 8.10. Recycle garden. Image by author. Fig 8.11. https://www.tourfrombali.com/blog/9-indonesian-festivals-you-should-know-about/ Fig 8.12. https://bigtreefarms.com/blogs/news/16321404-galungan-holiday-in-bali Fig 8.13. bali-travelnews.com/2017/04/03/significance-of-galungan-feast-day-series Fig 8.14. https://rhajaranijewel.wordpress.com/2010/09/10/offerings-to-the-gods-of-bali/ Fig 8.15. http://anomharya.com/ Fig 8.16. Recycle garden as end and starting point of ritual path. Image by author. Fig 8.17. Cloves picker path. Image by author. Fig 8.18. Shared spaces. Image by author. Fig 8.19. The sanctuary among cloves plantations. Image by author. Base photograph from online resource. Fig 9.1. Proliferation of slow zone. Image by author. Fig 9.2. Design codes. Image by author. Fig 9.3. Proliferation of slow zone in island scale. Image by author. All images annotated as â€˜by authorâ€™ that contain maps are based on spatial data taken from http://tanahair.indonesia.go.id/portal-web
Thesis, MIT Master of Science in Architecture Studies (Urbanism), Spring 2018.