Counterculture Magazine Issue One by Counterculture Magazine

Counterculture Magazine Issue One

Table of Contents

6 Letter from the Editor 8 Acknowledgments 10 UR Greek Life: Failed Reform and The Case for Abolition 16 Absentminded Ableism: Improving Accessibility on Our Campus 20 Disparities in East and West Henrico County 30 Practicing Sustainable Activism: Fighting Against Burnout and for Social Justice 33 The Racist Implications of Filtering 38 Addressing Common Misconceptions About CRT and Why it Needs to be Taught in Schools 42 Islamophobia at the University of Richmond 46 Unlock the Cages: Why Prisons Need to Go 50 Student Activism: A Call to Action 55 Contributors

5 Photo Credit: Christian Herald

Letter from the Editor In September of 2021, I, a first-year student with no connections, money, or any idea where half of my classes were, made a crucial and life transforming decision: I wanted to start a social justice magazine. Many have asked me how I came up with the idea to start Counterculture. Admittedly, it was in some ways quite selfish. The moment after I moved in my last box, I was ready to jump into the world of activism that had drawn me to Richmond. My second tour at the university was punctuated by the climax of the still-ongoing battle over the names of the Humanities Building and Mitchell Hall. Everywhere I went, evidence of this war was all around me— from the rough red splatters of graffiti spelling out “Black Lives Matter” to my own tour guide, an admissions officer who sheepishly told me the student guides weren’t available to show me around. Many of the other liberal arts schools that I had applied to often told me about the spirit of social justice that punctuated their student bodies, but I largely saw the same homogenous liberalism that decried racism but did nothing to solve it. Here, though perhaps small, I saw proof that this wasn’t just a school where students just talked about the issues that plagued their campus. They did something about it. A few weeks into my freshman year, I attempted to join groups and organizations that I thought would continue this legacy but found myself increasingly disappointed in the scope that they were limited to. I am a person who is interested in all kinds of social justice issues due to their interconnectivity: to me, all issues are the children of white supremacy and its conjoined twin, capitalism. I noticed my peers posting on social media what could have been the introductions to ridiculously well-written op-eds about issues both on campus and all over the world. Where were these students? Why were their voices not being heard? And more crucially, why wasn’t there a platform for these ideas to be expressed in a way that wasn’t just limited to an occasional op-ed in the student newspaper or a lengthy Instagram post? The original name of this magazine was “Provocation,” in what I thought was an edgy attempt to imply that its contents would be provocative. But a part of me knew it wasn’t right. Counterculture Magazine reflects the changing demographics of the University of Richmond, a school that was and still is defined by a largely white and Northeastern population. This magazine is intended to show that with the rise of students of color, LGBTQ+ students, first generation and low-income students, and our white allies, there is a counterculture. 6

That there is, as the dictionary notes, “a way of life and set of attitudes opposed to or at variance with the prevailing social norm.” We stand against white supremacy and capitalism. We fight against racism, sexism, homophobia, transphobia, and xenophobia. We are diverse and have varied life experiences and despite all odds historically, have made our way to a 72,000 dollar predominately white school in one of the wealthiest neighborhoods in the city of Richmond. This magazine’s purpose is to showcase the concerns of students that were never intended to be on this campus. I was not sure if this magazine would come to fruition. There were many times this year that I thought it would die amid midterm papers and other commitments. Yet against everything, a group of 20 first years managed to organize, create, and write a magazine devoted to sparking intellectual thought and invigorating the spirit of activism that first drew me here. Most of the time we had no idea what we were doing. In some ways, we still don’t. But it was our love of justice and our passion towards this project that is the reason it exists today. Written by first years and forged in the fire of ideas, it is with the utmost pride that I introduce you to Counterculture. Happy reading. Best,

Christian Herald Founder and Editor in Chief

Acknowledgements The Executive Board of Counterculture Magazine would like to extend much gratitude to everyone who participated in this project and helped us create Issue One. It is because of your support that we were able to keep the momentum we needed to establish this organization and make it into the magazine it is today. We would first like to extend a huge thank you to our faculty advisor, Dr. Thad Williamson at the Jepson School of Leadership. Dr. Williamson was one of the first supporters of this project and helped us to conceive many of the ideas that are foundational to the magazine. His support during our time as both an affiliated and unaffiliated organization is unprecedented, and we are forever grateful. Next, we would also like to thank our team of writers, who have persisted through this project despite academic and personal stress. Thank you for telling your stories and providing your insights, as well as devoting much of your time to the creation of this project. Without your hard work, this magazine would not be able to exist. Lastly, we would like to thank the larger University of Richmond community for their support. From sharing social media posts from the Counterculture Instagram account to telling us how excited you were to see this project come to fruition, your endless support and enthusiasm propelled us to make this issue come alive. We are elated to have you as our mentors, peers, and friends.

9 Photo Credit: Amal Ali

UR Greek Life: Failed Reform and The Case for Abolition

Photo Credit: Ryan Doherty Introduction In light of recent events depicting members of the University of Richmond’s (UR) Greek Life engaging in acts of racism and sexual assault, the Abolish Richmond Greek Life movement has seen a resurgence in UR community members calling for the abolition of the Interfraternity Council and the National Panhellenic Conference organizations that represent chapters across seven fraternities and eight sororities, respectively. Proponents of dismantling Greek Life at UR argue that the institution discriminates against students on the basis of race, gender, sexuality, and other characteristics 10

citing that fraternities and sororities were designed to other students who are not heterosexual, white, and hailing from a place of socioeconomic-privilege. The exceptions to these forms of exclusion are Greek Life chapters that were created in response to the isolation of marginalized students, such as Alpha Phi Alpha, the first historically Black intercollegiate fraternity. Disagreement and pushback against Abolish Richmond Greek Life has also arisen, with supporters of reformation to Greek Life stating that abolition is unnecessary and arguing that the institution is one of philanthropy and service to the UR community simply in need of systemic change.

This article will investigate and refute two common arguments for reform, closely analyzing the Center for Student Involvement’s (CSI) internal review concerning UR fraternities and sororities and the specific measures implemented afterward which have failed to address several major concerns of the Abolish Richmond Greek Life movement. Greek Life as a Catalyst for Philanthropy and Service Supporters of reforming UR Greek Life argue that various chapters are integral in spurring philanthropic efforts, given the emphasis fraternities and sororities put on assisting organizations which aim to improve the well-being of historically marginalized groups. The intention to offer support through volunteer efforts, donations, and other philanthropic means may seem virtuous and sincere; however, no public documentation exists on the financial impact UR Greek Life organizations have, making its efforts performative and insubstantial to the missions of these chapters. Furthermore, this lack of transparency in tracking philanthropy demonstrates an interest in portraying Greek Life as a group of social organizations which “speak and do good” but have no empirical evidence to stand on to determine whether their efforts are actually making a difference. A lack of statistical data on the service hours members of UR Greek Life collect in combination with the donations each chapter contributes 11

per year makes it difficult to not only discern whether Interfraternity and Panhellenic organizations are functioning philanthropically, in the way many fraternity and sorority presidents claim, but also leaves the impression that Greek Life at UR consist of groups on campus without a history of conflict and oppression. Philanthropy may seem like a vital tool in supporting the wider community, but the lack of oversight in tracking the efforts chapters make demonstrates that the primary goal of UR Greek Life is not to serve the community but instead to uplift its own image. Better tracking of philanthropy along with other performance metrics was a key issue in CSI’s internal review of Greek Life organizations at UR. “Prioritized System-Wide Recommen dations” published by CSI in its review indicate a requirement for chapters to govern themselves in a way that allows for improved collection of data which assesses performance; however, this recommendation does not provide information on how fraternities and sororities will gauge the impact they have in areas such as donating to charities and serving local communities through volunteer efforts. Reform in data tracking has thus only addressed the existence of the issue, rather than ensuring chapters are promoting a culture of philanthropy.

Increasing Diversity Through Improved Advertising of Greek Life Along with benefits like philanthropy, proponents of UR Greek Life argue that issues of exclusion can be solved through strengthening efforts to advertise chapters to the broader UR student population, making abolition an extreme measure to one that can be solved by restructuring the way fraternities and sororities address inclusivity. In an Op-Ed published by William Barnett through the UR Collegian, the former president of the Interfraternity Council outlines several reasons to improve communication of the existence of Greek Life on UR’s campus, including the need to address “problems of acceptance and inclusion,” while at the same time underscoring the importance of these issues occurring within chapters themselves by declaring that they are not exclusive to the institution as a whole. The solution that Barnett proposes is to expose more students, specifically those underrepresented in chapters, to the presence of Greek Life organizations. However, Barnett does not demonstrate specifically what issues of acceptance and inclusion fraternities and sororities are experiencing, nor does he address the plausibility of students marginalized by the institution avoiding Greek Life because of its discriminatory roots.

It is also unlikely that improved advertising measures will help increase member diversity given the obstacles preventing low-income students, students of color, and students of diverse gender and sexual identities from joining in the first place, which include a nonexhaustive list of accounts of racism, homophobia, and sexual assault documented by ex and current members of UR chapters themselves. Improving student diversity within UR Greek Life will not solve the issues of exclusivity that marginalized students face; it will only expose them to the biases and stereotypes which chapters hold. Likewise, increased advertising is not a strategy to help fraternities and sororities to achieve reform. Addressing their histories of racism, classism, interpersonal violence, transphobia, homophobia, sexism, and ableism will. However, given the views of current student leaders within UR Greek Life as well as the failure of the CSI’s internal review to emphasize the problematic history of the institution, reform will not be successful in restructuring chapters that refuse to acknowledge the oppression that they were founded on.

The Case for Abolition Failed Reform Abolition of UR Greek Life is a complex issue that is due, in no small part, to the lack of data fraternities and sororities collect to prove the positive impact they have on campus. Additionally, the financial stake UR holds in dismantling Greek Life is large given the influence alumni donors who participated in various chapters have in donating funds for organizations on campus. Both alumni and current students alike argue that Greek Life is integral to UR members’ socialization and that the institution also provides an outlet for charitable and philanthropic efforts. Although, neither of these claims can be corroborated with institutional data that measures the performance of UR fraternities and sororities. The CSI’s internal review has attempted to resolve the issue of tracking chapters’ impact but does not clearly demonstrate what UR Greek Life must do to report on performance metrics. In section “E” of CSI’s “Prioritized System-Wide Recommendations,” alterations to data tracking only suggest that fraternities and sororities implement a better system to prove that chapters are engaging with communities by donating and volunteering their time to various organizations

The report also demands that UR itself enforce the guidelines that CSI has published but again does not specifically state how. Thus, the internal review conducted by CSI in addition to its results and recommendations indicates the need for abolishing UR Greek Life as the institution continues to lack accountability and transparency in the way chapters are governed, further allowing issues of diversity, equity, and inclusion to fester. The Need for Abolition Although the CSI’s internal review indicates and targets issues of discrimination and marginalization, its attempt at issuing system-wide recommendations has been lackluster, since the advice the review gives in improving diversity, equity, and inclusion within UR Greek Life does not recognize the oppressive history that the institution was built on, which is a core reason as to why many students call on UR to remove chapters entirely. The aim in reformation has thus only been on identifying issues to a degree of partiality that obscures why Greek Life is being investigated and reprimanded to begin with. This obscurity also lies in the fact that chapters are not willing to bring about systemic change to their operations and policies that students have had grievances with unless required to directly by UR itself.

Instead of listening to the communities that have experienced discrimination from UR Greek Life, the institution has decided to reform a system that was designed to exclude marginalized students; it is not one that has become broken through time, only further exposed in its discriminatory roots. Failed attempts at reformation highlight the necessity to remove Greek Life’s presence from UR’s campus. Otherwise, students will continue to encounter small and large-scale oppression by and from the guise of fraternities and sororities that promote themselves as philanthropic but only virtue signal to the communities they were developed to serve. Discrimination & Marginalization The impact of UR Greek Life, despite not being clear in its intended efforts of philanthropy and service, has been documented by numerous accounts of discrimination which continue to marginalize and other diverse communities of students on campus. Student experiences with micro and macro aggressions can be found on both Abolish Richmond Greek Life’s Instagram page as well as that of Abolish Greek Life. Additionally, the harms that Greek Life as a whole have perpetuated can be found within

Abolish Greek Life’s posts concerning how the institution has discriminated against students on the basis of race, sexuality, and gender, issues of which are not isolated to UR fraternities and sororities but are amplified by the university’s history as a privately white institution. Conclusion Whether UR Greek Life is a conduit for philanthropy and service remains to be seen given both chapters’ lack of transparency and that of CSI’s. Volunteerism and donations to local organizations and communities are certainly examples of philanthropic means, but that service is lost when done in an attempt to illustrate fraternities and sororities as a benefit to the UR campus without recognizing the history of conflict and oppression that the institution was founded upon and continues to perpetuate. Reformation, when actioned with the intention of only solving internal struggles within chapters and not realizing the systemic harms of each organization, addresses only a fraction of a larger, more complex issue of UR Greek Life intending to exclude students who do not come from a state of overwhelming privilege.

The system-wide recommendations that CSI has provided to help improve the efficiency of Greek Life chapters in governing themselves and identifying issues of diversity, equity, and inclusion proves insubstantial since these measures do not indicate specifically how fraternities and sororities are going to implement the changes they suggest and the discrimination UR Greek Life has been involved in and was founded upon since its inception. The issues that supporters of UR Greek Life aim to alleviate will only be resolved when the identities and beliefs of students who suffer at the hands of these organizations are amplified, and the insistence to reform an institution that was designed to discriminate against them only diminishes the perspectives of these students, making abolition all the more necessary. ***

Absentminded Ableism: Improving Accessibility on Our Campus What does physical ableism look like on a college campus? Think about a walk around the University of Richmond. Look around you: Are there hills? Stairs? Elevators? Signs in braille? How long does it take you to get from North Court to Robins Stadium?

Think about your dorm or apartment. How many elevators or accessible entrances are there? These are questions that members of our community who are able-bodied do not have to think about. Ableism is the stereotypes and practice that discriminate against people with disabilities by assuming that the bodies and minds of nondisabled people are the “default.”

Photo Credit: Ryan Doherty

The University of Richmond is dissuading prospective students with physical disabilities from attending the school. This is a major problem because without students who have physical disabilities, it is easier to ignore the issue of ableism. If that is hard to understand, think about if the university did not have people fighting for LGBTQ+ rights, people educating our community about issues that marginalized communities face, or people advocating for inclusive spaces; would you still want to come to the University of Richmond? What if there were no sports teams, no Business School, no community? As human beings, we focus on issues that affect us as individuals. How long does it take you to get from North Court to Robins Stadium? This campus has so many hills and very few wheelchair accessible ramps. How is someone who is unable to walk expected to get around the campus? The answer is one that I am uncomfortable with. The most accessible paths on campus have no stairs; however, these paths are often inconvenient and time-consuming. Adding additional time onto the walk makes it difficult to get to classes, many of which are on opposite sides of the campus. The first experience most prospective students and their families will have with our campus is a walking tour. The lack of accessibility is immediately understood as soon as a prospective student arrives on campus. 17

To many, arriving on campus is a wonderful, memorable experience with beautiful sights. For some, it is a harsh reminder that not all spaces are created for those who are not physically able. Most dorms and apartments are equally inaccessible. Some dorms have elevators, but most are in bad locations or do not reach the top floor of the dorm. Marsh Hall has a wheelchair lift at the entrance of the dorm, but there are no elevators; Lora Robins Court is the only First Year dorm that has an elevator. Some apartments have elevators, but Gateway Buildings 155 and Building 151 are marked without them by Residence Life and Housing. Gateway Buildings 157 and 153 have elevator accessibility, but students who need those modifications are then confined to only those two apartment buildings, creating an inequitable lack of choice that is afforded to able-bodied students. Go outside of your room and see if there is braille to signify what room number is yours or walk to a building on campus and see which classrooms and offices are shown in braille. If the answer is not “all of them have braille,” I suggest thinking about why that is. How is a person with a visual disability supposed to find their way around the campus? Do we have tactile (touch based) maps? Crosswalks in some cities make use of noise making pedestrian signals so anyone can have an auditory signal to cross the road.

Tactile maps and noise making signals for crosswalks or even directions could be a step in the right direction to make our campus more accessible. The Americans with Disabilities Act was put in place to make guidelines for communities to follow in order to maintain an accessible environment. There are many rules about paths and buildings as standards for accessible design in ADA Title III. Universities, both public and private, are expected to uphold many of the ADA’s regulations and topics. The slope of paths, handrails depending on the steepness of walking surfaces, and passing spaces are just a few examples of the extent of the ADA’s requirements. However, private universities are given some leeway when it comes to accessibility clauses and without a clear message from the university on their implementations and plans for accessibility, it is hard to compile information. This alone reflects a deep moral failure within our society. Allowing private institutions to choose how much accessibility they give to prospective and current students demonstrates that in large part, people with disabilities are an afterthought. The Humanities Building underwent an estimated $25 million renovation, but the fifth floor, made up of a classroom, is entirely inaccessible to anyone with difficulties going up stairs as it is not connected to the elevator. 18

This is one example of how building planning and funding is not being used to promote accessibility, even in recent years. Over the course of this pandemic, the university’s endowment has grown exponentially —how much of this money will be allocated towards accessibility? Inclusivity and equity are some of our core values. So why have we decided as a university to exclude entire groups of people from our campus? What can we do to make this campus more disability friendly and combat physical ableism? To start, I ask that every person who reads this takes a few minutes to think about what you have just read. If you can relate to this, think about ways that you can bring attention to this issue. The step you take can be as much as mentioning to other people that there is an issue, that there are few ways to get across campus without using stairs or going down hills, or even that there is a lack of accessibility on campus. Our community has to grow in order to welcome any person–no matter their gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, socio-economic status, religion, if they have a disability, or their ideas. The university has made progress in these spaces by including larger entryways for those who are in wheelchairs as well as lifts alongside stairs. However, there is still a long way to go until all of the dorms and apartments are equally accessible.

The best way to make this campus more disability friendly is to bring accessibility into the conversation. That is the only way to help our campus to become more inclusive and allow people who visit our campus to easily navigate through it without worrying about how accessible it is. To the University of Richmond, I ask that you hear the concerns I am bringing up and understand that by ignoring the inaccessible on this campus, this university is limiting its chances to welcome prospective students who have physical disabilities. By limiting possible students, we lose the representation of valuable contributors to our community without giving them a chance to have their voice heard. We have to give every person a voice and an equal opportunity to represent themselves at this school. For a university that prides itself on inclusivity, the University of Richmond still has a long way to go before it is accessible for all people. *** Disclaimer: I do not have any physical disabilities. I do not understand what it means to be unable to walk around campus. What it means to be unable to see around campus. What it means to be unable to hear around campus. I am writing this essay in the hope that we can focus on the issue of inclusivity on campus because without people bringing awareness to it, there will be no change..

Disparities in East and West Henrico County Introduction I moved to Henrico County as a first grade student in 2009. I was a fresh refugee immigrant in an area with other Latinx, Black and Asian immigrants, and I grew up with children just like me. When my move to Glen Allen, VA happened in 2014, a new perspective dawned upon me.

I was placed in the International Baccalaureate (IB) program at Moody Middle School. Though I was too young to understand at that time, I now realize that the school itself was segregated. Moody was in a predominantly Black neighborhood, whereas the program’s students were predominantly White and Asian. Interactions between the two groups were rarely encouraged by the faculty, and I watched some of my own peers inhibit a superiority mindset due to this division.

Though I never agreed with it, I was too young to understand it as a bigger issue then. When my little sister went to middle school, she went to her zoned middle school rather than join the IB program, which was Holman Middle School. My first thought seeing her middle school was, ‘this is a lot nicer than Moody was.’

The rest 13.5% are composed of Asian individuals, Pacific Islanders, Native Americans, and biracial individuals. With the significantly large percentage of White people and Black people in Henrico, one would expect the two communities to be dispersed across the 245 mi² area. They are not.

When I joined Glen Allen High School, my zoned high school, I realized why that was. Moody was in a predominantly Black neighborhood and was less funded than Glen Allen or Holman, which were in predominantly White neighborhoods. At this point, I was old enough to know it was not a coincidence. I became interested in the issue of systemic injustice when I was a junior in high school. The deeper I looked into it, the more I realized that the school system I had spent 10 years in was a representation of systemic injustice. After reflecting on the different schools and neighborhoods I had seen, I realized just how segregated Henrico County really was. Who Makes Henrico County, Henrico County? Henrico County is home to a population of approximately 330,818 individuals. Among those 330,818 people, 57% are White and 29.5% are Black.

We often think of segregation as “history.” This wouldn’t necessarily be wrong either; segregation and systemic injustice against America’s Black population is a large portion of America’s history. However, we don’t acknowledge that segregation isn’t the past– it’s the present. In Henrico County, White people and Black people live in opposing sides of the county while also living under varying socioeconomic statuses. When geographically segregated in this way, Black people will suffer from issues with social mobility, access to proper housing and services, discrimination, a general lack of integration.

Map 1, White Population in Henrico County, Virginia

Map 2, Black Population of Henrico County, VA

Map 1, created by OpenStreetMap, illustrates the White population in Henrico County. The red signifies a higher percentage of White people currently residing in that area, whereas beige is a lower percentage. The red is mainly located in the western side of Henrico, with reds in the very east side as well.

Now, when we look at Map 2, a map illustrating the geography of Black people residing in Henrico, the red areas are somewhere else. In fact, the red is exactly where the beige shows in Map 1. .

Looking at the two maps side-by-side, it is clear that where White people reside, not a lot of Black people do, and vice versa.

Map 3, Race and Place in the Metro-Richmond Region, 2011 - 2015

Map 3, created by a Spatial Analysis Lab at the University of Richmond, puts the entire population of White individuals and Black individuals into one. Looking at Map 3, there is no denying that in an area where a significant amount of Black people live, White people do not.

Putting this observation aside for now, it is also important to note the socioeconomic divide in Henrico County. Map 4, created by the Census Bureau, represents Henrico County’s average income by location. The darker shade of blue represents a higher average income, whereas a lighter shade of blue showcases a lower average income.

Map 4, Income by Location of Henrico County, VA

When separating Map 4 into two different “sides,” the West, such as Glen Allen and Short Pump area, evidently have higher average incomes. The East, such as Highland Springs, has a much lower average income. To summarize, when looking at all three maps together, it shows: 1. West Henrico has more White individuals. 2. East Henrico has more Black individuals. 3. West Henrico is “richer” 4. East Henrico is “poor”

Map 4, Income by Location at Henrico County, VA

Thus, when placing this information together, it leads to the following observation. The same areas in Map 4 are dark blue, or have high socioeconomic status, are the same areas in Map 1 that are dark red, or have more White people. The same areas in Map 4 that are light blue, or have low socioeconomic-status, are the same areas in Map 2 that are dark red, or have more Black people. And it comes to one conclusion: there is clear socioeconomic and racial segregation in Henrico County, Virginia.

Graph 1, Poverty by Race in Henrico County, VA

Looking at Poverty by Race in Henrico County As observed earlier, Black individuals residing in Henrico County live in more impoverished areas in the East side in comparison to the White population in the richer West. The situation is still complex, however. The most Eastern side of Henrico has a significantly larger population of White people in comparison to Black people, but still has a lower income than the West that is more similar to average US income. However, in the area highlighted below is where a majority of Black people reside. It is also where the majority of low income individuals live. Thus, not all of East Henrico has a high percentage of Black people of low income. 25

Yet, the low income areas within East Henrico do contain a large population of Black people, showing the clear inequitable connection. The Census Bureau revealed statistics regarding Poverty by Race in Henrico County. The bar graph represents the data found in 2019. Since our focus is only on Black individuals and White individuals, the analysis of this data will also only focus on those two races. Looking at Graph 1, it can be seen that there are more White individuals who live in poverty than Black individuals. To be specific, 13,066 White people live in poverty, as opposed to 12,114 Black people.

However, it is important to note the total population of White vs. Black people in Henrico County. There are a total of 185, 772 White individuals in Henrico County and 96,112 Black individuals. Among these populations, 7% of White people live in poverty. 12% of Black people live in poverty. There are almost double the population of White people in Henrico County, yet a larger percentage of Black people are living in poverty, proving the intersectionality of the racial and socioeconomic divide in Henrico County. But these are just numbers. It’s important to note how this segregation and systemic injustice manifests into education: the segregation of the schooling system. Education is the main source to reaching and achieving opportunities to grow financially, academically, and even emotionally. This is the exact reason why equitable education is even more vital. Opposite school systems create opposite opportunities for the students; systems with less funding, less staffing, and less opportunities creates a population of students who may never be able to break out of the poverty cycle they were born into. Segregated education allows one population to “reach farther” in life without ever giving the same chances to the opposing population. 26

Henrico County’s school system, Henrico County Public Schools, is a perpetrator behind inequitable possibilities for its students. Henrico County Public Schools Henrico County Public Schools has 51,786 students among 81 schools. The racial makeup of these schools reflects the neighborhood in which the schools are located– schools in the West are predominantly White, whereas the ones in the East are predominantly Black. The quality of these schools vary just as drastically as the racial makeup of Henrico. The academic opportunities presented to Henrico County students is based upon the school they go to. If they are in East Henrico, they will have less opportunities to receive a better education, whereas it is the opposite in the West. An example of an opportunity would be the number of Advanced Placement (AP) classes students take. AP classes are a level higher than Honors classes in high school. AP classes pave a path for students to experience the workload of college courses, better preparing for their academic future, while also allowing students to learn in a scope outside of the county’s standards of learning. It allows students to develop skills such as writing, speaking, and collaboration to a greater extent than some high school courses may offer.

However, the opportunity to take AP classes is reliant on the school administration. As a student of Henrico County myself, my high school administration would encourage students to take AP classes and it was viewed as normalcy. Though I don’t personally know how the school administration worked in other schools, enrollment rates show a clear discrepancy between West end schools’ exposure to AP classes versus East end’s. Map 5, provided by the Virginia Department of Education, represents the relationship between students enrolled in one or more AP courses and Neighborhood poverty level.

Focusing only on the region within Henrico County, the larger circles are placed in West Henrico. In higher poverty areas, there are little to no students who take AP classes. This map illustrates the relationship between poverty and access to advanced classes, but it also shows the role race plays in this. The connection between poverty and race reveals the disparities Black students suffer in schools because their quality of education is not as well-funded or taken care of as West End students. Moreover, Graph 2 shows the percentage of Black students in Henrico County that are currently enrolled in an AP class.

Graph 2, Regional Share of Students Enrolled in One or More AP Course by Race, 2013

In Henrico County, 60% of students who take AP classes are White students, and only 20% are black.

Map 5, Advanced Placement Class Enrollment Rates in the Metro-Richmond Area, 2016-17

Graph 3, Regional share of students Among the counties that were enrolled in one or more AP courses examined for this study, 40% of Conclusion students that took AP classes were Why does it all matter? Education is from Henrico County, which was the key to breaking out of poverty. It almost half of the total. This means serves as the bridge between that among that 40%, only 20% of the students were Black, making the opportunity and success. Without education and these opportunities, proportion of Black students able to these low income black students will take AP classes even smaller. be stuck in the cycle of poverty generation after generation. The Further research from the Virginia systemic injustice will never crack. Department of Education, could Changing these school systems to be reveal the lower scores in SOLs (the funded not based on the standardized testing of Virginia) and lower enrollment of SATs, but they all neighborhoods the school is around would be a good first step towards show similar findings as the one changing the system. Providing more above. The finding that Black academic opportunities to low students face less opportunities income students and their families academically because the schools would be another great step along they go to are directly correlated with their low income neighborhood, the path. since it is these neighborhoods that finance the schools. 28

Brown v. The Board of Education was 68 years ago, but without these fundamental changes, Henrico County will forever remain segregated. ***

Practicing Sustainable Activism: Fighting Against Burnout and for Social Justice

Photo Credit: Rachael Fields

Introduction As a University of Richmond student, you have a lot of ambitions. You want to succeed academically, socially, and for many of us, making change in our communities is a staple of who we are. Here at Richmond there is so much to do: academics, sports, extracurriculars, chances to engage with other people. For students who also want to make change in the world, college can be a great place to explore communities of activism and join causes that you care about. As a college student, there is also a unique opportunity to meet new people and discover many new things about the world. 30

These discoveries can often begin the spark that is necessary to ignite the activism that lies within so many of us. Maybe you learned about something new in your Global Studies class and want to help out, or hear about a protest for a new cause from a friend. At times however, the amount of causes can seem daunting, especially when considered alongside all the other demands on your time as a full time student. If any of this sounds like you, you might also set high standards for yourself and feel a strong sense of personal responsibility to others.

When advocating for a cause, it can be easy to feel like your work isn’t making an impact and that you’ll never be able to do enough for your cause.. Unfortunately, many activists have fallen victim to a cultural phenomenon, one that places success over our own inherent value as human beings. The Laziness Lie In the United States we live in a culture that glamorizes success, achievement and the “hustle.” When your humanity gets the best of you, it can be easy to feel that you aren’t doing enough or that compared to others your achievements make you appear lazy. In their book Laziness Does Not Exist, Devon Price dives into this culture of high achievement and explains what they call “The Laziness Lie.” According to Price, this lie is ubiquitous in our culture and is likely impacting the way you live. Price first realized they had an issue after getting so severely ill from overwork that they had to quit working for months. The Laziness Lie impacts how we treat both ourselves and other people. It will tell you that you are never doing enough or that people facing homelessness somehow deserve it because of their own lack of effort or work ethic. In the world of activism, this belief that our efforts are not enough can often translate into a phenomenon known as “activist burnout.” As Christianna Silva points out in her NPR article titled “Black Activist Burnout: 'You Can't Do This Work If You're Running On Empty,’” 31

activism burnout is a very real phenomenon, especially for those who are personally affected by the cause they are fighting for. Activist burnout occurs when an individual does not make themselves a priority and reaches an exhaustion point in their fight for change. This could mean a former passionate activist no longer feels they have the same drive and energy to support their causes as before. This article in particular spoke to Black activists during the summer 2020, a time when protests erupted across the country. Those interviewed for this story spoke of the difficulty of staying motivated while having to watch the continuous racial injustice in this country play out again and again. The size and coverage given to the Black Lives Matter Movement at this time also meant that a lot more white protesters joined marches. Despite being wellintentioned, allies joining the movement can also place additional demands on already overwhelmed black protesters. Danielle Hairston, a psychiatry residency training director at Howard University Hospital, described the difficulties of working with uniformed allies: “While I do appreciate that many white or non-BIPOC people are stepping in to say, 'I'm an ally. Can you teach me?' Or 'I didn't realize this.' That's an additional burden for Black activists.” She continued, saying, “you have people who are saying 'we're allies,' but are asking you to teach them. ... But it really should be more of a collaborative effort."

Hairston continued to describe the importance of taking care of yourself, especially as an activist. "It's really prioritizing yourself, which many people are uncomfortable with, especially people who are activists, who really are selfless and give everything that they have to others, to their movement, to what they believe in. But you really also have to protect and preserve yourself, because if you don't, you'll have nothing left to give." Fighting Activist Burnout How do you find that balance between working hard for your cause and making sure to take care of yourself? If you are like some of the people interviewed by Dr. Price you may also feel “deeply anxious about the future of our world” and “guilty for not doing more to address the world’s problems” (196). Thankfully, this book not only lays out the ways The Laziness Lie manifests in our culture, but ways to combat it. Price notes that the solution to The Laziness Lie is compassion, not just for those around us who may be struggling from things we cannot see but also towards yourself. So what do they suggest? First, it is important to remember that the sheer deviation of a single person will never be enough to save the world; it is not possible for us mere mortals to use our individual efforts alone to achieve change. Rather, Price suggests that activists acknowledge this and strive to use their own personal strength in a collaborative manner with others in order to make change. 32

Price continues to emphasize the importance of setting goals based on compassion, not panic or guilt. They described seeing their own activism as a healthy habit, like exercising, wherein you don’t want to overexert yourself and fall apart but rather it is something you work on regularly to the benefit of yourself and others. Through interviewing Xochitl Sandoval, a counselor who works with the Practical Audacity, a Chicago-based therapy group, Price described the importance of processing grief as an activist. Ultimately, there will be some things, such as the harm that has already been done to the planet through climate change, that cannot be undone. By accepting this and processing the grief that comes along with it, it is possible to move toward positive change while undertaking the limits of activism and future change. Lastly, Price recommends starting small. They point out that facing large abstract problems can leave us overwhelmed while finding ways to make small, but tangible steps towards change can bring back a feeling of control and hope. Getting involved here on campus and in the larger Richmond community is a great way to apply this advice to your own activism. Lasting change is not something that we can create alone, and ignoring your own needs for the sake of your cause will only leave you burned out. ***

The Racist Implications of Filtering Introduction Light skin. Small nose. Freckles. Full lips. Large, alluring eyes. Scroll through Instagram, Snapchat, or any other social media or photo editing app and you will find that there are literally thousands of ways to manipulate not just your looks, but seemingly, your biology itself. Unfortunately, the images given to us in the “beauty filter” on Tik Tok or the “Soft Filter” on Snapchat reflect standards of beauty that we see propagated all around us.

From skin lightening creams used by women worldwide to people with looser curls being told that they have “good hair,” it doesn’t take a race scholar to interpret the obvious: in our society, your proximity to whiteness determines your beauty. And while certainly we have seen a rise in desiring traits of ethnic women— those BBL memes are far more sinister t han we think — these traits are still deemed more attractive by our white supremacist society when a white person has them.

33 Photo Credit: Grace Brogan

Women of color have sported curves and thicker hips for centuries. But the moment white women such as Kylie Jenner or Kim Kardashian have them, they suddenly turn from a shameful part of many ethnic women’s bodies to a brand: one that should be capitalized, sold, and reflected all around us. Whether we would like to admit it or not, beauty isn’t for everyone. It’s for white people, and more specifically, white women. And I use the word “beauty” intentionally. As author and sociologist Tressie McMillian Cottom notes in her book THICK: And Other Essays, while being “pretty” or “cute” are characteristics that are assigned to anyone, beauty— which she argues is a form of political and social capital— is a characteristic defined by whiteness. Cottom argues that the view of beauty as a socalled “democratic” trait— one that can be achieved by anyone— is a misnomer. There is power, as she writes, in blonde hair, blue eyes, and thigh gaps. And while certainly not all white women have these traits, Cottom makes it clear that beauty is centered in white standards of attractiveness, and that the rest of society must bend to these expectations. Thus, beauty isn’t a democracy. It’s a hierarchy, a caste system of control and power that shapes the world as we know it and informs our own expectations of what is or isn’t “beautiful.”

Who are Filters For? I’ve been met with a lot of resistance when I say that women of color are excluded from beauty standards. “But Black girls are so beautiful! Women of color are so pretty!” Social media—though having exacerbated our often unconscious belief that whiter features are more appealing— has allowed people to see a broader range of people ranging in all shapes, sizes, and colors. We’d like to believe that we’re unbiased about beauty. However, it doesn’t take looking much further past dating app statistics about which de mographics are most swiped on to realize the truth: most people view a proximity to whiteness as most desirable, even if our following lists and For You Pages suggest otherwise. I firmly believe that filters— from flower crowns to presets— propagate beauty standards that center whiteness. While Cottom’s argument focuses on beauty in the physical world, her argument neglects how Euro-centrism in beauty standards has made its way into the virtual realm. By creating a technology that allows us to virtually switch our features with the swipe of a thumb, social media has tapped into the white-supremacist fueled insecurities that many of us would like to think we’ve conquered. And just like Cottom notes, the same democratic notions that apply to beauty in the real world cross over into the virtual world.

Though hypothetically filters can be used by anyone, a few scrolls through social media reveal that in fact, some filters are seemingly only made for white women. Take for instance the filter “Serenity Grain” on Snapchat. The filter is intended to give its users a sun kissed glow and pouty lips, all with a grainy layer over top of it that makes the photograph look like it was taken in another era. On white women, the filter looks quite normal. Pale skin looks tan and healthy, and thin lips become full and alluring. Add in the grainy layer, and you’ve achieved the perfect Polaroid-esque aesthetic that has become so desirable. On women of color such as myself, however, the results are disastrous. Though I can’t include a photo of how I look with this filter due to Counterculture’s bylines policy, I look like an orange nightmare who accidentally got too much lip filler. It is deeply ironic that though these filters operate using ethnic features like tanned skin and fuller lips, ethnic women are excluded from using them. Still other filters are milky white or bright to the point where dark skin takes on an ashen sheen, which is another difficult reminder that though white women are always at the center, beauty standards are forever shifting. Snapchat itself reports that over 200 million people use its filters ever y day. What effect does this have? What standards does this enforce?

And most importantly, how many are excluded from taking part in this phenomenon that dictates what is or isn’t beautiful? Filters make you “beautiful.” But they aren’t for everyone. Like beauty standards in the real world, online filtering isn’t democratic. Instead, it’s a means of propagating systems of colorism and other prejudices that emphasize white preferences over equitable access. Filtering at Richmond The issue of centering white features and beauty standards through filtering penetrates further into our lives than we think. The reason I was first inspired to write this article was because of a disturbing trend I noticed in none other than one of the University of Richmond’s oldest institutions: sororities belonging to the Panhellenic Council. During sorority rush week this past January, I observed that the visual similarities between the photos posted on the Panhellenic Council’s six Instagram accounts were not the result of perfect timing or careful photo selection, but rather, the use of filters. Though not all sororities implemented this tactic, some of the ones I observed implemented the use of bright, white filters that lightened everything in the photo. Don’t believe me? Go see it for yourself. Blue seas look even more icy blue.

Bright shirts and dresses sparkle. And white skin becomes even whiter. Though the results are visually stunning, resulting in a perfectly coordinated grid, it brings up a darker question: Who do these filters exclude? Though the Panhellenic Council and other Greek life organizations are known for their lack of diversity (see “UR Greek Life: Failed Reform and The Case for Abolition” on page 10 for further insight), it made me wonder how these photos would look if the members of these sororities were not in large part racially homogenous. Whose features would become lighter, and what implications does that have? Whose skin would look dull and washed out? In large part, these filters make a subtle statement about the aesthetic of who is allowed to participate in historically white Greek life and who isn’t. As referenced in “UR Greek Life: Failed Reform and the Case for Abolition,” there have been arguments made that historically white sororities and fraternities alike need to begin advertising themselves to more diverse students. But what happens when the moment you log into social media and are met with a look that you will never be able to achieve? I am not saying that every social media manager in all six Panhellenic Council sororities has an agenda to center white beauty standards.

But I would like to call on these sororities to deeply consider how these kinds of actions, though likely well-intentioned, point to a larger issue present within the virtual world. Filters say a lot about the beauty standards we appreciate and the social and political power they hold. In essence, filters themselves are powerful, and send messages about acceptance and belonging. I urge members of the Panhellenic Council sororities reading this article to think more critically about how filtering can alienate darker-skinned prospective members. Organizations such as the Panhellenic Council need to ensure that filtering has no role in the sort of image they perpetuate to the public. Conclusion Filters play a key role in propagating white beauty standards that are harmful and exclude women of color. Though filters claim to play a democratic role in that they can make any and everyone look better, in reality, they serve a specific purpose: to push white women closer to the beauty standards that already center them. These issues hit closer to home than we think. As I demonstrated, sororities at the University of Richmond make use of these filters in what is likely a purposeful aesthetic decision, however, this simultaneously excludes women of color while sending a direct message about who is welcome in these organizations and who isn’t.

Hopefully, by recognizing the role filters play, we can begin to finally separate our beauty standards from white supremacy and truly make beauty a democracy. ***

Addressing Common Misconceptions About CRT and Why it Needs to Be Taught in Schools

Photo Credit: Christian Herald 38

Introduction Critical Race Theory (CRT) has undoubtedly become one of the most controversial topics the United States has contended with in the past few years. This school of thought, established in the late 1980s, attempts to explain how structures and institutions across the U.S. perpetuate the continuation of racism. Unfortunately, many conservative media outlets across the country have conflated its meaning, and weaponized the term to take on negative connotations. As such, there are many movements all over the country that are attempting to ban discussions regarding CRT and racism from being taught at public schools. As one might imagine, this dynamic is extremely problematic for many reasons.

How can we make progress and reform racist institutions if we can't even discuss the problem? In this article, I will explain what CRT is, how its meaning and purpose has been misrepresented across multiple platforms, and ultimately, how this school of thought can come to our benefit in the education system to create change. What is CRT? In order to explain how CRT often gets misrepresented in the media, I would first like to discuss how this school of thought came to be established. The origins of the CRT movement can be traced back to Critical Legal Studies (CSL), a branch of scholars who began studying in the 1970s - 1980s. CSL theorists studied the different ways in which legal intuitions benefited the wealthy and disenfranchised the poor. In society, neoliberalism indoctrinates everyone into believing that there is equal treatment under the law, even though this practice rarely occurs in real life. As such, these scholars believed that this style of politics prevented racist structures and incidents from being exposed. As time passed, the theorists began to focus more on these structures, and how they perpetuated racism in current day society. This shift in thinking led to the creation of the CRT movement at the first Workshop on Critical Race Theory in 1989. Despite the great variety of thoughts and opinions within this field, scholars agree on five common concepts. 39

In other words, race is a carefully constructed set of perceived characteristics and values used to oppress and exploit people of color. Second, racism in the U.S. takes on an aberrational form; every minority experiences racism and discrimination in most areas of public and private life. Third, scholars agree on the thesis of interest convergence, which stipulates that “Black people achieve civil rights victories only when white and black interests converge.” Simply put, cooperation regarding social justice issues occurs when it’s convenient and beneficial for white people. Fourth, minorities are subjected to differential racialization. This statement refers to a process in which people of color are exposed to sets of negative stereotypes in all areas of pop culture that inform their racial identity in this country. Fifth, the concept of intersectionality necessitates that all aspects of a person's identity be taken into account when studying different phenomena. As I mentioned earlier, these five statements form the base of critical race theory. However, many scholars offer lots of important insight and tools to study these issues that are also worth looking into. CRT in the Media It is important to understand what critical race theory is, in order to see how it’s misinterpreted in the media.

During one of his segments, Tucker Carlson, an anchor on Fox News, even admits that he’d “‘never figured out what critical race theory is’—even ‘after a year of talking about it.’” As I mentioned earlier, CRT's purpose is to educate people about the different ways in which racism exists in daily life. By not understanding this theory, people like Tucker Carlson fail to educate themselves about how the U.S. actually operates. In doing so, they deliberately chose to ignore and disregard people of color and their suffering. Furthermore, it also allows the theory to be miscommunicated, as Quisha King, co-founder of the Moms of Liberty demonstrates. After she was invited as a guest on a Fox News segment, she explains that ‘“Critical race theory would be aligned with the KKK and true white supremacy.’” Her word choice in this quote is incredibly racist, for she completely disregards the struggles minorities face on a daily basis. Her blatant attack demonstrates her one dimensional view of race, and how CRT’s purpose gets mistaken. Additionally, not only does she make a very damaging comparison by likening CRT to organizations like the KKK, but she structures her argument in a way that changes the problem, and focuses the issue away from the idea of race. As such, people like Quisha King halt crucial conversations about discrimination. It is important to understand how these news stations misrepresent CRT's ideas, because their dialogue has caused many changes to occur across the country. 40

For one, many states have taken the initiative to pass laws that instruct how public schools are allowed to teach CRT and address racism. Not only does CRT get misinterpreted in conservative media, but in liberal platforms, as well. Democrats often underestimate the power of these right-wing talking points. By dismissing the conversation, they fail to implement preemptive measures to combat these discourses. This pattern can be seen in the 2021 governor election in Virginia. Glenn Youngkin, the Republican Candidate, incorporated CRT into his political campaign in order to galvanize more voters. Despite the fact that a substantial percentage of the population had concerns regarding this school of thought, Terry McAuliffe continuously dismissed his opponent's claims, and tried to minimize all issues pertaining to CRT. This more broadly reflects the trend of Democrats not taking such discussions seriously. In order to attract more voters and dispel misinformation, they need to address these concerns through clear dialogue and policy reform. Otherwise, CRT will continue to be a divisive topic conservative politicians can utilize to further their own agendas when it comes to race and equality.

Why We Need CRT The different ways in which CRT gets conflated across various media platforms prevents people from working towards creating a more equitable and socially just society. When states pass laws that ban racism and stories that center Black history from being taught in public schools, the “lack of preparedness results in the maintenance of racial inequali ty , for if whites cannot engage in an exploration of both their own and people of color's racial perspectives, we hold the racial order in place and continue to impose our racial perspectives and experiences as universal.”

Conclusion Critical Race Theory plays an important role in our society. It allows us to understand how various structures and intuitions in the U.S. perpetuate racist dynamics. As such, it's crucial that the public is informed about these relationships and how CRT is misinterpreted in the media. Once people are aware about these systems, and the ways in which this theory is weaponized to censor education regarding racism and Black narratives in public schools, the proper steps can be taken to spread accurate information and create change. Hopefully then, we can strengthen the democratic foundations of this country, and create a more equitable society.

By allowing states to center educational discussions regarding race, these politicians, mainly conservatives, ensure that social justice issues will never be addressed. This dynamic poses a great problem for society: How can we restructure racist intuitions and provide equity if we don't even understand what the problem is in the first place? Additionally, by discounting racism and its existence, these lawmakers create even more harmful and volatile environments for students of color. These policies put minorities at an even greater risk by weaponizing the reality of their daily lives. As such, we, as a society, must be aware of this dynamic in order to reverse it, and create positive change.

***

Islamophobia at the University of Richmond Disclaimer: Any student whose name is present in the article was asked for consent prior to the publication of the article. The blatantly discriminatory, openly dangerous narrative spun around the Islamic religion has woven itself into the fabric of the United States and into all academic spaces; the University of Richmond is no exception.

While boasting a robust Chaplaincy program with programs for at least twelve separate religious groups, the school also has a history of religious discrimination, and many of the practices perpetuated by this historical pattern affect Muslim students at the University today. Take the language and academic material used to study in Islam in classroom settings as an example.

42 Photo Credit: Amal Ali

An anonymous source said that in a First Year Seminar studying Islam, one book (Muhammad by Michael Cook) focused on the different forms of jihad (struggle) in Islam, but it prioritized discussing one form of jihad in much more depth than the others. It focused on the struggle to defend Islam much more than two other forms of struggle - the struggle against oneself and the struggle to build a good Muslim society. While seemingly harmless, this prioritization feeds into a narrative that Muslims are focused on defending their religion in a way that involves violence against other religions. Such a narrative adds to the vicious rhetoric surrounding the Middle East , which involves Americans assuming that all Muslims in the region are utilizing terrorist tactics to “take over the world” with Islam. In reality, most are trying to stay alive under the oppressive regimes of terrorist groups and infrastructurally weak governments that negatively affect them, too. Islam is effectively misrepresented in the classroom to perpetuate a false narrative, giving people the opportunity to weaponize it. This is just one example of how Islamophobia is normalized and even encouraged in academic and social settings around the University. Another example is how the University chooses to respond to different social justice issues affecting the country as a whole.

Razan Khalil, student at the University of Richmond and founder of Students for Justice in Palestine, witnessed the University’s Instagram account liking a post from the group and then promptly unliking it just moments later. Such an action shows that the University is scared to support students rallying for a cause that may push back against common societal narratives. Seeing that nearly 98% of Palestinians are Muslim, what does this message say to Muslim students at the school? Let’s dig even deeper. Around February 24 when it was declared that Russia was invading Ukraine, University of Richmond students received a campus-wide email addressing the war and providing solace and comfort to students affected by it from the President’s Office. Of course, it is extremely important to discuss the pain of Ukrainian people and support students on campus who are deeply disturbed by this issue. However, the Office’s insistence on addressing the war as a campuswide concern without addressing previous issues in emails such as the United States’ withdrawal from Afgh anistan last fall or the severe increase in violence in Palesti ne last summer reveals something quite sinister.

In 1969, University faculty were confused as to what the requirements of religious identity were for employees, and some assumed that Baptist Christians were preferred ove r people of other religious identities . Eventually the University released a statement that explicitly said that discrimination based on religion was outlawed at the school, but that did not stop harmful narratives about other religions from being intertwined with the academic curriculum, as we noted before. Collegian opinion writer Paul Caputo, a student at the University of Richmond in 1993, wrote about an experience of religious discrimination that he witnessed at the school. Caputo, who was an atheist at the time, detailed his experience walking through the C ommons building while a Christian group handed out pamphlets that said, “Are you good enough to go to heaven?” While Caputo acknowledged that all students have the right to freedom of speech on and off campus, he also said that he felt targeted by the pamphlets because they insisted that students convert to Christianity as it is the only religion that gets people to heaven. As Caputo candidly states, “No person or group has the right to tell another person or group that their religious thinking is inferior.”

If the University of Richmond claims to support different expressions of religion and be a secular institution, then no person of a marginalized religious identity should feel inferior in their own Commons building, right? Finally, in 1994, Mohammed Omar, who was a former business school professor, was denied tenure in the Robins School o f Business at the University . He promptly initiated a trial against the University and claimed that he was denied tenure because of both his religious and national identity. He then lost the trial. His daughter managed the appeals case that was pursued after he lost the initial case and had to go back to the Middle East for work, and she said that many of her father’s witnesses were not allowed in the courtroom as well as much information about the case. Yet some in the University claimed that there was nothing wrong with how the case proceeded. When analyzing these historical events in a modern-day context, it becomes clear that as an institution, the University of Richmond has helped foster an environment where Muslim students, as well as students of other marginalized religious identities, struggle to feel welcome. When studying these historical events with the knowledge of ongoing religious discrimination on campus, it becomes clear that more actionable steps must be taken to acknowledge

this issue and actively make the campus a more comfortable, safe, and open environment. In fact, we can look at the University of Richmond’s Law School for some instruction on how to enact change. In the Law School, several events were hosted that used the word sharia (religious law) in multiple contexts pertaining to women’s rights, Islamic finance, family law, etc. to destigmatize the term. The aim of these events was to encourage a more thorough and accurate understanding of the term free of the common assumptions connected to it that are often a result of Islamophobia. There even was a lecture held at the Law School on the topic of interpretations of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him)’s legacy. More events and lectures can be hosted in different schools at the University to promote a better perception of the religion. On a more administrative level, there should be reviews on the curriculum in religious classes on Islam to ensure that harmful narratives are not perpetuated. Furthermore, it would be beneficial to review material on other marginalized religious identities - if this is happening to Muslim students, who is to say that it is not happening to other marginalized students?

Rectifying the University’s mistakes in the realm of religious discrimination will (unsurprisingly) take more action and labor, but luckily, we already have a great framework for how we can continue that work. When more events are hosted at the University, consider publicizing them and attending them! When you hear damaging rhetoric in the classroom, follow up with the professor. And if you feel uneducated in your effort to end Islamophobia and other forms of religious discrimination, research and read material in contemporary news that breaks down these systems of oppression. Show up and do your part. ***

Unlock the Cages: Why Prisons Need to Go

Photo Credit: Amal Ali “Prison is a second-by-second assault on the soul, a day-to-day degradation of the self, an oppressive steel and brick umbrella that transforms seconds into hours and hours into days.” ~ Mumia Abu-Jamal Imagine living in a dark, dingy cage. Imagine following a rigid, monotonous schedule that consists of only eating, sleeping, maybe exercising. Imagine having near-tonone human contact. Every interaction is monitored. Every movement is traced. Every action is watched. No friends. No family. No sex. No privacy. Several years pass. You don’t know when you’re going to be released. You’ve lost your name; you’re just a number. . Court cases never end. It’s overcrowded. Absolutely no personal space. What does your daughter’s face look like? Some more years pass. No control of what you’re doing. 46

Many elections have passed, but you weren’t allowed to vote. You still don’t know when you’re going to be released. More years gone. You’re finally let out. But everywhere you go, all people see is ‘ex-offender’. As if that word is tattooed across your head. Eyes judge you everywhere. No job. No future. No purpose. No second chances. And maybe, if you’re lucky, you’ll stay out. But in most cases, you won’t. Isn’t such a life bound to damage your mental health? There are several psychological studies that prove the link between prison conditions (such as overcrowding, violence, unpredictability) and psychiatric disorders (including anxiety, depression, trauma).

Many researchers have theorized the Post-Incarceration Syndrome, meaning that the trauma from your time in prison haunts you throughout your life. Once you’re in prison you’re no longer treated as a human. The damage is permanent. But criminals deserve it, you might say. The United States holds around 2.3 million people in prison or jail. That’s roughly 20% of the world’s prison population, even though the United States' entire population constitutes only 5% of the world’s population. The majority of those in jail haven’t been convicted, they’re awaiting their trial. Most of them are in prison because of petty crimes, such as theft or drugs. Do you really believe these 2.3 million people deserve to be stripped of their dignity, deprived of their fundamental rights and needs, and have their humanity taken away from them? Are all of these people truly bad individuals? Are they truly “criminal?” It wasn’t always like this. The incarceration rate only increased significantly when President Nixon declared that drug abuse was the “number one public enemy” and launched the “war of drugs” campaign in 1971. This initiative sought to punish anyone who used or dealt drugs. But it was inherently problematic and affected lowerincome communities and communities of color the most.

Recreational drugs that were common amongst people of color were criminalized. The prison population continued to increase and doubled between 1994 and 2009. Today, Black people are four times more likely to be put behind bars for possession of marijuana than White people, despite comparable usage rates. They are specifically targeted. Arrested because of their skin color or economic background. And lives are forever ruined. But what about the rapists and murderers, you might ask. Prisons are inherently violent institutions and putting individuals in oppressive and cruel conditions cannot be a solution to violence. More importantly, prisons play absolutely no role in reducing violent crime. Research shows that long prison sentences have little impact on crime, and in fact, sometimes, they make a person more likely to commit crime. The root causes of violent crime often lie in patriarchy, capitalism, and class disparity. Addressing these root causes through restorative justice is more effective in averting crime. Furthermore, the cycle of sexual assault and violence continues in prison cells. In 2007, the Bureau of Justice Statistics reported over 70,000 cases of sexual abuse in pris on cells .

Implicit biases disproportionately harm Black people, Latinx individuals, , and other racially oppressed groups in the justice system.

In fact, violence is so rampant in prison that many experts have described it as a “graduate school for crime.” Criminologist Alfred Blumstein explains, “Incarceration can move the prisoner to a more serious level of criminal activity due to association with other more serious offenders.” Do you really believe that locking people behind bars reduces brutal crimes? But why abolish prisons? You’re still not convinced of my argument. We can reform the criminal justice system, you argue. Make it like Sweden. Improve prison conditions, focus on rehabilitation. But, unfortunately, the United States is not Sweden. The justice system in the United States is much more problematic. The argument for prison abolishment in this country does not simply lie in treating inmates with more compassion and humanity. The argument also lies in advocating to end systematic racism and inequality which form the foundation of the justice system in America. The incarceration rate for Black Americans is 5 times the incarceration rate for White Americans. There are more young Black people in jail than in college. This data reflects the legacies of slavery and segregation that form the moral and social fabric of this country.

Reforming the criminal justice system does not solve the structurally racist implications of prison. New Jersey, which is often applauded for its efforts in reversing mass incarceration and prison reform, managed to lower its prison population by 26% but yet, people of color are 12 times more likely to be imprisoned than white people. Moreover, according to the Prison Population Forecaster, which enables users to see how different approaches to prison reform affects the prison population, reforming the prison system doesn't do much to reduce the racial disparity of convictions. So, do you genuinely think that prison reform reduces systemic inequalities and achieves justice for all? But what can we have instead of prisons? There isn’t any other solution, you argue. But there is. There have been numerous attempts at facilitating dialogue between victim and offender through restorative justice programs where the victim and the offender reach a consensus on the best way for the offender to repair the damage they have caused.

Even though this may sound idealistic, these attempts have actually been met with success. However, understandably, there are some instances where restorative justice may not work. But there are other solutions too. House arrest enables offenders to retain their humanity and avoid the dangers of prison, while punishing them. Community policing lets law enforcers work with the community to prevent crime by addressing its root causes rather than waiting to respond after the crime occurs. Do you still believe prisons are the only option? Imagine if instead of responding to crime with crime, we educate. Imagine if our money was invested in helping victims of bias, instead of a racist training system. Imagine if we forgave and rehabilitated, reintegrated instead of abused. Prisons need to be abolished. The justice system needs to be rebuilt from scratch. And we need to demand a more ‘just’ justice. ***

Student Activism: A Call to Action Throughout my short time at the University of Richmond, I have seen enormous growth in the awareness of students regarding the issues that plague this University. For example, following the horrific sexual assault case that occurred in October, many of my male friends came up to me and commented that they had never realized how scary it must be to be a woman in a world that does not prioritize the safety of ALL of its members. The first step in creating any type of change is creating awareness in the community that can take action. Without awareness of the issues, no solutions are created and no problems are solved. While it may be easier to rely on the way that things have always been done, change is needed on the University of Richmond’s campus. Photo Credit: Olivia Zhang 50

The students at this University have the most powerful voice out of everyone on campus. I acknowledge that students of color and other marginalized groups on campus are already aware of the importance of creating awareness. However, this article is directed towards those who have not been marginalized or experienced incidences of bias. This article is meant to educate those who might or might not be aware of the issues on campus and impose upon them the importance of creating awareness and a community which understands and is willing to address its weaknesses.

While not everyone on campus is a member of a marginalized group, many are friends with someone who is and has heard stories of mistreatment.

Awareness on Campus Programs and protests on campus have done a good job of raising awareness about the various issues facing and within this school. Instagram posts, Collegian articles, and student-led protests and information campaigns have increased awareness of the issues facing this campus. While perhaps not everyone is particularly interested or invested in the renaming of certain campus buildings, it would be difficult to find a student on campus who is not at the very least aware of the ongoing arguments. While not every student on campus has experienced an incident of bias, many students have heard stories from their friends and know that this issue is present. While not everyone on campus conforms to one religion, it is hard to argue that all religions receive the same respect, resources, and protection.

Translating Awareness to Action The discussions have been started and awareness has been raised within the student body. In fact, I would argue that much of the faculty and staff is also aware of the ongoing issues facing the University of Richmond. However, understanding that the problems exist is not enough. Unless action is taken, awareness does not mean much. Awareness is an important first step, but it is not the end goal. Yet the University of Richmond’s students have a voice that they can use to make change. There are a variety of ways that the students can get involved and promote change on campus.

While there has been an increase in the awareness of students regarding the problems facing this campus, too much of the awareness is concentrated in the students who are being marginalized and discriminated against. There must be more awareness among those who are not minorities. It will take large scale awareness to have the numbers to make change.

Despite wanting to believe that the University is working in the best interest of the students, the University of Richmond is run like a business.

For example, the University of Richmond invested thousands of dollars in renovating the Student Center for Equity and Inclusi on this year and creating a lounge in which student groups can congregate. Colleges across the country have created similar spaces that encourage minorities to congregate and interact with each other, but the initiatives fail to include minorities in the wider campus communities. Businesses are constantly worried about reputation and income. If the issues at Richmond became public, the school would have to worry more about maintaining its image and may become more willing to make the necessary changes on campus. Furthermore, a poor public reputation would deter prospective students from attending and therefore impact the finances of the University, another key aspect of any business.

That understanding can enable students to create and propose potential solutions. If the ideas for how to fix the issues were being presented to the administration, the school might be more open to implementing student ideas because they no longer have to come up with solutions themselves

Protesting and complaining is not enough. We cannot just call on the administration to fix the issues because we have seen that that is not effective. Rather, students need to be part of the groups creating solutions. The issues that need to be addressed are the issues that are impacting students on campus. As those who are primarily impacted, students understand the issues better than many of the faculty and staff do.

Conclusion Awareness is great. However, it is only the first piece of a much larger puzzle. Students must educate each other and the community while also proposing ideas. Students must be willing to get involved in creating solutions rather than merely highlighting problems. Call the local news stations to report what is happening on campus. Make a scene. Be respectful, but call into question the status quo.

One student-led program, Spiders Against Bias, emerged to address incidents of bias on campus. Spiders Against Bias is student-led and student-operated and helps to offer support and resources to those who have been impacted by bias on campus. Members of this organization have been thoroughly trained and have even learned about real examples of bias on campus. This program is an example of converting awareness into action. Protests and awareness are not meant to be the end all be all solution. Rather, protests are meant to be a first step in creating change.

We are only stuck maintaining the ways that things have always been because we those in charge refuse to think of new ways for the world to work. Challenge those in charge to not only see and acknowledge the problem, but to also make legitimate changes that will address the issues. It is essential now more than ever that students educate each other on the problems, address the problems, and not let the window for creating change close. ***

Contributors Editor’s Note: To protect privacy, ensure freedom of speech, and emphasize our collective unity regarding the issues we write about, Counterculture does not use bylines in individual articles, instead including a contributors list at the end of each issue.

Writers Amal Ali Grace Brogan Sydney Dwyer Maddie Fellner Maxwell Gagnon Christian Herald Drishya Mishra Nandini Raisurana Sydney Tellis Cover Design Jaize Francis Cover Photo Amal Ali Photographers Amal Ali Grace Brogan Ryan Doherty Rachael Fields Christian Herald Amaree Walker Olivia Zhang Executive Board Founder and Editor in Chief Christian Herald Managing Editor Amal Ali Editorial Board Ashley Anderson Sogona Cisse Maddie Fellner Social Media Manager Catherine “Cady” Cummins 55

Counterculture Magazine Issue One

Articles inside

The Racist Implications of Filtering

Contributors

Student Activism: A Call to Action

Islamophobia at the University of Richmond

Unlock the Cages: Why Prisons Need to Go

Acknowledgments

Disparities in East and West Henrico County

Absentminded Ableism: Improving Accessibility on Our Campus

Addressing Common Misconceptions About CRT and Why it Needs to be Taught in Schools

UR Greek Life: Failed Reform and The Case for Abolition

Letter from the Editor

Practicing Sustainable Activism: Fighting Against Burnout and for Social Justice