As his assets increased, he became more aware of economic inequity in the system, he says. In spite of his own interests, he began to favor policy that redistributed wealth from the rich to the poor and middle class. He also promotes a healthy environment. Finding success at a young age, he was able to retire early and moved to Salt Lake City where he lives with his husband in a kempt home. Schultz now dabbles in real estate, but spends an inordinate amount of time campaigning for his super PAC, which, he adds, “I don’t want to do.”
ELEPHANT DISGUISE
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Feeling compelled, Schultz attends events like the Stewart rally trying to convince Democrats and independents to switch over to the Republican Party. “It takes 60 seconds,” he tells a group of 20-somethings, before moving on down the line, rattling through his talking points. On the surface, Schultz’ message is simple: If you don’t like your Congress member, vote him or her out. But when a congressional district skews so favorably for one party, how do members of the minority party exert power? “The answer is obvious,” Schultz says. “It’s to vote in the primary.” The Republican primaries in Utah are closed; only party members are allowed. So if someone preferred a Republican challenger for Congress, they’d better be in the GOP to vote that candidate through to the general election. Although Utah has a caucus system, candidates can still bypass the process by gathering enough signatures. (Democrats have an open primary process.) In the state’s congressional races, Schultz points out, the winners are picked in the primaries. Turning the tide in a pivotal primary race would pay off enormously, and there’s little downside he can see.
“You can literally stop them, and you haven’t done anything to harm the Democratic challenger,” he says. “If anything, you have helped [the challenger] immensely, because the majority of incumbents win their reelection. It’s the No. 1 barrier to [the challenger] being elected is the fact that there’s an incumbent.” This so-called Primary/Out strategy is a practical solution to a frustrating problem, Schultz says. But some of his peers need prodding. In the Stewart rally line, three middle-aged women—lifelong Dems—nearly gag at the suggestion of joining the Republican ranks. Not a few minutes later, though, they admit that they kind of like the idea and see its merit. Others are less convinced. Jake Parkinson, the Salt Lake County Republican Party chair and former City Weekly contributor, says he politely accepted Schultz’ handbill detailing his plan, but he doesn’t agree one iota. A conservative Salt Lake City resident, Parkinson says later in an interview that the tactic defies the spirit of democratic elections by asking voters to back a candidate whose platform they oppose—one they oppose just slightly less than another stronger candidate. “I just disagree with that premise,” he says. “I should vote for the candidate that fits my beliefs and will implement the closest vision to my principles in governing.” Naturally, Republicans would be resistant to this Primary/Out movement, but plenty of Democrats consider it an affront to the party as well. Salt Lake County Democratic Chairman Q. Dang argues that Schultz’ plan undermines the idea of parties altogether and minimizes the efforts done by Democrats. “Our party needs to stand on its own merits. We should promote ourselves as a party and not do something a little bit deceptive or roundabout. I’m completely opposed to
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s a long line queues up to get inside West High School on an early Friday evening, people shift their weight from one leg to the next. Rep. Chris Stewart, R-Utah, is back in the city and he’s agreed to hold his first in-person town hall meeting of the year. Before the doors are opened, the snaking procession already is hundreds deep; but based on capacity estimates, everyone will get a spot in the school’s 1,100-seat auditorium. Overwhelmingly, it’s a left-leaning crowd, and buzzing attendees know what’s in store. Dissatisfied constituents have the rare opportunity to voice their displeasure directly to their congressman. If not at the microphone, then by relentlessly booing Stewart’s stances with which they disagree. So despite the wait and limited parking, folks here are in good spirits. The camaraderie is as clear as the artisan typeface on their poster board signs. This is the segment of Stewart’s constituency—the minority districtwide—that wants to save Bears Ears National Monument, investigate President Donald Trump’s connection to Moscow and expand health care coverage rather than cut it. Cheerful lines make for audiences that are both captive and receptive. Activists pounce on the opportunity to pitch their brand of resistance, passing out fliers, stickers and lawn placards. Working the crowd with the best of them is Gregg Schultz, founder of a super PAC called Primary/Out. A retired ExxonMobil executive attorney, Schultz’ political affiliation is fluid. He was raised by conservative parents, voted for George W. Bush in 2000 and says his friends from law school considered him a hardline right-winger. For almost two decades, Schultz worked for a global oil giant notoriously known for a tanker spill off Alaska’s Prince William Sound, one of the worst environmental disasters in American history.
BY DYLAN WOOLF HARRIS DWHARRIS@CITYWEEKLY.NET @DYLANTHEHARRIS
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Why a left-leaning ex-oil exec. wants you and all your friends to join the Republican party.