Cap 10

10 Te Ao Hurihuri New Zealand’s First Time Gail Whiteford and Mike Barns

Once Time is recognized as a dimension, not just a measure ofhuman activity, any attempt to eliminate itfrom interpretive discourse can only result in distorted and largely meaningless representations. (Fabian, 1983, P. 24)

Aotearoa (New Zealand) has a unique history and character, but shares with other postcolonial nations the struggle to deal with past inequities while facing a challenging future. This struggle necessitates redefining personal and collective identities through reworking previously held constructs and values that have underpinned our worldviews.

In this chapter, consideration is given to time perception, time usage, and lifestyle in contemporary Aotearoa. The initial section presents key concepts of the " first time" (i.e., that of the Maori, the indigenous people of Aotearoa), prior to colonial contact. In its documentation of the dramatic uniqueness of one culture’s view of time, this section suggests important considerations for time use researchers to be mindful of when attempting to study time use in cultures or groups other than their own.

Gail Whiteford • School of Occupational Therapy, Auckland Institute of Technology, Private Bag 92006, Auckland 1020, New Zealand.

Mike Barns • University of Auckland, Private Bag 92019, Auckland 1020, New Zealand.

Time Use Research in the Social Sciences, edited by Wendy E. Pentland, Andrew S. Harvey, M. Powell Lawton, and Mary Ann McColl. Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers, New York, 1999.

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The final sections present and critique some time use data and highlight the need for the adoption of a variety of methodological strategies to elicit richer, qualitatively oriented data that more adequately address personal and cultural meanings associated with time use.

TRADITIONAL TIME First Nations’ perceptions of time are often related to the cyclical rhythms and patterns of nature. A close relationship with the natural evolutionary process often results in a calendar based upon phases of the moon rather the sun, because it is the moon that produces fertility and regulates the tides and seasons.The Maori calendar was lunar based and, because of the fertility aspect, helped to provide the foundations for their relationship to plants, fish, and other animals. This layout of time, however, did not clearly articulate the Maori concept of time that lay in deeper cultural perceptions.

Time is defined in Maori society by the Maori view of the cosmos.

Traditional beliefs chronologically delineated three periods of time, from which finally emerged man. The Maori concept of time allows for two time periods before creation of the universe. The three periods of time, of which humans occupy only one, recognize the necessity for chaos, nothingness, and the existence of life. These three are allocated their separate periods of time and space within the cosmology of the universe. The periods are sequential, beginning with Te Kore.

Te Kore: The Nothingness, Maoris First Time Period Te Kore, the first period of time, celebrated the notions of chaos, where order, either regular or irregular, was neither evident nor required. Te Kore (the nothingness) was a state of the abyss where there existed nothing, not even darkness. Within this realm of nonbeing, from either aggregation or generation or, some say, from the inception of Te Kore, lay Io, the Supreme god. Io was of several names, representing several identities: Io of the slumbering countenance; Io of the calm and tranquil countenance; Io, the unchanging and unadulterated, in whom there is no confusion and inconsistency. Maori writers have commented on the identities of Io and that nothing existed before him, for he alone was preexistent as Io-Matua-Kore, (Io the Parentless), and Io Take Take (the Foundation of all things).

The importance of the first period of Maori time is that it defines nothingness and values it as an integral part of the genealogy of humankind. Furthermore, it indicates that within the realm of maximum potential

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(derived from the fact that nothing existed at that stage, and therefore that any- and everything could exist in the future) lay the value of having things undefined, unformed, undifferentiated, and without blossom.

Thus, the first period of Maori time celebrated the notions of limitless potential, chaos, eternity, infinite, omnipresence and preexistence. It represented that period of creation that preempted fertilization and gestation.

Te Po: The Darkness, the Second Maori Period of Time The second period of time is an evolution of Te Kore, the Nothingness, into Te Po, the Darkness. It was Io who was responsible for this transition from nothingness into night. He communed with himself and his essence flowed forth to fertilize Te Kore, producing the seed of potential being.

Marsden (1975) notes, Io called into being the night realms, and divided them into various planes of the Great Night, (Po Nui); the Extensive Night, (Te Po Roa): the Enveloping Night, (Te Po Uriuri); the Intensive Night, (Te Po Kerekere); the Night Streaked with Light, (Te Po Tiwhatiwha); the Night Streaked with Broad Light, (Te Po Haehaea); the Night of Unseeing, (Te Po te Kitea); the Night of Hesitant Exploration, (Te Po Tango-tango); the Night of Groping, (Te Po te Whawha); the Night Inclined towards Day, (Te Po Namunamu ki te Wheiao); the Night that Borders Day, (Te Po Tahuri Atu). (p. 131)

This division of time into different " types" and different "zones" characterizes the Maori perception of time. Marsden's (1975) recital of traditional information serves to identify not only the qualities of time that Maori saw in terms of sequence/order, but also their understanding of different qualities of time. Indeed, contemporary Maori steeped in traditional knowledge still employ these perceptions to fish or hunt wild animals at night.

Te Ao Marama: The Broad Daylight, the Period of Enlightenment The Third period that Maori describe is referred to as the period of Light or Enlightenment. It represents the evolution of darkness into light and came about by the forced separation of the two parent gods, the Earth mother (Papatuaruku) and Sky father (Ranginui). Both parents, together with a number of offspring, referred to by Maori as demigods, were forced into the night (Te Po). The world inhabited unhappily by the children was one of darkness and little or no knowledge. Dissatisfaction with this state of existence led to separation of the primordial parents by the siblings,

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thereby allowing light into the world. This created the third period of Maori cosmology, Te Ao Marama, the period of light.

Symbolism, gesture, articulations, and meaning ascribed to this period refer to a new period of enlightenment in all senses: spiritually, intellectually, conceptually, and physically. This final period of Maori time heralded the arrival of humans into the world as we know it, the beginning of immortality, and recognition of the successes and failures of our lives.

Types of Time Time, in a Maori sense, is not necessarily chronological. The rhythmic measurement is established by the meaning of the related events rather than a period between the events. Like time, space is measured also by the meaning of events and the polarity of Maori life. Tribal local histories speak of godly deeds undertaken by highborn chiefs, which, when taken together, form a mosaic of events and thereby chart history. Maori position themselves in time and space by locating their ancestors in time (by event) and relating themselves to that ancestor. The meaning of whakapapa (genealogy) is enshrined in this orbiting relationship and confirms linkages across other tribes and geographic space. To present one's identity in Maori society is first to establish a relationship between oneself and one’s ancestors (time), and second, to locate that ancestor geographically in the landscape (space). Time and space, then, are fundamental components of Maori identity. These components are confirmed and concretized in everyday situations.

The beginning of each day is marked not with the arrival of sunlight, but with the departure of darkness. The Maori world then was one that was rooted in night and the moon, not day and the sun. Maori life was measured by the phases of the moon rather than the duration of sunshine each day. A meaningful calendar of natural events was therefore automatically ordered. Growing periods of plants, fertility cycles of fish and mammals, all intrinsically dependent upon the moon and sea tides, helped create and order the Maori way of life and eventually the Maori work ethic.

Types of time characterized the Maori existence. Time was known for its quality and the events that surrounded it. Particular periods within the cultural calendar located particular types of time. Periods of childbirth required particular responses from both mother and father, and specific rites were required to be observed and carried out to ensure that the baby was properly brought into the world and able to live a meaningful life.

Similarly, times of death required specific responses from all tribal members, which reinforced individual roles within the tribe.

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At times of depletion of certain fish species due to overfishing, the mechanism of rahui use (embargo) ensured that, for a period of time, the tribal fish gatherers abstained from fishing. Rahui, then, represented an environmentally determined and distinct type of time that predicated occupational and social behaviors.

THE COLONIAL EXPERIENCE Between Europe and the Pacific archipelago of Aotearoa stretched an immensity of space and experience. The two places were as far apart as one could physically get and still be in this world. Salmon (1991, p. 63)

To understand the worldview of the English colonists and its subsequent impact on Maori and Maori temporality, it is important to describe the context from which the colonists came.

The Age of Enlightenment The rise of industrial England saw an unparalleled growth in trade, wealth, and population. Salmon (1991) estimates population growth in London as rising from 674,000 to 1,274,000 between 1700 and 1822. More people and more trading activity required greater access to natural resources and, of course, land. England was not alone in the quest for new territories, and the competition between rival colonial nations was intense.

The pursuit of resources and territories was, however, rationalized as an extension of civilization, as evidenced in this quote attributed to Ferguson in 1767: " Property is a matter of progress, . . . without property there would be no industry and without industry men would remain savages forever" (Salmon, 1991, p. 197). Clearly, the attainment of more land was requisite to the continuation of this new and more desirable world.

Alongside this expansion of commercial activity was an energetic development of the intellect. The legacy of Copernicus and Galileo served as a basis from which the enlightenment scholars, historians, and scientists pushed forth the frontiers of " knowledge." Francis Bacon had earlier established the link between the empirical and the rational (Crombie, 1994) and it was from this base that the likes of Locke, Newton, and Descartes forged a new vision of man-in-the-world. This rise of the intellect is described by Berman (1984) as the process of "disenchantment" of the world. The enlightenment consciousness was one in which humankind perceived itself as ecologically distinct, with the ability to harness and control nature and therefore triumph over it. The spirits of all living things,

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the animism that had made the medieval world lively and enchanted, were banished beneath the harsh light of the new rational mind.

Perception of Time The new rational mind of the Enlightenment age demanded greater precision for being-in-time, particularly because of the increasingly energetic mandate for doing-in-the-world. Time perceptions had been largely influenced by a Judeo–Christian tradition, which emphasized a linear rather thin cyclic orientation. Time perceptions were becoming increasingly mechanized in both physical and conceptual representations.

The growing accuracy with which time could be measured and recorded influenced the perception that it was a commodity within which free will could be enacted. This in turn began to influence social life, or as Luckman (1991) puts it, " The practical measurement of time (and space) of calendars, clocks, watches (and yardsticks, blueprints, maps) required little or no specialization. It became part of the daily routine. Thus, even highly abstract categories of time . . . penetrated the interactional structure of daily life" (p. 160).

Time and Social Order Enlightened thinking impacted upon time perception in that it presupposed a relational dimension to time. The "real" present was here and now in the Western world, whereas the world of " savages" in distant countries was in "another" time that predated both civilization and salvation. So, rather than considering that a multiplicity of " realities" existed (within which were embedded perceptions of time), the enlightened world excluded others from their " time." This had the effect of "distancing" a concept developed by Fabian (1983), which describes how the enlightened England rationalized the being of others " in time." This rationalization clearly placed others in a different, distant time (see Figure 10.1).

This model is seen by Fabian (1983) as the basis of "colonialist praxis.''

In summary., the context from which the English colonialists came was one in which humankind was, for the first time, perceiving itself as ecologically distinct. The championing of the intellect shaped a collective image of separateness from other life on earth. Supported by scientific method, this new, rational society could investigate phenomena and achieve objective knowledge. Other, less civilized societies, distant geographically, temporally, and evolutionarily, had not yet gained this apparently greater and truer appreciation of reality. Such societies were obvious candidates for

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Figure 10.1. Modern time/space: distancing (SOURCE: Fabian, 1983, p. 27).

salvation, and the study of them could prove of value. Furthermore, the land they inhabited was of greater value and was pursued passionately.

Two Times Meet: Early Contact Captain James Cook sailed forth on his first voyage from the England described, with the mandate to find Terra Australis and specifically visit the land previously discovered by Tasman, now named New Zealand.

After spending approximately 3 months in Tahiti, the Endeavour sailed into Tuuranga Nui (Poverty Bay) on New Zealand’s east coast on October 6, 1769.

As there are many excellent historical accounts of the events of early contact, these events are not described in detail here. There were several incidents that characterized the collision between Maori and British Worlds, fueled by the belief of the would-be colonizers that put " savages below Europeans in a hierarchical arrangement," echoing the idea of "the great chain of being which in Georgian England was still a powerful metaphor for organizing both nature and society" (Salmon, 1971, p. 113). It is difficult to imagine the experience of Maori as they came into contact with these people who violated, with little regard, all that they held sacred.

Traditional Maori temporality, which acknowledged lunar and solar cycles

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and seasons, ancestors and mythic figures, and communal interconnectedness, had come into a collision with a worldview and temporality that was profoundly different. Early contact and the attendant paradigmatic clash were the beginning of a series of unfolding historical events that represent the development and evolution of the tension resulting from New Zealand’s being confronted for the "first time" with another culture’s concept of time.

Asserting the First Time: The Declaration of Independence The fact that 34 Maori chiefs signed a declaration of independence in 1835 is often overlooked, but it is of profound significance. Shrewd and experienced traders, Northern Maori in particular saw the advantages of a national flag in trade with Australia (Orange, 1987). The declaration had an additional feature in that it called upon King William to protect Maori from threats to their independence as a nation. Although there was undoubtedly British political maneuvering to coerce Maori to sign a declaration of independence (as a response to a threatening French presence), the signatories’ actions may be interpreted more broadly. Given the collective experiences of 65 years of contact with the British, French, and Americans, including massacre of 250 Northern Maori by the French in 1772 (Orange, 1987), the signing of the declaration of independence may well be interpreted as an attempt to invest in a future of self-determination, that is, a claim by Maori to a right to their land in their time, while acknowledging the necessity of having to have a relationship to the world that Britain and the other colonists represented. Culturally, Maori had already experienced the supremacist position of the settlers, which actively invalidated traditional Maori concepts of time, place, and person.

Signing of the declaration of independence may also have been a sharp response to the worldview of the colonists, in which time was commodified and values such as individualization, competition, and materialism were inherent.

Kawharu (1975) reminds us that Maori economic transactions were socially linked (with obligations to reciprocity) rather than profit-oriented, and were not measured within immediate time by material standards.

Time Promised and Time Lost: The Treaty of Waitangi What happened to this attempt to assert and protect Maori temporality, and with it, worldview, mode of production, and continued lifestyle through a declaration of independence? It appears that after 1835, the

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situation deteriorated, and British opinion moved toward seeing Maori as increasingly unable to assert control and therefore unable to be supported in sovereignty (Orange, 1987).

The relatively late (in colonial terms) signing of the treaty meant that greater pressure was brought to bear by the international community when it came to recognition of indigenous peoples' rights. Experiences in Africa and the Americas had contributed to an understanding that any attempt at governorship required negotiation and consent from the indigenous inhabitants (McHugh, 1991).

The Treaty was drawn up and ultimately signed by a total of 502 Maori rangatira (chiefs). But the most contentious feature of this process was that there were, in fact, two different treaties, a Maori version, Te Tiriti O Waitangi, and the English version, the Treaty of Waitangi.

It would appear that what Maori believed and understood the Treaty to mean was the antithesis of what it translated to in actuality. The growing loss of land meant loss of resources and means of economic production.

Self-determination was eroded steadily, as was a collective identity that had traditionally described itself as a relationship to the whenua (land).

Spoonley (1994) states categorically that the neocolonial period " encompasses the development of a much more complete capitalist infrastructure and the ongoing marginalization or destruction of Maori Society" (p. 84).

In summary, Maori, through the losses of land, resources, and means of economic production, lost control of their world, their time. The "first time" of Aotearoa had been eclipsed by another.

Te Po: The Night Journey For Maori, the story of Aotearoa from colonial times to present can be likened to the passage into the realm of Te Po, guardian of the night. For a period of 150 years they have been marginalized by the process of colonization. This time in the marginalized darkness has led to diminished socioeconomic, health, education, and welfare status. Alienated from the traditional cultural store of knowledge through urbanization, Maori have struggled to secure economic and social equity. Noted Maori leader Ranginui Walker (1987) reminds us of enduring Maori temporality and asserts that " for the Maori, the inheritors of a millennia1 culture, theirs is a struggle without end into the world of light. They know the sun has set on the empire that colonized them. They know too it will set on the colonizer even if it takes a thousand years. They will triumph in the end, because they are the tangata whenua." (p. 287).

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AOTEAROA NOW: TIME AND TIME USE IN CONTEMPORARY NEW ZEALAND The sources and consequences of cultural and historical differences in temporal experience and awareness are a rich and complex area of enquiry that in our opinion, has yet to receive the attention it merits. (Gorman &

Wessman, 1977, p. 45)

The preceding sections of this chapter have described the traditional Maori conceptual understandings of time prior to contact with European colonials. An outline of the vastly different temporal perspectives of the colonizers precedes a brief summary of historical events that followed, signifying the dominance of one temporality over another. What this collision of temporalities means in the context of a modern, postindustrial society is the focus of this section. To single out how traditional Maori time perspectives have been impacted over time would be an impossible task, as temporality pervades the entire worldview and consciousness of a particular culture or period, pervading many aspects of thought and action. Furthermore, because they touch on so many features, they are hard to classify and organize systematically. Time is embedded within culture, or as Jones (1988) would have it, time is culture. Instead, the following figures are presented, representing data related to Maori and non-Maori time use. Understanding what this data signifies, as well as what it fails to signify, will mediate the discussion.

To contextualize the time use data, it is worth presenting statistics that reflect the proportion of Maori within the total New Zealand population.

Figure 10.2 indicates the growth rate of Maori as a percentage of the whole population.

Of note is the fact that while the actual rate of growth will slow over time, it is still faster that the New Zealand population total.

If we consider employment as a global indicator of a substantive dimension of time use, the following occupational distribution data are of interest. Figures 10.3 and 10.4 detail differences between Maori and nonMaori men and women.

For Maori men, clearly, the highest percentage are engaged in bluecollar occupations (plant and machine workers, elementary occupations and trades), while they are underrepresented in so-called white-collar occupations (sales, administration, management and clerical professions).

For Maori women, the numbers are lower in professional and managerial groups, and in these groups " they remain underrepresented compared to their non-Maori counterparts" (Statistics New Zealand, 1994, p. 41). So,

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Figure 10.2. Maori in the total population (SOURCE: Statistics New Zealand, 1994).

where Maori and non-Maori are working, they are spending their time in quite different occupations. What of those not working?

Table 10.1 provides unemployment rate data for the years 1986–1993.

As late as 1993, it is evident that both Maori women and men were more likely to be unemployed.

If we move on to consider how differences in type (if any) of paid occupation may impact on income, the following table is a useful summary. In Figure 10.5, it is not surprising to see that the net effect of having one group predominantly engaged in subprofessional occupations is that the median income is lower. Besides elementary occupations (e.g., cleaning) " the median income of full time employed Maori was lower than for non-Maori—both men and women" (Statistics New Zealand, 1994, p. 47).

Consider, now, in contrast, the position of Maori in voluntary work.

The 1991 Census in New Zealand found that Maori men and women did more hours of voluntary work per week than any other ethnic group.

Besides historicopolitical and socioeconomic forces that have shaped the phenomena of differentiation between Maori and non-Maori in relation to

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Figure 10.3. Occupational distribution of employed men, 1991 (SOURCE: Statistics New Zealand, 1994).

Figure 10.4. Occupational distribution of employed women, 1991 (SOURCE: Statistics New Zealand, 1994).

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Table10.1. Unemployment Rates, 1986–1993 (in percent) Year ended, December

1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993

Maori women

Maori men

Non-Maori women

Non-Maori men

11.3 10.5 13.4 16.8 18.9 24.2 22.8 20.8

10.2 10.2 13.8 19.0 20.2 25.8 27.4 24.7

3.8 3.7 4.8 6.0 6.2 8.1 8.3 7.7

2.7 3.3 4.7 6.3 7.0 9.5 9.4 8.7

Source: Statistics New Zealand, 1994.

occupation, employment, and income, there may be an indication here that sociocultural values related to time use may have also shaped these phenomena. If so, surely the first time use survey conducted in this country would provide some valuable data.

The 1990 Time Use Pilot Survey The New Zealand Bureau of Statistics undertook its first-ever time budget study in 1990 with the intention of undertaking a more substantive

Figure 10.5. Median total income by occupation, full-time employed, 1991 (SOURCE: Statistic: New Zealand, 1994).

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survey at a later date. The pilot included a sample size of 627 households in four different urban areas.

Methodologically, the main method of data collection consisted of "a 48 hour diary divided into five minute intervals, in which respondents were asked to record their activities on designated days" (New Zealand Bureau of Statistics, 1991, p. 29). Other information was obtained by two questionnaires, one completed in conjunction with a field staff member of the Department of Statistics, the other by the respondent. Random Sampling was used to identify addresses, with a higher percentage of Maori and Pacific Island locations being selected. Trials were undertaken prior to the pilot.

In terms of the time use activity classification utilized in the pilot, consistency was sought with international classification systems. The classification of activity groups utilized was as follows: 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

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10.

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Labor force paid work and related activities Domestic work and household administration Childcare and helping/caring for other household members Unpaid work in the community Unpaid production of goods Education Religious, cultural, political and social participation Personal care Social entertainment Sports and hobbies Communication and physically passive free-time activities Completing time diary and unknown activities.

"A special feature of this classification is an expanded section on unpaid voluntary work in the community" (New Zealand Bureau of Statistics, 1991, p. 33).

Findings The report of the time use pilot, " Testing Time," warns that the findings should be treated cautiously because the sample was selected " to evaluate the methodology not produce reliable statistics" (New Zealand Bureau of Statistics, 1991). With that cautionary view, and a reiteration of the objective of piloting a new methodology in mind, a scrutiny of the findings is interesting fodder for reflection. Figures 10.6 and 10.7 are perhaps the best summary of the information obtained in the time use pilot.

Figure 10.6 is a reflection of hours spent on activities by participants. Not surprising is the gender difference, indicated particularly in caring for

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Figure 10.6. Tie use: Hours per day spent on all activities by participants (SOURCE: Testing Time. New Zealand Bureau of Statistics, 1991).

Figure 10.7. Proportion of the day spent on the first activity: Whole population aged 12 and over Note: Domestic work includes food preparation, housework, repairs and maintenance, shopping, gardening, and production of goods for the household. All unpaid work for nonhousehold people or groups is included in unpaid work in the community. (SOURCE: Testing Time. New Zealand, 1991).

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children and other household activities. Similarly, Figure 10.7 seems to yield few surprises and may, arguably, mirror time use patterns in other postindustrial countries to a greater or lesser extent.

What of ethnic variations in time use? None of the figures presented in the report indicate differences between Maori and non-Maori, even though the sampling was biased to include a greater representation of Maori. In the text of the report is a small section on differences in time use by ethnic groups. The report states quite baldly that " time use did not vary significantly by ethnic group except that Maori respondents reported spending less time on labour force activity than those of New Zealand European or other ethnic origin, reflecting the lower participation rate of Maori in paid work" (New Zealand Bureau of Statistics, 1991, p. 15).

Discussion The time use methodology described in the " Testing Time" pilot has certainly been adequate in obtaining some time use data for Aotearoa. If followed up in a larger study, it would no doubt yield some valuable information for a range of interested parties. For example, an indication from time use data that people are spending more time in passive leisure pursuits coupled with a trend indicating a mean increase in weight in adults in this country has implications for community health and recreational planning. However, while such highly quantified data have value, they do not represent a complete picture of time use, as they fail to acknowledge the qualitative, phenomenological dimensions of how people think about, make sense of, and experience time. Quantitative time use methodologies that have arisen from postpositivist paradigms indicate that some time use patterns exist, but they fail to address why such patterns exist or what they mean to those who experience them.

Given the rich philosophical tradition of inquiry into the nature and experience of time, particularly the contribution of Heidegger (in Being and Time) to our understanding of the phenomenological dimension of time, it is surprising that time use studies have largely remained quantitative in orientation. Similarly, within the realm of sociology, as Hassard (1990) points out, there has been a strong orientation to " qualitative time" as exemplified in the works of Sorokin and Durkheim, who argue that "social time is qualitative and not purely quantitative, and these qualities derive from the beliefs and customs common to the group" (Hassard, 1990 p. 3).

The need for a greater qualitative orientation to understanding how people are " in time" is also echoed in the works of social psychologists such as Block (1990), who has posited the need for a contextualistic model for

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understanding time that is both descriptive and heuristic, and of Werner (1990), who stresses the need to adopt a range of methodological approaches, including observational, field, ethnographic, and archival strategies to understand temporal dimensions of social-psychological phenomena.

In adopting such strategies within a qualitative paradigm, it would be possible to access through the narratives of people the meaning of time use, as well as the differences in types of time. This would, we hope, enable a greater illumination of differences between groups such as Maori and Pakeha in this country and provide a more complete picture of people’s experiences of time to serve as a basis for more informed decision making by the likes of public policy planners. In a postmodern world, we need to adopt new strategies to understand complex phenomena more fully. Or, as Gorman and Wessman (1971) put it, " Instead of vainly searching for permanent and defined order, perhaps we are learning to accept and live in an evolving universe and social world where all things are subject to temporal development and change" (p. 50).

KA AWATEA: THE DAWNING Ka Ao, Ka Ao, Ka Awatea.

It is dawn, it is dawn, it is day.

Maori oral tradition

That there are at least two distinct perceptions of time in New Zealand is not underscored in the time use data previously. Maori time, its behavioral determinants, perceptions, and manifestations, are encrypted in Maori thought and illustrated through the use of metaphor and symbolism. This is important in the postcolonial development of New Zealand.

In the modern period of New Zealand society, New Zealanders are recognizing the need for values of greater substance in lifestyles and life pursuits. Maori in particular have questioned the acquisition of temporal structures not of their own cultural framework. Pakeha, too, are questioning the inheritance of an industrioeconomic orientation to time, which measures value in economic time units relative to vocation.

The development to date of the unique New Zealand identity, firmly rooted in the landscape and speaking of the geographic qualities of the New Zealand environment, would have us believe that a synthesis of the two main cultures exist. This appears to be so to a greater or lesser extent.

In the interface between those values that are traditionally Maori and those that are traditionally Pakeha, no more purely English is often articulated in

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the national identity. Yet the data explored reinforce the continued denial of the existence of "other" time. Constructs and methodologies of surveys and academic research maintain a Eurocentric time perception and do not allow for alternative perceptions of time. While the development of a unique New Zealand identity has been formulated by aspects of both Maori and Pakeha culture, the preeminence of the Pakeha time sense has to date invalidated that of the Maori. Postcolonial dynamics, however, demand a reinvestigation of many social and cultural constructs that were operable in the period immediately before this. Rejection of colonial constraints by both primary New Zealand cultures has allowed a space of potential confluence that allows for the provision of mind-sets alternative to those of the colonial period. Official recognition of the Maori language and the tacit incorporation of Maori words into the national vocabulary and lexicon indicate the opportunity for alternative time senses to be researched and adapted. However, despite the demand by corporate and white-collar workers in New Zealand for an improvement in their time use to allow for greater "quality time" to be spent with family outside work hours, and a remix of the workday, little formal evidence exists of embracing a Maori perception of time and time use. The capitalist, psychological hegemony that has presided over the industrialized world, has managed to commodify time, and current dissatisfactions with values that have become culturally embedded can be traced back to that commodification.

Acceptance of an approach to time that seeks to place emphasis upon quality of time and sense of time comes closer to the Maori condition. Total employment and utilization of the Maori sense of time, however, would probably require incorporation of the attendant conceptualizations of space and self. Pakeha New Zealanders have not yet indicated their willingness to become totally bicultural to this extent. Continued questioning, however, may lead to the adoption of alternative perceptions, which come from Maori sources yet contain revised Pakeha values. Maori maintain that their sense of time offers more for the human condition and emphasizes valuing the natural environment, family, emotional stability, and personal commitment to community beyond that of personal endeavor and the pursuit of economic wealth.

In summary, our postmodern world requires us to reconsider previously held social and cultural constructs. Employing alternative methodologies and embracing indigenous paradigms are the means by which this reexamination and reconsideration needs to take place.

There is an opportunity for Aotearoa to enter into a new dawning.

This is best articulated in the following traditional proverb: Te Ao Hurihuri te ao huri ai ki tona tauranga:

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te ao rapu; ko te huripoki e huri rei I runga I te taumata o te kaha.

Te Ao Hurihuri is a world revolving: a world that moves forward to the place it came from; a wheel that turns on an axle of strength.

(King, 1992, p. 1)

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Wellington, New Zealand: Reed.

Ballara, A. (1986). Proud to be white? A survey of Pakeha prejudice in New Zealand. Auckland, New Zealand: Heineman.

Berman, M. (1984). The reenchantment of the world. New York: Bantam.

Block, R. A. (Ed.). (1990). Cognitive models of psychological time. Hilsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

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