Journal of Conflict Transformation & Security
about peer relations can be drawn from these studies. Another factor influencing transmission dynamics is to be found in the context of poverty, lack of opportunities and marginalisation. The economic and political stagnation that often follow long-lasting wars can support the perpetuation of violence as the only means of survival. Studies have demonstrated how a lack of job opportunities, education and access to basic services can be the reason why many youth engage in illegal activities and petty crimes to provide for themselves and their families. As such, violence becomes a survival mechanism.11 An additional factor was added as a result of fieldwork, namely the role of political factionalism in the process of transmission. Almost every interviewee brought up this dimension of a culture of violence within Sierra Leonean society and especially how youth are involved and in some cases manipulated in the political ‘game’ of the two opposing parties. Also political elites are considered responsible for condoning violence, hence legitimising and youth perceive violence as acceptable behaviour. Poverty, family, peers and social groups, and political factionalism all catalyse the transmission of culture. The borders between these factors are blurred and, at times, they overlap. The distinction between one another is maintained artificially by the researcher however, it is in their overlapping areas that the interaction among the factors is revealed. During fieldwork, which was carried out in Freetown12 in spring 2010, I conducted 33 semistructured interviews and 8 group interviews with two target groups: a) government officials from the Ministry of Youth and Sport, personnel from UN agencies and INGOs, local NGOs and organisations, community associations and charities whose projects target youth and youth-related issues; b) youths (18 years and above) who took part or still take part in such projects, youth groups, student associations, and street youth. The former group was selected as witnesses of the process of the transmission of violence and its mechanisms. Working in direct contact with youth, and having engaged with them over a period of time from the end of the war up to today, enables them to describe the dynamics and forces at work among youths as groups and individuals. The second group, youths of 18 years or older, is likely to have been part of the process of transmission, albeit unconsciously. Since violence is often normalised and internalised by those who experience it during and after the time of armed conflict, the interviewee might not be aware of surviving elements of violence in their personal attitudes, beliefs and even behaviours. This lack of awareness does not mean, however, that they cannot give important insights about the persistence of violence in their society and in their daily life. On the contrary their perception and understanding of violence and its manifestations are the main interest of this research project. This variety of sources enabled me to meet with youths at different levels in society which allowed a wide
11. E. Britt Patterson, ‘Poverty, income inequality and community crime rates’; Ronald Kramer, ‘Poverty, inequality and youth violence’; H. Roger Mac Ginty, ‘Post-accord crime’; Daniel Ledermann et al., ‘What causes violent crime?’. 12. From this geographical limit a specific focus on the urban youth population was derived which excluded the situation and realities of young people in the rural areas.
Youth and Violence in Freetown: The Transmission of a Culture of Violence in Post-War Sierra Leone
promoting it. This attitude towards violence of the highest political elites influence the way
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