Mathare Valley | Nairobi, Kenya 2011 Collaborative Upgrading Plan
a collaboration between Muungano Support Trust University of Nairobi | Dept. of Urban and Regional Planning UC Berkeley | Dept. of City & Regional Planning
Executive Summary This report describes an ongoing project aimed at improving the lives and living conditions of slum dwellers in Nairobi through a partnership between Muungano Support Trust, University of Nairobi, and University of California, Berkeley. The project started in 2009 and has continued to evolve and adapt as changes have been taking place in Nairobi, both in living conditions and in the policy environment.
Project Participants Project Leaders:
Professor Jason Corburn, University of California Berkeley email@example.com
Professor Peter Ngau, University of Nairobi Muungano Support Trust Irene Karanja, Executive Director Students:
UC Berkeley: Brytanee Brown, Marcy Monroe, Salma Mousallem, Luke Perry, Sharada Prasad, Casey Rogers, Heena Shah, Alice Sverdlik, Ruco Van Der Merwe, Asiya Wadud, Jennifer Wang
University of Nairobi Made possible by a generous grant by the Rockefeller Foundation: Thanks to Suman, Susan & Robert Buckley
Contents Pages: Process and Partners l Introduction, History of the Mathare Valley,
Project Scope, Planning Process
Mathare Valley l Existing Conditions
Planning Scenarios l Mapping and Context
Policy Framework and Context l Policy Framework and Political Context
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 4
Introduction Collaborative Planning to Improve the Quality of Life in Mathare Valley Introduction In Nairobi, Kenya, an informal settlement called Mathare Valley is home to nearly 200,000 people confronting a range of challenges. Mathare is one of the largest slums in Nairobi, where over half the approximately 3.5 million residents live in over 180 different slums1. Like many informal settlements, Mathare is characterized by unsafe and overcrowded housing, elevated exposure to environmental hazards, high prevalence of communicable diseases, and a lack of access to essential services (such as adequate sanitation, water, and drainage). Residents in Nairobi’s slums frequently suffer from tenure insecurity, while widespread poverty and violence further increase their vulnerabilities. Yet residents also have extensive assets and creativity in addressing these challenges, and they are helping to create new possibilities for improving life in Mathare.
Guiding Principles and Goals Our collaborative approach aims to integrate the dimensions of our Relational Planning Framework presented in Figure 2. Using this approach, our project simultaneously works with residents to build power, identify both assets and challenges, and extend our partnerships to a wide range of stakeholders. While we strive to improve the settlements’ physical conditions, we recognize that local action alone is insufficient and broader policy change is also necessary to improve living conditions and the lives of slum-dwellers. Thus, our approach rejects single-issue slum improvement approaches and instead focuses on the inter-relationships between poverty alleviation, securing infrastructure and services, improving housing, economic opportunities, food security, human health and safety, among other issues.
In this report, we seek to advance new approaches at the valley scale and describe an ongoing collaborative project that aims to improve the lives and living conditions of Mathare residents. The report shares the findings, lessons, and proposals generated by a community-university partnership that begun in 2008. The partners are based at the University of California, Berkeley (UCB), Department of City and Regional Planning; Muungano Support Trust (MuST, the support organization to the Kenyan federation of slum-dwellers); the University of Nairobi (UoN), Department of Urban and Regional Planning; and Slum Dwellers International (SDI). Building on the partners’ previous planning efforts and an improvement project in the village of Kosovo, this report will describe our Valley-wide analyses and plans for all of Mathare’s villages.
To achieve our multiple aims, our partnership has developed a set of guiding principles and project goals: Principles 1. Build upon existing community assets and strengths 2. Limited to no displacement of existing residents and activities 3. Use infrastructure planning as an entry-point to address other related issues 4. Ensure meaningful participation and ongoing collaborations with Mathare residents 5. Strengthen community organizing and long-term capacity
In January 2011, a team of faculty and students from UCB, UoN, and MuST began the second phase of data gathering, analyses and collaborative planning focused on improving infrastructure, livelihoods and well-being in Mathare Valley. Project leaders included Berkeley Professor Jason Corburn, Mark Hildebrand (former UN-HABITAT director), University of Nairobi Professor Peter Ngau, MuST leaders Irene Karanja and David Mathenge, and SDI project leader Jack Makau. Next we describe the planning process in greater detail and the key principles animating our partnership.
Goals: 1. Generate Valley-scale analyses of existing conditions and ideas for improvement 2. Create an advocacy coalition for Mathare that builds upon and extends our partnership 3. Demonstrate a holistic, participatory approach to slum upgrading at a wider scale 4. Influence slum policies at the community, municipal, and national level in Kenya 5. Improve the lives and living conditions of Mathare Valley residents
process Community organizing & savings federations
physical planning Housing, infrastructure, environment & land use
Government, service providers & international donors
Valuing the economic, social, environmental, health & other community assets
Advocating for new national strategies for the urban poor
Building networks with other NGOs & scaling-up work to city & nation
Key Participants in the Community Planning Process Muungano wa Wanavijiji is the Kenyan federation of slum-dwellers, and by 2010 there were over 60,000 active Muungano members nationwide. Muungano’s fundamental local unit is the savings scheme, and more than 500 savings groups have been established to date. Members participate in daily savings, conduct regular community meetings, and receive loans to improve their housing or livelihoods (see BOX below on Muungano’s savings schemes). Muungano is also a longstanding member of Slum Dwellers International (SDI), a network of urban poor federations active in 34 nations and headquartered in Cape Town. Together with the national federations, SDI advocates for pro-poor urban policies and builds partnerships with key stakeholders to strengthen the voice of slumdwellers. Muungano members often participate in exchanges with other SDI federations, helping to enhance learning and solidarity between slumdwellers in different countries. Muungano Support Trust (MuST) is comprised of activists, surveyors, and organizers headquartered in Nairobi. MuST serves as a technical team to facilitate Muungano members in acquiring tenure security, services, improved livelihoods, and shelter. MuST and Muungano members also engage in advocacy for more equitable urban policies, while demonstrating their own innovative forms of low-income housing or services provision.
relational model for participatory slum upgrading
The Department of Urban and Regional Planning at the University of Nairobi (UoN), Urban Innovations Project, is spearheaded by Professor Peter Ngau. The UoN team has been responsible for leading the community mapping process, assisting in household surveys, and data analyses. This has included an extensive survey of 650 households, exploring the diverse conditions in housing, infrastructure, livelihoods, and health across Mathare’s villages. The second UCB Nairobi Studio was held during Berkeley’s spring semester of 2011, under the leadership of Professor Jason Corburn. Seven students from fields ranging from planning, architecture, AfricanAmerican Studies, and the Energy and Resources Group participated in the studio and the following visit to Nairobi. The students worked to map existing conditions; analyze the social, economic, and political environment in Mathare; and to generate a draft report with findings and recommendations. UCB has maintained regular contact with all of the partners and hosted 2 UoN professors in October 2011, who provided essential feedback on the report.
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 6
The Mathare Valley, Nairobi Kenya
Mathare Valley lies approximately 6 kilometers to the northeast of Nairobi central business district, and is bordered by Thika Road to the north and Juju Road to the south. Mathare is comprised of 13 villages: Mashimoni, Mabatini, Village No. 10, Village 2, Kosovo, 3A, 3B, 3C, 4A, 4B, Gitathuru, Kiamutisya, and Kwa Kariuki. The settlement lies along the Mathare and Nairobi Rivers. Mathare population is estimated between100,000 to 200,000 people living in just .89km2 of land. The team used a number of documents to collect existing conditions data for both Nairobi as a whole and Mathare Valley, including data from Open Street Map (OSM); MuST 2011 household surveys; the Athi Water Board Report; Amnesty International reports; policy documents from the Kenyan ministries of land and housing, and the 2009 Kenyan Census.
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 8
History of Settlement Patterns in The Mathare Valley Nairobi was established in 1899 as a transportation and administrative center for the Kenya-Uganda Railway, totaling just 10,000 people in 1906. The British largely neglected urban planning, and Nairobi’s first Master Plan was completed in 1948 but never fully adopted. Africans and Indians were confined to the east and south of the City Center in flood-prone areas deprived of basic services. This marked spatial segregation of colonial planning continues to define Nairobi’s informal settlements. ‘Mathare’ is a Kikuyu word for Dracena trees, and Mathare Valley has a long history of informal settlements although it was only after 1963 that rapid population growth occurred. The first residents began arriving after 1920, and some of Pangani’s displaced villagers moved to Mathare in the 1930s. Villages spread from the 1930s-50s along Juja Road and in the eastern edge of the valley, and local quarries were mined. Mathare villagers often participated actively in the nationalist movement, and after the State of Emergency was declared in 1952, the British razed housing and detained Mathare residents. However, residents later returned and by 1963, Mathare’s villages covered a total of 496 acres. Throughout the 1960s-70s, Mathare residents sought to improve their settlements by establishing their own schools, organizations, and vigorous advocacy efforts with the Council. But in the first years after Independence, the City Council often demolished structures and failed to provide water or refuse collection. Residents persisted and formed their own leadership structures and local groups, such as Village II’s Co-operative Credit Society that had 90 members by 1967. Each village had a chairman and advisers, who often advocated with local officials on behalf of the community. In some cases, the residents successfully secured water or other key services. During the 1960s-70s, Mathare’s population grew rapidly and settlement patterns changed significantly as over 20 building companies constructed dense tenements in the Valley. According to a 1971 report by the University of Nairobi on settlement patters in Mathare where household surveys were conducted, Mathare’s population in 1969 reached 30,000 residents in 9 villages. Valley’s population doubled from 1969-1971 in part dues to
the creation of Land Companies that constructed new housing. By January 1971, over 53,000 Mathare residents were living in Companybuilt housing. Since tenants of these company constructed housing paid high rents construction in Mathare was “one of the most attractive investments in Nairobi”. Building companies sought to take advantage of Mathare’s location near City Center but failed to provide any services with housing. For example, in Village II 5,000 residents shared one water tap. In village 4A, 784 residents had no water access and shared 31 pit latrines In Village I, a total of 2 taps and a spring provided water for nearly 4,300 informal residents. Following a cholera outbreak in March 1971, the City Council provided free water supplies to Village II. A Mathare resident recalled that the City Council built over 150 toilets in the 1970s, but they became rundown and largely inaccessible by 2000 . The 1971 University of Nairobi report made several important recommendations, including: •
new legislation was needed to ensure appropriate building standards and to enable gradual improvement of public utilities, including water, sewage, electricity, and roads bottom-up housing strategies, in order to reduce unemployment and the shortfall in low-income housing greater recognition and dialogue between Mathare residents and officials: “Better two-way communication is needed to enable the authorities to respond to the needs of low-income families living in urban areas”
Yet, these recommendations were largely ignored and after over 40 years, our team has returned to Mathare to offer a new set of recommendations for community-scale improvement.
Images taken from 1971 University of Nairobi Report
the collaborative slum upgrading process
Our work has been guided by the inspiring examples set by partner NGOs Pamoja Trust and Muungano va Wanjivivi. They have created a resident-driven model for collaborative slum upgrading. The elements of this process are meant to be seen as cyclical and iterative, rather than linear, as upgrading projects are more likely to be successful when they are incremental and adapt to changing needs.
Process and Partners
Policy Framework 10
enumerations Before even attempting to create neighborhood plans, Pamoja Trust and Muungano begin by organizing residents to collect valuable data about current social, economic, physical, and health conditions.
saving federations Concurrent with the enumeration process, Pamoja & Muungano help establish neighborhood savings federations, allowing residents to accumulate capital for housing and community infrastructure projects. According to Pamoja Trust’s Executive Director, Jane Weru, “…these processes help build an internal community governance structure that has to be in place before a dialogue with the city government can be effective.”
The Mathare Valley
the participatory planning model of pamoja trust & muungano va wanjivivi
collaborative organizing & planning
Over time, the partners build relationships, capital, and trust within the settlements. Eventually, they begin dialogues between residents, landlords, and government, with the goal of reaching consensus around how to plan and upgrade the settlements in a mutually supportive way.
The ultimate goal of these processes are to enable community members to create successful, healthy neighborhoods. When internal governance, partnerships, social & financial capital are in place, a community can invest in the housing and infrastructure it needs to improve residents’ livelihoods. Huruma, a settlement in the neighboring Kamibi Moto district, is a neighborhood where Pamoja and Muungano have helped mobilize people and resources to gradually upgrade the settlement, an ongoing process. (pictured, right)
Present-Day Planning This report aims to offer collaborative analyses and recommendations focused on the entire Mathare Valley. Our work builds on previous collaborative planning and reports of this team. From 2008-2010, we collaborated to develop plans for four villages in Mathare, namely Kosovo, 4B, Mabatini and Mashimoni. A report was issued in 2010 and used by the Nairobi City Council and the Nairobi Water and Sewer Company as a framework to deliver piped water to every houshold in Kosovo. As of July 2011, 180 households have individual household connections, and 6,000 households fetch water from formal, community controlled and operated public water kiosks. This was the first project of its kind in an informal settlement in Nairobi. By focusing this work on the entire Mathare Valley, we hope to draw lessons for two two national slum upgrading policies: the Kenya Slum Upgrading Program (KENSUP) and Kenya Informal Settlement Improvement Project (KISIP). In 2003, the Government of Kenya and UN Habitat entered into a Memorandum of Understanding to upgrade slums and informal settlements in Kenya through KENSUP. In addition, the World Bank launched KISIP in March 2011, with the objective of improving living conditions in informal settlements in 15 selected municipalities. Another benefit of planning at the zonal or valley scale is that infrastructure improvements can reach an ‘economy of scale’ where investments benefit hundreds of thousands of residents. In addition, infrastructure improvements across the entire Mathare Valley will have far reaching impacts on the quality of life, health and other benefits for residents living in areas adjacent ot Mathare and across Nairobi. We recognize planning at the valley scale is not easy and must be accountable to community members and their different needs across villages.
Capacity Building of the Community Planning Team Another milestone in the planning process has been capacity building of the community planning team , which has been done in forums within the settlement. Just as in the way the technical team meets frequently to build upon ideas and the process, the community planning team has to meet purely to build on their knowledge on planning issues. The technical team recognizes that the ideal of zonal planning has to be demystified for the community planning team. The technical knowledge of planning must also be strengthened within the community planning team.
viewing upgrading as a “housing” issue. The following diagrams illustrates the multiple dimensions to be considered throughout the zonal planning process. The community planning team is also looked upon as ambassadors of the process to explain the process to the wider community and even actively engage service providers and other stakeholders in initiating implementation within the settlement. As mentioned earlier, the Zonal Development Plan (ZDP) process has two key levels: data collection and survey administration and the planning/ visioning levels. The main area that has been covered in the process is the data collection and what is remaining is finalization of surveys on key sectors. Afterwards, the planning team will embark on visioning and developing solutions to the problems and challenges indentified together with all stakeholders including the service providers such as Nairobi Water Company and Athi Water and Services Board. The most important thing for the process is to ensure that there is comprehensive data collection and analysis. The team has embarked on zonal planning of the entire settlement. The modeling process entails constructing the settlement as it is in 3 dimensions. First, the planning process has periodic stalls as the technical support team engages in other issues that that MuST is addressing and this necessitated innovating a way that the community planning team will be kept busy within the planning process without taking much of their time. Secondly, there is need for the community and stakeholders visualize how the entire settlement looks like, and thirdly the community planning team and the residents need to understand how the entire settlement look like and what each proposals demands. The most viable way to address these concerns is to develop a model that covers the entire settlement. The organization of the modeling process just like the planning process is at village level. The idea is to develop a model of each village but with the capacity of all being joined to make a whole of the Mathare Valley. Each village’s community planning team will be engaged in the modeling process so that when the technical team is unavailable, planning lapses will no longer occur. . This way, the planning lapses will be eliminated and the momentum will always be there. All three arms of the team, UoN,UCB, and MuST have been bringing their expertise to every stage of the process.
Capacity building forums have aimed to answer the question “What really is zonal planning?” Another key element has been demonstrating the complexity of tackling the issues of informal settlements and not simply 11
Process and Partners Policy Framework
The Mathare Valley
2009 Start of collaboration between Pamoja Trust, University of Nairobi, and University of California, Berkeley in response to UNEP River Basin Programme.
Studio Preparation and Analysis of Current Conditions
Collaborative workshop in Berkeley:
-Team reviewed reports on slum upgrading projects around the world. -Attended presentations on different sanitation system technologies in developing countries. -Synthesized enumeration data to highlight big picture living conditions in Mathare.
with David Mathange and Lemeck Machuki from MUST in Nairobi, and Mark Hildebrand, former UN Habitat Director. The workshop reviewed infrastructure maps on existing conditions and proposals; it was vital in order to understand recent developments and changes in Mathare.
May 30th-June 11th
Collaborative workshop in Nairobi:
Follow up and Feedback on Nairobi Visit
Collaboration with Kenyan Partners in Berkeley
Finalize and Release Report
-Site visits to Mathare as well as Kibera -Visited best practice slum upgrading model in Kambi Moto, Huruma -Participated in one day workshop at UN Habitat as part of the UN Habitat Partner University Initiative showcasing different urban projects. -Attended a meeting with Sumila Gulyani at World Bank Headquarters -Presented and discussed proposals to community in Mathare -Worked alongside UoN and MUST throughout the visit.
Synthesis of data collected during field visit as well as updated infrastructure maps. .
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 14
Community Assets While Mathare residents contend with barriers such as limited economic prospects, gender discrimination, low educational attainment, and lack of viable public transportation, the community is also deeply invested in using its own ingenuity to step in where formal systems have failed. Key partnerships with pro-poor advocates, investments in community organizations, and neighborhood-scale youth economic development initiatives are all assets to Mathare. The settlement is home to over two dozen community-based organizations (CBOs) that together provide educational, spiritual, financial, and social support for residents. These organizations range from women’s groups to savings schemes, and from religious institutions to user-generated news outlets. Communitybased organizations fill a vital role in Mathare, and one third of the all residents report membership to a community organization. In 3A, 3C, 4B, Mashimoni, and Kwa Kariuki membership is between 40- 50%. Savings groups drive membership in community organizations, with 63% of residents citing this financial support as their reason for joining a community organization. Savings and credit schemes attract the largest numbers, with 67% of residents claiming membership The savings groups serve an important function within Mathare, as they are an entry point for civic engagement for many of the residents, and membership serves as a safety net for families that earn low wages as casual laborers or owners of informal businesses. In Kosovo, for example, 4 out of 5 residents who are involved in a member organization are involved in savings groups . The savings groups, which operate not only in Mathare, but in informal settlements throughout the country, help Kenya’s slum residents to secure the necessary funds to collectively purchase land and support needed infrastructure upgrades. In these pro-poor saving models, residents save a small portion of their daily wages, and over the course of several years, secure funding for upgraded housing. Savings schemes are attractive in their incremental savings model, which is an essential strategy of this work, given that many members of these savings groups earn low wages, and even setting aside small sums can be burdensome. Saving small sums over a long period is a more manageable approach for many slum residents, and membership to MuST provides a financial and social safety net for Mathare residents.
Youth Development Many of the CBOs in Mathare specifically serve the large youth population. Local CBOs offer enrichment activities for youth, and several incorporate youth economic development into their core mission. CBOs such as Mathare Valley Youth Sports Association (MYSA) and Maji Mazuri mobilize young residents around community-led sanitation. Mathare Valley Blog , an outgrowth of Map Kibera , is a user-generated news platform based in Mathare Valley. Six Mathare residents maintain the blog, including women and youth, which offers a diverse perspective on life in Mathare. The blog is a snapshot of life within Mathare, chronicling NGO visits , nightlife , and the daily challenges of living in an informal settlement that lacks basic services. The Mwelu Foundation and Slum Talent Trust also play pivotal roles within Mathare’s user-generated news landscape. Both organizations work with local youth to document existing conditions (through photography), as well as produce music that extols the values of the community. In 2011, Slum Talent Trust’s Walfame music group won prestigious environmental stewardship awards for their ‘Cash Is Trash’ and ‘Me and My Bike’ music video, which celebrate youth-led sanitation and cycling, respectively. These user-generated news outlets offer a more nuanced understanding of life in Mathare than what is often found in Kenya’s mainstream news outlets.
RO AD TH IK A
Mathare North Primary School Kenya College of Accountancy University
Muthaiga Golf & Country Club
St. Teresaâ€™s Secondary School
Bridge International Academies
Moi Forces Academy
Mathare Valley Medical Clinic
Moi Air Base
Eastleigh Airport Primary School
Maina Wanjingi Secondary School
Starehe Boyâ€™s Center and School
University of Nairobi
Nairobi Central Business District
Mathare Valley Context Park Land
Central Business District Mathare Valley
River Major Roads Minor Roads
2 km 15
Current and Projected Population Figures in Mathare Accurate population counts help determine the number of beneficiaries for improvements, such as houing, land tenure and the provision of essential serviecs like water and sanitation. The 2009 Kenyan Census estimated that there are 84,718 Mathare residents. However, due to likely census bias and undercounting in informal settlements, we calculated a total population figure based on multipying the number of housing structures by four (average number of people per household). This method estimated 188,183. Village-level population data indicate some marked differences between the census and our estimates. For example, in Gitathuru, Kosovo, 3A, 3B, and 3C our estimates were two times those of the Kenyan Census. Despite our suspicions that the 2009 Census has undercounted the popualtion of Mathare, we decided to use these estiamtes since they are endorsed by the Nairobi City Council and other planning stakeholders. The 2009 Census found 28,996 households in Mathare (or 84,718 residents) on just 1km2 of land, resulting in extremely high settlement densities. Mathareâ€™s population was 46% female and 54% male. The two largest villages were Mathare 4A, with 18,776 residents (22% of the Valley total) and Kwa Kariuki, with 9,024 residents (10.65% of the total). Census data also indicate substantial differences in village size, though densities may still be high in the smaller settlements. Mabatini had 1,160 residents on 0.038 km2 of land, while Number 10 had almost 2,600 residents on just 0.0272 km2. The overall density in Mathare is estimated at 285,125 people/km2
Population Comparison: Estimated vs Census 35000 30000 25000
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 16
People of Mathare Valley
20000 15000 Pop from 2009 Kenyan Census
Source: 2011 Mathare Valley Survey, Muungano, University of Nairobi, University of California - Berkeley
Muungano’s Savings Schemes and National Structure Muungano has developed several organizational structures (Figure below), helping members to secure access to additional resources and advocate effectively on behalf of the urban poor. At the community level, Muungano members form groups that require members to save on a daily basis. Members can subsequently use the savings to secure loans from the national Muungano Development Fund (MDF) and Akiba Mashinani Trust (AMT). These low-interest loans can be used to improve members’ housing or enterprises, bolstering their assets and livelihood security. Additionally, Muungano members meet weekly in their settlements and form teams that focus upon advocacy, welfare activities, surveys, and other strategies to improve local conditions. Savings scheme members may also pool their savings to purchase land or engage in other upgrading projects. Beyond the settlement level, savings schemes are grouped into regional networks (for Nairobi, Kisumu, Mombasa) and the regional networks send representatives to Muungano’s national council. These regional and national-level structures help Kenya’s slumdweller movement to extend its influence, develop new strategies, and strengthen the collective voice of the urban poor.
* 1“Mathare Valley Survey”. UC-Berkeley, University of Nairobi, MUST, 2011.
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 18
Economics and Livelihoods The poor constitute 51.5% of Kenyaâ€™s urban population, which is one of the highest concentrations of urban poverty within East Africa (1). Casual labor and informal work accounts for the vast majority of the employment within Mathare, and only 10% of Mathare residents are engaged in the formal labor market (2). The informal sector is often the only means for slum dwellers to earn a wage. With rising informality, workers can only earn extremely low incomes through casual employment and are often unable to meet basic household expenditures (3). Microenterprise has been touted as a means to increase economic security within informal settlements in urban centers in Kenya, especially for women, who are five times more likely to be unemployed as men (4). The operation of small-scale businesses decreases the likelihood that a family will live in poverty, especially when the enterprise is located outside the immediate informal settlement. There is also a positive correlation between the length of time an enterprise has existed, and the income level of the family: the longer the family has had the business, the higher their income (5). High-grossing micro-enterprises include consulting and other skilled labor, and low-grossing microenterprise include food vending, furniture and shoe repairs, and urban agriculture production. These micro-enterprises offer families increased economic security within an overwhelming insecure market (6). However, most families in Mathare do not operate microenterprises and largely rely on casual labor. Recent household level data from Mathare indicates that 83% of residents are employed in the informal sector, either through casual labor or through small business, and only 10% of Mathare residents are formally employed (7). While 40% of residents work inside their settlement and 22% in another Mathare village, a total of 45% find employment outside of the Valley. (8). Common casual employment include clothes washing for women, for which she is compensated Ksh 100 - 200 per day and construction for men, which garners Ksh 250 (9).
Due to the unpredictable nature of casual labor, familiesâ€™ income tends to fluctuate, and this has a direct impact on their health and food security. When wages fluctuate, it limits the resources that households can devote to their basic needs such as food, water, and health care. Income distribution varies widely between villages, with some residents earning less than Ksh 2,500 per month, and others earning upwards of Ksh15,000 per month (10). In the valley as a whole, 30% of the residents earn Ksh 5,000 or less per month, with low wages having the highest prevalence in Kiamutisya. Although half the residents of Kiamutisya earn less than Ksh 5,000 per month, average household expenditures within the village total Ksh 7,634.
Source of Income 1% 2% 1% 8%
Casual Labor Informal Business 46%
Salaried Employee Formal Business
Rent / Property
Human Activity Map
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 20
Roads and Circulation Mathare is bordered by two main highways of Juja Road and Thika Road, but access is poor within the settlements and improving circulation is a key priority. The mega-project expanding Thika Road to 8 lanes will be completed in 2012, at a cost of perhaps 37 billion Ksh. (Odhiambo 2011). Yet accessibility is limited within and between Nairobi’s slums, creating major obstacles to livelihoods and posing a major risk to safety. Like other informal settlements in Nairobi, Mathare’s villages have extremely lowquality roads and footpaths. Road networks do not cater well for street trading or non-motorized transport, although walking is the major mode of transport in Nairobi. Additionally, car accidents and serious congestion are common, so that movement around the city is often stressful, unhealthy, and expensive (Klopp 2011, Khayesi et al. 2010). Narrow, unpaved footpaths are common in slums, which cannot accommodate emergency vehicle access or even daily circulation patterns. Challenges with transport are common in Mathare, where people often walk, incur heavy transport expenditures, and lack access to adequate paths. The UoN and UCB household survey revealed multiple difficulties with respect to circulation: • 87% of respondents in Mathare considered the internal roads inadequate • In Kosovo, the existing main road runs along the northern edge of the settlement and is currently the only motorable road • Walking was residents’ most common mode of transport • Average monthly transport expenditures exceeded 1,500 Ksh., often on matatus (informal mini-buses)
This map illustrates current road circulation conditions, with three main arteries of transportation 1. Motorized Roads- currently as it stands the only roads that are paved and have the necessary infrastructure for motor transport are Thika Road, Juja Road, and Mathare North Road. 2. Non Motorized Roads- These are dirt pathways, which are relatively wide, and found throughout the valley. The main pathway is MauMau Road which cuts horizontally through the valley. Motor transport can move on these roads, but this is done with great difficulty as the pathways are not paved. This is a barrier to providing the necessary care in cases of emergency when fire trucks and ambulances need access to the valley. Furthermore, the lack of motorized roads throughout the valley further isolates the valley from the rest of Nairobi. 3. Footpaths- These are narrow pathways throughout the valley that residents use to access their homes as well as to move from one area to another. The community of Kosovo is exceptional in that it has a substantial footpath network.
Roads and Circulation Map
Process and Partners
Mathare Valley is built around very unique environmental features ,which in many ways, has influenced its development and character. Two rivers, the Nairobi and Mathare, cut through the valley convergeing in the center. They act as the main conduits to ferry sewage and solid waste out of the valley. These rivers flood and recede seasonally with the rains which impacts both the activities (such as urban agriculture) and buildings directly along the banks. They have further shaped the topography as they continually carve out deeper valleys. In general, the topograhy does not have large elevation changes but the elevation changes that do exist are very steep. Areas of especially steep elevation changes are between Gitathuru, Kosovo and 4B as well as along the river banks north of 3C and 3A . In some of these areas, the protective topography and river banks have created safe harbors for illegal activities such as Changaa brewing.
Topography and drainage in the Valley
The Mathare Valley
Land Use and Environmental Factors
0m scale 1mm:1000mm (1:1000)
Land Use & Environmental Factors Map
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 24
Water System Water provision throughout Mathare Valley is generally either via stand points or water kiosks. Only 11% of residents in the valley have private in-yard or in-house municipal water connections while the rest of the populations pay on average 2KSH for 20L from private sellers.1* Due to the city’s failure to formalize the water service, numerous entrepreneurs have tapped into existing water lines and they are selling water for up to 4 times the municipal cost.*2 The geographic spread of water points is fairly good as 76.3% of the population in Mathare live within a 50 meter walk to a water point and 100% within the 500 meters that Sphere standards recommend.*3 The area of much greater concern is that the total number of water points is far too low to adequately and efficiently serve the communities. On average, a single water point serves 315 people which is above the emergency threshold of 250 as set by sphere standards.*4 Furthemore, irregular water supply combined with long wait times has led to serious water access problems for Mathare residents. The high demand on the existing water system and poor maintenance has caused the system to frequently leak, leading to low pressure flows, intermittent supply and dry taps. The large number of illegal connections is further contributing to low water pressure and contamination of clean water supplies. Long wait times are frequent at water points and this burden falls disproportionately on women and children. Overall, water supply is insufficient and irregular, quality is poor and costs are obstructive to the poor.
Challenges • • • • • • • •
High demand but limited supply High price: (as percentage of HH budget) both for water purchase and connection to water supply Irregular supply Quality of the water varies (frequent contamination is reported) Safety/cleanliness of water relates to local sanitation which is largely non-existent Many water kiosks controlled by local cartels Illegal connections result in low pressure at some points. Old and worn out pipes frequently leak and burst, leading to waste of clean water
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Barriers to Water Access * Long Wait 1% High Cost 7%
Long Distance 14%
Unreliability 64% Contamination 3%
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Water Systems Map 100
Water Points - Functioning Waterlines 25
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley
Only 11% of Mathare Valley residents have private in-yard or in-house municipal connections.1*
The water provision graph below displays people per functioning public water point. Functioning public water points were defined as those locations that were delivering water as a public accessible good. The majority of these were water kiosks which tend to charge 2 KSH per 20L.1* Locations that were non-functioning, private or under construction were not included in the analysis. Although this clearly displays the quantitative data associated with water provision, it does not account for the qualitative differences between water points. As noted earlier, there exist significant qualitative problems such as irregularity of flow, water quality and price barriers.
People Per Functioning Public Water Point 1600
400 *Sphere Standard 200 250 People Per Water Point
288 18 87 7 187 104
Sphere Standards Given the lack of universally accepted indicators for comparing slum conditions, this project utilized the Sphere Standards which are universally accepted standards used during emergency response operations. The assumption was that conditions acceptable within an emergency context should be the minimum achievable standard in a slum or informal urban setting.1*
The map below displays a 50 meter buffers drawn around all functioning public water points. 76% of households in Mathare Valley live within this 50 meter buffer indicating that spatial proximity to water sources is quite good. This, however, is quite deceiving when one considers other factors such people per water point and the quality of the facilities.
Water Buffer Map 27
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley
Sanitation Overall sanitation conditions in Mathare are sub-standard due to few public sanitation blocks, a sewerage system in disrepair, non-existent public waste management system and security issues for women utilizing latrines. Latrines vary greatly in type and spatial distribution across the valley. For the purposes of this report, only sanitation blocks which were functional and allowed public access were utilized for accessibility calculations. It should be noted that the term functional is purely used to indicate that households are using the facility. Most of these â€?functioningâ€? sanitation blocks are in fact not connected to the larger sewer system and drains directly into the river. Private household level latrines, non-operational (non-used) and under construction sanitation blocks were not included in calculations. Most of the public sanitation blocks do charge a user fee and the effects on accessibility have been covered in Amnesty Internationalâ€™s report Insecurity and Indignity*.
Barriers to Latrine Access
Safety 5% Availability 8%
Efficiency (use by children) 14%
! ! !!
! ! !
! ! ! !
Sanitation Services Map
! ! !! ! ! !! !!! ! !! ! ! ! !! ! ! !! ! ! !!! ! !! ! ! ! !! ! !! !! ! !! ! !! ! ! ! !! ! ! !!! ! ! ! ! !! ! ! !! ! ! ! ! ! ! !! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !! ! ! !! !! !! ! ! ! !! ! ! ! ! !! !! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !!! ! ! !! !! !! ! ! !! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !
Sanitation Blocks Sewer Pipes 29
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley
Sanitation Sanitation accessibility as examined here has been based on two factors: 1. Household proximity to functioning public sanitation blocks 2. Users per sanitation block. Using these as the indicators, latrine accessibility across the valley is poor. Only 29% of households live within 30 meters of a functioning public latrine block which means that the majority of residents are traveling far in order to access latrines.* This becomes especially important for women and girls who have experienced sexual violence when accessing latrines, especially at night.* The latrine blocks that do exist are strained by a high frequency of use. On average, a single functional latrine with public access is shared by 73 people. Poor quality of latrines and spatial distribution has led to open defecation and the use of flying toilets (defecating in a bag and throwing it out at night). The sewer lines which do exist are non-
People Per Functioning Latrine (individual + block) 250
functional or drain the sewage directly into the rivers. Many footpaths across the communities contend with open air sewer trenches and these often overflow during rains. In terms of waste management, only 28% of households report being served by a waste collection group (formal or informal), which has resulted in the majority of residents merely dumping their garbage at a few central locations or burning it.* Sphere standards for sanitation recommends that a single latrine be used by a maximum of 20 people and the general environment where the population lives be free from human feces.* With this as guidance to what is an acceptable standard, it becomes evident that sanitation conditions in Mathare Valley are sub-par at best.
17 *Sphere Standard 20 People Per 0 Latrine
Garbage is generally dumped in open spaces and drains down towards the river.
Household waste water from cooking or washing clothes is dumped into open air sewers outside the house.
Sewage openly flows down many foot paths making it extremely unsanitary for children to play outside.
B C A
Sanitation Buffer Map
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 32
Electricity Demand for formal electricity within Mathare Valley is high. Increased access to electricity is needed to light homes, operate home-based microenterprises, and prepare meals. However, electricity connections remain a challenge within Mathare, where only 10% of residents have formal electricity, and connection costs vary widely between the villages.1* Connection costs are based on the reliability of the connection; in villages where the electricity connection is not reliable, customers are charged less for connection, but have to contend with an irregular electricity supply 2*A recent survey carried out by UC-Berkely, University of Nairobi and MUST revealed that 68% of residents are connected informally to the power grid. 3*Each village within Mathare has its own set of nuanced challenges regarding electricity, but below are broad challenges facing formalized electricity connections within Mathare as a whole: • Supply does not meet demand • Lack of will from absentee landlords to provide connections to their tenants • Residents resort to dangerous illegal connections that can result in fires • Illegal connections pose a constant risk of electrocution (due to haphazard connections) The large number residents connected infromally indicates a strong demand for electricity but poor supply from Kenya Power and Lighting Company (KPLC). Formalizing the electricity grid will be a key factor to upgrading the valley as well as legitimizing power supply.
Electricity Connection1* Formal 9%
None 22% Formal and Informal 1%
Electricity Services Map 0 Meters
80Meter Buffer from Light Masts !
Powerposts Powerlines 33
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework
Housing Within Mathare, 83% of residents are renters, and 17% are owners (1). Structure owners live in Mathare 50% of the time, elsewhere in Nairobi 35% of the time; and outside of Nairobi 9% of the time. Rent varies across the Valley, but 69% of residents pay between Ksh 501- 1,500 per month; and 20% pay between Ksh 1,501- 2,500. Most dwelling units (98%) are constructed of iron sheets, and are approximately 10ft sq. in size; walls are often made of mud, stone, iron sheet, bricks, or scrap metal. The floor is either earthen (52.5%), cement (46.9%), or wood (.6%). Housing demand is rapidly outpacing construction and overall supply, and the units that are built are often out of reach for low-income residents. The lack of other viable affordable housing options leaves low-income urban Kenyans few options apart from living in informal settlements. In Mathare, 30% of residents cite affordable rents as their reason for moving to the settlement.Although low-income urban dwellers have few options for housing apart from informal settlements, evictions are still a common practice to clear valuable land, which is what recently happened in the Kyangâ€™ombe settlement in Nairobi. Forcible evictions remain a major concern and 25% of Mathare residents have relocated from other informal settlements in Nairobi, often as a result of eviction threats (2).
Monthly Rent 40.00% 35.00% 30.00% 25.00% 20.00% 15.00% 10.00% 5.00% 0.00%
Figure 2 34
Demographic Findings from Household Survey Tenure Status (N=650) Structure-owner 15% Tenant 82% Sub-tenant or relative 3% (N=650) Gender of respondent Male 27% Female 73% Gender of structure-owner (N=379) Male 69% Female 31% Previous residence In another informal settlement in Nairobi 26% Formal settlement in Nairobi 16% Outside Nairobi 42% In another Mathare village 1% Born in this village 15% Length of Stay in Mathare Average residence time in this village 13 years Average residence time in this house 8 years
Health in Mathare and Other Informal Settlements in Nairobi The World Health Organization (WHO) Commission on Social Determinants of Health (CSDH) has asked: Why do we keep treating people for illnesses only to send them back to the conditions that created illness in the first place? Our approach to slum health recognizes that urban living conditions, services and policies are a stronger influence on who gets sick and dies prematurely than just health care. The urban environment influences many aspects of health and well-being before one seeks health care: what is available and affordable to eat, the quality of the air we breathe and water we drink, schools that serve all young people, opportunities for well-paid and regular employment, whether housing is available and safe, dangers in the environment and security in the streets, neighbors and family that can offer emotional and other supports, and places for residents to come together to share information, organize interests and hold government and others accountable. This report suggests that how improvements in informal settlements are drafted, designed and implemented, as well as accompanying public policies, has a significant influence on health and well-being of slum dwellers.
Self-Reported Health in Mathare 80
Level of Satisfaction (%)
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework
Level of Self-Reported Health Excellent (%)
Level of Self-Reported Health Very Good (%)
Level of Self-Reported Health Good (%)
Level of Self-Reported Health Fair (%)
Level of Self-Reported Health Poor (%)
Village Name Figure 1 36
Although many studies have examined the health challenges in Nairobi’s other informal settlements, there is little published research on health in Mathare Valley. The few available studies suggest that vaccination coverage is far from universal, and like other informal settlements Mathare has major environmental health concerns. In 1999, a survey of 530 children in Mathare’s slums found that 62.2% were fully immunized (Kamau and Esamai 2001). A subsequent study with 700 children in Mathare found a slight improvement in vaccination coverage: 69.2% were fully immunized (Owino et al. 2009). Additionally, residents often suffer ill-health as a result of Mathare’s highly inadequate sanitation and water provision. A resident of Mathare for 20 years, Millicent lamented the “high frequency of cholera, dysentery, and other water-borne diseases,” and her 4 children regularly experience such illnesses (quoted in Amnesty International 2009: 9).
Research in other informal settlements suggests that child health outcomes are improving, but major challenges remain and health inequities are still profound in Nairobi. A widely-cited study found that in 1998, under-5 mortality rates reached 150 per 1000 in Nairobi’s slums, more than double the rate of 62 per 1000 in Nairobi overall (APHRC 2002). Recent Demographic and Health Surveys (DHSs) indicate that the rates of infant and under-5 mortality did decline from 2003-2009 in 2 informal settlements, Korogocho and Viwandani (Figure 1 and Table 1 below). The slums’ infant mortality rate fell from 82.3 per 1,000 live births in 2003 to 58.5 in 2009 (Emina et al. 2011), while the under-5 mortality rate dropped from 113 in 2003 to 79 in 2009 (ibid.). Yet Nairobi’s under-5 mortality rates declined more rapidly, dropping from 95 per 1000 in 2003 to 64 in 2008 (ibid.). Thus, children in slums still suffer higher mortality rates even as some recent improvements have been recorded.
University of Nairobi 2011). Over 600 Mathare residents were surveyed in 2011, covering such topics as major health concerns and challenges associated with health facilities. When asked to self-rate their health, over 30% reported being in fair or poor health, a surprising 53% said they were in good health and 13% were in very good or excellent health (Figure 2 below). However, the findings on common conditions and healthcare suggest some pervasive challenges. Over 70% of adults and children reported having malaria, and childhood conditions also included diarrhea (6%), breathing/respiratory problems (6%), and chest problems (7%). Over 28% of respondents utilized public hospitals, 22% used private hospitals, and another 20% attended NCC clinics. Many residents experienced challenges in accessing these health facilities, such as high cost (58%) or distance (14%). Over 43% rated the quality of health services as unsatisfactory or extremely poor, although another 30% were satisfied and 26% felt that services were good or very good:
Given the limited evidence base in Mathare Valley, our recent survey of residents’ can significantly enhance our understanding of some key determinants of health in this settlement (MuST, UC Berkeley and
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 38
Daily Life in Mathare Valley Throughout their daily activities and tenacious efforts to earn a livelihood, Mathare residents may face difficult trade-offs and several demands on their time. For instance, accessing healthcare may conflict with residents’ livelihood strategies or involve heavy out-of-pocket expenditures. Although government health centers charge a fee of just 20KSh, they usually lack sufficient supplies of medication. Residents may turn to private clinics or pharmacies instead, but the costs of medicine, fees, and procedures quickly become excessive (perhaps reaching 500KSh for lab tests). Transport costs are not a major burden for Mathare patients, according to recent UoN and MuST surveys, but residents usually endure long waiting times. Mathare North Health Clinic, a government center, treats about 200 patients per day and residents queue up from 5:30 AM and may wait all day before being treated. At the non-profit Baraka Health Center, 6 doctors treat 250-300 patients daily and lines are again lengthy. The center is closed over the weekends and doctors observed that emergencies are more common on Mondays (as patients cannot afford hospital fees and may not access care over the weekends). Health-workers at Mathare North reported that residents may miss their appointments if they find casual labor, underscoring the trade-off between securing livelihood opportunities and accessing affordable health services. Mathare residents frequently work extremely long hours, but many continue to face challenges such as low incomes, lack of childcare, and rising food prices. Interviews with food vendors in July 2011 found that they operated for approximately 14 hours per day, often beginning as early as 6 AM. These vendors have been adversely affected by the recent spikes in staple food prices, as consumers resort to cheaper, less nutritious items. With meats, fruits, grains, or other healthier items increasingly out of reach, customers prefer beans, fried foods, or cheaper vegetables like kale (sukuma wiki, or ‘pushing the week’ in Kiswahili). Residents more generally are at heightened risk of malnutrition and disease, while food vendors are particularly struggling to earn sufficient incomes. One in five of the vendors interviewed engaged in other informal activities such as washing clothes, suggesting that livelihood diversification was needed in order to secure adequate earnings. Childcare is often another major concern for single mothers in Mathare, who may struggle to pay the typical daily fees of 30-50KSh for daycare. In these delicate juggling acts, low-income mothers may need to bring their children to work or make other informal arrangements. But through their creative strategies and extensive assets (Section 2 above), Mathare residents constantly develop new ways to cope with challenges and enhance their communities. Recently, MuST and Muungano worked together to initiate low-cost childcare centers in Mathare and Dandora in order to serve
local mothers as well as provide business opportunities for mothers in Muungano. The centers already serve 15-20 children each day, opening from 6AM until 7:30PM, and there are plans to expand capacities in the future. Other Mathare youth are engaged in successful plastics recycling businesses, and toilet-cleaning is another way to improve local living conditions while earning an income. Beginning in 2005, an innovative partnership with SC Johnson has employed teams of Mathare youths to clean toilets. Regular clients usually engage the Community Cleaning Services teams once per week, who earn 20KSh. each cleaning (Thieme 2010). Still, as discussed above, sanitation is overwhelmingly inadequate in Mathare. A resident declared that the cleanliness of toilets is “not what anyone would want it to be,” and sanitation problems are only compounded by meager water provision: “in the frequent absence of water, you can imagine” (quoted in Thieme 2010: 340). By working with Mathare residents whose resilience and strength are already so apparent, the project will seek to create new ways to address their interlinked challenges. Part 3 will present our proposals, which aim to create holistic approaches and bring meaningful improvements in Mathare. Securing access to water, infrastructure, healthcare, and adequate livelihoods are among the key goals of this participatory upgrading project. Building on the extensive assets and responding to residents’ needs, the project may help ensure that ‘pushing the week’ is no longer such an arduous struggle. The partnership may thereby enhance the quality of life in Mathare, both on a daily basis and over the long term.
Photo: Daycare center recently launched by Muungano and MuST (http://muunganosupporttrust.files.wordpress. com/2011/11/malezi-2.png)
Amnesty International (2010), Insecurity and Indignity: Women’s Experiences in the Slums of Nairobi, Kenya Amnesty International recently highlighted the key linkages between poverty, insecurity, violence against women, and inadequate sanitation in Nairobi’s informal settlements. Gender-based violence is endemic in slums, but Amnesty argues that it usually goes unpunished and “significantly contributes to making and keeping women poor” (p. 37). Inaccessible sanitation, inadequate lighting, and insufficient policing are identified as key factors that exacerbate women’s vulnerability to violence. Lacking access to toilets, women and girls often make long journeys to reach sanitation facilities. But due to minimal lighting, prevailing insecurity, and ineffective policing in slums, women are placed at greater risk of rape and other gender-based violence. For instance, 19-year-old Amina recounted being attacked one evening in Mathare. As she walked for 10 minutes from her plot to a shared latrine, she was nearly raped but chose not to report the incident: I always underestimated the threat of violence when regularly using the latrine which all 12 families who live on the plot where I live use. I would go to the latrine at any time provided it was not too late. This was until two months ago when I almost became a victim of rape… You have to walk for about ten minutes to use the latrine. It was just about 7pm when I had reached the latrine only to encounter a group of four young men –including one who was my neighbor and well known to me… Without saying anything two of them held my hands as one hit me on the face… I could feel that they were undressing me and one of them was saying that they would teach me a lesson on why I should not be out at that time… I am sure that they were about to start raping me when a few people responded to my shouting and came to my rescue and these men ran away… I did not report the incident because one of the four men who was well known later told me if I reported the incident to official authorities or the police they would look for and deal with me…(quoted in Amnesty International 2010: 21-22). Women also developed strategies to cope with the threat of violence, such as walking in groups or asking male family members to accompany them at night. Of course, these options were not always available to female-headed households or if facilities were nonexistent. And the majority of women interviewed by Amnesty International indicated that “using latrines or toilets at night was out of the question” (p. 22). As a result, “women in Nairobi’s settlements become prisoners in their own homes at night,” said Godfrey Odongo, Amnesty’s East Africa researcher. Amnesty’s recommendations to the Kenyan government include: • Constructing toilets and showers near each household • Improving security through better street lighting and other measures • Increasing the levels of policing (in consultation with residents) • Promptly investigating gender-based violence and conducting fair trials • Ensuring the relevant authorities and departments coordinate efforts to improve water and sanitation in Nairobi’s informal settlements Welcoming Amnesty’s report, a senior policy officer at WaterAid told the BMJ, “Few issues have such a profound effect on a woman’s wellbeing as access to sanitation and yet this tragedy continues to be shrouded in silence.”
For the full report see Amnesty International (2010), Insecurity and Indignity: Women’s Experiences in the Slums of Nairobi, Kenya, London, 54 pages. Available at http:// www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR32/002/2010/en/12a9d334-0b62-40e1-ae4ae5333752d68c/afr320022010en.pdf 39
Job security and compensation relative to basic expenditures are two often overlooked factors that have a direct impact on health and food security within urban centers (1). The majority of food security literature focuses exclusively on rural food security, and fails to discuss how the urban poor cope with food commodities price increases. However, as Kenya continues to urbanize, and unskilled laborers migrate to urban centers, Kenyan cities will increasingly be impacted by food crises that once affected rural populations in a greater degree. As cited in the Mathare Sentinel Surveillance Report, “Food is the single most important expense accounting for nearly half the household expenses, followed by other basic necessities such as house rent, cooking fuel and transport fare.” A large number of Mathare residents are currently experiencing food insecurity, which can primarily be attributed to an increase in commodity prices while wages remain constant. While food commodities remain available within Mathare, the poor economic situation has decreased food affordability. The high rate of joblessness and low wages within informal
10000 8000 6000 4000 2000 0
Monthly Food Expenditures (Ksh)
Figure 1. 40
100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0
Monthly Food Expenditure as Percent of Total Monthly Expenditure
Monthly Food Expenditure as Percent of Total Monthly Expenditure
Household Food Expenditure in Mathare Monthly Food Expenditure (Ksh)
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework
Health, Malnutrition, & Food Insecurity settlements leads to overall decreased food security for residents. Residents find ways to cope when they lack access to food, but coping mechanisms have a dire impact on children’s health ) as well as overall community health (2). Malnutrition plagues many residents, especially vulnerable populations such as children. In Kenya’s informal settlements, twenty percent of children under five are malnourished, and according to a 2009 Oxfam survey, 80% of Mathare residents had reduced their meal size in the last 30 days, and 60% had skipped meals. During the severe drought in East Africa in 2011, our team found through surveys that Mathare residents were again experiencing dramatic spikes in staple food prices – doubling over the course of just a few months – resulting in similar rates of reduced household food consumption. We found that other forms of coping included removing children from school, purchasing food on credit, and purchasing more cooked food from street vendors rather than cooking at home in order to save money on fuel. Many respondents indicated knowledge of someone in the community who has begged, stolen, or undertaken sex work for food and money. Kenyans have also begun to reduce their intake of non-essential food items, such as fruits and vegetables. During June, July and August of 2011, vegetable consumption dropped by 8.3% and fruit consumption fell by 25% (3).
From our surveys, we found that protein intake was very low through only legumes and milk taken with tea; meat is culturally desirable but rarely consumed due to high prices. Due to the already dense population, increasing food security through uban agriculture is a difficult- if not impossible- option for many residents. While urban agriculture has proven successful in limited cases, it is not a realistic means for increasing food security for Mathareâ€™s wider population. During our summer 2011 surveys, we found that residents were very interested in urban agriculture as a means of supplemental nutrition, but they cited critical limitations including lack of space, water cost and delivery, theft, and vandalism. Because residents of Mathare purchase the majority of their food, when food prices fluctuate, residents experience these shocks. It is estimated that between 50% and 75% of household income is spent on food purchases; thus a seemingly minor price fluctuation can easily tip households into poverty. Those who spend
40% or more of their household income on food are especially vulnerable to price increases(4) (5) (6). Without the viability of urban agriculture, there are few buffers to protect residents from food commodity increases. In the wake of the current food crisis, international aid organizations have began to provide food relief to mothers with young children in informal settlements in Nairobi(7). ). More promisingly, our survey found that residents were aware of positive coping strategies, such as bulk purchasing with family and friends and participation in informal savings groups. These practices may be encouraged through community organizations and informal social networks. The perceived shift towards purchasing cooked food from street vendors suggests another underexplored hunger-reduction strategy: street food vending to achieve economies of scale in food purchasing and preparation, and to create jobs. Little is known, however, about the sanitation and hygiene practices among the food vendors, and how adequate nutrition can be achieved through street food purchases.
Access to Health Facilities 80.00% 70.00% 60.00%
Within this village
Outside this village, but w/i Mathare
Outside Mathare Valley
Mathare residents primarily use health facilities for general treatment, and residents access health facilities within their own village (26.2%), within a different Mathare village (37.4%), or outside Mathare altogether (36.3%). 41
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios
Houshold Service Coverage Service coverage is far from ideal across Mathare Valley, with poor access throughout the valley and great variability between diffierent villages. In order to compare service coverage between Mathare and the rest of Nairobi, and between villages in Mathare, we use radar graphs to present a multi-dimensional and multi-village view of infrastructure service coverage.* The graphs on this page compare household service coverage in Mathare compared to Nairobi slums in general,* and Nairobi as a whole. * Each radial axis represents one infrastructure service, with the center point at 0% and each edge at 100%. Household access to private piped water, formal electricity connections, and private toilets is significantly lower in Mathare compared to Nairobi slums overall. The only dimension in which Mathare performs far better than similar settlements in Nairobi is in organized garbage pickup. For each of these services, however, the coverage rate still falls far short of the ideal of 100%. The graphs on the opposite page show the heterogeneity in levels of household service coverage across villages.
Water (Piped, Private) - 10%
Garbage Pickup (Organized) - 28%
Garbage Pickup (Organized) - 12%
Electricity (Formal) - 22%
Electricity (Formal) - 9%
Water (Piped, Private) - 19%
Toilet (Private) - 15% 42
Toilet (Private) - 25%
Comparing Across Villages: Percentage of Households with Service Access* Private Piped Water or Yard Tap Access 6% / 63% - 4A
Formal Electricity Connection Kiamutisya - 2%
Kiamutisya - 33% / 54% Kosovo - 11% / 62%
2% / 36% - Kwa Kariuki
Village 2 - 19% / 60%
0% / 0% - Mabatini
3B - 11% / 25%
0% / 23% - Mashimoni
3A - 14% / 61%
4% / 100% - No. 10
3C - 7% / 38%
14% / 68% - Gitathuru
11% - Kwa Kariuki
3B - 15%
17% - No. 10
3B - 34%
3A - 31%
9% - No. 10
3C - 22%
Private Toilet Access (%)
Mathare Average (9%)
Kiamutisya - 4%
Village 2 - 16%
8% - Mashimoni
4B - 0%
Organized Waste Collection 48% - 4A
Kosovo - 14%
0% - Mabatini
3C - 7%
Formal Electricity Connection (%)
Kiamutisya - 0%
Gitathuru - 21%
3A - 25%
3% - Mashimoni
Gitathuru - 11%
Private Toilet Access
20% - Kwa Kariuki
Village 2 - 9%
10% - Mabatini
4B - 0% / 29%
Private Piped Water Connection (%) Mathare Average (10%) Yard Tap or Private Piped Water Connection (%) Mathare Average (50%)
12% - 4A
Kosovo - 17%
5% - 4A
4B - 2% Mathare Average (15%)
Kosovo - 2%
34% - Kwa Kariuki
Village 2 - 35%
44% - Mabatini
3B - 40%
33% - Mashimoni
3A - 17%
74% - No. 10
3C - 20% Gitathuru - 14%
Organized Waste Collection (%)
4B - 2% Mathare Average (28%) 43
Process and Partners
Functioning Sanitation Blocks
+ 15 Meters
+ 80 Meters
+ 50 Meters
The Mathare Valley
Functioning Water Points
In order to identify areas of least and greatest service across the valley, a suitability analysis was done using GIS. As seen on the left, service points, (in this case functioning public sanitation blocks, lighting masts and functioning public water points) were given buffers in relation to their service coverage areas. The coverage areas were weighted and then overlayed to produce the analysis seen in the map below. Areas of darker color are within a buffer proximity of more services. A key fact to note, howerver, is that services and service buffers do not take into account all of the qualitative problems surrounding services. The map, therefore, represents areas where service coverage infrastructure is in place even if it is not functioning optimally. It provides a starting point for examining which areas are in closest proximity to several services and which ones are further away.
Qualitative Nuances Not Covered In Service Analysis - Irregular water provision - Contaminated water due to broken pipes. - Broken sewer lines - Intermittent power supply to lighting masts - Crowded and poorly maintained sanitation blocks - Financial barriers to access
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley
Planning Scenarios In developing proposals for improving infrastructure, we aim to strengthen existing facilities and partner with local utilities companies. As discussed in this section, our strategies seek to connect and enhance the presentday underground water and sanitation networks. With this foundation firmly established, future initiatives can focus upon providing additional water points and latrines. To upgrade circulation networks, we will again target and enhance the existing roads, footpaths, and bridges. These proposals will result in minimal displacement of homes and livelihoods, so that Mathare residents can benefit from improved circulation without experiencing major disruptions. Using integrated yet realistic proposals, the partnership can enhance Mathareâ€™s existing facilities and provide the interconnected infrastructure networks that residents urgently require.
Mathare Population Projections
Population Population (CENSUS)
(UCB Census Projection EST) (2030)
UCB Projection (2030)
strengthen existing facilities
connect and enhance the present-day networks
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 48
Planning Scenarios: Circulation With regards to roads improvement, this collaboration has been concerned with improving circulation and movement throughout as well as to and from the valley. The proposal also recognizes that certain areas of the valley are quite steep and therefore a circulation network has the potential to improve movement throughout the valley. The following is a list of key issues that were identified, and possible recommendations to address them. Issue: Lack of motorized transport throughout the valley as well as from Thika Road., a key barrier to emergency services, such as fire trucks and ambulances. Recommendation: Create a strong skeleton of roads that can handle these needs. For this purpose the following roads should be upgraded and improved in a way where they can handle motorized transport. These roads are indicated by the purple color on the following map • MauMau Road • Key Road cutting through 4A • Roads that come off of Thika Road Issue: Lack of sidewalks on existing and proposed motorized roads for pedestrians, which poses safety risks for pedestrians as well as leads to overall congestion. Recommendations: Parallel to all motorized, paved sidewalks should be implemented as indicated by the yellow lines on the map Issue: Isolation of 4A from greater Mathare Valley, with main access only to Mathare North Recommendations: Key road traversing 4A to be motorized to eventually meet paths of roads leading to Thika Road. Improving connectivity with community south of Mathare River. Issue: Unsafe bridges and lack of bridges cripple transportation in the north and south direction throughout the valley. Recommendation: Fortify existing bridges to ensure safe
transport throughout valley for all residents including children, and explore increase in number of bridges particularly in areas that are underserved. The hierarchy of roads would be as follows: Motorized roads (purple)- Roads that open up the valley to the rest of the city , improving circulation to the valley and getting from one east to west, and north to south. Non motorized roads (green) – These roads create a spine for the valley ensuring lateral access across the valley, and across the river. These roads would have the capacity for a large volume of pedestrians, bicycles, and carts which are key for the economic activity of the valley. These roads can also be used in times of emergency by fire trucks and ambulances. Footpaths network (pink) - This is an extensive network of pathways that ties together existing pathways to ensure that all settlements are connected to each other to foster a greater sense of community.
re N tha Ma
h or t
& & &
& & &
& & &
Mau Mau R oad
Juja Road 0 Meters
Foot Bridges Paved Sidewalks parallel to motorable roads Footpaths network Non motorable Motorable Roads 49
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 50
Planning Scenarios: Riparian In 2008, the Kenyan Ministry of the Environment and United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP) announced that as a component of the Nairobi River Basin Programme, a 30 meter wide riparian buffer would be established along the Ngong, Nairobi and Mathare rivers. 1* Currently, these rivers are highly polluted as human sewage and commercial waste flows directly into the waters. Proponents of the plan lauded it as an opportunity to rehabilitate the Nairobi river basin, create business and employment opportunities, improve health of communities bordering the river, and increase recreational space. Despite its praise, many turned a blind eye to the fact that this same 30 meter buffer cuts through some of the largest slums in Nairobi and as such would displace thousands of residents. The Riparian Buffer plan mentions â€œRelocating displaced economic activities and informal settlementsâ€?, however it provides very few details on how they intend to address this highly contentious topic. 2* Riparian zones are necessary ecosystems to help improve water quality, stream bank stabilization, and provide habitats for stream organisms. However considering the natural and contextual factors affecting riparian buffers, a small river system such as the Mathare valley is not in need of a traditional 30 meter buffer. A performance based buffer which considers factors such as the slope, urban setting, soil type and size would result in much less displacement but still accomplish a similiar aim. Due to significant resistance from communities along the rivers, implementation of the riparian buffer appears to currently be on hold.
30 Meter Riparian Buffer A standardized 30 meter riparian buffer would have devasting effects on all of the major informal settlements lying along the Mathare River. In the Mathare Valley alone, a riparian buffer would displace 20% of households or approximately 22,146 residents and would further destroy 1,116 structure blocks of which 6 are schools, 8 are religious facilities, 31 are latrine blocks and 43 are water points.
Performance Riparian Buffer The performanced based buffer to the right is meant to be more illustrative than prescriptive. Its primary purspose is to display that when the riparian context is considered, fairly minor adjustments to the buffer can have considerable beneficial impacts on the community. In this example, the new buffer reduced impact from 1,116 structures to only 147 structures of which only 3 are schools.
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 52
Planning Scenarios: Sanitation This sanitation planning scenario offer a solution by building on the existing Mathare Valley layout and infrastructure and aim to provide more comprehensive, reliable, affordable, and safe services to all valley residents with minimal disruption or re-alignment of structures within the communities. The proposed sewage lines connect existing sewage pipes and sanitataion blocks, strenthening the quality and increase access to sanitation. The ultimate goal with this upgrade will be to provide household level connections accross the valley (see example of simplified household sewer connection layout diagram). The proposed electricity lines will increase access to residents and provide more reliable coverage. All these plans will be incorporated with the utility grid of Nairobi.
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 54
Planning Scenarios: Water This water infrastructure planning scenario uses the same framework as the sanitation scenario and aims to provide more reliable, affordable, and safe water services to valley residents. This scenario will build upon the existing underground water infrastructure in Mathare and connect to the municipal water services of Nairobi. This plan will also build on the successes of the Kosovo water upgrade and work with existing groups in the valley for minimal disription or re-alignment of structures within the communities. The proposed water lines connect existing underground pipes and give new water trunk lines and feeder pipes, allowing more water points above ground. This will result in better access to clean, potable water for Mathare residents.
Kosovo Water Upgrade In 2009 the studio proposed infrastructure plans mainly for sewers, water, roads, and open space for four communities in the valley. This work led to upgrading in the community of Kosovo as well as provided the impetus for upgrading across the valley. One outcome of the 2009 studio and accompanying report was an endorsement by the Nairobi City Council of the plan for Kosovo. This endorsement combined with continued community mobilization and available resources, set the stage for the Nairobi Water and Sewerage Corporation (NWSC) to invest in piped water construction for Kosovo. From there, work began to bridge the informal and formal management of water distribution within Kosovo. The community sought to end the control of their water distribution through militia groups, and the NWSC was eager to minimize revenue leakage due to informal connections. While both sides had common interest, it was still challenging to reach a consensus. However, through perseverance and open dialogue, success ensued. Together, Muungano and the Water Company built the first model kiosk, and from then on went to expand. Today, 180 households have individual household connections, and 6,000 households fetch water from formal kiosks
Upgrades already made in Kosovo
Proposed Feeder Pipes 0 Meters
Proposed Trunk Lines Existing Water Pipes 55
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Policy Framework and Context With decentralization, land policy reforms, and a new constitution, Kenya’s policy landscape has recently undergone several changes. A national referendum in 2010 resulted in nearly 70% approval of the constitution, which will be phased in over the next 5 years (1). Executive powers will be reduced and authority increasingly devolved to county governments for areas such as primary health care and transport; at least 15% of the national government’s revenues will go to the 47 county governments (2). The constitution formally recognizes the rights to housing, healthcare, food, and education, as well as the need to advance gender equality. In another major commitment, the National Land Policy (2010) will seek to regularize all informal settlements on public lands and develop upgrading programs with flexible tenure systems (3). These major reforms and key aspirations may provide important openings for residents of informal settlements, yet outcomes are still uncertain and will critically depend upon forging pro-poor policies. According to the 1999 census, there are approximately 3 million urban dwellers in urgent need of proper housing, and the population grows by 1 million per year (4) (5). Many Kenyan housing programs have focused on upgrades with middle income communities, where tenure has already been established, and in doing so, have neglected allocating resources for the upgrade of informal settlements (6). In order to actually keep pace with the demand for housing within Nairobi, the Ministry of Housing needs to construct 15,000 housing units per year, but on average, only 3,000 are built (7). The 2004 Kenya Housing Policy addresses the need for increased affordable housing within urban and rural areas- including within informal settlements- and outlines a four-pronged strategy for rapidly increasing the affordable housing stock, particularly within urban areas. (8). In an effort to reduce the proliferation of informal settlements within Kenyan cities, this policy document outlines strategies to increase affordable housing for lowincome residents. The policy stresses the need for investments in middle and low cost housing, but also acknowledges that current impediments to meeting this challenge. Hurdles include costly building materials, rapid rural to urban migration, and lack of viable economic opportunities that give residents few options apart from slum dwelling . Rapid urbanization has led to the proliferation of expansive informal settlements within Kenya’s main cities, and the supply of affordable housing to date has not kept pace with the ever-increasing demand. Physical and social infrastructure severely lag within informal settlements, and the
number of Kenyans migrating to urban centers continues to grow, exacerbating the current affordable housing crisis. Coupled with the Ministry of Housing’s long-term neglect of addressing the housing issues within the slum, Mathare and other informal settlements are at a critical juncture as nation-wide slum upgrading initiatives are finally being implemented. In order to confront these issues, the Ministry of Housing must address structural changes in how they approach low-income housing development. First, the agency must create strategic partnerships with local pro-poor NGOs in order to gain buy-in from local communities, and understanding the housing needs of slum residents. The Ministry of Housing recognizes this as a vital step to creating long-term affordable housing solutions within Kenya’s urban centers. The 2004 report heavily emphasizes the agency’s desire to not only work closely with NGOs and slum residents in upgrading schemes, but also to invest in opportunities for economic development for Kenya’s urban poor, which is a key step in curtailing urban poverty and the proliferations of informal settlements. However, to date, few policies have been implemented that impact the housing stock of Nairobi’s poorest residents. Since 2004, when the Ministry of Housing released their last major policy report regarding affordable housing, significant political events have occurred that continue to shape the intertwined land, housing, and slum upgrading policies in Kenya. National Slum Improvement Policies There are several large-scale slum upgrading projects underway in Nairobi, signaling an important recognition of the urban poor, yet approaches are often top-down and progress is slow. In a 2005 strategy, the government promised to guarantee tenure security and integrate slums into cities’ formal framework (9). But tenure insecurity remains high, and few settlements have benefited from the Kenya Slum Upgrading Program (KENSUP). KENSUP has also been criticized for using high standards and failing to involve communities (10). In 2011, the World Bank approved the $100m Kenya Informal Settlements Improvement Project (KISIP) in 15 municipalities, which will strengthen tenure security, upgrade infrastructure and services, and strengthen the institutions of the Ministry of Housing and Lands as well as municipal institutions (11). A separate Nairobi Metropolitan Services Project will be initiated in 2012, again focusing on institutional strengthening, infrastructure, and services (12.).
Current events also shape the policy landscape in regards to slum upgrading in Kenya. In early September 2011, a broken pipeline exploded within the Sinai slum in Nairobi’s Industrial Area, killing over 100 residents of the slum as they flocked to the pipeline leakage site in order to collect fuel, a costly commodity. The high number of deaths that resulted from this explosion, and the lax safety standards that led to the explosion in the first place has again drawn attention to the urgent need for infrastructure upgrades and opportunities for economic development within informal settlements in Kenya. Myriad local, national, and international press covered the pipeline explosion, and one of the most telling headlines was one that appeared in Kenya’s Daily Nation and simply read ‘Poverty Blamed for Sinai Deaths (13)’. As tragic as this accident was, it draws light on the need for immediate implementation of pro-poor policies within Kenya’s informal settlements. Kenya has already instituted other decentralization reforms and service delivery changes, but results to date have often been limited. Various good governance reforms in Kenya and Nairobi were supported by the World Bank, in line with the New Public Management discourse (14). The Ministry for Nairobi Metropolitan Development (MoNMD) was established in 2008 to implement Nairobi’s Metro 2030 Vision, Kenya’s development plan that outlines how the country will adapt to rapid urbanization and
sustain economic growth. The blueprint addresses the need for planning at a regional level, and the immediate need for adequate housing for slum dwellers. However, the blueprint does not explicitly state how Kenyan land and housing ministries plans to ensure that slum housing will be upgraded, and little more than a nod is given to the fact that 60% of urban dwellers currently live in slums. Questions have also arisen about duplication and coordination problems with the City Council (15). Decentralization of funding, another key policy reform, has already struggled to reach residents of informal settlements. For instance, the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) and Local Authority Service Delivery Action Plan (LASDAP) were introduced to improve services and foster local participation in funding decisions. LASDAP is intended as a decentralized mechanism to deliver urban improvement projects in infrastructure, services, roads, and other arenas prioritized by citizens (16). Yet the funding has rarely reached low-income communities: as the table indicates below LASDAP spent only Ksh. 9.1m in the informal settlements of Mathare Valley from 2002-8. Expenditures in informal settlements overall have totaled Ksh. 125.6m, or less than 12% of the Ksh. 1.057 bn in LASDAP funds spent in Nairobi from 2002-8 (17.). Thus, residents of Mathare and informal settlements more generally have struggled to benefit from recent reforms.
Figure 3: (Hendriks 2010: 74) 57
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework
Reforms in the water sector have also been significant, though many residents of informal settlements continue to purchase expensive water from small-scale providers. In 2002, the City Council devolved powers to the Nairobi City Water and Sewerage Company, as part of liberalized water strategies emphasizing devolution and separating policy and management from service provision (1). The Company has partnered with Pamoja Trust and Muungano in developing a delegated water management model, discussed below. Still, major challenges remain in providing affordable, reliable water to slum-dwellers in Mathare and beyond. For most informal settlements in Nairobi, “water is frequently scarce, sometimes costly, and its supply uncertain” (2). In Korogocho and Viwandani, nearly 90% of households buy water from ‘water entrepreneurs’ and vendors (3). According to the 2006 Human Development Report, the cost of a legal water connection can represent about 6 months’ income for the urban poor in Kenya (4). Many residents of Mathare spend up to 20% of their income on water (5) and women may queue up for hours to access water (6). While access to clean water remains a pressing issue for most of Kenya’s slum dwellers, village-level pilot projects have proven successful, and can be used as best practice examples for future implementation within informal settlements. The Kosovo village of Mathare Valley was faced with many of the same challenges that confront residents of other informal settlements: exorbitant fees for access to water; cartel control of water connections; long wait times for securing water; and the threat of waterborne diseases due to the consumption of contaminated water. Through a partnership between Pamoja Trust, a pro-poor NGO that has a record of working within informal settlements, and the Water Services Trust Fund, 2.8 million Ksh was secured to complete initial water upgrading schemes. The project include the construction of three water kiosks, feeder pipes, and some household connections in Kosovo have proven successful, and have provided 98% of the village residents with access to clean water (Formalising Water Supply Through Partnerships 2010). The partnership could signal a transition from top-down infrastructure upgrading projects to community-driven schemes that prove successful because they have the support of residents within the given community. The success of these projects is not only dependent upon the successful construction of required infrastructure, but it is also dependent upon the continual monitoring of the new services to ensure that cartels do not once again assume control, and that full access remains available to residents. In 2010, the Athi Water Board Services (AWBS) and Pamoja Trust partnered to complete a baseline survey of existing water and sanitation conditions
within four Mathare villages: Mashimoni, Gitathuru, 4B, and Mabatini. The survey sought to establish information about access to water and sanitation services; satisfaction with services; distance to water points; queing times; availability of continual water connections; coping strategies during shortages; and willingness to pay for improved services. According to Srinivasan “the overriding goal of community participation in the water and sanitation sector is not simply to ensure sustainability of a system by teaching people how to function in a committee or how to fix a pump. Rather it is to help people to develop the outlook, the competence, the self-confidence and the commitment, which will ensure a sustained and responsible community effort in the sector (7).” The success and sustainability of water and sanitation services in Mathare is contingent upon longlasting partnerships between residents, CBOs already working in Mathare, Nairobi Water and Sewerage Company, and staff from the Athi Water Services Board. Given the recent post-election violence in Mathare, ethnic differences should also be taken into account in a community planning scheme, ensuring that all ethnic groups benefit from upgrading projects. (Formalising Water Supply Through Partnerships 2010)
Athi Water Board Services recommends involving the local community at a number of critical junctures, including local hiring; locating areas in dire need of upgrading; raising awareness about the goals and importance of the upgrading projects; and overseeing the implementation of construction. The more direct involvement residents have with the upgrading itself, the more ownership they feel, which is an important aspect of the ongoing success of the upgrading schemes. Tenure, Age, Health Status, and Other Axes of Difference in Slums Upgrading strategies must reflect the needs, assets, and priorities of residents in Nairobi’s informal settlements. Moreover, appropriate interventions will require sensitivity to the differences among residents, who may range in tenure status, age, and gender. These considerations
are briefly reviewed below, noting their connections to upgrading and existing data in Nairobi’s slums. a) Tenure status: Residents of Nairobi’s informal settlements are often tenants, but ownership patterns nevertheless differ between slums. A survey of Nairobi’s slums uncovered the striking result that resident landlords comprised just 8% of households, while tenants formed the remaining 92% (8). Ownership patterns also vary between informal settlements, as indicated by Muungano’s recent slum inventory. In Kambi Moto, Huruma, nearly 90% of the residents are tenants but in nearby Bondeni, structure-owners comprise 40% and tenants 60% of the population (9). Tenure patterns varied in Mathare’s villages from approximately 70% tenants in 4A and Kiamutiya, to over 90% in 3A and Mashimoni: Attention to tenure status is crucial in upgrading projects, helping to ensure that all residents may benefit from the interventions and avoid displacement. b) Age: Youth are a significant proportion of the population in many African cities, and many youth engage in informal work or struggle with unemployment. The absolute number of residents under age 25 is increasing more rapidly in sub-Saharan Africa than any other region, and Africa’s youth population will not peak for another 20 years (10). In Kenya, nearly half of the population is between ages 10 and 35, and youth comprise a “large majority of the urban poor population” (11). But Africa’s population is also aging; African residents over 60 will rise from 5% in 2006 to 10% of the total population in 2050 (12). Older residents in informal settlements may face their own insecurities and elevated rates of poverty. In a survey of residents aged 60 and older in Korogocho and Viwandani, over half the women and 60% of the men remained economically active (13). c) Health disparities and inequitable access to care: Informal settlements’ health outcomes are often far below Nairobi overall, and slum-dwellers’ access to care is again highly inequitable. A widely-cited study by the African Population and Health Research Center found that under-5 mortality rates reached 150 per 1000 in Nairobi’s slums, more than double the rate of 62 per 1000 in Nairobi overall (14). Furthermore, slum-dwellers often lack access to affordable, high-quality health services.
Process and Partners The Mathare Valley Planning Scenarios Policy Framework 60
Spotlight on South Africa’s Informal Settlement Network (ISN)
The Informal Settlement Network (ISN) has created a flexible yet potent alliance of urban poor organizations, which has already scaledup grassroots initiatives across South Africa. ISN’s goals are to organize and build capacity of the urban poor; forge a national network to promote learning between communities and to lobby government officials; and fundamentally transform urban planning in South Africa so as to include and respond to the urban poor. The network is briefly profiled below, in hopes of suggesting the possibilities of forging a similar alliance to reach residents across and beyond Mathare Valley. ISN is a loose network of community- and national-level informal settlement organizations that are active in several cities, including Johannesburg, Durban, Port Elizabeth, Cape Town, and Pretoria. Although ISN is supported by the Community Organization Resource Center (CORC) and Slum Dwellers International (SDI), it has no organizing structures besides a coordinating committee. Instead, the network derives its strength from linking up existing groups such as StreetNet, Federation of the Urban Poor (FEDUP), and Abahlali baseMjondolo, thereby creating solidarity and promoting exchanges across informal settlements. Activities range from the local to national scale, and the network has launched pilot projects in 5 cities. For instance, the Land and Right to the City Campaign has established citywide forums with civil society organizations, local officials, and service providers to discuss proposed pilots; registered and surveyed informal structures city-wide; and identified key projects such as improving access to land, infrastructure, services, and upgrading. Local governments are utilizing ISN city-wide profiling data, while the national government has engaged the ISN to profile additional cities. Recently, Cape Town’s Mayor highlighted the role of ISN and noted that it could provide valuable contributions to the 5-year Integrated Development Plan, help resolve conflicts, and establish an accurate database of informal settlements. Sources: http://www.sasdialliance.org.za/about-isn/ (for background on ISN) http://www.sdinet.org/blog/2011/08/16/south-african-sdialliance-cements-partnership-may/ (for Cape Town)
Pages 8 - 11 • Anderson, David (2001), “Corruption at City Hall: African housing and urban development in colonial Nairobi”, Azania: Archaeological Research in Africa, Vol 36-7, No 1, pages 138-54. • Bocquier, Philippe, Alfred T.A. Otieno, Anne A. Khasakhala, eds. (2009), Urban Integration in Africa: A Socio-Demographic Survey of Nairobi, Dakar: CODESRIA, 207 pages. Available at http://www.codesria.org/ IMG/pdf/Urban_Integration_in_Africa.pdf • Hake, Andrew (1977), African Metropolis: Nairobi's Self-Help City, New York: St. Martin's Press. • K’Akumu, O.A. and W.H.A. Olima (2007), “The dynamics and implications of residential segregation in Nairobi”, Habitat International, Vol 31, No 1, March, Pages 87-99. • Obudho, Robert (1997), “Nairobi: National Capital and Regional Hub”, in Carole Rakodi, ed., The Urban Challenge in Africa, Tokyo: United Nations University Press, pages 292-335. • Thieme, Tatiana (2010), “Youth, Waste, and Work in Mathare”, Environment and Urbanization Vol 22, No 2, October, pages 333-352. • UN-Habitat (2008b) State of African cities: a framework for addressing urban challenges in Africa. Available at http://www.unchs.org/pmss/ getElectronicVersion.asp?nr=2574&alt=1 • University of Nairobi (1971), Mathare Valley: A Case Study of an Uncontrolled Settlement in Nairobi, Nairobi: Housing Research and Development Unit, University of Nairobi, 05/Ah67NBI, 96 pages. Page 16-17 • “Mathare Valley Survey”. UC-Berkeley, University of Nairobi, MUST, 2011. Page 18-19 • The State of African Cities. UN HABITAT. 2010 • MuST, University of Nairobi, and UC Berkeley 2011 • The State of African Cities. UN HABITAT. 2010 • OXFAM GB 2009, p.v • Gulyani and Talukdar 2010 • Gulyani and Talukdar 2010 (or ibid) • MuST, University of Nairobi, and UC Berkeley 2011 • MuST, University of Nairobi, and UC Berkeley 2011(or ibid) • Thieme, T. 2010 • Thieme, T. 2010 (or ibid)
Page 24-25 • 1. Gulyani, S. & Talukdar, D., 2008. Slum Real Estate: The Low-Quality High-Price Puzzle in Nairobi’s Slum Rental Market and its Implications for Theory and Practice. World Development, 36(10), pp.1916-1937. • 2. Van Ginneken, M., Tyler, R. & Tagg, D., 2004. Can the Principles of Franchising be Used to Improve Water Supply and Sanitation Services? A Preliminary Analysis • 3*, 4* The Sphere Project. The Sphere Project - Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Standards in Humanitarian Response. 3rd ed. Rugby, UK: Practical Action Publishing, 2011. • 5 “Mathare Valley Survey”. UC-Berkeley, University of Nairobi, MUST, 2011. Page 26-27 • * “Mathare Valley Survey”. UC-Berkeley, University of Nairobi, MUST, 2011. • * The Sphere Project. The Sphere Project - Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Standards in Humanitarian Response. 3rd ed. Rugby, UK: Practical Action Publishing, 2011. Page 28 - 29 • * 1“Mathare Valley Survey”. UC-Berkeley, University of Nairobi, MUST, 2011. • *2 Netherlands, N. O, D. Pruett, D. Justice, I. Zeldenrust, T. Connor, D. Miller, K. Raworth, et al. “Insecurity and Indignity - Amnesty International” (n.d.). • “Mathare Valley Survey”. UC-Berkeley, University of Nairobi, MUST, 2011. Page 30 - 31 • * 1“Mathare Valley Survey”. UC-Berkeley, 2011. • *2 Netherlands, N. O, D. Pruett, D. Justice, I. Zeldenrust, T. Connor, D. Miller, K. Raworth, et al. “Insecurity and Indignity - Amnesty International” (n.d.). • 3* The Sphere Project. The Sphere Project - Humanitarian Charter and Minimum Standards in Humanitarian Response. 3rd ed. Rugby, UK: Practical Action Publishing, 2011. Page 32-33 • 1*,3* “1* “Mathare Valley Survey”. UC-Berkeley, University of Nairobi, MUST 2011. • 2* Energy Issues in Mathare Valley: ZDP Process), MUST 2010 • 1* “Mathare Valley Survey”. UC-Berkeley, University of Nairobi, MUST 2011. Page 34 - 35 • 1. MuST, University of Niarobi, and UC Berkeley, 2011 • 2. MuST, University of Niarobi, and UC Berkeley, 2011 (or Ibid.) Page 36
Source: Emina et al. 2011, page S209. Based on Kenya Demographic and Health Surveys (KDHS), Demographic Health Surveys (DHS), and surveillance data in Nairobi’s slums of Korogocho and Viwandani. Page 40-41 • 1. (Cohen, M. and Garrett, J. 2010) • 2. (Cohen, M. and J. Garrett. 2010) or (ibid.) • 3. Kenya Horticultural Development Programme) • 4. (Kenya Food Security Steering Group 2010) • 5. OXFAM GB 2009, pg.3; • 6. Pamoja Trust. 2011 • 7. (the Guardian. August 19, 2011) Page 42-43 • 1. All data on Mathare used in these graphs were collected as part of a household survey conducted in August 2011 by Mathare community members in collaboration with Muungano Support Trust, University of Nairobi, and UC Berkeley. With a total sample size of 650, the survey took samples from villages randomly -- with more samples alloted to more populous villages and villages with little existing data over. [Jason: Is this correct?] • 2. Gulyani S, Talukdar D, Jack D. 2009. “Poverty, Living Conditions, and Infrastructure Access: A Comparison of Slums in Dakar, Johannesburg, and Nairobi.” The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank. • 3. NEED DATA SOURCE Page 56-57 • 1. Kramon and Posner 2011 • 2. Kramon and Posner 2011 (ibid) • 3. cited in World Bank 2011 • 4. Kenyan Population and Housing Census. 2009 • 5. The State of African Cities. UN HABITAT. 2010 • 6. The State of African Cities. UN HABITAT. 2010 (ibid) • 7. (ibid) • 8. (ibid) • 9. Amnesty International 2009: 22) • 10. Huchzermeyer 2006: 17 • 11. World Bank 2011 • 12. ibid • 13. AllAfrica. September 13, 2011 • 14. Hendriks 2010 • 15. ibid. • 16. Hendriks 2010 • 17. ibid 61