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CARRYING THE VOICE OF THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY IN CAIRO COMMUNITY

SU ELECTIONS REVEAL A DIVIDED STUDENT BODY

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LYSISTRATA: ALL’S FAIR IN LOVE AND WAR?

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THE ONGOING NAKBA FROM PAGE 6 DEIR YASSIN TO GAZA

SUNDAY APRIL 15, 2018 VOL 99 / ISSUE 14

SU Candidates Debate Student Engagement and Mobilization BY DANIA AKKAWI @DANIAAKKAWI Student Union (SU) Presidential candidates Saeed Zakaria and Mohamed Tharwat debated resource management and community engagement during the annual election debate last Thursday. Voting for a new SU administration begins tomorrow. During the debate moderated by Chief Justice Hussein Khattab at a packed Bassily Auditorium, the candidates began by delivering their plans for SU administration in 2018/2019. This was followed by the candidates fielding questions from each other and from the audience. Zakaria started his speech by highlighting that the student body is the most important stakeholder in the community. “As candidates from the SU, our team has realized that the role of the SU is to unify the students and make their lives easier and less anxious,” he said. He said that he and VicePresidential candidate Menna Emara had developed a plan to fill the gap between quality of education and tuition “by introducing new academic missions and projects”.

“We plan to take the communication with the students from obscurity to a clear state through systematic data collection, continuous communication on campus and online presence,” he added. But Tharwat kicked off his speech by directly referring to a question he has repeatedly been asked in the build-up to the debate. “Why are we running?” he said. “Because we are tired, tired of running away and being scared from our responsibility toward the student body,” he said. He said that students should not fear standing up to demand their rights from the administration. He said that feelings of disempowerment exist because of a divide between students and the SU. “The students don’t trust the SU, and the Union doesn’t trust the students back,” he said. “There is no ‘We’.” He said that students and their union have traditionally only come together during times of crises, or marches. “The SU needs to take the first step toward the student body ...we’re not only offering structural change ... but a definitive change in direction,” he said.

“The Union is first and foremost a political entity and exists to fight for every single student’s right” - a priority before providing services and entertainment. Following their introductory speeches, the candidates then questioned each other’s campaigns. Vice-Presidential Emara fired the first shot at Tharwat when she questioned his leadership record. “You keep emphasizing your experience in change. Please emphasize three or four outcomes you achieved for the student body.” Tharwat responded by saying that he has extensive experience in student clubs, such as Heya: The Feminist Initiative and the Student Senate. “I don’t believe you have to be in a position of power in order to make change,” he said. Tharwat then moved on to ask Zakaria how he plans on smoothening the bureaucratic inefficiency of the Union. “[Efficiency] in the Union can only be achieved by knowing what the students need,” Zakaria said. The question of harassment on campus was then posed by Tharwat to Emara, who responded by saying that female empowerment is important and that they will

The main questions brought up during the debate concerned tuition, representation and the experience of the candidates

carry out on-ground marketing and engagement so that they have tangible cases when they approach the administration. The candidates then received questions from the audience, one of which asked Tharwat how he will deal with the administration given that he has never spoken to President Ricciardone before.

“I don’t see the correlation. Previous [SU] Presidents have spoken to these people and it didn’t work. I don’t see this as a criteria as to whether it makes me capable.” The next question concerned the current state of tuition fees. “Tuition is in the plan. We want to see how the expenses are being handled by the University,” Zakaria

Mariam Ismail

said. Elwi, however, said that the main problem is that tuition is always approached in the same way and that this needs to change. “I think the debate was good, the candidates were able to discuss their plans and the spirit was positive,” said Ahmed Amer, former Speaker of the Senate during 2015/2016.

Students Seek More Political Advocacy From Future Unions

Many students believe that the SU should focus on political representation, as they did during the Fall 2016 tuition strike

BY DANIA AKKAWI @DANIAAKKAWI The Student Union (SU) has over the past year struggled with an increasing number of student concerns, ranging from objections to new university regulations, such as the Campus Access, Smoking, and ID Policies, to calls for shared governance. A recent debate on social media focused on ways the SU could best represent student interests and negotiate with the administration,

while continuing to provide essential goods, services and entertainment. Current Chair of Communications at the SU Ahmed Sharawy believes that the Union is always focused on all functions simultaneously. “It just so happens that there are times when political representation is dominant and times when entertainment is dominant,” he said. A Caravan poll of 117 students revealed that 35.5 percent believed the SU was performing its mandate well. Students were also asked to

Omar El Mor

rate the SU’s overall performance on a scale ranging from poor to excellent. Twenty-two percent said SU performance was fair, while 11.2 percent that it was poor. “Honestly, they’re not bad, but they could do a lot more to provide facilities to students and help them gain their rights,” Accounting Sophomore Omar Hesham told The Caravan. Former and current SU members who spoke to The Caravan revealed that there has been an ongoing internal discussion about where to

best direct funds and resources. “Although representation is the main aspect the SU should focus on, it does not mean that other committees are of less importance,” said current Associate Chair of Representation Omar Atef. Student Senator for the History department Dona Emam recently polled students on the Rate AUC Professors Facebook page whether the SU should focus on representation or entertainment. Of the 432 students, 314 - or 73 percent - said political representation should carry more weight. Ninetyfour - or 22 percent - said that both aspects should be given equal importance. “AUC’s SU doesn’t fit into my own definition of an SU because I feel like ours is invested in entertainment, events and public relations,” said Emam. SU’s former Academic Representation Chair Omar Bahaa explained that academic and political representation need to work in parallel to best represent the interests of the students. “When the SU started in 1928, it started with only the academic representation committee. The second committee was services. Is representation the main aspect? Yes,” he said. “This does not mean that the focus should only be representation. There still has to be [a focus on] services. There still has to be entertainment. Because this is still a way to pressure

the administration.” During the Fall 2016 student strike when the SU asked students to boycott campus facilities as a way to protest the spike in tuition fees, campus food vendors were immediately impacted and told the administration that they were losing money “This is a way that services become an asset to representation. For instance, live streaming matches during the strike. It brings people and keeps them entertained,” Bahaa added. But in some years and under different administrations, the SU struggles to maintain the balance between entertainment and representation. “The Union is always trying to balance between entertainment and representation but what happens is that oftentimes, one is prioritized over the other,” said Ahmed Amer, former Student Senate speaker. Nevertheless, the SU is not without its successes, says SU Vice President Ahmed Gazar. One of the SU’s biggest milestones is ensuring that over 1,300 students received financial aid despite missing University deadlines, he said. The current SU is also working on creating a study week before finals in hopes of alleviating the pressures a lot of students face every semester. Although there are achievements, Gazar admitted that the entire plan for his administration was not 100 percent fulfilled. But he believes that

the SU needs to give more services to students. “The year is better than we expected but less than we imagined … I believe we are on track. I don’t want to say that we achieved our goals but we are on track to achieve our goals,” said Gazar. Sometimes, however, the plans and successes - or failures - are inadequately communicated to students. The Caravan poll showed that the SU clearly must work harder to reach out to the community. “The communication channel [needs] to show how the administration impacts the Union and how the Union responds to solve issues because this is information that isn’t clear and it is causing a gap between the SU and students,” said Amer. “Tell students what you will really do. Tell the students how the communication gap will be fixed. Tell the students about the plan towards administration. Tell students how entertainment and representation will be balanced.” Former and current SU members agree that the up-and-coming coming student leaders need to listen to and hear suggestions from the student body. “Realize the change happening in the administration, realize how the University is being reformed, realize how everything is being reconfigured, understand why it is happening and don’t look the other way,” said Emam.


2 | NEWS: SU ELECTIONS SAEED ZAKARIA AND MENNA EMARA: DEFYING LIMITS AND breaking barriers Sunday April 15, 2018

Campaign poster for Zakaria and Emara who want to strike a balance between entertainment and political representation

BY MOHAMED KOUTA @MOHAMEDKOUTAA EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Saeed Zakaria and Menna Emara say they have what it takes to restructure the Student Union and are running for president and vice-president respectively in tomorrow’s election. An Accounting Senior and the current SU Events and Entertainment Chair, Zakaria

has worked in a number of clubs on campus. He believes his skill set, matched with Emara’s - who is a Mechanical Engineering Senior, three-year SU veteran and current SU Associate HR Chair - will help in making bonds that will cement and strengthen the student organization. “We are running together because Foza [Emara’s popular nickname] has worked with a lot of entities and committees

in the Union and can bring that experience with her. Her HR experience on its own will help in making bonds and restructuring the Union. With my background in operations, I think we make a strong combination,” Zakaria told The Caravan. During an hour-long interview with The Caravan, the duo said that they will strive to maintain an equal balance between representation, services and entertainment.

Since you’ve both worked in the SU over the past year, how would you evaluate its performance? Z: There have been several successes, although no Union will ever achieve its full vision. The important thing is that they give a strong base for upcoming years, and I think that’s what they did. E: I really believe that representation was strong this year. For example, we reduced the annual tuition increase down from 10-15 percent through petitions and negotiations with the administration. I also think Amr Diab’s concert was a huge success, actually, but that might have something to do with the fact that I’m a huge fan. Z: The point with Amr Diab is that we’ve been trying to get him for six years but couldn’t. Gadalla and Gazar’s vision was to ‘unify differences’ and this concert was an opportunity for the Union to reach out and empower other entities, like the First Year Experience [for freshmen]. And what about the challenges the Union has faced over the past year? Z: The biggest challenge was to ‘bring the Union within the Union.’ What I mean by this is

to create a bond between the [committee] Chairs, especially since they come from very different backgrounds. E: We really felt this in human resources. A lot of us weren’t even friends, so there wasn’t much common ground.

to take, but more on who to lead it. In 2012, it was black. Last year, it was red. They all want to create a heritage and be remembered for that year. If they want to lead, we’ll let them lead. We can use that leadership.

Were these differences because of camp politics? Z: What is a camp? They’re your friends; they are people you can depend on. But the differences in the Union wasn’t because of camps as much as it was that we didn’t know each other well. But through working together, the Chairs all got closer together. How will the Union stand between the camps and interact with them all? How ill you make sure that loyalty to the camp or differences between the camp doesn’t affect the Union when they want to take a certain action? E: First of all, I’m not affiliated with any camp. I’m neutral. Saeed too, actually, will be neutral. Within the Union, our focus is on qualifications and personal qualities. Z: To be clear, I’m in the red camp. The affiliation is there, but the two things that will never affect our decisions are political affiliation and gender. The problem isn’t the camps disagree so much on what action

And how will you plan on making sure this type of decision-making doesn’t happen in the future, and what will you do if it does? Z: First, our slogan is “Defy The Limits.” We reached this by looking at slogans from previous years and what we found was that they all tried to unify the students, because they noticed strong barriers between them. This is what we want to do. When we break the barriers between students, we will have stronger negotiating power. When there are only 35 students who protested against the Niqab Ban... That’s a very small number. When tuition almost doubles overnight and only 1,500 students go on strike... That’s an achievement, yes, but I think this goes back to the students. And what will you do as SU leaders to break these barriers and reach the student body? Z: I think communication is key. The SU has a

MOHAMED THARWAT AND YOUSSEF ELWI: NO MORE CLOSED ROOMS in A UNION FOR ALL BY MOHAMED KOUTA @MOHAMEDKOUTAA EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Youssef Elwi, an Economics and Political Science Junior, and the Associate Chairperson for Funding in the SU shares a vision of change with Mohamed Tharwat, a Mechanical Engineering and Physics Senior, and currently Chair of External Affairs in the Student Senate. The two agree that the direction the Union is moving in should be redirected, and as candidates for president and vice-president respectively in tomorrow’s SU election, they believe they hold the winning ticket for reform Friends since they first met in their freshman year, Elwi and Tharwat believe that student representation is at the heart of what the Union does. “It is there to “represent, serve and entertain” but people fail to remember the order. Represent comes first. We both share this vision. And that on its own was the drive for us to run together,” Elwi said. During a one-hour interview with The Caravan, Elwi and Tharwat shed light on the challenges faced by the SU, and their roadmap to reform. How has your previous work in the Union influenced

your vision for the year? T: This is only my first term in the Senate, but based on my experience, the problem was that it was always just “senate meetings.” Senators would only attend when we were voting on the budget or confirming SU Chairs. It was just for show. I haven’t seen the Senate come together to discuss a problem that the student body is facing as the students’ decision-making body. It’s kind of a play. We’ve based our system of governance here on the American system, which has its own flaws, but the point is checks and balances. The point is that there are these checks and balances between the Union, Senate and Court but that doesn’t exist with the administration, especially when they implement totalitarian policies. And how do you plan to address these issues as the SU leadership? E: I think the first step is to be more active toward the student body, so that they truly feel that the SU is always present - not just during concerts. The SU should always be there when it comes to core issues, be it academic or political representation. The way we intend to do this is through a new committee called Public Opinion. The

Representation Committee always bears the double burden of communicating with both the students and the administration. As such, in this case, the first burden is shared with this committee so that the Representation Committee can more effectively communicate with the administration. T: The Communication Committee deals with student entities, the Representation Committee deals with the administration. This leaves a gap, which are the students on the plaza - no committee exclusively deals with them. We felt that the biggest problem wasn’t that the student body isn’t concerned, but that everyone has this idea of “I do care, but no one else does.” The problem is that there is no platform for students to voice these concerns. Public Opinion will step in here by surveying the student body, directly informing them on a regular basis and releasing its own publication. In your campaign, you spoke a lot about the gap between student government and university governance. If policies keep being implemented in this way, how would you respond? T: First, we would negotiate with the administration while

Tharwat and Elwi: The Student Union is not for one camp or entity, but a Union for all

Public Opinion informs and surveys the student body. And what I think we don’t capitalize enough on are other affected stakeholders. It’s not just students who are concerned, but for example, the faculty have been told that the Faculty Handbook isn’t binding. They’re being told they’re just employees and the general direction this University is taking is to commodify our education. We need to have the faculty on

our side. If we are going to move effectively then we need the student body to take the SU seriously and want to be part of a boycott or stand. We are not organizing ourselves in a manner that shows our number. If we have something against the administration, it’s our numbers. In the Fall 2016 Strike, it was the number of students in front of Administration Building that

put pressure. And suddenly, an Emergency Grant was there. E: We’re not just protesting for the sake of protesting, but we need to propose solutions or alternatives, which came from the student body and student government. The very fact that we will be reaching out to all these students will mobilize them. And how will you deal with policies that have already


CAMPUS | 3

Sunday April 15, 2018

Lysistrata: The Battle of the Sexes, Politics and the Triumph of Comedy BY MARIAM ISMAIL AND FARIDA AYOUB @MARIAM_ISMAIL1 @FARIDAAYOUB1997 Women in art have often been depicted as objects of desire, but in Lysistrata, a modern adaptation of Aristophanes’s original 411 BC Greek comedy, the Athenian women learn to capitalize on their sexual empowerment. Maybe that’s a bittersweet reality to acknowledge some 2430 years later as women continue to struggle against a patriarchal machine more hellbent on war than human endeavor.

An Erotic Politics Performed at AUC’s Malak Gabr Theater from March 21 to 27, the stage was set for Lysistrata, a sharptongued maverick who brings together Greek women in attempt to end the Peloponnesian War between Athens and Sparta by denying men what they desire most: sex. Director Jillian Campana and his crew should be commended for bringing the essence of Greek theater - decorated with armless statues and beige-colored Greek structures - into the heart if Cairo. This helps captivate the audience as around 10 women on stage all converse together, with Lysistrata (played astutely by Ragia Rageh), the ringmaster of the show, standing on top of the bleachers of a colosseum. At first, the women whimper and

whine at the thought of denying themselves the long awaited pleasure they receive from their husbands. Their reactions were exaggerated; from moaning and groaning to yelling out in dismay. The women, clad in strikingly colorful costumes and adorned in bold orange and purple makeup, moved together as one, running about the stage in cliques, always moving, gasping and scheming. Once they agree to put their plan in action, they begin to motivate one another through sexual puns. Some weaken and try to escape to see their husbands who had come back home for a few days, but Lysistrata, the storyline’s chastity belt, manages to keep them strong. The climax and defining moment of the play is when the women stand up to the town’s treasurer. “Stand aside woman. Behave!” shouted the treasurer to Lysistrata after she fought verbally against his gender-biased speech. The play unravels as a celebration of female strength and the role of women in political life, directly a parallel to 2018. In their refusal to bend and instead taking matters into their own hands, the diligence and will-power of women who put their minds, and bodies, together, is prominent throughout the play. Another moment that struck a chord is when the women and a few semi-crippled men face off as the play nears it ends; the former accuse the latter of pouring their money into

weapons and wars, claiming that if the roles were reversed, women would put food on the table and educate their children; involuntarily reinforcing stereotypical gender roles. Eventually, the women come face to face with their husbands who do not try to hide their desires, shown by the phallic image of a sword that stands upright near their belts. With a few hair flips and touches, the women have the men wrapped around their fingertips, convincing them to end the war.

RECLAIMING THE CITY In a talk preceding the stage run, Marina Marren discussed comedy and Politics, and state violence in Aristophanes’s play. She used Lysistrata to push the idea that serious political engagement requires sensitivity to comedy. “Ignorance is the adverse side of knowledge, there is nothing harmful at being laughed at as long as the shame that one feels does not lead to blind anger but to questions,” Marren said. “If comedy that is well received reveals to us both a vulnerable and the dangerous aspects of being human and thereby welcomes us to a serious study of ourselves then it is fine and a good thing,” Marren added. In the play, Lysistrata suggests two approaches to end the war: The first, as mentioned, is refraining

SAEED ZAKARIA AND MENNA EMARA CONTINUED FROM PAGE 1

Communications Committee and we will try to reach every student. Of course, we wont be able to remove all these barriers, but the point is to set the ground for those after us to get there so that in the future, when the SU speaks to the administration, they are truly representing all students. At this point, the administration will know that the SU is backed by the entire student body. How do you plan to deal with the policies that have already been implemented? E: If you read our plan, you’ll see that, for example with regards to the Niqab Ban, we plan to increase the number of female security guards. Right now, there’s only one at Bus Gate. The administration is saying that the reason for this policy is that they are afraid someone hidden under the niqab uses a student ID to enter campus, but more female security guards means that security-wise any concerns about security are addressed. As for the smoking policy, we know that there are phases but we are going to negotiate with the administration and

gather petitions from students. How can we say that the Niqab Ban is a security issue then ask hundreds of students to step outside campus to smoke? This is a contradiction. I understand that there are people who think this is a good policy and their opinion must be respected. So,our solution is to increase the number of designated areas so that we protect students while also giving others the freedom to smoke. Aside from these policies, what are your major concerns with the administration? E: Mostly that we need to be more involved in making and taking decisions. You can’t come out and say this is a safety issue and we’ve taken this decision and there’s nothing you can do about it. Communicating with every single student is impossible, but they need to know that the Union represents them and it’s not just our own. You can say that petitions worked when it came to the fees, but that was an issue that affected every student. But with smoking or the niqab, that’s more limited. How can you guarantee the same wide support? Z: With smoking I can agree that students are divided, but

with the niqab I don’t think so as much. I think that practically everyone agrees that it shouldn’t be banned. As President Ricciardone said in his interview with Insider, his main problem is that he can’t see who’s wearing the niqab. But there are plenty of ways you can do that - you can even get an eye scanner. As for the petitions themselves, the Union has a lot of resources that it can use to reach out to different sectors. We have the SU Lounge, we have the Help Desk - these are all ways we can reach out to students. Menna and I, as we said in our plan, are also going to digitize everything so that we can expand our reach, but also provide services like offering mentors to students, connecting freshman and juniors or seniors together, and more. At the same time, we want to make the Help Desk more interactive. To remove these barriers with the student body, the Union needs to be visible all the time. There never used to be all these entities and associations. It’s great that they are there now, but the Union is still the core. We should be the ones empowering them. It is through these entities and associations that we can connect with students.

Lysistrata capitalizes on her femininity and womanhood to bring an end to the Peloponnesian War

from sex to coerce the men to put down their arms. The second is weaving. Weaving, Marren says, is a metaphor for disentangling the tyrannical organization of the state through the political prowess of the city’s women. The subversive actions of these women who refuse to

receive their husbands and carry out basic domestic tasks, like weaving, represents their rejection of the sexual division of labor transforming their non-action into an act of resistance. When probed by the state’s commissioner how the women propose to resolve the international conflict, Lysistrata compares the

Courtesy of Nourhan Haffez

city to a fleece of wool, outlining that through the processes of “beating,” “carding,” and then “spinning” it, individual strands cohere into a united body. However, this possibility is dismissed by the town leaders who simply relegate it to “women’s work”, unable to see the deeper implications of the metaphor.

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been implemented? T: So, for the smoking policy, I think it’s very easy for us to show how many students are against it by collecting petitions. There are several ways we can mobilize against it, such as by boycotting food vendors, which was very effective in Fall 2016. The problem is that we get to a point where we have to ask ourselves: are we negotiating? Does the administration feel like they can reach a compromise to begin with? If not, then we need to take more direct action, like boycotts, like the strike. Our concern is the way the policy was implemented. This is not an academic policy, or a security-related policy. But now that it’s a given reality, what we can offer is to demand for more designated areas, including the roofs, and cancelling the final phase. E: The Campus Access Policy is obviously also a huge problem. T: Calling it a “Campus Access Policy” is sugar-coating it. This is a policy we very much want to work on. I feel like it’s disrespectful to students on campus, and it makes the campus as a whole a space that’s less inclusive. Nothing happened to merit this. Selling us fear, with the cameras, the niqab ban ... that’s

a playing card that we need to address. There are students convinced with this, but we need to reassure them. And what other policies on campus are a concern to you? T: For example, the Food Policy, which was implemented in 2016 after the SU brought in Cook Door to provide to students, now says that we can’t “compete” with vendors. So, we basically create a pricing system that students can’t protest against. E: There are very flawed arguments in many of the policies. Our first and foremost priority is to communicate with the student body. And the second point is that the concept of “closed rooms.” We’re not here to represent the camps that are involved in these decision-making processes. We’re here to represent all students. When the Union wants to take a stand and they talk with the various camps and then come out and say that they’re going to do this or that...That’s not representative.

The majority of students don’t have a platform to voice their concerns, and the administration plays on this point. T: The administration likes to say that it doesn’t make concessions, but they do, like they did with the niqab ban. Students aren’t aware of this. Wouldn’t you say the reason students aren’t as involved is because they think student government is a camps’ club? T: This is a problem that we don’t talk about enough. Students think the camps are an exclusive circle. It has a “culty” feeling to it. Public Opinion will reach out to the students themselves; we will talk to students every week. My affiliation to camps will always be there in how people perceive me, but am I going to gear the Union to favor people from one camp or bend toward what one camp wants, definitely not. E: The entire student body needs to be involved in student politics. If we win this election, it won’t be a Union for camps. It will be a Union for all people.

READ BOTH INTERVIEWS IN FULL ONLINE Check out the full interviews at www.auccaravan.com


4 | ARTS AND CULTURE

Sunday April 15, 2018

An Enduring Presence: In Memory of Valerie Farag Tunisian Art as Revolt

The memorial concert commemorates the late Valerie Farag’s lasting contribution to music at AUC

BY FARIDA AYOUB @FARIDAAYOUB1997 A number of performers and singers came together to pay homage to the late Valerie Farag, an English teacher and key developer of AUC’s music program, at a tribute concert on March 22. The event took place in Oriental Hall, where Farag performed for the first during time during her career at AUC. “When my wife passed away in May 2016, we established a memorial fund in her name,to promote the general appreciation of classical music. This was the

mission, which my wife felt she has to achieve and she worked for 30 years at AUC,” Emeritus Professor of Accounting and Valerie’s husband, Shawky Farag told The Caravan. The concert began with a few words from John Baboukis, director of the music program, who recounted his time with a former colleague. “Valerie was the first person to teach music at the AUC, she was still doing it when I came here 13 years ago,” he said. The concert also featured musicians Wessam Amin on the oboe, Laura Virtanen on the violin and pianist David Hales, who

Farida Ayoub

performed several pieces of music, such as On Suuri Sun Rantas Auitus by Steffan Rees. Ashraf Fouad, adjunct professor at the Department of Arts, presented soprano Dalia Farouk, who was one of Valerie’s biggest fans. Farouk took the stage with a voice that filled the hall. With Hales on the piano, she performed a number of renowned pieces, like Die Fledermaus by Johann Strauss. Farouk then said a few words about what Valerie meant to her and how she inspired a lot of her work. Fouad took the floor once again to announce that some of Valerie’s performances will be projected

during the intermission; people remembered Valerie as her voice echoed in the campus corridors; memories of the deceased were spoken, leaving attendees touched by every small word said about her. “I can see Valerie in the room, she is sitting right here,” said Fouad, as he pointed at one of the audience members. The lady Fouad pointed at walked up to the stage, slowly introducing herself as Fatma Farag - Valerie’s daughter. After thanking everyone for coming, Fatma said that her mother would have been very happy to see everyone who appreciates not just herself but also her art at the memorial. Fouad then introduced singer Laila Tarek Farag and oud player Alaa Saber as the last act of the night. “I never took a class with her, but I used to see her a lot. She used to tell me her opinion about my singing, gave me advice and encouraged me,” said Laila. Laila surprised the guests with an incredible voice as she performed Om Kolthoum’s El Qalb Yaashak Kol-le Gameel (The Heart Loves All That Is Beautiful), taking them back in time. The night ended with a bittersweet melancholy as the audience shared stories of Farag’s commitment and dedication to AUC. “Valerie had considerable influence on AUC, not only in terms of introducing music, but also in terms of creating an atmosphere of integration of western and eastern cultures,” Farag added. “She believed very strongly that music creates an everlasting bond between people anywhere and everywhere.”

BY FARIDA AYOUB @FARIDAAYOUB1997 The use of art in political movements has a long history, but has in the past decade enjoyed a resurgence in the wake of revolutionary movements across the Arab World, Nevine El Nossery, associate professor of Francophone Studies at University of WisconsinMadison, told an AUC audience. The author of several books, including The Unspeakable: Representations of Trauma in Francophone Literature and Art and Témoignages Fictionnelles au Féminin, El Nossery referred to the use of art as a tool of defiance by Tunisian women. “Certain historical events draw the politicization of artists and their audience,” she said during the most recent lecture organized by the Center for Translation Studies on March 19. El Nossery studies how suffering transcends space, time and cultural sensitivity, and how these are reflected in contemporary poetry, theater, film, fiction and visual art in the Francophone world. Her latest upcoming book focuses on women in the 2011 Tunisian revolution. She says that as major events shook the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), politically engaged women and artists increasingly discovered a new direction in art production.

El Nossery focused much of her presentation on two Tunisian women - Jalila Bakar and Hala Ammar, who were among the many artists whose creativity was invigorated with the 2011 Tunisian revolution. Bakar’s documentary-film, Khamsoun (Fifty), for example, documents the changes Tunisia has undergone in the 50 years since its independence from French colonialism. The film zeroes in on the life of two leftist militants and their daughter to trace the larger ideological shifts taking place in Tunisia. She ended the lecture by examining different creative forms and genres such as graffiti, multimedia artwork, street performance and literary texts embraced by Tunisian and Egyptian women to stimulate political and social consciousness. “What links both countries together is the devastation they suffered as a result of the socio-political and economical instabilities due to massive popular uprisings,” she said. The presentation resonated with AUC students who learned about the link between art and resistance. “What I learnt the most was about this kind of art - a kind of that some Tunisian women were practicing in response to colonialism or in an attempt to resist. It was like embroidery, except it was done on old black and white photographs using red thread,” said English and Comparative Literature Senior Aya El Telmissany.

1948: Creation and Catastrophe: “Mass Evacuation Must Be Engineered” BY MARIAM ISMAIL @MARIAM_ISMAIL1 The feature length documentary 1948: Creation and Catastrophe, directed by Ahlam Muhtaseb and Andy Trimlett, recounts the mass expulsion of Palestinians in 1948 and, given the latest Israeli killing of at least 30 Palestinian protesters along the Gaza Strip border last week, is a timely reminder of the Arab-Israeli crisis. Screened in P013 as part of the Spring 2018 Social Justice Film Festival on 21 March, the documentary revisits the Nakba (The Catastrophe), through the personal recollections of the people who lived through it. The interviewees, from Palestine and Israel, offer different viewpoints but all tell a vivid and heart-wrenching tale of the mass evacuation of Palestinians from their homeland. The documentary contradicts the common misconception that Palestinians “sold their land” to the Jews. Instead, it relays the events in chronological order, starting with the massacre of Deir Yassin, which killed hundreds of Palestinians, to the Israeli Declaration of

Independence in 1948. Some Palestinians left their country out of fear of being massacred; some were thrown out of their homes at gunpoint; others still were rounded up in vans and dropped at the border; many were killed just for walking in the streets. Both Palestinian refugees and Israeli veterans interviewed in the film came to a consensus that the Zionist movement to create an all Jewish state involved inhumane bloodshed, the killing of innocents and drastic orders of expulsion. “It was very ugly. After this I did not know if I was a Zionist.” “Until then the war was dangerous, but it was not ugly. It was the first time I saw it as ugly.” These were among the statements that male and female Israeli veterans gave as they recalled what they did in the war. A historian in the film described the Nakba as “a realization of a dream and a destruction of a society;” another called it “ethnic cleansing;” and almost everyone referred to it as a “tragedy.” However, the documentary found a way to remain unbiased throughout. The number of Palestinian interviews was paralleled by the number of Israeli

interviews. For every leftist historian, there was a rightist one, and the narration itself was void of emotion, which Muhtaseb calls a “very deliberate choice.” This is one of the main aspects of the documentary that makes it stand out from others produced about the war; Israelis confirm what has for so long been taken out of history books: Palestinians existed and were forcibly thrown out. These stories were mostly accompanied by archival footage. Black and white photographs and videos flashed across the screen as interviewees recalled some memories. The documentary acted as a time machine, transporting the audience to pre-1948 Palestine while voiceovers translated the footage into the story of a dynamic an ongoing crisis; a creation of a link between past and present. The present takes centerstage towards the end, where facts are intertwined with emotional stories to create a multi-perspective visual of the Palestinian reality today. The story of a Palestinian man who received the American passport and was finally able to

The movie recounts the history of the Nakba by demonstrating the deliberate planning that went behind it

travel back to his country as a “tourist,” only to find his previous home gone, was followed by facts on the Partition Plan, a 1947 plan to divide the land equally between Palestinians and Jews, and how it was never carried out.

“While I do feel sympathy for them, the truth is if we allow the Palestinians back into the country, it wouldn’t be a country I would want to live in anymore,” said one of the interviewed Israeli veterans dismissively, with nothing more

than a shrug of his shoulders. The documentary revealed that by 1949, 78 percent of Palestinian land was owned by Jews, whereas by 2018, almost the entire country has fallen under the control of the Israeli state.


BUSINESS | 5

Sunday April 15, 2018

Around Europe With Nothing But Redbull El Kawass On Egyptian Entrepreneurship BY MAREHAN OMAR @MAREHANO Last week, an Egyptian team of university students embarked on a journey across 60 different countries over seven days, using nothing as Red Bull cans as their only form of currency. This is the premise of Red Bull’s 2018 Can You Make It, currently the biggest worldwide on-ground campaign for students, which started on April 10. Student teams from all over the world have seven days to travel across Europe, using Red Bull cans as their only currency. Each team is provided with just a smart phone equipped with an unlimited internet data plan, taking off from five different starting points for students: Manchester, Madrid, Rome, Budapest and Stockholm. The goal is for the teams to navigate their way to the final destination: Amsterdam. Students have 19 countries and 55 checkpoints to cross, with specific tasks to complete in some areas, including zip lining, a rap battle and an acting contest. For example, in 2016, one team was able to trade 12 Red Bull cans for a skydiving experience. Another team traded 3 cans for Champions League platinum tickets. A third team traded 18 cans for a flight from London to Barcelona. In the 2018 campaign

of Can You Make It, there will be an Egyptian team participating, named the Travealthy. “We are studying how we can attain the highest number of points for Egypt to take the first place,” said Tarek Hamza, one of the three Egyptian team members. Sherif Yassin, student brand manager (SBM) and team leader for Red Bull AUC, talked to The Caravan about Red Bull’s competitive advantage through their continuous efforts to involve and entertain customers. “This is how we stand out, our edge is to find out-of-thebox ways to communicate our message.” Yassin added that the company’s mission is to give students the opportunity of traveling around for the mere task of applying with a one-minute video. To date, no other company has established such a campaign. From a business perspective, he said, this builds brand equity, which is the value proposition a brand builds with its customers: the higher the equity, the stronger the brand and its perception. Red Bull focuses on activations that involve Red Bull Mini Coopers, large displays, catchphrases, free giveaways and loads of Red Bull cans; a marketing strategy they find to be more successful easier than talking to customers about “trying the product,” he added.

This marketing strategy best fits Red Bull’s target audience: Generation Z and women from various agegroups and backgrounds, which makes the brand easily recognizable on social media. They also regularly engage with customers online, a recent business trend that allows for a greater online reach across borders. Can You Make It falls under Red Bull’s cultural marketing platform, distinct from its other marketing strategies, which include sports and field campaigns. The experience this type of marketing exposes students to allows them to discover more about themselves and to develop new skills. “Can You Make It helps nurture the character, students are forced to learn how to communicate, convince and influence people,” Yassin said. “When you have nothing to lose, everything goes smoothly,” Hassan El Sherif, AUC alumnus, was one of the top 10 out of 165 teams in 2016. Sherif explained that he had backpacked 7 countries in 7 days with his team. It was the most challenging time of his life, but also the most beneficial, he said. “I made a lot of friends and became competent through convincing people to help me without money,” said Sherif. “The best part about the trip is that nothing went as planned.”

El Kawass introduced the concept of sub-franchising by brining Cafe Supreme into Egypt at the age of 18

BY MAHY MOHAMED @MAHYMOHAMED_ Egypt’s entrepreneurial community is growing exponentially and is proving to be one of the most vibrant sectors of the youth economy. But it is success stories, such as that of 28-year-old Khaled El Kawass, which inspire and feed into this growth. At 18, El Kawass realized he was keen to make a change and started a business as a franchisee for Canada-based Café Supreme. He introduced the subfranchising concept to the Egyptian market after the owner of the main franchise

in Toronto decided to expand internationally. Although the franchise exists in Canada and other countries such as Kuwait, General Manager El Kawass tailored the menu to suit Egyptian tastes. During a talk hosted by AUC’s Finance and Economics Club (FEC) in late March, El Kawass, spoke about the advantages of outsourcing as a strategy he emphasized because it allows a company’s manager to benefit from the expertise of individuals in several fields. He highlighted the qualities that make a good entrepreneur, emphasizing the importance of having a good financial

Mahy Mohamed

background to allow one to easily spot errors. “Avoid higher risks at the beginning and pay close attention to your food outlet location.” “A good entrepreneur must have persistence and negotiation skills,” he added. But El Kawass explained that there are a lot of economic obstacles in Egypt to entrepreneurs in the local market “The problem that is facing the Egyptian market nowadays is the dollar problem; the cost of everything has increased but incomes are nearly the same,” he said.

PAL’s #fYOUture: Egyptian Leaders Offer Advice to the Next Generation

PAL brought together a number of Egyptian leaders to talk about how students can plan their futures

BY NADA MOSTAFA @NADAMNAGUIB As part of their The Bridge project, AUC’s Peer Advising Leader (PAL) invited prominent

Egyptians to a panel discussion to share their success stories and advice in an event titled ‘Imagining the #fYOUture’ on March 26. The panel was comprised of

Nada Mostafa

the Founder of Okasha Institute of Psychiatry Ahmed Okasha, Minister of Education, Tarek Shawki and Nihad Shelbaya, the public and government affairs manager at Exxon Mobil Egypt

and Cyprus. “The idea of The Bridge is to bridge the gap between AUC students and people who are in the top positions in Egypt,” said Mohamed El Minawi, The Bridge’s general manager and Computer Engineering Senior. Former Dean of the School of Sciences and Engineering Shawki tailored his speech to the AUC community, drawing on his experience from an undergraduate to his tenure as the Dean, then the Minister of Education. Shawki spoke about his idol, his father, who wrote 158 journal articles and about 35 books. However, to Shawki’s shock, on his deathbed, his father said that he did not feel like he had accomplished anything during his lifetime. “The lesson is that this is a journey. The journey doesn’t stop with a degree or with any success. You have to keep going and you have to create your dream and create your next purpose,” said Shawki. Okasha’s speech tackled that very dilemma individuals get caught up in when confronted with the notion of “being vs. doing” something.

He explained that happiness is a mental process that does not necessarily depend on individual choice. Pleasure, however, does depend on the individual but is more risky because while it is attainable, it is usually temporary. He added that there is a difference between pleasure and life satisfaction. Shelbaya, however, spoke about the differences between her generation and the current one. This generation, she said, carries the burden of choice. “[This generation] has the big responsibility to find [their] goal, find [their] path and identify what [their] passion is,” she said. With her generation, choices were limited and their parents had a big say in life-changing decisions. One of the top 50 most influential women in Egypt,

Shelbaya offered advice tailored to women trying to prove themselves in a “man’s world”. While men might earn positions because of their potential, women earn positions because of their accomplishments, she said. “I still believe that the promise of women doesn’t happen without the support of men. The ‘he’ for the ‘she’ is very important,” she said in response to a question by a 23-year-old female student. She added that women will still only reach their full potential with the support of men, whether it’s a father, husband, brother or friend. The speeches, which were designed to target freshmen, resonated with their audience. “No matter how old you are, there are never boundaries or limits to what you could teach yourself or to how you can grow or help others,” said Salma Awad, an undeclared freshman.

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6 | OPINION FROM WILLFUL KILLING TO WILLFUL SILENCE: WHY AREN’T YOU MARCHING FOR PALESTINE NOW? Sunday April 15, 2018

Seventy years following the Deir Yassin Massacre and the 1948 Nakba, Israel continues its genocidal practices and dispossession of Palestinians

On April 9, 1948, Jewish commandos of the Irgun, then headed by Prime Minister Menachem Begin, and the Stern Gang attacked and brutalized a village of about 750 Palestinians. The 70th anniversary of what would be known as the Deir Yassin massacre fell of on the tenth day of the #GreatMarchofReturn, a mass protest by the Palestinians demanding the right to return. As of April 10, 2018, the Israeli military has shot and killed 31 peaceful protesters marching along the Gaza Strip, including photojournalist Yaser Murtaja. The Great March started on Land Day, an annual day of commemoration remembering the general strike that occured on the same day in 1976, when the Israeli State announced its plan to expropriate land. The day is remembered for being the first time since 1948 that the

Palestinians mobilized a response to Israeli policies as a national body politic. Forty-two years later, that national consciousness is still alive. It still remembers the displacement and still calls for justice. But Israeli statebuilding is built on genocidal uses of force and the dispossession of Palestinian people. What started in 1948 continues to this day. We see this in the deadly use of brute violence every time any threat major or minor - is directed towards the integrity or legitimacy of the Israeli State. The Great March reminds the relentless occupiers that the Palestinians exist and that they remember. They remember the land theft and the death that came with it. They know the Israelu State’s foundations are laced with the blood of their ancestors. And that constitutes a threat to the credibility of the self-proclaimed sole democracy in the Middle East. But there is a fundamental flaw in the so-called democracy’s own logic, for they are incapable of responding to these protests with any semblance of a democratic process. That is because their democracy is a sham. The ethno-state is built on a system of practices and discourses that continuously deny the Palestinians their most basic rights. Palestinians in Gaza are denied

basic access to water and electricity, both of which are controlled by the Israeli State and are frequently cut off. The Human Rights Watch (HRW), United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHR) and the Human Rights Council have all condemned these practices as potentially amounting to extermination and collective punishment - both of which could amount to war crimes. Their land is under threat of continuous expropriation and annexation through the expansion of illegal settlements into occupied territory - another violation of the international law of occupation. Children are arrested in flagrant violation of the most foundational principles of criminal law, imprisoned arbitrarily and denied due processes. Ahed Tamimi is perhaps only the latest and most prolific example in a long history of child imprisonment. In fact, the United Nations Children Fund (UNICEF) published several reports in 2013 documenting the gross violation of children’s rights under both human rights law and the laws of war. Arbitrary detentions and summary executions - the latest of which involved the death of Marwan Qudeih on April 9 - are just another element in this matrix of oppression. These are just snapshots in the daily lives of Palestinians, but what they demonstrate is the inability of the

Israeli State to assume its democratic self-image, simply because nothing at its core is democratic. It is a state whose very existence was built on the extermination of a people. The Israeli State cannot escape Deir Yassin. The Nakba never ended. And that foundational violence repeats itself time and again whenever the State is reminded of its past. This is what distinguishes Palestinian resistance perhaps from any other nationalist movement at the moment. Their acts of resistance are not simply protestations against illegitimate policies, but acts of remembrance. And this remembrance shakes the very core of Israel’s selfconstitution. Its use of brute force is simply an attempt to overwhelm this collective memory. Herein lies the militarysecurity state. Checkpoints, border controls, concrete walls. The very landscape of occupation is dotted with points of humiliation, domination and annihilation. In doing so, they attempt to transform everyday Palestinians into objects of fear, thereby warranting a military response to expunge these virulent elements from their “democratic” state. Their effort to sustain this narrative has reached the point whereby the Israeli military is so unsettled by the nonviolence of the Great March that they have threatened to assassinate protest leaders, thereby provoking

Deena Sabry Managing English Editor Episode three of Black Mirror’s third season, ‘Shut Up and Dance’, tells the story of Kenny and Hector, a teenage boy and a married man who are blackmailed into committing a series of crimes by anonymous hackers. The hackers access Kenny’s laptop webcam and record him matsurbating to child pornography. They also manage to get evidence of Hector willing to cheat on his wife with a prostitute, which would jeopardize him obtaining custody

our world. And with every passing day, it seems that we have come to live in a Black Mirror episode; one where the lines between life and art are blurred. Over the past month, news about the “Blue Whale Challenge” - a similar anonymous online game - was circulating on Egyptian media after an 18-year-old boy committed suicide to complete the final task. Last week, a girl in Alexandria attempted suicide by drinking a toxic substance. While the reason behind her attempt has not yet been confirmed, according to media reports, the physician found strange marks on her body during examination that are believed to be related to the game. Egypt is among a list of countries where Blue Whale suicides were reported. Since 2016, cases were reported in Brazil, India, Italy and Russia. The game was invented by a 21-yearold Russian psychology student Philipp Budeikin who, following his arrest, confessed his desire to “cleanse society” of those he deemed weak and unworthy. Just like ‘Shut Up and Dance’,

Blue Whale relies on blackmailing participants to carry out the required tasks. Whether it is through compromising pictures, videos or information, administrators of the game have managed to blackmail teenagers all over the world to end their lives; in a strange turn of events where life has truly come to imitate art. While several governments have rushed to block the game from the internet, one cannot help but wonder which Black Mirror episode we are bound to experience next. Not only have we come to live in an intrusive panopticon, but we continue creating technologies advanced enough to kill us. With every passing day, the show is becoming less absurd; no longer a fictional dystopia, but a solid resemblance to our lives and a quick Google search will tell you which episodes have already become a reality. With the parallels between life and art becoming becoming more blurry, we have produced our very own Black Mirror episode, one where the credits never stop rolling.

Mohamed Kouta Editor-in-Chief mohamedkouta@aucegypt.edu

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF 2018/2019

Black Mirror: Life Imitates Art, Art Imitates Life of his children. Throughout the episode, we see the pair committing a series of felonies and misdemeanors they are instructed to do over text messages sent by the hackers, ranging from picking up and delivering a package to robbing a bank; all stemming from fear their secrets would be exposed to family and friends. The episode ends with Kenny fighting another blackmail victim to the death before the hackers leak everything, regardless of the fact that all parties had followed their instructions. Other episodes of the series tell similar dark stories, all showing different ways by which technological advancements could lead to undesirable consequences, ranging from ending relationships to murder. The show, overall, has been praised for its brilliance. People generally talk about it as a series that does a good job at exaggerating already existing technologies; showing worst case scenarios that are unlikely to come to life. One of the aspects that make it a good show is how it can easily resemble

equality of arms. But as of yet, there has not been a single Israeli casuality. The Palestinians have been so dehumanized that not only do they not warrant global outcry or solidarity, but a refusal to call it what it really is: colonial domination. Photos have circulated around social media of Israeli settlers “watching” their military deliberately shoot Palestinians, as they themselves have admitted through a now-deleted tweet that read: “Nothing was carried out uncontrolled; everything was accurate and measured, and we know where every bullet landed,” on March 31. Israel’s illegal siege on Gaza and use of force against the Palestinians amounts to grave breaches of the Fourth Geneva Convention on the protection of civilians during armed conflict, and the international crime of willful killing. But why aren’t we marching? What of our willful silence? Why aren’t we marching now as we did for Jerusalem?

a violent response, according to an article published by Israeli newspaper Ynet News on April 9. Once again, we see Israel engage not only in the threat of force but deploy its actual use, whereas Palestinians are not only denied their emancipation by claiming their rights, but also through their violence. An April 6 article by Foreign Policy titled “The Nonviolent Violence of Hamas” makes the argument that the unarmed protests in Gaza are Hamas’ newest tactic in provoking a violent response from the Israelis. We then see it claim that these nonviolent means are geared towards a violent end, namely the destruction of the state of Israel, and so are in themselves just as illegitimate as violent interests. Just what you would expect from Foreign Policy... Western coverage of the Palestinian Question, especially when it comes to the Gaza protests, has slipped into the moralizing, patronizing, demonizing rhetoric of dictating which forms of Palestinian resistance are acceptable, and then dispelling them anyway. The hypocrisy of the West in its treatment of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is nothing new. We see this not only in the major headlines, but in reckless statements from the likes of United Nations Secretary-General (UNSG) Antonio Guterres, who would like to present the conflict as a “clash,” implying an

The Caravan is ready to accept applications for the position of Editor-in-Chief for 2018/2019. Application is open to all AUC students who are not expected to graduate before Spring 2019. Applicants should have a strong command of both written and spoken English and Arabic, and a strong understanding of journalism principles. Reporting and editorial experience is an added benefit. If interested, send in a CV and a letter of intent to Managing Director Firas Al-Atraqchi at falatraqchi@aucegypt.edu & Current Editor-in-Chief Mohamed Kouta at mohamedkouta@aucegypt.edu For further questions and inquiries, please feel free to contact either of them. For general inquiries, please reach out to caravannews@aucegypt.edu or visit the newsroom at Jameel PO28

CARRYING THE VOICE OF THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY IN CAIRO COMMUNITY

MOHAMED KOUTA EDITOR-IN-CHIEF DEENA SABRY MANAGING ENGLISH EDITOR JAIDAA TAHA MANAGING ARABIC EDITOR MARIAM MAZHAR DEPUTY ARABIC EDITOR NOURAN ALLAM NEWS EDITOR YASMEEN MAMDOUH CAMPUS EDITOR DANAH AL ANSARI SPOTLIGHT EDITOR MALAK ABDLENABI AND NADINE FAHMY ARTS AND CULTURE EDITORS NOURANE SELIM BUSINESS EDITOR AHMED ZADA SPORTS EDITOR DOAA ABDELGHANY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY EDITOR SARA MOHAMED GENDER, ENVIRONMENT AND HEALTH REPORTER RANIA YEHIA, NOURAN EL ASHRY, HANIN QANDEEL, HUSSEIN EL MOATAZ, YASMIN NABIL ARABIC EDITORS MALAK SEKALY COLUMNIST AND SOCIAL MEDIA MANAGER FIRAS AL ATRAQCHI MANAGING DIRECTOR AND FACULTY ADVISOR RASHA ALLAM ARABIC ADVISOR MAHER EL MELIGY ADMINISTRATIVE ASSISTANT


‫‪ | 4‬آراء‬

‫اﻷﺣﺪ ‪ ١٥‬إﺑﺮﻳﻞ‪٢٠١٨ ،‬‬

‫النكبة مســتمرة من دير ياســني إلى قطاع غزة وصمت العرب حول القضية الفلســطينية‬

‫عاما على مذبحة دير ياســني ونكبة ‪ ، 1948‬تواصل إســرائيل ممارســات اإلبادة اجلماعية وســلب الفلســطينيني من أراضيهم‬ ‫بعد مرور ســبعني ً‬

‫ﰲ ‪ ٩‬أﺑﺮﻳــﻞ ‪ ،١٩٤٨‬ﻗﺎﻣــﺖ ﻗــﻮات‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻣﺎﻧــﺪوز ﻳﻬﻮدﻳــﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﻹرﺟــﻮن‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺋﺎﺳــﺔ رﺋﻴــﺲ اﻟــﻮزراء ﻣﻨﺎﺣﻴــﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻐــﻦ‪ ،‬وﻋﺼﺎﺑــﺔ ﺷــﺘرين مبﻬﺎﺟﻤــﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳــﺔ ﻳﻘﻄﻨﻬــﺎ ﺣــﻮاﱄ ‪٧٥٠‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨ ًﻴﺎ ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺬﻛــﺮى اﻟﺴــﻨﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﺴــﺒﻌني‬ ‫ﳌﺬﺑﺤــﺔ دﻳــﺮ ﻳﺎﺳــني ﺳــﻘﻄﺖ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻴــﻮم اﻟﻌــﺎﴍ ﻣــﻦ »ﻣﺴــرية اﻟﻌــﻮدة‬ ‫اﻟﻜــﱪى«‪ ،‬ﻣﻈﺎﻫــﺮة ﺣﺎﺷــﺪة ﻗــﺎم‬ ‫ﺑﻬــﺎ اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﻮن ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــني ﺑﺤــﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﻌــﻮدة إﱃ أراﺿﻴﻬــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻋﺘﺒــﺎرا ﻣــﻦ ‪ ١٠‬أﺑﺮﻳــﻞ ‪،٢٠١٨ ،‬‬ ‫أﻃﻠــﻖ اﻟﺠﻴــﺶ اﻹﴎاﺋﻴــﲇ اﻟﻨــﺎر‬ ‫وﻗﺘــﻞ ‪ ٣١‬ﻣﺘﻈﺎﻫــﺮا ﺳــﻠﻤﻴﺎ ﻳﺴــريون‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ ﻃــﻮل ﻗﻄــﺎع ﻏــﺰة‪ ،‬مبــﺎ ﰲ ذﻟــﻚ‬ ‫اﳌﺼــﻮر اﻟﺼﺤﻔــﻲ ﻳــﺎﴎ ﻣﺮﺗﺠــﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺪأت اﳌﺴــرية اﻟﻜــﱪى ﰲ ﻳــﻮم‬ ‫اﻷرض‪ ،‬وﻫــﻮ ﻳــﻮم ﺳــﻨﻮي ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻔــﺎل‬ ‫ﺑﺬﻛــﺮى اﻹﴐاب اﻟﻌــﺎم اﻟــﺬي ﻗــﺎم‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﻮن ﰲ ﻧﻔــﺲ اﻟﻴــﻮم‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻋــﺎم ‪ ،١٩٧٦‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ أﻋﻠﻨــﺖ‬ ‫اﻟﺪوﻟــﺔ اﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴــﺔ ﻋــﻦ ﺧﻄﺘﻬــﺎ‬ ‫ﳌﺼــﺎدرة اﻷراﴈ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﺬﻛــﺮ ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻴــﻮم ﻟﻜﻮﻧــﻪ اﳌــﺮة‬ ‫اﻷوﱃ ﻣﻨــﺬ ﻋــﺎم ‪ ١٩٤٨‬اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺣﺸــﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻬــﺎ اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﻮن ردا ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳــﺎت اﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴــﺔ ﻛﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋــﺔ‬ ‫وﻃﻨﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ‪ ٤٢‬ﺳــﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳــﺰال اﻟﻮﻋــﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﻃﻨــﻲ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮدًا‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ زال‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﻮن ﻳﺘﺬﻛــﺮون ﻧﺰوﺣﻬــﻢ‬ ‫وﻣــﺎ زاﻟــﻮا ﻳﻄﺎﻟﺒــﻮن ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪاﻟــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜــﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟــﺔ اﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴــﺔ ﻣﺒﻨﻴــﺔ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ اﻹﺑــﺎدة اﻟﺠامﻋﻴــﺔ ﻛﺄدوات‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻘــﻮة وﻧــﺰع ﻣﻠﻜﻴــﺔ اﻟﺸــﻌﺐ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺑــﺪأ ﰲ ﻋــﺎم ‪١٩٤٨‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳــﺰال ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻳﻮﻣﻨــﺎ ﻫــﺬا‪.‬‬ ‫وميﻜﻨﻨــﺎ أن ﻧــﺮى ذﻟــﻚ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻻﺳــﺘﺨﺪام اﻟﻘﺎﺗــﻞ ﻟﻠﻌﻨــﻒ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺣــﴚ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣــﺮة ﻳﺘــﻢ ﻓﻴﻬــﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴــﻪ أي ﺗﻬﺪﻳــﺪ ‪ -‬رﺋﻴــﴘ أو‬ ‫ﺛﺎﻧــﻮي ‪ -‬ﻧﺤــﻮ ﻧﺰاﻫــﺔ اﻟﺪوﻟــﺔ‬ ‫اﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴــﺔ أو ﴍﻋﻴﺘﻬــﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛــﺮ اﳌﺴــرية اﻟﻜــﱪى اﳌﺤﺘﻠــني‬ ‫اﻟﺪؤوﺑــني ﺑــﺄن اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴني‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟــﻮدون وأﻧﻬــﻢ ﻳﺘﺬﻛــﺮون‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ر ﻳﺨﻬــﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺬﻛــﺮون ﴎﻗــﺔ اﻷرض واﳌــﻮت‬ ‫اﻟــﺬي ﺟــﺎء ﻣﻌﻬــﺎ‪ .‬إﻧﻬــﻢ ﻳﻌﺮﻓــﻮن‬ ‫أن ﻣﺆﺳﺴــﺎت دوﻟــﺔ إﴎاﺋﻴــﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺘﺼﻘــﺔ ﺑــﺪم أﺳــﻼﻓﻬﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻫــﺬا ﻳﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﻬﺪﻳــ ًﺪ ا ﳌﺼﺪاﻗﻴــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺪميﻮﻗﺮاﻃﻴــﺔ اﻟﻮﺣﻴــﺪة اﳌﻌﻠﻨــﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟــﴩق اﻷوﺳــﻂ‪ .‬وﻟﻜــﻦ ﻫﻨــﺎك‬ ‫ﻋﻴــﺐ أﺳــﺎﳼ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻬــﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻬــﻢ ﻏــري ﻗﺎدرﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ اﻻﺳــﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﻬــﺬه اﳌﻈﺎﻫــﺮات‬ ‫ﺑــﺄي ﻣــﻦ أﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺐ اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴــﺔ‬ ‫ا ﻟﺪ ميﻘﺮا ﻃﻴــﺔ ‪.‬‬ ‫دميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺘﻬــﻢ‬ ‫ﻷن‬ ‫ﻫــﺬا‬ ‫ﻫــﻲ ﺧﺪﻋــﺔ‪ .‬اﻟﺪوﻟــﺔ اﻟﻌﺮﻗﻴــﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺒﻨﻴــﺔ ﻋــﲆ ﻧﻈــﺎم ﻣﺒﻨــﻲ ﻋــﲆ‬

‫اﳌامرﺳــﺎت واﻟﺨﻄﺎﺑــﺎت اﻟﺘــﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﺮم اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴني ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺮار ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬــﻢ اﻷﺳﺎﺳــﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺤــﺮم اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﻮن ﰲ ﻏــﺰة ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺼــﻮل ﻋــﲆ اﳌــﺎء واﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑــﺎء‪،‬‬ ‫وﻛﻼﻫــام ﻳﺨﻀــﻊ ﻟﺴــﻴﻄﺮة اﻟﺪوﻟــﺔ‬ ‫اﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴــﺔ وﻛﺜــريا ً ﻣــﺎ ﻳﺘــﻢ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻌﻬــام ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺪ أداﻧــﺖ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ اﻷﻣــﻢ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺤــﺪة ﻟﺘﻨﺴــﻴﻖ اﻟﺸــﺆون‬ ‫اﻹﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻴﺔ وﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺣﻘــﻮق‬ ‫اﻹﻧﺴــﺎن ﻫــﺬه اﳌامرﺳــﺎت ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫أﻧﻬــﺎ ميﻜــﻦ أن ﺗﻜــﻮن مبﺜﺎﺑــﺔ إﺑــﺎدة‬ ‫وﻋﻘــﺎب ﺟامﻋــﻲ ‪ -‬وﻛﻼﻫــام ﻗــﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺮﻗــﻰ إﱃ ﻣﺴــﺘﻮى ﺟﺮاﺋــﻢ اﻟﺤــﺮب‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺎﻷرض اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻬــﺪدة‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﺼــﺎدرة اﳌﺴــﺘﻤﺮة ﻋــﻦ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻴﻊ اﳌﺴــﺘﻮﻃﻨﺎت ﻏــري‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴــﺔ ﰲ اﻷرض اﳌﺤﺘﻠــﺔ ‪ -‬وﻫــﻮ‬ ‫اﻧﺘﻬــﺎك آﺧــﺮ ﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن اﻻﺣﺘــﻼل‬ ‫اﻟــﺪوﱄ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳُﻌﺘﻘــﻞ اﻷﻃﻔــﺎل ﰲ اﻧﺘﻬــﺎك‬ ‫ﺻــﺎرخ ﻷﻫــﻢ اﳌﺒــﺎدئ اﻷﺳﺎﺳــﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧــﻮن اﻟﺠﻨــﺎيئ‪ ،‬و ﻳُﺴــﺠﻨﻮن‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﻌﺴــﻔﻲ و ﻳُﺤﺮﻣــﻮن ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻹﺟــﺮاءات اﻟﻮاﺟﺒــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻀﻴــﺔ ﻋﻬــﺪ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻤــﻲ‪ ،‬اﻟﻔﺘــﺎة‬ ‫اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺳــﺠﻨﺖ ﺑﻌﺪﻣــﺎ ﴐﺑــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻨــﺪي إﴎاﺋﻴــﲇ ﻋــﲆ وﺟﻬــﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﻲ ﻓﻘــﻂ أﺣــﺪث ﻣﺜــﺎل ﰲ ﺗﺎرﻳــﺦ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻳــﻞ ﻣــﻦ ﺳــﺠﻦ اﻷﻃﻔــﺎل‪.‬‬ ‫وﰲ اﻟﻮاﻗــﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧــﴩت ﻣﻨﻈﻤــﺔ اﻷﻣــﻢ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺤــﺪة ﻟﻠﻄﻔﻮﻟــﺔ )اﻟﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻴﻒ(‬ ‫ﻋــﺪة ﺗﻘﺎرﻳــﺮ ﰲ ﻋــﺎم ‪٢٠١٣‬‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻮﺛــﻖ اﻻﻧﺘﻬــﺎك اﻟﺠﺴــﻴﻢ ﻟﺤﻘــﻮق‬ ‫اﻷﻃﻔــﺎل مبﻮﺟــﺐ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮن ﺣﻘــﻮق‬ ‫اﻹﻧﺴــﺎن وﻗﻮاﻧــني اﻟﺤــﺮب‪.‬‬ ‫إن اﻹﻋﺘﻘــﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﻌﺴــﻔﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﻹﻋــﺪام ﺑﺈﺟــﺮاءات ﻣﻮﺟــﺰة ‪-‬‬

‫يف املدينة املنورة جتد ما هو أكبر من الثواب‬

‫كتب‪ :‬مرمي مظهر‬

‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﻳﻔﻜــﺮ أﺣــﺪ ﻣﻨــﺎ ﰲ أداء‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤــﺮة أو زﻳــﺎرة اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ اﳌﻨــﻮرة‬ ‫دامئــﺎً ﻳﻔﻜــﺮ ﰲ ﻏﻔــﺮات اﻟﺬﻧــﺐ أو‬ ‫اﻟﺜــﻮاب أو ﺣﺘــﻰ اﻟﻄﺎﻋــﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜــﻦ‬ ‫ﺣــني ﺧﻄــﻮت أول ﺧﻄــﻮايت ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ اﳌﻨــﻮرة أدرﻛــﺖ أن اﻟﺤﻜﻤــﺔ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻫــﺬا اﻷﻣــﺮ أﻛــﱪ ﺑﻜﺜــري ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﻨﻔﻌــﺔ اﻟﺸــﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل‬ ‫اﻟﺜــﻮاب‪.‬‬ ‫أدرﻛــﺖ ﻣــﻊ ﺻــﻼة أول ﻓــﺮض ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﺤــﺮم اﻟﻨﺒــﻮي أن اﻟﻠــﻪ ﻗــﺪ ﺣﺜﻨــﺎ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ أداء ﻫــﺬه اﻟﺰﻳــﺎرة واﻟﻌﻤــﺮة‬ ‫ﻟــرنى اﻹﺳــﻼم أو اﻟﺒﴩﻳــﺔ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈــﻮر أﻛــﱪ وأﻋﻤــﻖ وأوﺳــﻊ ﺑﻜﺜــري‪.‬‬ ‫أدرﻛــﺖ أن ﺗﻜــﻮن ﺑــني ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﺔ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺗﺤــﴡ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻨــﺎس ﻣــﻦ ﺟﻤﻴــﻊ‬ ‫أﻧﺤــﺎء اﻟﻌــﺎمل‪ ،‬ﻣــﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌــﺎت‬ ‫وﺛﻘﺎﻓــﺎت وﻋــﺎدات ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ‬

‫ﻳﺠﻤﻌﻬــﻢ ﻏــﺮض واﺣــﺪ ﻳﺠﻌﻠــﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻌﺮ ﺑــﴚء ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺮﺣﻤــﺔ ﻳﻮﻗــﺮ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺒــﻚ ﻻ ﺗﺠــﺪه ﰲ أي ﻣــﻜﺎن آﺧــﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻻ أﻋﻨــﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺣﻤــﺔ أن أﺷــﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻔﻘﺔ ﺗﺠــﺎه ﻣــﻦ ﻫــﻢ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻮﻳﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ ﻋﻨــﻚ‪ .‬وﻟﻜــﻦ‬ ‫أﻋﻨــﻲ أن ﺗﺸــﻌﺮ ﺑﺼﻠــﺔ ﻏﺮﻳﺒــﺔ ﺑــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺣﻮﻟــﻚ ﺻﻠــﺔ ﺗﺠﻌــﻞ ﻻ ﺗــﺪرك‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻮاﻫﻢ اﳌــﺎدي أو اﻹﺟﺘامﻋــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﻠــﺔ ﺗﺠﻌﻠــﻚ ﻻ ﺗﻀﺠــﺮ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻹﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫وﺻﻠــﺔ ﺗﺠﻌﻠــﻚ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﻣﻌﻬــﻢ‬ ‫دون أن ﺗﺤﺘــﺎج ﻟﻠﻐــﺔ ﻣﺸــﱰﻛﺔ أو‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻳﺘــامﳽ ﻣــﻊ ﻓﻜﺮﻫــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻷن ﻣــﺎ ﻳﺠﻤﻌﻜــﻢ ﰲ ﻫــﺬه اﻟﻠﺤﻈــﺔ‬ ‫وﻫــﺬه اﻷﻳــﺎم ﻣــﺎ ﻫــﻮ أﻋﻈــﻢ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫إﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻜــﻢ وﻣــﺎ ﻫــﻮ أﻛــﱪ ﺑﻜﺜــري‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻣــﺎ ﻗــﺪ ﻳﻀﻴــﻖ ﺻــﺪرك ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺤــﺪث ﰲ أي ﻣــﻜﺎن أو زﻣــﺎن أﺧــﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻣــﺎ أدرﻛﺘــﻪ أﻳﻀـﺎً ﻫــﻮ أن اﻟﺬﻫــﺎب‬ ‫إﱃ ﻫــﺬا اﳌــﻜﺎن ﻳﺠﻌﻠــﻚ ﺗﻔﻜــﺮ دامئـﺎً‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻼﻗﺘــﻚ ﺑﺴــﻴﺪﻧﺎ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺻــﲆ اﻟﻠــﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ وﺳــﻠﻢ ﻷين ﻛﻞ ﻣــﻜﺎن ﻛﻨــﺖ‬ ‫أذﻫــﺐ إﻟﻴــﻪ ﻛﻨــﺖ أﺗﺨﻴــﻞ أﻧــﻪ ﻛﺎن‬ ‫ميــﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﻫﻨــﺎ أو ﻳﺠﻠــﺲ ﻫﻨــﺎك‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﻮر ﻏﺮﻳــﺐ ﻳﺠﻌﻠــﻚ ﺗﺸــﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺔ ﻛﻞ ﻣــﺎ ﺟﺎءﻧــﺎ ﺑــﻪ وﻳﺠﻌﻠــﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺨﻴــﻞ ﻛﻞ اﻟﻘﺼــﺺ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻜﺮرﻫــﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨــﺬ ﺻﻐــﺮك دون إدراك ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﻬــﺎ‬ ‫وﻣﻌﻨﺎﻫــﺎ‪ .‬زﻳــﺎرة اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ﺗﺒﻨــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨــﻚ وﺑﻴﻨــﻪ ﻋﻼﻗــﺔ ﻻ ﺗ ُﺒﻨــﻰ إﻻ إذا‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘــﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻓــﻪ ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل‬ ‫اﻟﻘــﺮاءة ﻋﻨــﻪ واﻟﺘﺨﻠــﻖ ﺑﺄﺧﻼﻗــﻪ‬ ‫واﻟﺬﻫــﺎب إﻟﻴــﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻔــﻲ ﻳــﻮم ﻛﻨــﺖ أذﻫــﺐ إﱃ‬ ‫زﻳــﺎرة اﻟﺮوﺿــﺔ وﻛﺎن اﳌﺴــﺠﺪ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫اﻻزدﺣــﺎم ﻟﺪرﺟــﺔ أن ﺟﻤﻴــﻊ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﱄ أﺻﻴﺒــﻮا ﺑﻘﻠــﻖ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ وﻛﺜــري‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬــﻢ اﺿﻄــﺮوا أن ﻳﺒــﺪأو ﺑﺪﻓــﻊ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻟﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬وﰲ ﻟﺤﻈــﺔ ﻛﻨــﺖ ﺳــﺄﻧﺪرج‬ ‫إﱃ ﻫــﺬا وﻟﻜــﻦ ﰲ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﻠﺤﻈــﺔ ﻟــﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺖ ﻓﻜــﺮت أن اﻟﻨﺒــﻲ )ص( ﻳﻘــﻒ‬ ‫أﻣﺎﻣــﻲ ﻫــﻞ ﻛﻨــﺖ ﺳــﺄدﻓﻊ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﱄ ﻟﻠﻮﺻــﻮل إﻟﻴــﻪ؟‬ ‫وﰲ اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺔ أن اﻹﺟﺎﺑــﺔ ﻻ‪.‬‬ ‫واﳌﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﰲ ﻫــﺬه اﻟﻔﻜــﺮة ﻫــﻲ‬ ‫أﻧﻬــﺎ أﺗــﺖ وأﻧــﺎ ﻫﻨــﺎك‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﻌﻠﺘﻨــﻲ‬ ‫أﻓﻜــﺮ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻮﻗــﻒ ﻛﺎن ﻋــﲆ أن‬ ‫أﺗــﴫف ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻟــﻮ ﻛﻨــﺖ‬ ‫اﺳــﺘﺤﴬت ﻫــﺬا اﳌﻌﻨــﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛــﻢ ﻣــﻦ ﻛﻠﻤــﺔ ﻛﻨــﺖ ﺳــﺄﺧﺘﺎر أﻻ‬ ‫أﻗﻮﻟﻬــﺎ ﻟــﻮ ﻣﻨــﺖ ﻓﻜــﺮت أﻧــﻪ واﻗــﻒ‬ ‫أﻣﺎﻣــﻲ‪ .‬وﻛــﻢ ﻣــﻦ ﻓﻌــﻞ ﻛﻨــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳــﺄﺧﺘﺎر أﻻ أﻓﻌﻠــﻪ ﻟــﻮ ﻛﻨــﺖ ﻓﻜــﺮت‬ ‫ﰲ ﻫــﺬا اﳌﻌﻨــﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺔ أن اﻟﻌﻤــﺮة وزﻳــﺎرة‬ ‫اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ﺗﺠﻌﻠــﻚ ﺗﺸــﻌﺮ وﺗﻔﻜــﺮ‬ ‫وﺗــﺮى ﻣﻨﻈــﻮر واﺳــﻊ ﻳﺨﺮﺟــﻚ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠــﺔ ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻠــﻪ وﺳــﻴﺪﻧﺎ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ‬ ‫ﺻــﲆ اﻟﻠــﻪ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ وﺳــﻠﻢ ﻣــﻦ ﺿﻴﻘــﻚ‬ ‫ﳌــﺎ ﻫــﻮ أوﺳــﻊ ﻣــﻦ ذﻟــﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺠﻌﻠــﻚ ﺗﺒﻨــﻲ ﻋﻼﻗــﺔ ﺑﻴﻨــﻚ وﺑــني‬ ‫اﻟﻠــﻪ وﺑــني اﻟﻨﺒــﻲ ﻋﻼﻗــﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻌﺘﻤــﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺜــﻮاب واﻟﻌﻘــﺎب‪،‬‬ ‫وﻟﻜﻨﻬــﺎ ﻋﻼﻗــﺔ ﺗﺠﻌﻠــﻚ ﺗﺸــﻌﺮ ﺑﺤــﺐ‬ ‫وﺛﻘــﺔ وﺗﻌﻠــﻖ ﺑﻬــﺬه اﻷﻣﺎﻛــﻦ وﺗﻠــﻚ‬ ‫اﳌﺸــﺎﻫﺪ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻟــﻦ ﻧﺪرﻛﻬــﺎ ﺣﺘــﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻜــﻮن واﻗــﻒ ﰲ ﻫــﺬه اﳌﻮاﻗــﻒ‪.‬‬

‫اآل ر ا ء ا ملنشــو رة بالقا فلــة ال تعبــر‬ ‫عــن و جهــة نظــر ا جلر يــدة‬ ‫أ و مجتمــع اجلا معــي و تخــص أصحا بهــا‬

‫واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻛﺎن آﺧﺮﻫــﺎ وﻓــﺎة ﻣــﺮوان‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳــﺢ ﰲ ‪ ٩‬أﺑﺮﻳــﻞ ‪ -‬ﻫــﻲ ﻣﺠــﺮد‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﴫ آﺧــﺮ ﰲ ﻫــﺬه اﳌﻈﻠﻤــﺔ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ا ﻟﻘﻤــﻊ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺬه ﻣﺠــﺮد ﻟﻘﻄــﺎت ﰲ اﻟﺤﻴــﺎة‬ ‫اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴــﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴني ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜــﻦ ﻣــﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﱪﻫــﻦ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻫــﻮ ﻋــﺪم ﻗــﺪرة‬ ‫اﻟﺪوﻟــﺔ اﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴــﺔ ﻋــﲆ ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻮرﺗﻬــﺎ اﻟﺬاﺗﻴــﺔ اﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴــﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺴــﺎﻃﺔ ﻷﻧــﻪ ﻻ ﳾء ﰲ ﺟﻮﻫــﺮه‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠــﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫إﻧﻬــﺎ دوﻟــﺔ ﺗﺄﺳــﺲ وﺟﻮدﻫــﺎ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ إﺑــﺎدة ﺷــﻌﺐ آﺧــﺮ‪ .‬اﻟﺪوﻟــﺔ‬ ‫اﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴــﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺴــﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﻟﻬــﺮوب‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ دﻳــﺮ ﻳﺎﺳــني‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻜﺒــﺔ مل ﺗﻨﺘﻪ أﺑﺪا‪.‬‬ ‫وﻫــﺬا اﻟﻌﻨــﻒ اﻟﺘﺄﺳــﻴﴘ ﻳﻜــﺮر‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴــﻪ ﻛﻠــام ﺗــﻢ ﺗﺬﻛــري اﻟﺪوﻟــﺔ‬ ‫مبﺎﺿﻴﻬــﺎ‪ .‬ﻫــﺬا ﻣــﺎ ميﻴــﺰ اﳌﻘﺎوﻣــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ رمبــﺎ ﻋــﻦ أي ﺣﺮﻛــﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻣﻴــﺔ أﺧــﺮى ﰲ اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ‪.‬‬ ‫إن أﻋــامل اﳌﻘﺎوﻣــﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻣﺠــﺮد اﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟــﺎت ﺿــﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺎت ﻏــري ﻣﴩوﻋــﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻞ ﻫــﻲ‬ ‫أﻓﻌــﺎل ﺗﺬﻛــﺮ‪ .‬وﻫــﺬه اﻟﺬﻛــﺮى ﺗﻬــﺰ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻫــﺮ ﻣﺆﺳﺴــﺎت إﴎاﺋﻴــﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫إن اﺳــﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻘــﻮة اﻟﻐﺎﺷــﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻫــﻮ ﺑﺒﺴــﺎﻃﺔ ﻣﺤﺎوﻟــﺔ ﻹﻓﺸــﺎل‬ ‫ﻫــﺬه اﻟﺬاﻛــﺮة اﻟﺠامﻋﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻫﻨــﺎ ﺗﻜﻤــﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟــﺔ اﻟﻌﺴــﻜﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﻣﻨﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺎط اﻟﺘﻔﺘﻴــﺶ‪ ،‬وﻣﺮاﻗﺒــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺤــﺪود ‪ ،‬واﻟﺠــﺪران اﻟﺨﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳــﻞ اﻷراﴈ اﳌﺎدﻳــﺔ ﻟﻼﺣﺘــﻼل‬ ‫إﱃ ﻣﻮاﻗــﻊ اﻟﺴــﻴﻄﺮة‪.‬‬ ‫وﺑﻬــﺬه اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺤﺎوﻟــﻮن‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳــﻞ اﳌﻮاﻃﻨــني اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨنب إﱃ‬ ‫ﻣﺼــﺎدر ﻟﻠﺨــﻮف ‪ ،‬ﻣــام ﻳﺴــﺘﺪﻋﻲ‬ ‫اﺳــﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﺴــﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻹﺑﻌﺎدﻫــﻢ ﻋــﻦ‬

‫دوﻟﺘﻬــﻢ »اﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴــﺔ«‪.‬‬ ‫وﺻﻠــﺖ ﺟﻬﻮدﻫــﻢ ﻟﻠﺤﻔــﺎظ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ ﻫــﺬه اﻟﺮواﻳــﺔ إﱃ درﺟــﺔ أن‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻴــﺶ اﻹﴎاﺋﻴــﲇ ﻏــري ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮ‬ ‫إﱃ ﺣــﺪ ﺑﻌﻴــﺪ ﺑﺴــﺒﺐ اﻟﻼﻋﻨــﻒ ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﺴــرية اﻟﻜــﱪى ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴــﺚ ﻫــﺪدوا‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻏﺘﻴــﺎل ﻗــﺎدة اﳌﺴــرية ‪ ،‬ﻣــام أدى‬ ‫إﱃ رد ﻋﻨﻴــﻒ‪ ،‬وﻓﻘــﺎً ﳌﻘــﺎل ﻧﴩﺗــﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔــﺔ إﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴــﺔ ﰲ أﺑﺮﻳــﻞ ‪.٩‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣــﺮة أﺧــﺮى‪ ،‬ﻧــﺮى أن إﴎاﺋﻴــﻞ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺗﺸــﺎرك ﻓﻘــﻂ ﰲ اﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳــﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻘــﻮة‬ ‫ﺑــﻞ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻬﺎ اﻟﻔﻌــﲇ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣــني‬ ‫أن اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴني ﻻ ﻳﺤﺮﻣــﻮن‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮﻫــﻢ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل‬ ‫اﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺔ ﺑﺤﻘﻮﻗﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜــﻦ أﻳﻀً ــﺎ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل ﻃﺮﻳﻘــﺔ ﻋﻨﻔﻬــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻘــﻮل ﻣﻘــﺎل ﻧﴩﺗــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳــﺔ اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻴــﺔ ﺑﻌﻨــﻮان‬ ‫»اﻟﻌﻨــﻒ اﻟﻼﻋﻨﻔــﻲ ﻟﺤﺮﻛــﺔ‬ ‫ﺣــامس« ﻳــﻮم ‪ ٦‬أﺑﺮﻳــﻞ إن اﳌﻮاﺳــري‬ ‫اﻟﻐــري ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺔ ﰲ ﻏــﺰة ﻫــﻲ أﺣــﺪث‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺘﻴــﻜﺎت ﺣــامس ﰲ إﺛــﺎرة رد ﻓﻌــﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻴــﻒ ﻣــﻦ ﺟﺎﻧــﺐ اﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴــني‪.‬‬ ‫أﺻﺒﺤــﺖ اﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴــﺔ اﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴــﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺴــﺄﻟﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻــﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠــﻖ اﻷﻣــﺮ ﺑﺎﳌﻈﺎﻫــﺮات‬ ‫ﰲ ﻏــﺰة‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﺒــﺔ ﻹﻣــﻼء أي أﺷــﻜﺎل‬ ‫اﳌﻘﺎوﻣــﺔ اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟــﺔ‬ ‫‪ ،‬واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻳﺘــﻢ رﻓﻀﻬــﺎ ﻣــﻦ ﻗﺒــﻞ‬ ‫وﺳــﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋــﻼم ﻋــﲆ أي ﺣــﺎل‪.‬‬ ‫إن ﻧﻔــﺎق اﻟﻐــﺮب ﰲ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﻣــﻊ‬ ‫اﻟــﴫاع اﻹﴎاﺋﻴــﲇ اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴــﺲ أﻣــﺮا ﺟﺪﻳــﺪا‪.‬‬ ‫إﻧﻨــﺎ ﻻ ﻧــﺮى ذﻟــﻚ ﰲ اﻟﻌﻨﺎوﻳــﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴــﻴﺔ ﻓﻘــﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻞ ﰲ ﺗﴫﻳﺤــﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻬــﻮرة ﻣــﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺎت ﻣﺜــﻞ اﻷﻣــني‬ ‫اﻟﻌــﺎم ﻟﻸﻣــﻢ اﳌﺘﺤــﺪة‪ ،‬أﻧﻄﻮﻧﻴــﻮ‬ ‫ﻏﻮﺗريﻳــﺲ ‪ ،‬اﻟــﺬي ﻳــﻮد أن ﻳﻌــﺮض‬ ‫اﻟــﴫاع ﻋــﲆ أﻧــﻪ »ﺻــﺪام« ‪ ،‬ﻣــام‬

‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ اﳌﺴــﺎواة ﰲ اﻷﺳــﻠﺤﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻜــﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ اﻵن‪ ،‬مل ﻳﻜــﻦ ﻫﻨــﺎك أي‬ ‫ﺻــﺪع إﴎاﺋﻴــﲇ واﺣــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘــﺪ ُﺟــﺮد اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴﻮن ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫إﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﺪرﺟــﺔ أن ﻣﺤﻨﺘﻬــﻢ مل‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﺪ ﺗﺘﻠﻘــﻰ ﺗﻀﺎﻣ ًﻨــﺎ ﻋﺎﳌﻴًــﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﻮاﻗــﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤــﻦ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻧﺮﻓــﺾ أن‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﻤﻴﻬﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﻫــﻲ ﺣﻘــﺎ‪ :‬اﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨــﺔ‬ ‫اﻻﺳــﺘﻌامرﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺪ ﻋﻤﻤــﺖ اﻟﺼــﻮر ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫وﺳــﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻋــﻼم اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴــﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺴــﺘﻮﻃﻨني اﻹﴎاﺋﻴﻠﻴــني اﻟﺬﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺮاﻗﺒــﻮن ﺟﻴﺸــﻬﻢ ﻋﻤــﺪ ا ً ﰲ إﻃــﻼق‬ ‫اﻟﻨــﺎر ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻔﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻨﻴني ‪ ،‬ﻛــام‬ ‫اﻋﱰﻓــﻮا ﺑﺄﻧﻔﺴــﻬﻢ ﺣﻴــﺚ ﻗﺎﻟــﻮا‬ ‫ﻳــﻮم ‪ ٣١‬ﻣــﺎرس‪» ،‬مل ﻳﺘــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴــﺬ أي‬ ‫ﳾء ﺧــﺎرج ﻋــﻦ اﻟﺴــﻴﻄﺮة؛ ﻛﻞ ﳾء‬ ‫ﻘﺎﺳــﺎ‪ ،‬وﻧﻌــﺮف أﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎن دﻗﻴﻘًــﺎ و ُﻣ ً‬ ‫ﺳــﻘﻄﺖ ﻛﻞ رﺻﺎﺻــﺔ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻷن اﳌﺴــﺘﻮﻃﻨني إﴎاﺋﻴﻠــني‬ ‫ﻳﺤﺠــﺰون ﻣﻘﺎﻋﺪﻫــﻢ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺟــﺔ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻮارﻳــﺦ وﻫــﻲ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎل ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻣــﺎر‬ ‫واﻟﺨــﺮب ﻋــﲆ ﻏــﺰة وأﻫﻠﻬــﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻴــﺶ اﻹﴎاﺋﻴــﲇ ﻣﺬﻧــﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎرﺗــﻜﺎب ﺟﺮميــﺔ اﻟﻘﺘــﻞ اﻟﻌﻤــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻨﻨــﺎ أﻳﻀــﺎ ﻣﺬﻧﺒــﻮن ﺑﺎﻟﺼﻤــﺖ‬ ‫ا ﳌﺘﻌﻤــﺪ ‪.‬‬

‫‪Mohamed Kouta‬‬ ‫‪Editor-in-Chief‬‬ ‫‪mohamedkouta@aucegypt.edu‬‬

‫ذكرى أحـــمد خـــالد تـوفـيــــق‬

‫أ حمــد خا لــد تو فيــق ‪ ،‬مؤ لــف و ر و ا ئــي مصــر ي ا شــتهر بكتــب ا خليــا ل ا لعلمــي و أ د ب ا لر عــب‬ ‫وا ﻟﺸــﺒﺎ ب ‪ .‬أ ﺛــﺮت روا ﻳﺘــﻪ ﻋــﲆ ا ﻟﻌﺪ ﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ ا ﻟﻨــﺎ س ﻛــام ﺗﺮﺟﻤــﺖ أﻋام ﻟــﻪ إ ﱃ ا ﻟﻌﺪ ﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ ا ﻟﻠﻐــﺎ ت ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ أﺷــﻬﺮ أﻋــام ل ﺗﻮﻓﻴــﻖ روا ﻳــﺔ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﺔ ﻣــﺎ ورا ء ا ﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌــﺔ وﻓﺎ ﻧﺘﺎ ز ﻳــﺎ وﺳــﻔﺎ ري ‪ ،‬ﻛــام ﻟﻘــﺖ روا ﻳﺘــﻪ ﻳﻮﺗﻮ ﺑﻴــﺎ ﻧﺠﺎ ﺣــﺎ‬ ‫وا ﺳــﻌﺎ ‪ .‬وﻣــﻦ ﺿﻤــﻦ أﻋام ﻟــﻪ أﻳﻀــﺎ روا ﻳــﺔ ا ﻟﺴــﻨﺠﺔ وروا ﻳــﺔ ا ﻳــﻜﺎ روس ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎ ن ﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴــﻖ ﻣﺴــﺎ ﻫام ت ﰲ ﻣﺠــﺎ ل ا ﻟﺼﺤﺎ ﻓــﺔ أﻳﻀــﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺘــﺐ ﺑﺠﺮ ﻳــﺪ ة ا ﻟﺘﺤﺮ ﻳــﺮ وﻣﺠﻠــﺔ ا ﻟﺸــﺒﺎ ب ﻋــﱪ ﺟﺮ ﻳــﺪ ة ا ﻷﻫــﺮا م ‪.‬‬ ‫مــن أ شــهر مقــو ال ت تو فيــق‬ ‫« إ ن ا لطبقــا ت ا ملتو ســطة بــأ ى مجتمــع تلعــب د و ر قضبــا ن ا جلر ا فيــت با ملفا عــال ت ا لنو و يــة ‪:‬‬ ‫يقو مــو ن بإ بطــا ء ر د ا لفعــل و بد و نهــم ‪ ،‬ينفجــر ا ملفا عــل ا لنــو و ي ‪ .‬ا ن ا ملجتمــع مــن د و ن ا لطبقــة‬ ‫ا ملتو ســطة ‪ ،‬هــو مجتمــع معــر ض لال نفجــا ر ‪» .‬‬ ‫« ا عمــل ا خليــر و ا ر مــه يف ا لبحــر ‪ . .‬بشــر ط أ ن يــر ا ك أ حد هــم و أ نــت تفعــل ذ لــك ‪ . .‬عند هــا‬ ‫ســيخبر ا آل خر يــن أ نــك ال تفعــل ا خليــر فقــط ‪ ،‬بــل و تر ميــه يف ا لبحــر أ يض ـ ًا !ّ » مــن كتــا ب‬ ‫قصا صــا ت قا بلــة للحــر ق ‪.‬‬ ‫« ليتنــا أ نــا و أ نــت جئنــا ا لعا لــم قبــل ا ختــر ا ع ا لتلفز يــو ن و ا لســينما لنعــر ف هــل هــذ ا حــب حقً ــا‬ ‫أ م أ ننــا نتقمــص مــا نــر ا ه ؟ »‬ ‫مــن كتــا ب قصا صــا ت قا بلــة للحــر ق ‪.‬‬


‫صحـــــــة | ‪3‬‬

‫اﻷﺣﺪ ‪ ١٥‬إﺑﺮﻳﻞ‪٢٠١٨ ،‬‬

‫الـــحفاظ على منــط حياة صحي حتــت الضغوطات اليومية‬ ‫تقرير‪ :‬هبة عبدالوهاب‬

‫ﻧﻈــﻢ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ اﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳــﺮ واﻻﺗﺼــﺎﻻت‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺛــﺎً ﻟﻠﺘﻮﻋﻴــﺔ ﺑﺄﻫﻤﻴــﺔ اﻟﺤﻔــﺎظ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ منــﻂ ﺣﻴــﺎة ﺻﺤــﻲ وذﻟﻠــﻚ‬ ‫ﻳــﻮم اﻟﺨﻤﻴــﺲ ‪ ٢٢‬ﻣــﺎرس ﰲ‬ ‫اﺳــﱰاﺣﺔ اﻟﺨﺮﻳﺠــني‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨــﻰ اﻹدارة‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺠــﺰء ﻣــﻦ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﺔ اﻹﻓﻄــﺎر‬ ‫اﻟﺸــﻬﺮي اﻟــﺬي ﺗﻨﻈﻤــﻪ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴــﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻫــﺮة ﳌﺠﺘﻤــﻊ‬ ‫ا ﻟﺠﺎ ﻣﻌــﺔ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﺪث ﻛﻞ ﻣــﻦ ﺣﺴــني ﻋﺒــﺪ‬ ‫اﻟﺪاﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳــﺞ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻋــﺎم‬ ‫‪ ،٢٠١٤‬اﳌــﺪرب واﳌﺆﺳــﺲ ل‬ ‫اﺟﻨﻴــﺖ ﻣــﴫ )‪(IGNITE Egypt‬؛‬ ‫وإﺑﺮاﻫﻴــﻢ ﺻﻔــﻮت‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﻋــﺎم‬ ‫وﻣﺆﺳــﺲ ‪Cairo Runners‬؛ وأﻣﺎين‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴــﻞ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻳﺠــﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻋــﺎم‬ ‫‪ ١٩٩٠‬واﳌﻠﻘﺒــﺔ ﺑـــ اﻷم اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺪﻳــﺔ‬ ‫وﻫــﻲ أول اﻣــﺮأة ﻣﴫﻳــﺔ ﺗﻜﻤــﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﺪي »اﻟﺮﺟــﻞ اﻟﺤﺪﻳــﺪي« ﰲ‬ ‫أﺳــﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﰲ ﻓﺌﺘﻬــﺎ اﻟﻌﻤﺮﻳــﺔ ‪٥٠‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣــﺎ وﻣﺪرﺑــﺔ رﻳﺎﺿﻴــﺔ ﺑﻨــﺎدي‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺰﻳــﺮة اﻟﺮﻳــﺎﴈ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻳــﺮ اﻟﻨﻘــﺎش‬ ‫آﻳــﺔ راﻏــﺐ‪ ،‬اﺧﺼﺎﺋﻴــﺔ ﺗﻐﺬﻳــﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫اﺟﻨﻴــﺖ ﻣــﴫ )‪(IGNITE Egypt‬‬ ‫وأﺧﺼﺎﺋﻴــﺔ ﻓﻘــﺪان اﻟﺪﻫــﻮن‬ ‫واﻟﻠﻴﺎﻗــﺔ اﻟﺒﺪﻧﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻗــﺶ اﻟﺤــﺪث ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺔ اﻟﺤﻔــﺎظ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ منــﻂ ﺣﻴــﺎة ﺻﺤــﻲ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻇــﻞ ﺿﻴــﻖ اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ واﻻﻧﺸــﻐﺎل‬ ‫واﻟﻌﻤــﻞ‪ ،‬وأﻫﻤﻴــﺔ دﻣــﺞ اﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿــﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤــﻊ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘﺤــﺪي اﻟــﺬي‬ ‫ﻳﻮاﺟــﻪ اﻷﻣﻬــﺎت ﰲ ﻣامرﺳــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿــﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓــﺔ إﱃ اﻟﻌــﺎدات‬ ‫اﻟــﻼزم اﺗﺒﺎﻋﻬــﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﻔــﺎظ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫ﺣﻴــﺎة ﺻﺤﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺪأت اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺔ ﺑﺎﳌــﺮأة‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺪﻳــﺔ أﻣــﺎين ﺧﻠﻴــﻞ اﻟﺘــﻲ‬ ‫اﺷــﱰﻛﺖ ﰲ ﻣﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺔ )‪(Iron Man‬‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺟــﻞ اﻟﺤﺪﻳــﺪي ﰲ إﺳــﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫واﺳــﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ اﻟﺴــﺒﺎﺣﺔ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺔ ‪٤‬‬

‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣــﱰ واﻟﺠــﺮي ﳌﺴــﺎﻓﺔ ‪ ٤٢‬ﻛﻴﻠــﻮ‬ ‫ورﻛــﻮب اﻟﺪراﺟــﺔ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺔ ‪١٨٠‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻠــﻮ ﻣــﱰ ﺑﺎﻻﺿﺎﻓــﺔ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻬــﺎ ام‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻟﺪﻳــﻦ ورﺑــﺔ ﻣﻨــﺰل‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟــﺖ ﺧﻠﻴــﻞ »اﻋﺘــامد منــﻂ ﺣﻴــﺎة‬ ‫ﺻﺤــﻲ وﻧﻈــﺎم ﻏــﺬايئ ﻣﺘــﻮازن‬ ‫ﺣﻴــﺚ أﺳــﺘﻴﻘﻆ ﰲ اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺴــﺔ ﻓﺠــﺮا‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺮﻳﺎﺿــﺔ واﻧﻈــﻢ وﻗﺘــﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴــﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﺘــﻮازن ﺑــني ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒــﺎت اﻷﴎة‬ ‫وﻣامرﺳــﺔ اﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿــﺔ ﻣــام دﻓﻌﻨــﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻣــﺎ أﻧــﺎ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ اﻟﻴــﻮم«‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﺪث اﺑﺮاﻫﻴــﻢ ﺻﻔــﻮت‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳــﺲ ﻛﺎﻳــﺮو راﻧــﺮز ﻋــﻦ ﺑﺪاﻳــﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮة ﻛﺎﻳــﺮو راﻧــﺮز اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺑــﺪأت‬ ‫ﰲ ‪ ٢٠١٢‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﻗــﺮر اﻧﻘــﺎص وزﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ﻋــﻦ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ اﻟﺠــﺮي ﺛــﻢ اﻧﻀــﻢ‬ ‫ﻟــﻪ ‪ ١٥‬ﺻﺪﻳــﻖ وﺗﻄــﻮرت اﻟﻔﻜــﺮة‬ ‫إﱃ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺻﻔﺤــﺔ ﻋــﲆ ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻮاﺻــﻞ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋــﻲ ﻓﻴﺴــﺒﻮك‬ ‫و اول ﻣﺎرﺛــﻮن ﺷــﺎرك ﻓﻴــﻪ ‪٧٠‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺣﺘــﻰ وﺻــﻞ اﻟﻌــﺪد ﺣﺎﻟﻴــﺎ‬ ‫إﱃ ‪ ٨٠٠٠‬ﺷــﺨﺺ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻖ ﺻﻔــﻮت »ﻗــﺮرت اﻻﺳــﺘﻐﻨﺎء‬ ‫ﻋــﻦ وﻇﻴﻔﺘــﻰ ﰱ إﺣــﺪى أﻛــﱪ‬ ‫اﻟــﴩﻛﺎت اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺔ ﰱ اﻟــﴩق‬ ‫اﻷوﺳــﻂ ﻣــﻦ أﺟــﻞ اﻟﺮﻛــﺾ‪،‬‬ ‫وأﺿــﺎف »ﻟﻘــﺪ وﺟــﺪت ﻧﻔــﴘ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺎﺿــﺔ اﻟﺮﻛــﺾ««‪.‬‬ ‫اﻧﺘﻘﻠــﺖ اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺔ اﱄ ﺣﺴــني‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪاﻟﺪاﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳــﺲ ﴍﻛــﺔ‬ ‫إﻳﺠﻨﻴــﺖ وأﺧﺼــﺎيئ اﻷداء اﻷول ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣــﴫ ‪ ،‬وﻫــﻮ ﺧﺒــري ﰲ اﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺒــﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﺤﻔــﺰ اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋــﺞ اﳌﺮﻏﻮﺑــﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﺤﺘﺎﺟﻬــﺎ اﻟﺠﺴــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫درس ﺣﺴــني اﻟﻌﻠــﻮم واﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿــﺔ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻣــام أدى إﱃ ﺗﻄﻮﻳــﺮ ﻓﻬــﻢ أﻛــﱪ‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴــﺔ ﺗﻔﺎﻋــﻞ اﻟﺠﺴــﻢ اﻟﺒــﴩي‬ ‫ﻣــﻊ اﻟﺘﻤﺮﻳــﻦ واﻟﺘﺪرﻳــﺐ واﻟﺒﻴﺌــﺎت‬ ‫اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ واﻟﻌﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ اﳌﺤﻔــﺰات‬ ‫اﻷﺧــﺮى ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل ﺑﺮاﻣــﺞ اﻷداء‬ ‫اﻟﺼﻌﺒــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ أﻧﺸــﺄﻫﺎ ﰲ ‪Ignite‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳــﺪ ﻛﻴــﻒ وﳌــﺎذا ﻳﺠــﺐ أن‬

‫ﺗﻜــﻮن ﻣامرﺳــﺔ ﺟﻴــﺪة ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴــﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺸــﺨﺺ ﻋــﲆ ﺣﺴــﺐ ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺗــﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗــﺎل ﻋﺒــﺪ اﻟﺪاﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳــﺲ ﴍﻛــﺔ‬ ‫إﻳﺠﻨﻴــﺖ »ﺟــﺰء ﻛﺒــري ﻣــﻦ ﺟﺎذﺑﻴــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺪرﻳــﺐ ﻫــﻮ اﻟﺘﺤــﺪي‪ :‬أﻧــﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻄــﻲ ﻛﻞ ﳾء ﻟﺪﻳــﻚ ‪ -‬اﻟﺪﻓــﻊ‬ ‫‪ ،‬اﻟﺠــﺮي ‪ ،‬اﻟﺮﻛــﺾ ‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻌــﺮق ‪-‬‬ ‫وﰲ اﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳــﺔ ﺗﺘــﻢ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺄﺗــﻚ ﻣــﻊ‬ ‫ﻫــﺬا اﻟﺸــﻌﻮر ﺑﺎﻹﻧﺠــﺎز اﻟﺒــﺪين‬ ‫واﻟﻌﻘــﲇ‪«.‬‬ ‫اﺟﺘﻤــﻊ اﳌﺘﺤﺪﺛــﻮن أن اﻟﺤﻴــﺎة‬ ‫اﻟﺼﺤﻴــﺔ واﻟﺴــري ﻋــﲆ منــﻂ ﺣﻴــﺎة‬ ‫ﺻﺤــﻲ وﺳــﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﻌﻠﻨــﺎ ﻧﻌﻴــﺶ‬ ‫ﺣﻴــﺎ ًة ﺧﺎﻟﻴــ ًﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﻷﻣــﺮاض‪،‬‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻌــﺎت ﻛﺜــري ٍة ﻧﺤــﻦ‬ ‫وﺗﺤﻤﻴﻨــﺎ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻏﻨــﻰ ﻋﻨﻬــﺎ‪ ،‬واﻟﺤﻴــﺎة اﻟﺼﺤﻴــﺔ ﻻ‬ ‫ميﻜــﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬــﺎ ﰲ ﻳــﻮم وﻟﻴﻠــﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﺠــﺐ وﺿــﻊ ﻧﻈــﺎم ﻧﻠﺘــﺰم ﺑــﻪ ﻗــﺪر‬ ‫اﻹﻣــﻜﺎن؛ ﻷ ّن اﻻﻟﺘــﺰام واﻟﻌﻴــﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻈــﺎم ﺻﺤــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌــﻮد ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻔــﻊ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﺤــﺔ اﻟﺠﺴــﺪﻳﺔ واﻟﻨﻔﺴــﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟــﺖ داﻟﻴــﺎ ﺛــﺮوت‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﻨــﺪوق دﻋــﻢ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪» ،‬ﻳﻔﺘﻘــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ اﻟﻨــﺎس ﺛﻘﺎﻓــﺔ اﻟﺤﻴــﺎة‬ ‫اﻟﺼﺤﻴــﺔ ﻟﻬــﺬا ﻧﻈﻤﻨــﺎ اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻬــﺪف اﻟﺘﻮﻋﻴــﺔ واﻹﻟﻬــﺎم‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺎت ﺑــﺎرزة‬ ‫وﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼــﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺠــﺎل وﻧﺤــﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻴــﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎت ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﺔ ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﻮاﺿﻴــﻊ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﺸــﻐﻞ اﳌﺠﺘﻤــﻊ‪«.‬‬ ‫أوﺿﺤــﺖ آﻳــﺔ راﻏــﺐ‪ ،‬اﺧﺼﺎﺋﻴــﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﺬﻳــﺔ ﰲ اﺟﻨﻴــﺖ أن أﻫــﻢ اﻷﺷــﻴﺎء‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻤــﻂ ﺣﻴــﺎة ﺻﺤــﻲ ﻫــﻮ اﻷﻛﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺴــﻠﻴﻢ اﳌﺘــﻮازن وﻧــﻮم ﻛﺎﰲ ﻣــﻊ‬ ‫ﻣامرﺳــﺔ اﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿــﺔ وﴍب اﳌــﺎء‬ ‫مبﻘــﺪار ‪ ٢‬ﻟــﱰ ﻓﺎﻟﻴــﻮم‪.‬‬ ‫أﺿــﺎف ﻋﺒــﺪ اﻟﺪاﻳــﻢ ﻣﺆﺳــﺲ‬ ‫ﴍﻛــﺔ إﻳﺠﻨﻴــﺖ‪ ،‬أن ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ اﻟﻀﻐــﻂ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻔــﴘ ﻳﺮﺗﺒــﻂ ﻣﺒــﺎﴍة ﺑﺰﻳــﺎدة ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨــﺎول اﻟﻄﻌــﺎم ﻟــﺪى ﺑﻌــﺾ اﻟﻨــﺎس‬ ‫ﺣﻴــﺚ ﻳﺘﺄﺛــﺮ ﺳــﻠﻮﻛﻬﻢ اﻟﻐــﺬايئ‬ ‫وﺗﺰﻳــﺪ ﺷــﻬﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﺒﻌــﺾ اﻷﻃﻌﻤــﺔ‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﺎﴐة اﳌﺤﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﲆ منﻂ ﺻﺤﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻴﺎة ﺑﺎﺳﱰاﺣﺔ اﻟﺨﺮﻳﺠني مبﺒﻨﻰ اﻹدارة‬

‫ﺧﺎﺻــﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺸــﻮﻳﺎت‬ ‫واﻟﺴــﻜﺮ واﻟﻐﻨﻴــﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴــﻌﺮات‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺮارﻳــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺼــﺢ ﻋﺒﺪاﻟﺪاﻳــﻢ ﻋــﲇ اﻟﺘﻜــﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺗــﺮ واﻟﻀﻐــﻂ اﻟﻨﻔــﴘ ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ واﻟﻘﻴــﺎم‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻌــﺾ ﺗﻘﻨﻴــﺎت اﻻﺳــﱰﺧﺎء واﺧــﺬ‬

‫ﻓﻴﺘﺎﻣﻴﻨــﺎت إذا ﻟــﺰم اﻷﻣــﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻘــﺖ راﻏــﺐ‪ ،‬اﺧﺼﺎﺋﻴــﺔ ﺗﻐﺬﻳــﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ اﺟﻨﻴــﺖ‪» ،‬اﻟﻄﻌــﺎم اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌــﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻣﻨﺘﺠــﺎت اﻟﺤﺒــﻮب اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠــﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺸــﻮﻓﺎن واﻟﺸــﺎي اﻷﺧــﴬ‬ ‫واﻟﺸــﻮﻛﻮﻻﺗﻪ اﻟﻐﺎﻣﻘــﺔ ﻳﺴــﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﻞ اﻟﺘﻮﺗــﺮ واﻟﻀﻐــﻂ‬

‫ﻫﺒﺔ ﻋﺒﺪاﻟﻮﻫﺎب‬

‫ا ﻟﻌﺼﺒــﻲ ‪« .‬‬ ‫اﺧﺘﺘﻤــﺖ اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺔ ﺑﺄﺳــﺌﻠﺔ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻀــﻮر ﻋــﻦ اﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿــﺔ وﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ ﰲ اﻟﺤﻴــﺎة اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴــﺔ واﺧــريا‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻌﺒــري ﻋــﻦ اﻟﺸــﻜﺮ واﻹﻓــﺎدة ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺗﻐﻴــري منــﻂ اﻟﺤﻴــﺎة إﱃ‬ ‫منــﻂ أﻛــرث ﺻﺤﻴــﺔ وﺗــﻮازن‪.‬‬

‫كلية علم النفس تنناقش أربعة أمناط مختلفة لتربية األطفال األصحاء‬

‫ﺟﻠﺴــﺔ ﺗﻮﻋﻮﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﱰﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﺑﺼﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻴﻢ ﺳــﻮﻟﻴﻔﺎن‬ ‫تقرير‪ :‬هبة عبدالوهاب‬

‫ﻧﻈﻤــﺖ ﻛﻠﻴــﺔ ﻋﻠــﻢ اﻟﻨﻔــﺲ ﺑﺎﻻﺷــﱰاك‬ ‫ﻣــﻊ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ اﻟﺨﺪﻣــﺎت اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴــﺔ ﺟﻠﺴــﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻋﻴــﺔ ﺗﺨــﺺ اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ ﻳــﻮم اﻟﺜﻼﺛــﺎء ‪٢٠‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎرس ﰲ ﺻﺎﻟــﺔ ﺗﻴــﻢ ﺳــﻮﻟﻴﻔﺎن و ﻗﺪﻣﻬــﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻛﺘــﻮر ﺟﺎميــﻲ ﻣﻴﻨــﺪوزا ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣــﺎت اﻻﺳﺘﺸــﺎرة اﻟﻨﻔﺴــﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫أوﺿــﺢ ﻣﻴﻨــﺪوزا أن منــﻂ اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺨــﺎص ﺑﺎﻷﺑــﺎء ﻳﺆﺛــﺮ ﻋــﲆ ﻛﻞ ﳾء‬ ‫ﺑﺪاﻳــﺔ ﻣــﻦ وزن اﻟﻄﻔــﻞ إﱃ ﻣﺸــﺎﻋﺮه‬

‫وﺷــﻌﻮره ﺑﻨﻔﺴــﻪ وﻣــﻦ اﳌﻬــﻢ اﻟﺘﺄﻛــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ أن منــﻂ اﻷﺑــﻮة واﻷﻣﻮﻣــﺔ ﻳﺪﻋــﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻤــﻮ واﻟﺘﻄــﻮر اﻟﺼﺤــﻲ ﻷن ﻃﺮﻳﻘــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻔﺎﻋــﻞ ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻄﻔــﻞ وﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺔ ﺗﺄدﻳﺒــﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺆﺛــﺮ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﻃــﻮال ﺣﻴﺎﺗــﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗــﺎل ﻣﻴﻨــﺪوزا‪» ،‬اﻷﺑــﻮة واﻷﻣﻮﻣــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻴــﺪة ﺗﺘﻄﻠــﺐ اﻟﺸــﺠﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬إﻧﺠــﺎب‬ ‫اﻷﻃﻔــﺎل أﻣــﺮ ﺳــﻬﻞ‪ .‬وﻣــﻊ ذﻟــﻚ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳــﺄيت‬ ‫أﻃﻔﺎﻟﻨــﺎ ﻣــﻊ دﻟﻴــﻞ اﳌﺴــﺘﺨﺪم ﺑــﺪﻻ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ذﻟــﻚ ﻳﺠــﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻨــﺎ أن ﻧﻔﻬــﻢ اوﻻدﻧــﺎ و‬ ‫دورﻧــﺎ ﻛﺂﺑــﺎء وأﻣﻬــﺎت‪«.‬‬

‫ﻛــام أوﺿــﺢ ﻣﻴﻨــﺪوزا أن ﻫﻨــﺎك‬ ‫أرﺑﻌــﺔ أمنــﺎط ﻣــﻦ اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ وﻳﺘﺨــﺬ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫منــﻂ ﻣﻨﻬ ًﺠــﺎ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔًــﺎ ﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ اﻷﻃﻔــﺎل‪،‬‬ ‫وميﻜــﻦ ﺗﺤﺪﻳــﺪه ﺑﻌــﺪد ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺨﺼﺎﺋــﺺ‬ ‫اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻤــﻂ اﻷول ﻫــﻮ اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ اﳌﺘﺴــﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻴــﺚ ﻳﻘــﻮم أوﻟﻴــﺎء اﻷﻣــﻮر ﰲ ﻫــﺬا‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻤــﻂ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﻣــﻊ اﻷﻃﻔــﺎل ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘــﺔ‬ ‫اﺳــﺘﺒﺪادﻳﺔ ودﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮرﻳــﺔ‪ ،‬وﻟﻬــﻢ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮة‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻠــﺔ ﻋــﲆ ﻛﻞ ﳾء ﻳﻘﻮﻟــﻪ اﻟﻄﻔــﻞ‪ ،‬أو‬ ‫ﻳﻔﻜــﺮ ﻓﻴــﻪ‪ .‬ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻨــﻮع ﻣــﻦ اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ‬

‫ﺷــﺎﺋﻊ ﺟــﺪا‪ ،‬وﻛﺜــري ﻣــﻦ اﻷﻃﻔــﺎل اﻟﺬﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺄﺗــﻮن ﻣــﻦ ﺧﻠﻔﻴــﺎت ﻋﺴــﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺷــﻬﺪت‬ ‫ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻨــﻮع ﻣــﻦ اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺸــﺘﻬﺮ اﻵﺑــﺎء اﳌﺴــﺘﺒﺪون ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻬــﻢ‬ ‫»ﻷﻧﻨــﻲ ﻗﻠــﺖ ذﻟــﻚ« ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﻳﺘﺴــﺎءل‬ ‫اﻟﻄﻔــﻞ ﻋــﻦ اﻷﺳــﺒﺎب اﻟﻜﺎﻣﻨــﺔ وراء‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎﻋــﺪة‪ .‬إﻧﻬــﻢ ﻏــري ﻣﻬﺘﻤــني ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔــﺎوض‬ ‫وﺗﺮﻛﻴﺰﻫــﻢ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻄﺎﻋــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫إن اﻷﻃﻔــﺎل اﻟﺬﻳــﻦ ﻳﻨﺘﻤــﻮن إﱃ‬ ‫أﻫــﻞ ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻮﻧــﻮن أﻛــرث ﻋﺮﺿــﺔ‬ ‫ﳌﺸــﻜﻼت اﺣــﱰام اﻟــﺬات ﻷن آراﺋﻬــﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ذات ﻗﻴﻤــﺔ وﻗــﺪ ﺗﺼﺒــﺢ‬ ‫أﻳﻀــﺎ ﻋﺪاﺋﻴــﺔ‪ .‬وﺑــﺪﻻً ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺘﻔﻜــري ﰲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺔ ﻋﻤــﻞ اﻷﺷــﻴﺎء ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ أﻓﻀــﻞ ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﺴــﺘﻘﺒﻞ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬــﻢ ﻳﺮﻛــﺰون ﻏﺎﻟ ًﺒــﺎ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﻐﻀــﺐ اﻟــﺬي ﻳﺸــﻌﺮون ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺠــﺎه‬ ‫آﺑﺎﺋﻬــﻢ‪ .‬ومبــﺎ أن اﻵﺑــﺎء ﺻﺎرﻣــني ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘــﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﻤــﻮ أﻃﻔﺎﻟﻬــﻢ ﻟﻴﺼﺒﺤــﻮا ﻛﺬاﺑــﻮن‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺪﻳــﻦ ﰲ ﻣﺤﺎوﻟــﺔ ﻟﺘﺠﻨــﺐ اﻟﻌﻘــﺎب‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻤــﻂ اﻟﺜــﺎين ﻣــﻦ أمنــﺎط ﺗﺮﺑﻴــﺔ اﻷﺑﻨﺎء‬ ‫ﻫــﻮ منــﻂ اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ اﻟﺮﺳــﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫﻨــﺎ وﱄ‬ ‫اﻷﻣــﺮ ميﻠــﻚ اﻟﺴــﻴﻄﺮة ﻋــﲆ أﻃﻔﺎﻟــﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻟﻜﻨــﻪ ﻻ ﻳــﺰال ﻳﺴــﻤﺢ ﻟﻬــﻢ ﺑﺎﺗﺨــﺎذ‬ ‫ﻗﺮاراﺗﻬــﻢ ﺑﺄﻧﻔﺴــﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻨــﺎك ﻛﻤﻴــﺔ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺴــﻴﻄﺮة واﻻﻧﻀﺒــﺎط ﰲ اﻟﺒﻴــﺖ اﻟــﺬي‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺒــﻊ ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻨــﻮع ﻣــﻦ اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬــﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﺻﺎرﻣــﺔ ﺑﺤﻴــﺚ ﺗﻘﻴــﺪ متﺎﻣــﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ أي ﻧــﻮع ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻌﻼﻗــﺔ ﺑــني‬ ‫اﻷﺷــﺨﺎص‪.‬‬ ‫إن وﱄ اﻷﻣــﺮ ﰲ ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻨﻤــﻂ ﻳﻌــﺮف‬ ‫متﺎﻣــﺎً ﻣﺘــﻰ ﻳﻘــﻮم ﺑﺎﻟﺴــﻴﻄﺮة ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺿــﻊ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜــﻦ أﻳﻀــﺎ ﻳﻌــﺮف ﻣﺘــﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺴــﻤﺢ ﻟﻠﻄﻔــﻞ ﺑﺎﺗﺨــﺎذ ﻗﺮاراﺗــﻪ ﺑﻨﻔﺴــﻪ‬ ‫وﻫﻨــﺎ اﻷﻃﻔــﺎل ﻳﺴــﺘﺠﻴﺒﻮن ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫أﻓﻀــﻞ ﻟﻬــﺬا اﻟﻨــﻮع ﻣــﻦ اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ اﻷﺑــﻮة‬ ‫واﻷﻣﻮﻣــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺴــامح ﻟﻸﻃﻔــﺎل ﰲ إﺗﺨــﺎذ اﻟﻘ ـﺮارات‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻــﺔ ﺑﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻠﻬــﻢ ﻳﻌﺮﻓــﻮن ﺑــﺄن‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﺎك ﻋﻮاﻗــﺐ ﻷﻋامﻟﻬــﻢ‪ .‬وﻣــﻊ ذﻟــﻚ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻓﻜــام ﻳــﺮون ان اﻻﻫــﻞ ﻗــﺎدرون ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﺴــﻴﻄﺮة ﻋــﲆ ﺣﻴــﺎة أﻃﻔﺎﻟﻬــﻢ ﻓﻬــﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺸــﻌﺮون ﺑﻮﺟﻮدﻫــﻢ ﳌﺴــﺎﻋﺪﺗﻬﻢ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬

‫ﻳﻘﻮﻣــﻮن ﺑﺎﺗﺨــﺎذ ﻗــﺮارات ﺧﺎﻃﺌــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻤــﻂ اﻟﺜﺎﻟــﺚ ﻫــﻮ اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ اﳌﺘﺴــﺎﻫﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻴــﺚ ﻳﻘــﻮم أوﻟﻴــﺎء اﻷﻣــﻮر ﺑﺎﻟﺴــامح‬ ‫ﻷﺑﻨﺎﺋﻬــﻢ ﺑﻔﻌــﻞ ﻣــﺎ ﻳﺮﻳﺪوﻧــﻪ‪ .‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻨﻤــﻂ‪ ،‬ﺗــﻜﺎد اﻟﺤــﺪود واﻟﻘﻴــﻮد‬ ‫اﳌﻔﺮوﺿــﺔ ﻋــﲆ أﻋــامل اﻷﻃﻔــﺎل ﺗــﻜﺎد‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻌــﺪم‪ ،‬واﻷﻃﻔــﺎل ﺗﺘﻨﻤــﺮ أﻛــرث ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫آﺑﺎﺋﻬــﻢ ﺑﺒﺴــﺎﻃﺔ ﻷن اﻵﺑــﺎء ﻻ ﺗﺮﻳــﺪ أن‬ ‫ﺗﻘــﻮل ”ﻻ“ ﻷﻃﻔﺎﻟﻬــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫إن اﻷﻃﻔــﺎل اﻟﺬﻳــﻦ ﻳﺘﻠﻘــﻮن اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺴــﺎﻫﻠﺔ ﻫــﻲ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻘــﻊ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺔ اﳌﻄــﺎف ﰲ ورﻃــﺔ ﻷﻧﻬــﻢ ﺑﺒﺴــﺎﻃﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻴــﺲ ﻟﺪﻳﻬــﻢ ﻓﻜــﺮة أن ﻫﻨــﺎك ﺣــﺪود‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺤﻴــﺎة‪ .‬ﻻ ﺗﻘــﻮم اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ اﳌﺘﺴــﺎﻫﻠﺔ‬ ‫إﻋــﺪاد اﻟﻄﻔــﻞ ﻟﻠﺤﻴــﺎة اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻳﻮاﺟﻬﻬــﺎ‬ ‫ﰲ اﳌﺴــﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬وأوﻟﻴــﺎء اﻷﻣــﻮر ﰲ ﻫــﺬا‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻤــﻂ ﻻ ﺗﻔﻌــﻞ ﺷــﻴﺌﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺴــﺎﻋﺪة ﰲ‬ ‫”ﺗﻮﺟﻴــﻪ ﻃﻔﻠﻬــﻢ إﱃ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘــﺔ اﻟﺴــﻠﻴﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺤﻴــﺎة‪”.‬‬ ‫اﻷﻃﻔــﺎل اﻟﺬﻳــﻦ ﻛــﱪوا ﻋــﲆ ﻋــﺪم‬ ‫وﺟــﻮد ﻗﻮاﻋــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻬــﻢ ﺳــﻮف ﻳﻔﺎﺟﺌــﻮن‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﻳﻜﺘﺸــﻔﻮن أن اﻟﺤﻴــﺎة ﺗﺤﺘــﻮي‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻌﻮاﻗــﺐ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﱰﺗــﺐ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻣــﻦ أﻋامﻟﻬــﻢ‪ .‬إن اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺴــﺎﻫﻠﺔ ﻫــﻲ أﻓﻀــﻞ ﻃﺮﻳﻘــﺔ ﻟﻀــامن‬ ‫ﻋــﺪم ﺗﺰوﻳــﺪ أﻃﻔﺎﻟــﻚ مبــﺎ ﻳﺤﺘﺎﺟﻮﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﻣــﻊ ﻛﻞ ﳾء ﺗﺮﻳــﺪ اﻟﺤﻴــﺎة أن‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻤﻬــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗــﺎل ﻣﻴﻨــﺪوزا ﰲ ﺧﺎمتــﺔ اﻟﺠﻠﺴــﺔ‬ ‫»اﻷﺑــﻮة واﻷﻣﻮﻣــﺔ اﻟﺠﻴــﺪة ﺗﺘﻄﻠــﺐ‬ ‫اﻟﺸــﺠﺎﻋﺔ واﻟﺼــﱪ واﻟﺘﻮاﺿــﻊ واﻟﺮﻏﺒــﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻌﻠــﻢ واﻟﺘﻐﻴــري ﻣــﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻃﻔــﻞ ﺣﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺎﻋــﻪ وﻣﻴﻮﻟــﻪ«‬ ‫أﺧــﺮ منــﻂ ﻣــﻦ أمنــﺎط اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ ﻫــﻮ‬ ‫منــﻂ اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ ﻏــري اﳌﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠــﺔ ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻨﻤــﻂ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ أن وﱄ اﻷﻣــﺮ ﻳﺘﻔﺎﻋــﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻴــﻼ ﻣــﻊ اﻷﻃﻔــﺎل‪ ،‬وﻟﺪﻳــﻪ اﻟﻘﻠﻴــﻞ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺴــﻴﻄﺮة ﻋــﲆ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬وﻻ ﻳﻌريﻫــﺎ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻻﻧﺘﺒــﺎه إﻻ ﻗﻠﻴ ـﻼً‪.‬‬ ‫إن ﻋــﺪد اﻵﺑــﺎء واﻷﻣﻬــﺎت اﻟﺬﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺠــﱪون ﻋــﲆ اﺳــﺘﺨﺪام ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻨﻤــﻂ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ ﻛﺜــري‪ ،‬ﺣﻴــﺚ ان ﻛﺜــري ﻣــﻦ‬

‫اﻵﺑــﺎء ﻳﺨﺮﺟــﻮن إﱃ اﻟﻌﻤــﻞ ﰲ وﻗــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻜــﺮ وﻳﻌــﻮدون إﱃ اﳌﻨــﺰل ﰲ وﻗــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺧــﺮ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻠﻴــﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻛــﺪ ﻣﻴﻨــﺪوزا إن اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ ﻏــري اﳌﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻫــﻮ أﴎع وﺳــﻴﻠﺔ ﻹﻧﺠــﺎب أﻃﻔــﺎل‬ ‫ﻳﺤﺎوﻟــﻮن اﻟﺤﺼــﻮل ﻋــﲆ اﻻﻧﺘﺒــﺎه‪ .‬وأﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ اﻷﻫﻤﻴــﺔ أن ﺗﺘﺠﻨــﺐ ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻨﻤــﻂ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ وأن ﻛﻞ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻮاﻟﺪﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺠــﺐ أن ﻳﻜــﻮن ﻟﻬــام ﻣﺸــﺎرﻛﺔ ﻓﻌﺎﻟــﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺣﻴــﺎة أﻃﻔﺎﻟﻬــﻢ‪ .‬وﺳــﻮف ﺗﺠــﺪ أن‬ ‫اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ ﻏــري اﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟــﺔ ﻫــﻮ إﱃ ﺣــﺪ ﺑﻌﻴــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ أﺳــﻮأ اﻷمنــﺎط اﻟﺨﺎﻃﺌــﺔ ﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ‬ ‫اﻻﻃﻔــﺎل‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟــﺖ دﻳﻨــﺎ ﺣﺴــﻨﻲ‪ ،‬أﺣــﺪ اﻟﺤﻀــﻮر‬ ‫»ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺠﻴــﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﺔ أمنــﺎط اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺴــﻌﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴــري ﻣــﻦ أﺟــﻞ اﺑﻨﺘــﻲ ذات‬ ‫اﻻرﺑــﻊ ﺳــﻨﻮات ﻻين ارﻳــﺪ ﻟﻬــﺎ منــﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻔــﴘ ﻣﺘــﺰن اﻳﻀــﺎ اﺳــﺘﻤﺘﻌﺖ مبﺸــﺎرﻛﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺨـﱪات وﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﻣﻌﻬــﺎ ﺣﻴﻨــام‬ ‫أوﺟﻬــﺎ ﰲ اﳌﺴــﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﺮض ﻣﻴﻨــﺪوزا ﻃــﺮق ﻟﺘﻐﻴــري منــﻂ‬ ‫اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ وﻣﻨﻬــﺎ اﻻﺳــﺘامع إﱃ اﻷﺑﻨــﺎء‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻄــﻒ وﺗــﺄين ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻳﻠﺠﺌــﻮا إﱄ اﻵﺑــﺎء‬ ‫دامئًــﺎ ﰲ ﺣــﻞ ﻣﺸــﺎﻛﻠﻬﻢ‪ ،‬وﻛﺴــﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻮدّﺗﻬــﻢ ﺑﻌﻄــﻒ وﻻ ﻳﺠــﺐ اﻻﺳــﺘﺨﻔﺎف‬ ‫مبﺸــﺎﻋﺮ اﻟﻄﻔــﻞ وﻻ اﻻﺳــﺘﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺑﻌﻮاﻃﻔﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟــﺖ أﻣــﻞ ﺣﻤــﺪ‪ ،‬أﺣــﺪ اﻟﺤﻀــﻮر‪،‬‬ ‫»أﻧــﺎ ﻟــﺪي ﺛــﻼث اوﻻد وﺗـﱰاوح أﻋامرﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــني اﻟﺴــﺖ ﺳــﻨﻮات واﻟﺨﻤﺴــﺔ ﻋــﴩ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺔ و ﻛﻞ واﺣــﺪ ﻣﻨﻬــﻢ ميــﺮ ﺑﻈــﺮوف‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻋــﻦ اﻵﺧــﺮ ﻓﻠﻘــﺪ اﺣﺘﺠــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫــﺬه اﻟﺠﻠﺴــﺔ ﳌﻌﺮﻓــﺔ أمنــﺎط اﻟﱰﺑﻴــﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﻣــﻊ اوﻻدي ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ أﻓﻀــﻞ‬ ‫وﺗﺼﺤﻴــﺢ اﻷﺧﻄــﺎء ﻗﺒــﻞ ﻓــﻮات اﻷوان‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺬر ﻣﻴﻨــﺪوزا ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺴــﻠﻮك اﻟــﴘء‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﻄﻔــﻞ ﻳﻄﺒــﻖ ﻣــﺎ ﻳــﺮى وﻳﺴــﻤﻊ أﻗﻮال‬ ‫وﺗﴫﻓــﺎت ﻓﻜــﻦ ﻣﺜــﺎل وﻗــﺪوة ﻟﻸﻃﻔــﺎل‬ ‫ﻷﻧﻬــﻢ ﻳﺘﺒﻌــﻮن ﺗﴫﻓــﺎت وﻣﺸــﺎﻋﺮ اﻵﺑﺎء‬ ‫وﻳﻘﻠﺪوﻧﻬــﻢ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﳾء وﴎﻋــﺎن ﻣــﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺒﺤــﻮن ﻣﺜﻠﻬــﻢ‪.‬‬


‫‪ | 2‬أخـبار‪ :‬انتخابات احتاد الطالب‬

‫اﻷﺣﺪ ‪ ١٥‬إﺑﺮﻳﻞ‪٢٠١٨ ،‬‬

‫يوسف علوي ومحمد ثروت‪ :‬ال مكان للغرف املغلقة بإحتاد طالب للجميع‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ ﺧﻄــﺎه اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ ﻟﻴــﺲ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﺴــﺎر اﻟﺼﺤﻴــﺢ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻛﻴــﻒ أﺛــﺮ ﻋﻤﻠــﻚ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫رؤﻳﺘــﻚ؟‬ ‫ﺛــﺮوت‪ :‬أﺛﻨــﺎء وﺟــﻮدي ﰲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻌﺎم ﻟﻠﻤــﺮة اﻷوﱃ‪ ،‬وﺟﺪت‬ ‫أن اﻫﺘــامم ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ أﻋﻀــﺎء اﳌﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﰲ إﻇﻬــﺎر اﻟﻘــﻮة ﻓﻘــﻂ ﰲ ﻣﻮاﻗــﻒ ﻣﺜــﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺰاﻧﻴــﺔ اﻷﺗﺤــﺎد أو اﳌﻮاﻓﻘــﺔ ﻋــﲆ رﺋﻴــﺲ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﻨــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜــﻦ مل أﺟﺪﻫــﻢ ﻣﺘﻮاﺟــﺪون‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻨﻘــﺎش ﺣــﻮل ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﺔ ﺗﺨــﺺ اﻟﻄــﻼب‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﻼ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻘــﺔ اﻷدارة ﻫﻨــﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻣﻮروﺛــﺔ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻨﻈــﺎم اﻷﻣﺮﻳــيك‪ ،‬ﻟﻜــﻦ اﻟﻔﻜــﺮة‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﺎ ﺗﻜﻤــﻦ ﰲ اﻟﻀﻮاﺑــﻂ واﻟﺘﻮازﻧــﺎت ﺑــني‬ ‫اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد وﻣﺠﻠــﺲ اﻟﻄــﻼب وﻣﺤﻜﻤــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻟﻜــﻦ ﻻ ﺗﻈﻬــﺮ ﻫــﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﻀﻮاﺑــﻂ واﻟﺘﻮازﻧــﺎت ﻣــﻊ إدارة اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻــﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻘــﺮارات اﻟﺸــﻤﻮﻟﻴﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺨﺬﻫــﺎ اﻷﺧــرية‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﻋﻠﻮي وﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺛﺮوت‪ ،‬أﺣﺪ اﳌﺮﺷــﺤني ﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳــﺔ إﺗﺤﺎد اﻟﻄﻼب‬ ‫تقرير‪ :‬محمد قوطة‬ ‫رئيس التحرير‬ ‫ترجمة‪ :‬حسني املعتز‬

‫وﻛﻠﻴــﺔ ﻋﻠــﻮم اﻟﻔﻴﺰﻳــﺎء و أﻋﻤــﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﻴــﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺋﻴــﺲ ﻟﻠﺠﻨــﺔ اﻟﺸــﺌﻮن اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻴــﺔ‬ ‫مبﺠﻠــﺲ ﻃــﻼب اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪.‬‬

‫إﺑﺪأواﺑﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢأﻧﻔﺴﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻮي‪ :‬أﻧــﺎ ﻳﻮﺳــﻒ ﻋﻠــﻮي ﻧﺎﺋــﺐ رﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﻨــﺔ ﺟﻤــﻊ اﳌــﻮارد ﺑﺎﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب‬ ‫وﻃﺎﻟــﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻗــﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜــﺔ ﺑﻜﻠﻴــﺔ اﻻﻗﺘﺼــﺎد‬ ‫وﻛﻠﻴــﺔ اﻟﻌﻠــﻮم اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳــﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛــﺮوت‪ :‬أﻧــﺎ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺛــﺮوت ﻃﺎﻟــﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻗــﺔ اﻟﺮاﺑﻌﺔ ﺑﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﻫﻨﺪﺳــﺔ اﳌﻴﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜﺎ‬

‫ﳌﺎذاﺗﻘﺪﻣﺘﻢﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎتاﺗﺤﺎداﻟﻄﻼب؟‬ ‫ﺛــﺮوت‪ :‬ﻷن ﻳﺠﻤﻌﻨــﺎ اﻻن رؤﻳــﺔ واﺣــﺪة‬ ‫وﻫــﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﻳــﻞ اﻻﺗﺠــﺎه اﻟــﺬي ﻳﺴــري‬ ‫اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻋــﲆ ﺧﻄــﺎه اﻵن‪ .‬رؤﻳﺘﻨــﺎ ﻫــﻲ‬ ‫أن اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻛﻴــﺎن ﺳــﻴﺎﳼ ﰲ اﻷﺻــﻞ وأن‬ ‫اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﺟــﺰء ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺤﺮﻛــﺔ اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ إذا ﻗــﺎم اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﺑﺄﻧﺸــﻄﺔ ﺧﺪﻣﻴــﺔ‬

‫وﺗﺮﻓﻴﻬﻴــﺔ ﻟﻜــﻦ ﰲ اﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻨﺎ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎﳼ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻮي‪ :‬متﺜﻴﻞ اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻫﻮ اﻷﺳــﺎس‪ ،‬ﻷن‬ ‫دور اﻷﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﺪﺳــﺘﻮري ﻫــﻮ »اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﻢ اﻟﺨﺪﻣــﺎت واﻟﱰﻓﻴــﻪ« ﻟﻜــﻦ اﻟﻨــﺎس‬ ‫ﻻ ﺗﺘﺬﻛــﺮ اﻟﱰﺗﻴــﺐ‪ .‬ﻧﺤــﻦ ﻧﺆﻣــﻦ ﺑﻨﻔــﺲ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻜــﺮة‪ ،‬ﻫــﻲ أن اﻷﺳــﺎس ﰲ متﺜﻴــﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻟﺬﻟــﻚ ﺗﺮﺷــﺤﻨﺎ ﺳــﻮﻳﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤــﻦ أﺻﺪﻗــﺎء ﻣﻨــﺬ اﻟﺴــﻨﺔ اﻷوﱄ ﻟﻨــﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪ ،‬واﺗﻔﻘﻨــﺎ ﺳــﻮﻳﺎ ان ﻫــﺬه اﻟﺴــﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻫــﻲ اﻷﻓﻀــﻞ ﻟﻨــﺎ ﻷﻧﻨــﺎ ﻧــﺮى أن ﻣــﺎ ﻳﺴــري‬

‫وﻣــﺎ ﻫــﻲ ﺧﻄﻄﻜــﻢ ﳌﻮاﺟﻬــﺔ ﻫــﺬه‬ ‫اﳌﺸــﺎﻛﻞ ﰲ ﻇــﻞ وﺟﻮدﻛــﻢ ﺑﺎﳌﻨﺼــﺐ؟‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻮي‪ :‬أﻋﺘﻘــﺪ ان اﻟﺨﻄــﻮة اﻷوﱃ ﻫــﻲ‬ ‫أن ﻧﻜــﻮن أﻛــرث ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺔ ﺗﺠــﺎه اﻟﻄــﻼب‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺸــﻌﺮ اﻟﻄﺎﻟــﺐ أن اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻣﺘﻮاﺟﺪ دامئﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻴــﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﰲ وﺟﻮد اﳌﺸــﺎﻛﻞ‪ .‬و ﺳــﻨﺤﻞ‬ ‫ﻫــﺬه اﳌﺸــﻜﻠﺔ ﺑﺒﻨــﺎء ﻟﺠﻨﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪة ﺑﺄﺳــﻢ‬ ‫»اﻟــﺮأي اﻟﻌــﺎم« ﻷن ﻣــﺎ ﻳﺤــﺪث ﻫــﻮ أن‬ ‫ﻟﺠﻨــﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ ﺗﻌﻤــﻞ ﰲ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻــﻞ ﻣــﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب وﺣــﻞ ﻣﺸــﺎﻛﻠﻬﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺒﻌﺪ ﺑﻨﺎء ﻫﺬه اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺳــﻨﺤﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﺔ‬ ‫ازدواج اﳌﻬــﺎم ﻟﺪى ﻟﺠﻨﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺛــﺮوت‪ :‬ﻟﺠﻨــﺔ اﻻﺗﺼــﺎل ﺗﻌﻤــﻞ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻮاﺻــﻞ ﻣــﻊ اﻷﻧﺸــﻄﺔ اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴــﺔ وﻟﺠﻨــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ ﺗﺘﻮاﺻــﻞ ﻣــﻊ اﻹدارة‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺬا ﻳﺼﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﻓــﺎرق ﻛﺒــري ﻣــام ﻳﻨﻌﻜــﺲ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻄــﻼب‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻓﻬــﻢ ﻻ ﻳﺠــﺪون ﻣــﻦ ﻳﺘﻮاﺻــﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷــﻌﺮﻧﺎ ﺑــﺄن اﳌﺸــﻜﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻧــﱪة ‪»،‬أﻧﺎ ﻣﻬﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻜــﻦ ﻏــريي ﻏــري ﻣﻬﺘــﻢ‪ «.‬اﳌﺸــﻜﻠﺔ ﻫﻨــﺎ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻋــﺪم وﺟــﻮد ﻣﺠــﺎل ﻟﻠﻄــﻼب ﻟﻴﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮا‬ ‫ﻋــﻦ ﻣﺸــﺎﻛﻠﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﺠﻨــﺔ »اﻟــﺮأي اﻟﻌــﺎم«‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻــﻞ ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻄــﻼب‬ ‫واﺧــﺬ رأﻳﻬــﻢ وأﻳﻀــﺎ ﺳــﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻋــﲇ‬ ‫اﺧﺒﺎرﻫــﻢ ﺑﺎﳌﺴــﺘﺠﺪات أوﻻ ﺑــﺄول ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ إﺻــﺪار ﺑﻴﺎﻧــﺎت وﻣﻨﺸــﻮرات‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪﺛﺘــﻢ ﰲ ﺣﻤﻠﺘﻜﻢ ﻋــﻦ اﻟﻔــﺎرق ﻣﺎ ﺑني‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣــﺔ اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴﺔ وﻧﻈــﺎم ادارة اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﺎذا ﺳــﺘﻔﻌﻠﻮن إذا اﺳــﺘﻤﺮت اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫اﺗﺨﺎذ اﻟﻘـﺮارات ﺑﻬــﺬه اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ؟‬ ‫ﺛــﺮوت‪ :‬ﰲ اﻟﺒﺪاﻳــﺔ ﺳــﻨﺘﻔﺎوض ﻣــﻊ إدارة‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻔــﺲ اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻌﻤــﻞ‬ ‫ﻓﻴــﻪ ﻟﺠﻨــﺔ »اﻟـﺮأي اﻟﻌــﺎم« ﻋــﲆ أﺧــﺬ رأي‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب‪ .‬وﻳﺠــﺐ أن ﻧﻌﻤﻞ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻣــﻊ ﺑﺎﻗــﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤــﻊ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻷﻧﻬــﻢ أﻳﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜــﻞ أﺳــﺎﺗﺬة اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬــﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻔﻈــﺎت ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻣــﺎ ﺣــﺪث ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﺗــﻢ‬ ‫اﺧﺒﺎرﻫــﻢ اﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺠــﺮد ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻮن ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫وأن ﻛﺘﻴــﺐ اﻷﺳــﺎﺗﺬة ﻟﻴــﺲ ﻟــﻪ أي ﺗﺄﺛــري‪.‬‬ ‫إذا ﻛﻨــﺎ ﻧﺮﻳــﺪ ان ﻧﻜــﻮن أﻛــرث ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺠــﺐ أن ﻳﺘﻌﺎﻣــﻞ اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻣــﻊ اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد‬ ‫ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘــﺔ أﻛــرث ﺟﺪﻳــﺔ وأن ﻳﻜﻮﻧ ـﻮا ﺟــﺰء‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ أي ﺣﻤــﻼت ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌــﺔ أو ﺗﻈﺎﻫـﺮات‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺧﺮﻳــﻒ ‪ ٢٠١٦‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫــﺮ اﻟﻄــﻼب‬ ‫ﺿــﺪ اﻹدارة ﺑﻌــﺪد ﻛﺒــري‪ ،‬ﺗــﻢ اﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﻹدارة ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻇﻬــﺮ ﻓﺠــﺄة ﻣﻨﺤﺔ اﻟﻄـﻮارئ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮي‪:‬ﻧﺤــﻦ ﻻ ﺗﺤﺸــﺪ ﻟﻠﺘﻈﺎﻫــﺮ ﳌﺠــﺮد‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫــﺮ واﻻﻋـﱰاض ﻟﻜﻨﻨــﺎ ﻧﺮﻳــﺪ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﻢ‬ ‫ﺣﻠــﻮل ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻄــﻼب واﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣــﺔ اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺒﻌــﺪ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻــﻞ ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻄــﻼب ﺳﻨﺴــﺘﻄﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ اﻟﺼﻔــﻮف‪.‬‬ ‫وﻛﻴــﻒ ﺳــﺘﺘﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮا ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧــني اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻧﺼﺘﻬــﺎ إدارة اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ؟‬ ‫ﺛــﺮوت‪ :‬ﰲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﺔ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮن ﻣﻨــﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺪﺧــني‪ ،‬أﻋﺘﻘــﺪ ان اﳌﻮﺿــﻮع ﺳــﻬﻞ و‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺴــﺘﻄﻴﻊ مل ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻌﺎت ﻣﻌﺎرﺿــﺔ‪ .‬وﻳﻮﺟﺪ‬

‫أﻳﻀــﺎ ﻃــﺮق أﺧــﺮى أﺛﺒﺘــﺖ ﻧﺠﺎﺣﻬــﺎ ﻣﺜــﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌــﺔ ﻣﻄﺎﻋــﻢ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻣــﺎ‬ ‫ﺣــﺪث ﰲ ‪.٢٠١٦‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻮي‪ :‬اﳌﺸــﻜﻠﺔ اﻟﻜﺒــرية ﰲ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮن‬ ‫»اﻟﺘﺤﻜــﻢ ﰲ دﺧــﻮل اﻟﺤــﺮم اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﻲ«‬ ‫ﺛﺮوت‪ :‬اﳌﺸــﻜﻠﺔ ﰲ أﺳــﻢ اﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن أﺻﻼ‪،‬‬ ‫أﻋﺘﻘــﺪ أﻧﻬــﻢ ﻳﺮﻳــﺪون زرع اﻟﺨــﻮف ﺑــني‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻟﺘﻤﺮﻳــﺮ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻫــﺬه اﻟﻘﻮاﻧــني‬ ‫وﺑﻬــﺬه اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘــﺔ أﻋﺘﻘــﺪ أن اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﱰم ﺑﻌــﺾ اﻟﻄــﻼب‪.‬‬ ‫وﻣــﺎ ﻫــﻲ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧــني اﻷﺧــﺮى اﻟﺘــﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺤﻔﻈــﻮا ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﺎ؟‬ ‫ﺛــﺮوت‪ :‬ﻗﺎﻧــﻮن ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮن »ﻃﻌــﺎم‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ« اﻟــﺬي ﺗــﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴــﺬه ﰲ ‪٢٠١٦‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻣﺎ ﻗــﺪم اﺗﺤﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب ﺧﺪﻣﺔ اﺣﻀﺎر‬ ‫اﻟﻄﻌــﺎم ﻟﻠﻄــﻼب ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻄﻌــﻢ ﺧــﺎرج‪،‬‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﺗــﺮى أن ﻟﻴــﺲ ﻟﻠﻄــﻼب ﺣــﻖ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺧﻠــﻖ ﺗﻨﺎﻓــﺲ ﻣــﻊ ﻣﻄﺎﻋــﻢ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺒﻬــﺬه اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘــﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﺗﺨﻠــﻖ ﻧﻈــﺎم‬ ‫أﺳــﻌﺎر ﻻ ﻳﺴــﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﻟﻄــﻼب اﻻﻋــﱰاض‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﻞ ﺗــﺮى أن ﻋــﺪم ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺔ اﻟﻄــﻼب‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺒﺐ ﻓﻜــﺮة ان اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣــﺔ اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴــﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎرة ﻋــﻦ اﺣ ـﺰاب وأﻧﺸــﻄﺔ ﻃﻼﺑﻴــﺔ؟‬ ‫ﻫــﺬه ﻫــﻲ اﳌﺸــﻜﻠﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻻ ﻧﺘﺤــﺪث‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻬــﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﻴــﺎ‪ ،‬اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻳــﺮون أن ال ‪camps‬‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎرة ﻋــﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌــﺎت ﻣﻐﻠﻘــﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻜــﻦ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﺧﻼل ﻟﺠﻨــﺔ »اﻟـﺮأي اﻟﻌــﺎم« أﻧﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻮاﺻﻞ ﻣــﻊ اﻟﺠﻤﻴــﻊ وﺳــﻨﺘﺤﺪث ﻣــﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ أﺳــﺒﻮﻋﻴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻧﺘــاميئ ل ‪ camp‬ﺳــﻴﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻛﻴــﻒ ﻳـﺮاين اﻟﻨــﺎس ﻟﻜﻨﻨــﻲ ﺳــﻮف اﻋﻤــﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻓﻘــﻂ ﳌﺼﻠﺤــﺔ اﻟﻄــﻼب دوﻧــﺎ‬ ‫ﻋــﻦ اﻧﺘامﺋﺘﻬــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠــﻮي‪ :‬ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻮاﺟــﺐ إدﻣــﺎج ﺟﻤﻴــﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺎت اﻟﻄــﻼب‪ .‬اذا ﻓﺰﻧــﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎت‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﻜﻮن اﺗﺤــﺎد ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴــﻊ‬ ‫ﻟﻴــﺲ ﻟــﻞ‪.camps‬‬

‫ســــعيد زكريا ومنة عمارة‪ :‬حتدي الصعوبات وتكســير الـــحواجز‬ ‫تقرير‪ :‬محمد قوطة‬ ‫رئيس التحرير‬ ‫ترجمة‪ :‬حسني املعتز‬

‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ زﻛﺮﻳﺎ وﻣﻨﺔ ﻋامرة اﳌﺮﺷــﺤﺎن ﻳﻘﻮﻻن‬ ‫أن ﻟﺪﻳﻬــﻢ ﻣــﺎ ﻳﻌﻴﺪ ﺑﻨﺎء اﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄﻼب‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﻮ ﻃﺎﻟــﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻗــﺔ اﻷﺧــرية ﺑﻜﻠﻴــﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺔ واﻟﺮﺋﻴــﺲ اﻟﺤﺎﱄ ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﻷﻧﺸــﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب‪ ،‬ﻋﻤــﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻷﻧﺸــﻄﺔ اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴﺔ وﻳﺮي أن إﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺗﺸــﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻌــامرة اﻟﻌﻀــﻮة ﺑﺎﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب اﻷﻋ ـﻮام‬ ‫اﻟﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺔ وﻧﺎﺋﺐ رﺋﻴﺲ ﻟﺠﻨﺔ اﳌﻮارد اﻟﺒﴩﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ وﻫﻲ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻔﺮﻗﺔ‬ ‫اﻻﺧــرية ﺑﻜﻠﻴــﺔ ﻫﻨﺪﺳــﺔ اﳌﻴﻜﺎﻧﻴــﻜﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺎل زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻓﻠــﺔ أن ﻣﺎ دﻓﻌﻪ ﻟﻠﱰﺷــﺢ‬ ‫ﻣــﻊ ﻋــامرة ﻫــﻮ أﻧﻬــﺎ ﻋــﲆ دراﻳــﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺜــري‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ اﻻﻧﺸــﻄﺔ واﻟﻠﺠﺎن ﺑﺎﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب وأن‬ ‫ﺧﱪﺗﻬــﺎ ﺑﺎﳌ ـﻮارد اﻟﺒﴩﻳــﺔ ﺳﺘﺴــﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﺜ ـريا‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺮﺑــﻂ ﻣــﺎ ﺑــني اﻟﻨــﺎس واﻋــﺎدة ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺔ‬ ‫اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد‪.‬‬ ‫مبــﺎ اﻧﻜــﻢ ﺗﻌﻤﻠــﻮن ﺣﺎﻟﻴــﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺤــﺎد‪ ،‬ﻛﻴــﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻴﻤــﻮن ﻋﻤــﻞ اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ؟‬ ‫زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ‪ :‬اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ ﻟﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺣــﺎت ﻛﺜرية‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋــﲇ اﻟﺮﻏــﻢ اﻧــﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟــﺪ اﺗﺤــﺎد ﻳﻔﻌــﻞ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺮؤﻳﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜــﻦ اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ اﺳــﺘﻄﺎع‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺎء أﺳــﺎس ﻗــﻮي ﻳﻌﻤــﻞ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ اﻻﺗﺤــﺎدات‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎدﻣﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋــامرة‪ :‬واﻻﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ ﻧﺠــﺢ أﻳﻀــﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫متﺜﻴﻞ اﻟﻄﻼب ﻓﻨﺠﺤﻨــﺎ ﰲ ﺧﻔﺾ اﳌﺼﺎرﻳﻒ‬ ‫اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻛﺎن اﳌﺨﻄــﻂ ﻟﻬــﺎ اﻟﻌــﺎم اﳌﻘﺒــﻞ ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺟﻤــﻊ ﻋﺮاﺋــﺾ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻄﻼب‬ ‫واﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎت اﳌﺴــﺘﻤﺮة ﻣــﻊ اﻹدارة‬ ‫وأﻧــﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺎ أرى أن ﺣﻔﻠــﺔ ﻋﻤــﺮو دﻳﺎب‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﺪ ﻧﺠﺎﺣﺎ ﻛﺒـريا وﻫــﺬا ﻳﻌﺪ ﺷــﻴﺌﺎ ﻣﺤﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﱄ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺎ ﻻﻧﻨــﻲ ﻣــﻦ ﺟامﻫــري ﻋﻤــﺮو‬ ‫دﻳــﺎب‪.‬‬ ‫زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ‪ :‬اﻟﻨﻘﻄــﺔ ﰲ ﺣﻔﻠﺔ ﻋﻤــﺮو دﻳــﺎب ان‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺟﺎداﻟﻠــﻪ وأﺣﻤــﺪ ﺟﺰر ﺣﻘﻘﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎر‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠﺘﻬــﻢ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴــﺔ »ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ اﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎت«‬ ‫ﺧﻼل اﻟﺤﻔﻠﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ان ﺷــﺎرﻛﻮا ودﻋﻤﻮا ‪.FYE‬‬

‫ﺟﻴــﺪة واﻟﺮﺑــﻂ ﻣــﺎ ﺑــني ﻗﻴــﺎدات اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد‬ ‫اﻟﺨــﺎﱄ ﺧﺎﺻــﺔ أﻧﻬــﻢ أﺗ ـﻮا ﻣــﻦ ﺧﻠﻔﻴــﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋامرة‪ :‬ﺷــﻌﺮﻧﺎ ﺑﻬﺬا ﺑﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﳌـﻮارد اﻟﺒﴩﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻨــﺎ مل ﻳﻜــﻦ اﺻﺪﻗــﺎء ﻣــﻦ اﺳﺎﺳــﻪ ومل‬ ‫ﻧﻜــﻦ ﻋــﲆ ارﺿﻴــﺔ واﺣــﺪة ﰲ اﻟﺒﺪاﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﻞ ﻫــﺬه اﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎت ﻟﻬــﺎ ﻋﻼﻗــﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻷﺣــﺰاب )‪(Camps‬؟‬ ‫زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ‪ :‬ﻣــﺎ ﻫــﻮ ال ‪camp‬؟ ﻫــﻮ ﻋﺒــﺎرة‬ ‫ﻋــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﻷﺻﺪﻗــﺎء اﻟﺬﻳــﻦ ُميﻜﻦ‬ ‫اﻻﻋﺘــامد ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻜــﻦ ﰲ اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد اﻷﻣﺮ ﻛﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺎ مل ﻧﻜــﻦ أﺻﺪﻗــﺎء ﻣﻦ اﻷﺳــﺎس ‪.‬ﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ واﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺳــﻮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬اﺻﺒﺤﻨــﺎ أﺻﺪﻗﺎء‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮﺑني‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴــﻒ ﺳــﻴﻘﻒ اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻋــﲆ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫واﺣــﺪة ﻣــﻊ ال ‪ camps‬اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ؟ ﻛﻴــﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺄﻛــﺪون ﻣــﻦ أن وﻻءﻛــﻢ ل‪ camp‬ﻣﻌــني‬ ‫ﻟــﻦ ﻳﺆﺛــﺮ ﻋــﲆ اﺗﺨــﺎذ اﻟﻘ ـﺮار؟‬ ‫ﻋــامرة‪ :‬أﻧــﺎ ﻏــري ﻣﻨﺘﻤﻴــﺔ ﻷي ‪camp‬‬ ‫وﺳــﻌﻴﺪ أﻳﻀــﺎ ﺳــﻴﻜﻮن ﻋــﲆ ﺣﻴــﺎد ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﺒــﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺰﻧــﺎ اﻷﺳــﺎﳼ ﺳــﻴﻜﻮن ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﳌﺆﻫــﻼت اﻟﺸــﺨﺺ ﻟﻴــﺲ ﺧﻠﻔﻴﺘــﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ‪ :‬اﻧــﺎ اﻧﺘﻤــﻲ ﻟـــ ‪ Red Camp‬ﻟﻜــﻦ‬ ‫اﺧﺘﻴــﺎرايت ﻟــﻦ ﺗﻜــﻮن أﺑــﺪا ﻋــﲆ أﺳــﺎس‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻨــﺲ أو اﻻﻧﺘــامء اﻟﺴــﻴﺎﳼ‪.‬‬ ‫اﳌﺸــﻜﻠﺔ ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﰲ ان ال‪ camps‬ﺗﺤــﺪد‬ ‫ﻣــﺎذا ﻳﺠــﺐ أن ﻳﺘﻢ اﺗﺨﺎذه‪ .‬اﳌﺸــﻜﻠﺔ ان ﻛﻞ‬ ‫‪ camp‬ﻳﺮﻳــﺪ اﻟﻘﻴــﺎدة وﻧﺴــﺐ أي ﺣــﺪث‬ ‫ﺟﻴــﺪ ﻟﻬــﻢ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻣــﺎ ﺣــﺪث ﰲ اﻋﺘﺼــﺎم‬ ‫‪ ٢٠١٢‬ﻣــﻊ اﻟـــ ‪ black camp‬و‪ ٢٠١٦‬ﻣــﻊ ال‬ ‫‪.red camp‬‬

‫وﻣــﺎ ﻫــﻲ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳــﺎت اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻴــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ‬ ‫واﺟﻬــﺖ اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ؟‬ ‫ﻋــامرة‪ :‬أﻧــﺎ أرى أن اﳌﻴﺰاﻧﻴــﺔ وﻣﺬﻛــﺮة‬ ‫اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣــﺎت ﻗــﺪ أﺛــﺮا ﻛﺜــريا ﻋــﲆ ﻋﻤــﻞ‬ ‫اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد‪.‬‬ ‫زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ‪ :‬اﳌﺸــﻜﻠﺔ اﻷﻛــﱪ ﻫــﻲ ﻋــﺪم إﴍاك‬ ‫اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺔ اﺗﺨــﺎذ اﻟﻘـﺮار‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺜــﻼ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧــﻮن ﻣﻨــﻊ اﻟﺘﺪﺧــني ﺷــﻜﻠﺖ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﻨــﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌــﺾ اﻟﻄﻼب ﺑﺎﻟﻔــﺮق اﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺔ‬ ‫وﻣــﺎذا ﻋﻦ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎت اﻟﺘﻲ واﺟﻬــﺖ اﻻﺗﺤﺎد واﻟﻜﻠﻴــﺎت وﻗﺎﻟــﺖ أﻧﻬــﻢ ﻣﻤﺜﻠــﻮن ﺟﻴــﺪون‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻄــﻼب ﺛــﻢ ﺗــﻢ ارﺳــﺎل اﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن ﻟﺮﺋﻴــﺲ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺎﱄ؟‬ ‫زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ‪ :‬اﻟﺘﺤــﺪي اﻷﻛــﱪ ﻛﺎن ﺑﻨــﺎء ﻋﻼﻗــﺎت ‪ FYE‬وﻧﺎﺋــﺐ رﺋﻴــﺲ اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد‪ .‬وﺣــﺪث أﻳﻀﺎ‬

‫ذﻟــﻚ ﰲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﻨﻊ اﻟﻨﻘﺎب‪ ،‬مل ﻳﺘــﻢ أﺧﺬ رأي‬ ‫اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﺣﺘــﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺬا ﻫــﻮ اﻟﺘﺤــﺪي اﻷﻛــﱪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴــﺚ ﻳﺠــﺐ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ أن ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣــﻊ اﻻﺗﺤﺎد ﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﻧــﻪ ﻣﻤﺜــﻞ اﻟﻄــﻼب وﻳﺠــﺐ إﴍاﻛﻬــﻢ ﰲ‬ ‫اﺗﺨــﺎذ اﻟﻘـﺮارات‪.‬‬ ‫وﻛﻴــﻒ ﺗﻌﻤﻠــﻮن ﻋــﲆ إﻳﻘــﺎف ﻫــﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘــﺔ ﰲ اﺗﺨــﺎذ اﻟﻘ ـﺮار وﺿــامن ﻋــﺪم‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮارﻫــﺎ ﰲ اﳌﺴــﺘﻘﺒﻞ؟‬ ‫زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈــﺮ اﱃ ﺷــﻌﺎرات اﻻﺗﺤــﺎدات‬ ‫اﻟﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺔ وﺟﺪﻧــﺎ أن ﻫﺪﻓﻬــﻢ اﻷﺳــﺎﳼ ﻛﺎن‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ اﻟﻄــﻼب ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈــﺔ وﺟــﻮد‬ ‫ﻋﻮاﺋــﻖ ﻛﺜــرية ﺑﻴﻨﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮرﻧــﺎ وﺿــﻊ ﺷــﻌﺎر‬ ‫ﻟﺤﻤﻠﺘﻨــﺎ وﻫــﻮ »ﺗﻜﺴــري اﻟﺤــﺪود‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺬا ﻫــﻮ ﻣــﺎ ﺗﺮﻳــﺪ ان ﻧﻔﻌﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬وﻫﻮ ﻛﴪ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻴــﻮد ﺑــني اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻣــﻦ أﺟــﻞ زﻳــﺎدة ﻗﻮة‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻔــﺎوض وﺗﻜـﺮار إﻧﺠــﺎز ‪ ٢٠١٦‬ﺑﺠﻤــﻊ أﻛرث‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ‪ ١٥٠٠‬ﻃﺎﻟــﺐ ﻋﲆ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺣــﺪث ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﻈﺎﻫـﺮات ﺿــﺪ ﻣﻨﻊ اﻟﻨﻘــﺎب ﺑﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫‪ ٣٥‬ﻃﺎﻟــﺐ‪ .‬ﻓــﺄري دامئــﺎ أن اﻟﻘـﺮار ﻳﺮﺟــﻊ إﱃ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻛﻴــﻒ ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻮن ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧــني اﳌﻄﺒﻘــﺔ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺎ؟‬ ‫ﻧﻌﻤــﻞ ﻋــﲆ اﻳﺠــﺎد اﻟﺒﺪاﺋــﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺜــﻼ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧــﻮن ﻣﻨــﻊ اﻟﻨﻘــﺎب‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﻌﻤﻞ ﻋــﲆ ﺗﺰوﻳﺪ‬ ‫أﻓـﺮاد اﻷﻣــﻦ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺴــﻴﺪات ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻘــﻖ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺔ اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺔ واﻟﺘﻮاﻓﻖ ﻣــﻊ رؤﻳــﺔ إدارة‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﺑــﺄن ﻣــﻦ اﳌﻤﻜــﻦ اﺳــﺘﺨﺪام‬ ‫ﻏﻄﺎء اﻟﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻮﺳــﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻮل إﱃ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫أﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴــﺒﺔ إﱃ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮن ﻣﻨــﻊ اﻟﺘﺪﺧــني‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻋــﲆ ﺗﻮﻗﻴــﻒ اﳌﺮاﺣــﻞ اﳌﻘﺒﻠــﺔ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻘـﺮار ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻌــﺎت اﻟﻄــﻼب‬ ‫وإﻳﺼــﺎل ﻓﻜــﺮة أن اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻧﻔﺴــﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜﻴــﻒ ﺗﻘﻮﻟــﻮن أن ﻣﻨــﻊ اﻟﻨﻘــﺎب ﻷﺳــﺒﺎب‬ ‫اﻣﻨﻴﺔ واﻟﺴــامح ﺑﺨــﺮوج اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻣﻦ اﻟﺤﺮم‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﺪﺧني؟ ﻓﻨﺠــﺪ ان اﻟﺤﻔﺎظ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫اﳌﺮﺣﻠــﺔ اﻷوﱄ وﺗﺰوﻳــﺪ اﻷﻣﺎﻛــﻦ اﳌﺨﺼﺼــﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﺪﺧــني شء ﺟﻴــﺪا ﻟﺼﺤﺔ واﻣــﺎن اﻟﻄﻼب‬ ‫وﰲ ﻧﻔــﺲ اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ ﻳﺤﺎﻓــﻆ ﻋــﲆ ﺣﺮﻳــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺎﻟــﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪﺧني‪.‬‬

‫ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ زﻛﺮﻳﺎ وﻣﻨﺔ ﻋامرة‪ ،‬أﺣﺪ اﳌﺮﺷــﺤني ﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳــﺔ إﺗﺤﺎد اﻟﻄﻼب‬

‫اﳌﴫوﻓــﺎت ﻻﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﺨــﺺ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻟﻄــﻼب‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜــﻦ ﰲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﺘﻲ اﻟﺘﺪﺧني‬ ‫واﻟﻨﻘــﺎب ﻣــﻦ اﳌﻤﻜــﻦ أﻻ ﺗﺠــﺪوا ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺔ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻫــﺬا ﻻ ﻳﺨــﺺ ﺟﻤﻴــﻊ اﻟﻄــﻼب‪ .‬ﻛﻴــﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻤﻨــﻮن اﳌﺸــﺎرﻛﺔ اﳌﻄﻠﻮﺑــﺔ؟‬ ‫زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ‪ :‬ﰲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﺔ اﻟﺘﺪﺧــني ارى ان ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﻤﻜــﻦ أن ﻧﺠــﺪ اﻧﻘﺴــﺎم‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﰲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﻞ اﻟﻨﻘــﺎب‪ ،‬ارى ان اﻟﺠﻤﻴــﻊ ﻏــري ﻣﻮاﻓــﻖ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ ﻣﻨﻌــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛام ﻗــﺎل اﻟﺮﺋﻴــﺲ رﻳﺘﺸــﺎردوين‬ ‫ل‪ insider‬ﻣــﻦ ﻗﺒــﻞ‪ ،‬أن ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﺘﻪ أﻧــﻪ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻣــﻦ ﻳﺮﺗــﺪي اﻟﻨﻘﺎب‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻨﻨﻲ أرى أﻧﻪ ﻳﺴــﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺣﻞ اﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﺜﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﻠــﺐ ﻣﺎﺳــﺢ ﻟﺒﺼﻤــﺔ اﻟﻌني‪.‬‬ ‫وارى ان ﻟﺪﻳﻨــﺎ اﻟﻜﺜــري ﻣــﻦ اﳌﻮارد ﺗﺴــﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ ﺟﻤــﻊ اﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻌــﺎت ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت وﺟﻨــﺎح اﺳـﱰاﺣﺔ اﻟﻄﻼب‪ .‬ﻧﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫اﻧــﺎ وﻣﻨــﺔ ﻋــﲆ رﻗﻤﻨــﺔ ﻛﻞ ﺷــﺊ ﻟﺰﻳــﺎدة‬ ‫وﺻﻮﻟﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴــﻊ وﻧﻌﻤﻞ أﻳﻀــﺎ ﻋﲆ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ميﻜﻨﻜــﻢ ان ﺗﻘﻮﻟــﻮا ان ﻓﻜــﺮة ﺟﻤــﻊ ﺧﺪﻣــﺎت ﻣﺜــﻞ إرﺷــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب وﺗﻮﺻﻴــﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮاﺋــﺾ واﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻌﺎت ﻧﺠﺤﺖ ﰲ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﺔ ﻃــﻼب اﻟﺴــﻨﺔ اﻷوﱃ ﺑﺎﻟﺴــﻨﺔ اﻷﺧــرية‪ ،‬وﰲ‬

‫ﻧﻔــﺲ اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ ﻧﻌﻤــﻞ ان ﻳﻜــﻮن ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣــﺔ اﻟﻄــﻼب أﻛــرث ﺗﻔﺎﻋــﻼ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟــيك ﻧﺰﻳــﻞ ﻛﻞ اﻟﻌﻮاﺋــﻖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠــﺐ ان ﻳﻜﻮن‬ ‫اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد داﺋــﻢ اﻟﻈﻬــﻮر ﻟﻠﻄــﻼب‪ ،‬اﻟﻌــﺪد‬ ‫اﻟــﺬي وﺻﻞ اﻟﻴﻪ اﻻﻧﺸــﻄﺔ اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴــﺔ ﻣﻬﻮل‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫــﺬا ﺷــﺊ ﺟﻴــﺪ ﻟﻜــﻦ اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻫﻮ اﻻﺳــﺎس‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﻳﺠــﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻨــﺎ ﻓﻌﻠــﻪ ﻫــﻮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺔ ﻫــﺬه‬ ‫اﻻﻧﺸــﻄﺔ واﺳــﺘﺨﺪاﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻮاﺻــﻞ ﻣــﻊ اﻛــﱪ‬ ‫ﻗــﺪر ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻄــﻼب‪.‬‬ ‫رأﻳﺘــﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒــﻊ اﻻﺳــﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﻋــﲆ ﻓﻴﺴــﺒﻮك‬ ‫اﻟــﺬي ﻳﺴــﺄل ﻋــﻦ إذا ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ أوﻟﻮﻳــﺎت‬ ‫اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻫــﻲ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ ام اﻟﱰﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺳــﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺪ ان اﳌﺮﺷــﺤﻮن اﳌﻨﺘﻤﻮن ﻟﻠﺠﻬﺘني‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑﻌــﺾ اﻟﺴــﻨﻮات ﻧﺠــﺪ أن ﻛﻔــﺔ اﻟﱰﻓﻴــﻪ‬ ‫أﻋــﲆ ﻣــﻦ ﻛﻔــﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ واﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺴــﻨﻮات اﻷﺧــﺮى‪ ،‬ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻣــﺎ ﺣــﺪث ﰲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺔ ﻃﺎﻫﺮ اﳌﻌﺘﺰ ﺑﺎﻟﻠــﻪ ﻋــﺎم‪ ،٢٠١٢‬ﻛﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﻌﻤﻠﻮن ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺘـﻮازن ﻣــﺎ ﺑــني اﻻﺛﻨــني؟‬ ‫زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ‪ :‬دﺳــﺘﻮر ﻃــﻼب اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻳﻨــﺺ‬

‫ﻋــﲆ أن دور اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻫــﻮ »متﺜﻴــﻞ اﻟﻄــﻼب‪،‬‬ ‫وﺧﺪﻣﺘﻬﻢ واﻟﱰﻓﻴﻪ ﻋﻨﻬــﻢ« مل ﻳﻘﻞ أن ﻳﻮﺟﺪ‬ ‫أوﻟﻮﻳــﺔ ﻋــﻦ اﻷﺧــﺮى‪ ،‬ﻳﺠــﺐ ﻋــﲆ أي اﺗﺤﺎد‬ ‫اﻟــﻮزن ﺑــني اﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫مل ﻳﻜــﻦ ﻃﺎﻫــﺮ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ ﻓﻜــﺮة‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ ﻓــﻜﺎن ﻣــﻦ ﻗﻴﻠــﻪ أﺣﻤــﺪ ﻋــﺰت‬ ‫وأﺣﻤــﺪ ﻋــﻼء ﻓﺎﻳــﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣــﻦ ﺑــﺪأوا ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫إدارة اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻨــﻲ أرى أن ﻫــﺬا اﻻﺗﺠﺎه‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﻟﻼﺗﺠــﺎه اﻟﻌﺎم ﻟﻠﺒــﻼد وﻗــﺖ اﻟﺜﻮرة‬ ‫وﻫــﻮ اﻟﺘﻐﻴــري‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮة اﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫـﺮات ﻳﺠــﺐ أن ﺗﻜــﻮن اﳌﻼذ‬ ‫اﻻﺧــري ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻣــﺎ ﺣــﺪث ﻣــﻦ ﻗﺒــﻞ رﺋﻴــﺲ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﰲ ‪ ،٢٠١٦‬ﻋــﲆ إدارة اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺘﻨﺎ ﻛﺄﺳــﺎس ﻟﻬﺬه اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺄي‬ ‫ﺷــﺠﺮة أو ﺟﻬــﺔ ﻣﺘﱪﻋــﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻟﻜــﻦ اﻟﱰﻓﻴــﻪ أﻳﻀــﺎ ﺟــﺰء ﻣﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﺜــﻼ‬ ‫مل ﻧﺠﻠــﺐ ﻋﻤــﺮو دﻳــﺎب ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻻﻧﻨــﺎ ﻧﺮﻳــﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺒــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻞ ﺟﻠﺒﻨــﺎه ﻷﻧــﻪ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻄﻠــﺐ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻟﻴــﺲ ﻫــﺬه اﻟﺴــﻨﺔ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺑــﻞ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﺴــﻨﺔ اﻻﺧــرية ﰲ ﻇــﻞ ﻗﻴﺎدة ﻋﻤــﺮو اﻻﻟﻔﻲ‪.‬‬


‫إنتخابات إحتادالطالب‬

‫ص‪٢‬‬

‫منط حياة ســليم حتــت الضغوطات‬

‫ص‪٣‬‬

‫النكبة مســتمرة من دير ياسني إلى قطاع غزة‬

‫ص‪٤‬‬

‫اﻷﺣﺪ ‪ ١٥‬إﺑﺮﻳﻞ‪ ٢٠١٨ ،‬اﳌﺠﻠﺪ ‪ ٩٩‬اﻟﻌﺪد ‪١٤‬‬

‫مرشحو إنتخابات إحتادالطالب يناقشون خططهم للعام اجلديد‬

‫ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮة إﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎت إﺗﺤﺎد اﻟﻄﻼب ﺑﻘﺎﻋﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﻴﲇ‬ ‫تقرير‪ :‬دانيا عكاوي‬ ‫ترجمة‪ :‬حسني املعتز‬

‫ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻇــﺮة اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎت اﺗﺤــﺎد‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب اﻟﻘــﺎدم‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻗــﺶ ﻛﻞ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﺮﺷــﺤني ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ وﻣﺤﻤــﺪ‬ ‫ﺛــﺮوت ﻣــﻮارد اﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب‬ ‫وأﻫﻤﻴــﺔ اﳌﺸــﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺮﻳﻢ إﺳامﻋﻴﻞ‬

‫وﻳﺬﻛــﺮ أن ﻋﻤﻠﻴــﺔ اﻗــﱰاع‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب ﺑﺎﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎت اﺗﺤــﺎد‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب ﺳــﺘﻘﺎم ﻏــﺪا ﻃــﻮال اﻟﻴــﻮم‪.‬‬ ‫وأﻗﻴﻤــﺖ اﳌﻨﺎﻇــﺮة ﻳــﻮم اﻟﺨﻤﻴــﺲ‬ ‫اﳌــﺎﴈ ﺗﺤــﺖ ادارة واﴍاف ﺣﺴــني‬ ‫ﺧﻄــﺎب رﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺤﻜﻤــﺔ اﻟﻄــﻼب‪.‬‬ ‫واﺳــﺘﻌﺮض اﳌﺮﺷــﺤﻮن ﺧﻄﻄﻬــﻢ‬ ‫ورؤﻳﺘﻬــﻢ ﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻃــﻼب ‪٢٠١٩/٢٠١٨‬‬

‫وﺗﺒﻌﻬــﺎ اﺳــﺌﻠﺔ ﻣــﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮﺷــﺢ ﻟﻶﺧــﺮ‬ ‫واﺳــﺌﻠﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺤﻀــﻮر ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺷــﺤني‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺘــﻪ‬ ‫زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ‬ ‫واﻓﺘﺘــﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺿﻴــﺢ أن اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻫــﻢ أﻫــﻢ‬ ‫ﺟــﺰء ﻣــﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﻤــﻊ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وأﺿــﺎف‪ » ،‬ﻛﻤﺮﺷــﺤني ﻣــﻦ داﺧــﻞ‬ ‫اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻧــﺮى أن ﻣﻬﻤــﺔ اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻫــﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﻴــﺪ ﺻــﻒ اﻟﻄــﻼب وﺗﺴــﻬﻴﻞ‬

‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻬــﻢ وﺗﻘﻠﻴــﻞ اﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑــﺎت ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫وأﺿــﺎف أن ﺧﻄﺘــﻪ ﺑﺠﺎﻧــﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺋﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﻨــﺔ ﻋــامرة ﻫــﻲ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻔــﺎرق ﺑــني اﳌﴫوﻓــﺎت اﻟﺪراﺳــﻴﺔ‬ ‫وﺟــﻮدة اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴــﻢ ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﴩوﻋــﺎت ورؤي أﻛﺎدميﻴــﺔ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪة‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺎل زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ‪» ،‬ﻧﺨﻄــﻂ ﻟﻠﺘﻮاﺻــﻞ‬ ‫ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻄــﻼب مبﻨﺘﻬــﻰ اﻟﺸــﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻣــﻦ‬

‫ﺧــﻼل ﺟﻤــﻊ اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣــﺎت ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮاﺻــﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ واﻟﻈﻬــﻮر اﻻﻟﻜــﱰوين‪«.‬‬ ‫وﺑــﺪأ ﺛــﺮوت ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻠﻤــﺔ اﻷﻛــرث ﺗــﺮددا ً‬ ‫ﺑــني اﻟﻄــﻼب »ﳌــﺎذا ﺗﺮﺷــﺤﻨﺎ؟«‬ ‫»ﻻﻧﻨــﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋــﻼ‪،‬‬ ‫وأﺿــﺎف‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﻨــﺎ ﻣــﻦ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻨــﺎ ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺆوﻟﻴﺘﻨﺎ ﺗﺠــﺎه اﻟﻄــﻼب‪«.‬‬ ‫وأﺿــﺎف ان ﻣــﻦ اﳌﻔــﱰض أﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﺨــﺎف اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺘﻌﺒــري ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫رأﻳﻬــﻢ واﻟﺪﻓــﺎع ﻋــﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫وأوﺿــﺢ ﺛــﺮوت أن ﻓﻜــﺮة اﻧﻌــﺪام‬ ‫اﻟﻘــﻮة ﺑــني اﻟﻄــﻼب ﺳــﺒﺒﻬﺎ اﻻﻧﻘﺴــﺎم‬ ‫ﺑــني اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد واﻟﻄــﻼب ﻧﻔﺴــﻬﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋــﻼ »اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻻ ﻳﺼﺪﻗــﻮن‬ ‫اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد واﻟﻌﻜــﺲ ﺻﺤﻴــﺢ‪،«.‬‬ ‫»ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟــﺪ ﻛﻠﻤــﺔ »ﻧﺤــﻦ«‪«.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺎل ﺛــﺮوت أن اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد واﻟﻄــﻼب‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﺘﺤﺮﻛــﻮن ﺳــﻮﻳﺎ إﻻ ﰲ أوﻗــﺎت‬ ‫اﳌﺼﺎﺋــﺐ واﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫــﺮات ﻓﻘــﻂ‪.‬‬ ‫وأﺿــﺎف ‪» ،‬ﻳﺠــﺐ ﻋــﲆ اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد‬ ‫اﺗﺨــﺎذ اﻟﺨﻄــﻮات اﻷوﱃ ﻧﺤــﻮ اﻟﻄــﻼب‬ ‫ﻟﻴــﺲ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺗﻐﻴــري اﻻﺳــﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎت‪«.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺎل‪» ،‬اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻣﺆﺳﺴــﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﺔ وﻫــﻮ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮد ﺑﺎﻷﺳــﺎس‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ اﺟــﻞ ﺣﻘــﻮق اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﻢ اﻟﺨﺪﻣــﺎت و اﻟﱰﻓﻴــﻪ‪«.‬‬ ‫وﺑﻌــﺪ اﻟﻜﻠــامت اﻻﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴــﺔ‬ ‫ﻟــﻜﻞ ﻣﺮﺷــﺢ‪ ،‬وﺟــﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﻳــﻖ‬ ‫اﳌﻨﺎﻓــﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻔﺮﻳــﻖ‬ ‫أﺳــﺌﻠﺔ‬ ‫وﺑــﺪأت ﻋــامرة ﺑﺘﻮﺟﻴــﻪ ﺳــﺆال‬ ‫ﻟــرثوت ﺑﺨﺼــﻮص ﺧﱪاﺗــﻪ اﻟﺴــﺎﺑﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻠــﺔ‪» ،‬دامئــﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﺗﺪﻋــﻲ اﻧــﻚ ﻏــريت‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺜــري‪ ،‬وﺿــﺢ ﱄ ﺛﻼﺛــﺔ أو أرﺑﻌــﺔ‬ ‫إﻧﺠــﺎزات ﺣﻘﻘﺘﻬــﺎ ﻣﻦ اﺟــﻞ اﻟﻄﻼب؟«‬ ‫ورد ﺛــﺮوت ﻗﺎﺋــﻼ أن ﻟﺪﻳــﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺨــﱪات أﺛﻨــﺎء ﻋﻤﻠــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﺒــﺎدرة اﻟﻨﺴــﺎﺋﻴﺔ »ﻫــﻲ« وﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ اﻟﻄــﻼب‪ ،‬وأﺿــﺎف »ﻟﻴــﺲ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ اﻟــﴬورة ان ﺗﻜــﻮن ﰲ ﻣﻨﺼــﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﻴــﺎدي ﻣــﻦ أﺟــﻞ إﺣــﺪاث ﺗﻐﻴــري‪«.‬‬

‫وﺳــﺎل ﺛــﺮوت زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ ﺣــﻮل ﺧﻄﻄــﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ أﺟــﻞ رﻓــﻊ اﻟﻜﻔــﺎءة ﻟﻼﺗﺤــﺎد‬ ‫ﻋــﻦ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺗﻘﻠﻴــﻞ اﻟﺒريوﻗﺮاﻃﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ورد زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ ﻗﺎﺋــﻼ »اﻟﻜﻔﺎﺋــﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺤﻘــﻖ ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟــﺐ اﻟﻄــﻼب واﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻬــﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫ووﺟــﻪ ﺛــﺮوت ﻟﻌــامرة ﺳــﺆال‬ ‫ﻋــﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺔ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬﺘﻬــﻢ ﳌﺸــﺎﻛﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺤــﺮش ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓــﺮدت ﺑــﺎن‬ ‫اﻷﺳــﺎس ﻫــﻮ ﺗﻘﻮﻳــﺔ اﳌــﺮأة ﺛــﻢ ﻧﻘــﻮم‬ ‫ﺑﺤﻤــﻼت اﺳــﺘﻘﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻋــﲆ اﻷرض‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻧﺼــﻞ ﻟﺤــﺎﻻت ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴــﺔ ﻗﺒــﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺪﻳــﺚ ﻣــﻊ اﻹدارة ﰲ ﻫــﺬا اﻟﺸــﺄن‪.‬‬ ‫أﺳــﺌﻠﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻀــﻮر‬ ‫ووﺟــﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺷــﺤني ﻣﻨﻬــﻢ ﺳـــﺆال ﺑﺨﺼــﻮص‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﺔ اﳌﴫوﻓــﺎت اﻟﺪراﺳــﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ورد زﻛﺮﻳــﺎ ﻗﺎﺋــﻼ‪» ،‬اﳌﴫوﻓــﺎت‬ ‫ﰲ ﺧﻄﺘﻨــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠــﺐ أن ﻧﻌﻤــﻞ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ ﻣﺮاﻗﺒــﺔ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺔ إدارة‬ ‫اﳌﴫوﻓــﺎت ﻣــﻦ ﻗﺒــﻞ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪«.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺎل ﻋﻠــﻮي إن ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﺔ اﳌﺼﺎرﻳــﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻤــﻦ ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻘــﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣــﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻬــﺎ ﻓﻬــﻮ ﻳــﺮى أن ﻳﺠــﺐ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد اﺗﺒــﺎع أﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪة‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴــﺪا ﻋــﻦ اﻷﺳــﺎﻟﻴﺐ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺗــﻢ ﺗﻮﺟﻴــﻪ ﺳــﺆال إﱃ ﺛــﺮوت ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺔ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻠــﻪ ﻣــﻊ إدارة اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺮﻏــﻢ ﻣــﻦ أﻧــﻪ مل ﻳﺤﺘــﻚ‬ ‫ﺑــﺄي ﻣــﻦ ﻗﻴــﺎدات اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻣﺜــﻞ‬ ‫رﺋﻴــﺲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ وﻋﻤﻴــﺪ اﻟﻄــﻼب‪.‬‬ ‫ورد ﺛــﺮوت أن اﻟﺴــﺆال ﻏــري‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻲ واﺿــﺢ ان ﻗﻴــﺎدات اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد‬ ‫اﻟﺴــﺎﺑﻘﻮن ﺗﺤﺪﺛــﻮا وﺑــﻼ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ورد اﻧــﻪ اﻟﺘﺤــﺪث ﻣــﻦ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﻣــﻊ‬ ‫إدارة اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻟﻴــﺲ ﴍﻃــﺎ ﻟﻠﱰﺷــﺢ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘــﺎ ﻋــﲇ اﳌﻨﺎﻇــﺮة ﻗــﺎل رﺋﻴــﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ اﻟﻄــﻼب اﻷﺳــﺒﻖ أﺣﻤــﺪ ﻋﺎﻣــﺮ‬ ‫أن اﳌﻨﺎﻇــﺮة ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﺟﻴــﺪة وﻧﺠــﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮﺷــﺢ ﰲ اﻟﺘﻌﺒــري ﻋــﻦ رؤﻳﺘــﻪ‬ ‫وﺧﻄﻄــﻪ وان اﻟــﺮوح ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬

‫التمثيل والترفيه‪ :‬إحتاد الطالب حتت التقييم عبر األعوام املختلفة‬ ‫تقرير‪ :‬دانيا عكاوي‬

‫ﻃـﻮال ﺗﺎرﻳــﺦ اﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب‪ ،‬ﻳﺤــﺪث اﻟﻜﺜري‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺠــﺪل واﻟﻨﻘﺎش ﺣــﻮل ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺒﻐــﻲ وﻣﺎ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ أن ﻳﻔﻌﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ اﻟﴫاع اﳌﺴــﺘﻤﺮ ﺣﻮل‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ إذا ﻛﺎن ﻳﺠــﺐ إﻋﻄــﺎء اﻷوﻟﻮﻳــﺔ ﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب أﻛﺎدميﻴــﺎ وﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﺎ أو اﻟﱰﻓﻴــﻪ ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺤﻔــﻼت واﻟﺨﺪﻣــﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ اﻟﻘﺎﻓﻠﺔ ﺑﺈﺟﺮاء دراﺳــﺔ إﺳــﺘﻘﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ‪ ١١٧‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺎ ﺣــﻮل رأي اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻋــﻦ أداء‬ ‫إﺗﺤــﺎداﻟﻄــﻼب‪.‬‬ ‫إﻋﺘﻘــﺪ‪ ٣٥.٥‬ﰲ اﳌﺌــﺔ أن اﻹﺗﺤــﺎد ميــﺎرس‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﻣــﻪ ﺟﻴـﺪا ‪ .‬ﻛام ُﺳــﺌﻞ اﻟﻄﻼب ﻋﻦ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻮى اﻹﺗﺤﺎد ﺑني اﻷداء اﻟﻀﻌﻴــﻒ إﱄ اﻷداء‬ ‫اﳌﻤﺘﺎز‪.‬‬ ‫إﻋﺘﻘــﺪ‪ ٢٢‬ﰲ اﳌﺌــﺔ أن أداء اﻹﺗﺤــﺎد ﻣﻘﺒــﻮﻻً‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨــام إﻋﺘﻘــﺪ‪ ١١.٢‬ﰲ اﳌﺌــﺔ أن اﻷداء ﺿﻌﻴﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗــﺎل ﻋﻤــﺮ ﻫﺸــﺎم‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟــﺐ اﳌﺤﺎﺳــﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺎﻣــﻪ اﻟﺜــﺎين‪» ،‬ﺑﴫاﺣــﺔ‪ ،‬إن أداﺋﻬــﻢ ﻟﻴــﺲ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺌﺎ ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬــﻢ ﺑﻮﺳــﻌﻬﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﻢ اﳌﺰﻳــﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎت ﳌﺴــﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﻄﻼب ﰲ اﻟﺤﺼﻮل ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫وﻣــﻊ ﻗــﺪوم اﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎت اﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪﺛــﺖ اﻟﻘﺎﻓﻠــﺔ ﻣﻊ أﺟﻴــﺎل ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺳـﻮاء‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻃــﻼب أو ﻗﻴــﺎدات ﺑﺎﺗﺤﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻷﺧﺬ‬ ‫رأﻳﻬــﻢ ﰲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻮى اﻻﺗﺤﺎد اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ واﻧﺠﺎزاﺗﻬﻢ‬ ‫وﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﺤﺴــني اﳌﺴــﺘﻮى‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣــﺖ دوﻧــﺎ اﻣــﺎم‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺔ ﺑﻘﺴــﻢ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳــﺦ‬ ‫مبﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻴﻮخ اﻟﻄﻼب ﺑﻌﻤﻞ اﺳــﺘﻔﺘﺎء ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗــﻊ اﻟﺘﻮاﺻــﻞ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋــﻲ ﺣــﻮل اﻷﺷــﻴﺎء‬ ‫اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻳﻨﺒﻐــﻲ ﻋــﲆاﺗﺤــﺎداﻟﻄﻼباﻟﻘﻴــﺎمﺑﻬﺎ‬ ‫وﺗﺤﺪﺛﺖ ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻘﺎﻓﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ أﻫﻤﻴــﺔ دور اﺗﺤﺎد‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب ﰲ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ اﻟﺴــﻴﺎﳼ واﻷﻛﺎدميــﻲ‬

‫داﺧــﻞ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫أﺟــﺎب اﻻﺳــﺘﻘﺼﺎء ‪ ٤٣٢‬ﻃﺎﻟ ًﺒــﺎ واﻓــﻖ‪٣١٤‬‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ أن اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ اﻟﺴــﻴﺎﳼ ﻳﺠــﺐ أن ﻳﻜــﻮن‬ ‫ﻟــﻪ وزن أﻛــﱪ و‪ ٩٤‬ﻗﺎﻟـﻮا أﻧﻪ ﻳﺠــﺐ إﻋﻄﺎء ﻛﻼ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺒني أﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺴــﺎوﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻟــﺖ اﻣــﺎم‪» ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ أﻓﻜــﺮ ﰲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ‬ ‫اﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄﻼب ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬أرى أﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫اﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب ﰲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻷﻧﻨﻲ‬ ‫أﺷــﻌﺮ ﺑﺄن اﺗﺤﺎد اﻟﻄﻼب ﰲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻳﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻬﻮداﺗــﻪ ﰲاﻟﱰﻓﻴــﻪ واﻟﺤﻔــﻼت واﻟﻌﻼﻗــﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪«.‬‬ ‫وﻣــﻊ ذﻟــﻚ‪ ،‬ﻗــﺎل أﺣﻤــﺪ ﺷــﻌﺮاوي رﺋﻴــﺲ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﻨــﺔ اﻷﺗﺼــﺎل ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ ‪ ،‬أن اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد‬ ‫ﻳﺮﻛــﺰ دامئــﺎ ﻋــﲆ ﺟﻤﻴــﻊ اﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋــﻒ ﰲ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫اﻷوﻗــﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫و ﻗــﺎل ﺷــﻌﺮاوي ‪» ،‬ﻳﺨﺘﻠــﻒ اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴــﺔأناﻟﺠﻤﻴــﻊﻳﻘــﻮمﺑﻮﻇﻴﻔﺘــﻪﰲﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺑﻌــﺾ اﻷﺣﻴﺎن‪ ،‬ميﻜﻨﻚ أن ﺗﺸــﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﺄن ﻫﻨــﺎك وﻇﻴﻔــﺔ واﺣــﺪة ﺗﻌﻤــﻞ أﻛــرث ﻷن‬ ‫ﻟﺪﻳﻨــﺎ اﻵن ﺣﻔــﻞ ﻋﻤــﺮو دﻳــﺎب‪«.‬‬ ‫وأﺿــﺎف ﺷــﻌﺮاوي أن ﰲ ﺑﻌــﺾ اﻷوﻗــﺎت‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻮن اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ أﻛــرث ﻣــﻦ اﻟﱰﻓﻴــﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺎل ﺷــﻌﺮاوي ‪» ،‬ﻻ ميﻜﻦ أن ﻳﻄﺎﻟﺐ اﻟﻨﺎس‬ ‫ﻓﺠﺄة ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ‪ .‬إﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ز ًرا ﺗﻀﻐﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻤــﻞ اﻟﻨــﺎس ﰲ ﻛﻼ اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺒــني ‪ ..‬اﻟﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻧﻔــﺲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫أﻛــﺪ ﻧﺎﺋــﺐ رﺋﻴــﺲ اﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄﻠﺒــﺔ اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ‪،‬‬ ‫أﺣﻤــﺪ ﺟــﺰر‪ ،‬ﻫ ـﺬا اﻟــﻜﻼم‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗــﺎل ﺟــﺰر‪» ،‬ﺑﻴﻨــام ﻛﻨــﺎ ﻧﺘﻔــﺎوض ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺳﻮماﻟﺪراﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖاﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔاﻟﱰﻓﻴﻬﻴﺔﺗﻀﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﻠﻤﺴــﺎت اﻷﺧــرية ﻋــﲆ إﺑـﺮام اﻟﺘﻌﺎﻗــﺪ ﻣــﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﻤــﺮو دﻳــﺎب‪ .‬ﻻ أﻋﺘﻘــﺪ أن اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻳﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﳾء واﺣــﺪ ﻓﻘــﻂ‪«.‬‬

‫أوﺿــﺢ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻋﺎﻃــﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺋﺐ رﺋﻴﺲ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺘﺤﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب‪ ،‬ﻋﲆ اﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ أن اﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴﴘ ﻹﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄﻼب ﻫﻮ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫـﺬا ﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ أن ﺑﺎﻗﻲ اﻟﻠﺠــﺎن ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﻬﻢ أﻫﻤﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫أوﺿــﺢ ﻋﻤــﺮ ﺑﻬــﺎء‪ ،‬رﺋﻴــﺲ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ‬ ‫اﻷﻛﺎدميــﻲ اﻟﺴــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب‪،١٧/١٦‬‬ ‫أن اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ اﻷﻛﺎدميﻲ واﻟﺴــﻴﺎﳼ ﺑﺤﺎﺟــﺔ إﱃ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤــﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺘـﻮازي ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴــﻖ اﻟﻨﺠﺎح ﻟﻠﻄــﻼب‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗــﺎل ﺑﻬــﺎء‪» ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﺑــﺪأ إﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب ﰲ‬ ‫ﻋــﺎم‪ ،١٩٢‬ﺑــﺪأ ﺑﻠﺠﻨــﺔ واﺣــﺪة ﻓﻘــﻂ وﻛﺎﻧــﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﻨﺔ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ اﻷﻛﺎدميﻲ‪ .‬اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺪﻣــﺎت‪ .‬إذن‪ ،‬ﻫــﻞ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ ﻫــﻮ اﻟﺠﺎﻧــﺐ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺋﻴــﴘ ﻟﻼﺗﺤــﺎد؟ ﻧﻌﻢ‪«.‬‬ ‫أﺿﺎف ﺑﻬﺎء أﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎرﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻨﻈامت اﻷﺧﺮى‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺤــﺮم اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓــﺈن اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ ﺧــﻼل‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘامﻋــﺎت اﻹدارﻳﺔ ﻫــﻮ اﻟﴚء اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ اﻟﺬي‬ ‫ميﻜــﻦ أن ﻳﻘــﻮم ﺑــﻪ اﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﳌﻨﻈــامت اﻷﺧــﺮى اﻟﻘﻴــﺎم ﺑﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺎلﺑﻬــﺎء‪»،‬ﻫﺬاﻻﻳﻌﻨــﻲأناﻟﱰﻛﻴﺰﻳﺠﺐ‬ ‫أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻋﲆ اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ ﻓﻘــﻂ‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎك ﺧﺪﻣﺎت‪ .‬ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﺘﻮاﺟﺪ اﻟﱰﻓﻴــﻪ‪ .‬ﻷن‬ ‫ﻫــﺬه إﺣــﺪى اﻟﻄﺮق اﻟﺘــﻲ ميﻜﻦ اﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﺑﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﻻدارة‪«.‬‬ ‫وأﺿــﺎف ﺑﻬــﺎء أن ﰲ إﴐاب ﻋــﺎم‪ ٢٠١٦‬أﺛﻨﺎء‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﺔ اﳌﺼﺎرﻳــﻒ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﻃﻠــﺐ اﺗﺤــﺎد‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب اﻟﻮﺣــﺪة ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻨــﺎس ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌــﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣــﺎت اﻟﺤــﺮم اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﻲ وﻣﺜﻼ اﻟﻠﺠــﻮء إﱃ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻼت ﻃﻌــﺎم ﺧﺎرج اﻟﺤــﺮم اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫــﺬه ﻃﺮﻳﻘــﺔ ﻟــيك ﻳﺨــﱪوا اﻟﺒﺎﻋــﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺤــﺮم‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻲ اﻷدارة ﺣﺠﻢ اﻟﺨﺴــﺎرة اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻮا‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺎل ﺑﻬــﺎء‪» ،‬ﺑﻬــﺬه اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘــﺔ ﺗﻘــﻮي‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺪﻣــﺎت اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﲆ ﺳــﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜﺎل ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬

‫‪ ٤٣٢‬ﻃﺎﻟ ًﺒﺎ واﻓﻖ ‪ ٣١٤‬ﻋﲆ أن اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ ﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻪ وزن أﻛﱪ‬

‫ﺗــﻢ ﺑــﺚ اﳌﺒﺎرﻳــﺎت ﻣﺒــﺎﴍة أﺛﻨــﺎء اﻻﻋﺘﺼــﺎم‬ ‫ﻷﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﺸــﺠﻊ اﻟﻨــﺎس ﻋــﲆ ﻣﺸــﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﻨــﺎس‬ ‫وﺗﺮﻓﻴﻬﻬــﻢ ﰲ ﻧﻔــﺲ اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫وﻣــﻊ ذﻟــﻚ‪ ،‬أوﺿﺤــﺖ أﻣــﺎم أن اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴــﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺴــﻴﺎﳼ اﻟﻘــﻮي ﻣﻄﻠﻮب ﺑﺸــﺪة ﻫـﺬا اﻟﻌﺎم‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻟــﺖ اﻣــﺎم‪» ،‬ﻟﺪﻳﻨــﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺎت ﻣﺘﻌــﺪدة‬ ‫ﻳﺠــﺮي ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫــﺎ ﺿــﺪ إرادة اﻟﻄــﻼب دون أي‬ ‫متﺜﻴــﻞ أو ﻗــﻮل اﻟﻄــﻼب‪«.‬‬ ‫وأوﺿــﺢ أﺣﻤــﺪ ﻋﺎﻣــﺮ‪ ،‬رﺋﻴــﺲ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ‬

‫اﻟﺸــﻴﻮخ اﻟﺴــﺎﺑﻖ واﳌﺮﺷــﺢ اﻟﺴــﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳــﺔ‬ ‫اﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄﻠﺒــﺔ‪ ،١٨/١٧‬أﻓــﻜﺎره ﺣــﻮل اﺗﺤــﺎد‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ ﻣــﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﻛﻴــﻒ ﻳﺨﺪﻣﻮن‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب وآﻣﺎﻟــﻪ ﰲ اﳌﺴــﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫وأﺿــﺎف ﻋﺎﻣــﺮ‪» ،‬إن اﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻳﺤﺎول‬ ‫دامئًــﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ اﻟﺘـﻮازن ﺑني اﻟﱰﻓﻴــﻪ واﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜــﻦ ﻣــﺎ ﻳﺤــﺪث ﻫــﻮ أﻧــﻪ ﰲ ﻛﺜــري ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻷﺣﻴﺎن ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻔﻀﻴــﻞ أوﻟﻮﻳﺎت ﻋﲆ اﻷﺧــﺮى‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺟــامل‪ ،‬اﻟﺮﺋﻴــﺲ اﻟﺴــﺎﺑﻖ ﻻﺗﺤﺎد‬

‫ﻋﻤﺮ اﳌﺮ‬

‫اﻟﻄــﻼب‪ ،١٦/١٥‬أن اﻻﺗﺤــﺎد ﻳﺠــﺐ أن ﻳﻌﻤــﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎدة ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﺘﻪ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ أﻫﺪاف ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎل ﺟــامل‪» ،‬ﺑﻌﺾ اﻟﻨــﺎس ﺗﺮى أن اﻟﺘﻤﺜﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻳــﺄيت أوﻻً واﻟﺒﻌــﺾ اﻵﺧــﺮ ﻳﻘــﻮل إن اﳌﻮﻫﻮﺑــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ اﻷوﻟﻮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ اﻟﺴﻨﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻀﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺎ واﺿﺤــني ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺸــﺄن أﻣﺮﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬وﻫــﻮ أن‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻗﺪراﺗﻨﺎ اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻧﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫متﺜﻴــﻞ اﻟﻄــﻼب ﰲ أي ﺣﺎل ﻣــﻦ اﻷﺣـﻮال‪«.‬‬

Spring 2018 - April 15 - Issue 6  
Spring 2018 - April 15 - Issue 6  
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