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SUNDAY MARCH 25, 2018 VOL 99 / ISSUE 13

Students Discuss Governance Issues During Accreditation Visit BY MOHAMED KOUTA @MOHAMEDKOUTAA EDITOR-IN-CHIEF A number of students representing the Student Union, dorm residents, and AUC athletes met with delegates from the Middle States Accreditation Board last week in a closed meeting to discuss the overall student experience at the Bacon Cary Room. Outside the venue, a group from the Student Rights Coalition (SRC) stood silently, holding signs that read “Panoptican Cameras”, “Niqab Ban” and “Disrespecting Faculty”, among others, to communicate their dissatisfaction with the University’s current governance structure. SRC member and Political Science Senior Aseel Azab told The Caravan that their sit-in would have been unnecessary if the university administration would engage in dialogue. “To the students, we would say that you have a stake in [everything] that happens.” The MSAB delegation inquired about the extent to which students feel as though they have academic freedom and freedom of expression on campus. “I think the University has very clear instructions on its freedom of expression guidelines, but at some point these [instructions] are not fully implemented or applied [by the administration],” student senator and Political Science and History

Sophomore Dona Emam said. Emam used the Campus Access policy, which bars individuals who don the niqab from entering campus, as an example of a violation of this right. Despite the student government’s efforts to provide an alternative to the ban, the administration’s intransigence has prevented finding a middle ground, she said. However, other students felt that the very fact that students were able to express their frustration with these policies demonstrates that freedom of expression exists on campus. “These points are true, but whenever we want to, we can voice our opinion. When the fees increased, we had the chance to voice our opinions. We do have freedom of expression to a large extent,” Heidi Kandil, representing the Athletics Office, said to the delegation. The disconnect, Emam said, is how the University decides to respond to these concerns. “In reality, our student concerns and how we voice them are ot really taken into consideration,” she said. However, Emam added that this “alienation” from the decisionmaking process extends to the faculty as well, referring to the Faculty Senate’s advisory function and the lengthy time it takes for resolutions to get ratified by the President. “We still don’t get clear instructions as to how policies are being taken or implemented. For

example, the security cameras that have been installed, we as students still are unsure how long the footage is taken for, who has access to it and what is the purpose behind them,” she said. SU President Mohamed Gadalla used the Tobacco-Free Policy to support Emam’s point about the lack of meaningful stakeholder involvement in the policymaking process. “It’s not always about the policy, but it’s about how it is surveyed and received by the student body and faculty. Sometimes when the right stakeholders aren’t taken in consideration, the policies aren’t for the welfare of the community. Most of the policies are for the welfare of the University, but the way they were implemented is my main concern,” he said. Architectural Engineering Senior Omar Assem said that while there are officials, like Dean of Students George Marquis, who does heed student concerns, there is not enough student participation in the decision-making process. The delegation then asked whether the students’ experiences at AUC matched what they were promised during the initial application process. It immediately became clear that this varied not only from one major to another, but also from one student to another within the major. “When it comes to the level of

The SRC carried out a silent stand outside the meeting room where the accreditation meeting took place

academia other than sciences, I haven’t learned a lot and I have to depend on self-study. It’s either you present AUC as a liberal arts institution or you focus on something. I need to know that my major can’t qualify me abroad,” Integrated Marketing Communications (IMC) Senior and Peer Advising Leadership (PAL) President Emily John said. “Our business school is very highly

accredited, but when it comes to other majors, it’s not the same. This variance should be communicated.” Tuition was also discussed as a serious concern. Although students are informed that it is subject to increase on a yearly basis due to inflation, the increase has jeopardized the educational career of many at AUC, Gadalla said. This sudden increase is a fault in

Mohamed Kouta

communication and the lack of a central point for regular discussions, John added. “When we want to implement a policy, they take a certain period of time for assessment and will either implement it or not long after we’re gone. But when they want to implement a policy, they do it the next day. The problem we have is both with consistency and communication,” Assem added.

New Chief Justice Hussein Khattab Hopes to Expand Government Reach

Khattab hopes that political representation on campus will grow

BY SOHA FAYED & MOHAMED KOUTA @SOHAAFAYED @MOHAMEDKOUTAA Last week, Business Administration Senior Hussein Khattab was chosen as Chief Justice of the Student Court, the main judicial body of student government. He had

Soha Fayed

first joined the Student Court as a sophomore during his third semester in Fall 2015. After serving his two-year term, he was nominated by Student Union (SU) President Mohamed Gadalla and later confirmed by the Student Senate. Khattab shared his vision for the Court and student government with The Caravan.

What do you think the way forward for student government is? I think the SU should become more invested in political representation, because that’s what’s missing. This is what’s concerning, and it should come from both the SU and the student body. For example, in the tuition fees strike, the SU took the momentum from the student body. There was direction, but right now, I think the government is being very reactive. And this is also because there’s a feeling of lost hope in the student body for any potential change. Tuition went up, but life moved on. It’s easy for me to criticize it as an outsider, but my point is that negotiations always end the same. We’re always asking for consultation, and every time they respond by saying it’s a nonnegotiable security issue. There should be regular sessions, like former President Lisa Anderson’s ‘Tea and Talk’ where we can discuss issues like these. How can you add to this as Chief Justice? My role isn’t political representation, but I am in charge

of one of the three branches: the executive, which is the SU, the legislative, which is the Senate and the judicial, which is the Court. But these issues are all delegated to the Chair of Political Representation, but there should be more connection between the three branches, with the associations, with the clubs. The government has to work on expanding its reach to the student body, and all of the branches should be more accessible. What do you believe are the Court’s greatest drawbacks? I think what wasn’t done very well before was the management of the Court members. It was centralized more than it needs to be. I also don’t like how the Court is not engaging enough with enrolled students. I find this a major drawback since most students confuse the Student Court with either the Student Senate or even the SU. So, the biggest drawback is the lack of knowledge that students have about the Student Court. How does the Court interact with the Senate and Union? We attend all Senate meetings,

but mainly just to make sure that everything is following procedure. We’re there on standby to step in once something goes wrong procedurally. Is there tension between the student government bodies? Right now there isn’t, but I remember a time when there was. But I also think it’s when the government was more productive. Everyone was trying to prove themselves, and that struggle made the government more productive. But the tension is usually between the Senate and the Union, because the Senate can easily refuse to pass the budget if a dominant camp - the informal political parties on campus - isn’t satisfied. When there’s deadlock like this, we try to mediate. How does the Court achieve this? We try to do this within our scope. So, we introduced this mechanism where those who vote no have to provide a justification for example. We can also step in when new problems come up, such as an issue with budget approval in the winter and summer semesters, where

the Union is active but the Senate doesn’t meet. What do you see are the greatest loopholes in the Student Body Constitution? For example, the Electoral Commissioner has no term period, so one person can keep the position for their entire time at AUC. There’s also the problem of student declaring majors just to win seats in the Senate. But now we also have voters declaring majors to guarantee a member from their camp gets the seat. Budget approval is also another major concern. The budget can be put on hold for months on end while the SU continues to finance delayed projects from the previous semester’s approved budget - the budget for Spring 2018 has still not been presented to the Senate. While the Student Senate’s Legislative Committee has the jurisdiction to amend the Student Body Constitution, I hope they will consult with the Court to do so. But these loopholes aren’t really barriers that prevent effective government, but it’s more the lack of accountability and cooperation.


Sunday March 25, 2018

The Backdoor and The Window: Narratives of Gender Work and Feminism in Egypt BY MOHAMED KOUTA @MOHAMEDKOUTAA EDITOR-IN-CHIEF While gender work and feminism are generally viewed synonymously within mainstream discourse, Associate Research Professor at the Social Research Center Hania Sholkamy says they are in fact separate attempts at engaging with women’s issues. During her lecture, part of the Interdisciplinary Brownbag Lunch Series hosted by the Department of Political Science on March 18, Sholkamy presented a diverse set of images, ranging from the infamous blue-bra picture, which showed officers stripping and dragging a woman in Tahrir in 2011, to queues of women waiting to vote to women protesting in the streets. These all highlight what Sholkamy believes to be two redacted gender narratives that attempt to explain the positionality of women in Egypt in this historical moment. “They are redacted because there are omissions involved. There are things that we find difficult to talk about or don’t make a lot of sense to us,” she said. Sholkamy uses the first image - of women in line to vote - to argue that women are a key group. “Women as a political constituency have been carved out and created by a number of events

and intentional interventions to make women into a political group.” Sholkamy rebukes both national and international media for this “sloppy” homogenization of women. Her central point is that there are many women, and so there should be many narratives. However, these are eclipsed by two dominant ones. The first is activism, in all its forms, ranging from the blue-bra story to women in political participation to the nationalistic love women expressed during the uproar. At this point, Sholkamy showed the infamous image of an old woman kissing a soldier on the cheek. But loss and retribution, such as that of women ousted from the political arena to the mothers of martyrs, are also forms of participation. These diverse stories fit into the narratives that Sholkamy wishes to destabilize. The two approaches she critiques are the gender narrative and the feminist narrative. “Gender narratives are prescriptions of equitable outcomes; what the state does, what the United Nations (UN) does, what development agencies do, through a variety of methods,” she said. Feminism, however, is very different because it seeks to unsettle power, she said. This does not mean that the two approaches are not complementary. In fact, much gender work refers

to the work of feminists, who have informed many contemporary women’s issues. This symbiotic relationship, she argues, is fractured and ultimately, cannot be sustained. “This lovefest between what is essentially an agenda about trying to improve things within a certain parameter, and another approach that is about unsettling power is unstable.” Feminism, she said, is limited in that it does not envision an end game. Gender work, however, is prescriptive not only in how it is achieved but also what it wants to achieve. “You can describe it empirically and numerically to know you’re there. The problem with feminists is that they don’t have this. There is a very idyllic sense of liberation, but what does [that] look like?” she asked. She then returns to the images from Egypt to show that power can unsettle itself. The “co-optation” of women’s issues as a proxy for a certain type of progressive politics is the lowest bar and the most attainable, which can be demonstrated through women’s support for illiberal policies. While it is indeed fair for women to be represented in parliament, what Sholkamy calls for is to go further and question the legitimacy of these institutions and

acknowledge the extent to which they can deliver gender justice. Feminism, on the other hand, can seem countercultural. And the global sisterhood that the international discourses on feminism is built on is weakened. “You can have the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW), but that isn’t global sisterhood because the mechanism for choosing who goes, who says what and what happens in the sessions is not what global sisterhood is supposed to be about.” Sholkamy argues that therefore, there is indeed a contradiction between these two narratives based on how women construct their subjectivities. The good citizen and the outlier are in radically different places. “This is why, in Egypt, collective action is appropriated and personal experiences are atomized and because of that, the space for engagement is getting smaller. Maybe there are more women in public spaces, but their ability to reach women in private spaces is diminishing,” she said. Women in private spaces are absent in the public space because they are opted out and cannot be absorbed. Sholkamy outlines three actors for gender justice: international institutions, national machineries and civil society. Turning to the first

agent, she shows how the post-2015 Agenda while presenting typical gender issues is scarce in feminist issues. For example, the gender agenda ensures greater access to work but does not recognize the particulars of unpaid work. Similarly, the gender agenda advocates female representation but does not question their legitimacy. “The Iraqi parliament imposed by the American army had 25 percent women, but is that necessarily a good thing?” She nevertheless concedes that the international feminist bureaucracy - the Femocracy - has been effecting change, but that this is a shrinking space devoid of critical engagement. At the national level, Egypt is a prime example of how significant advances of women’s rights as effected by the state. These include the right to vote in 1952, the right to mobility after the state allowed women the right to issue a passport on their own, the khul’ divorce and the child protection laws. “Every girl that can escape FGM, no matter what the regime that instilled this, we have to recognize it as something valuable,” she said. However, she questions how we can maintain the viability of a feminist movement if it has to rely on another - the state - to have an effect.

She then turns to civil society, whom she divides into two groups: one that is contested and an apolitical group that nevertheless has large community presence. However, the women in both camps did not communicate with one another until the “extreme” duress they now find themselves in. “That missed opportunity has weakened this movement tremendously.” Sholkamy returns to the present moment to claim that there is definite lip service being paid to women’s rights, but that the emphasis is still overwhelmingly on basic needs instead of strategic needs. Strategic needs, those which unsettle power, are being made basic. The tools being used are all about criminalizing and control. For example, protecting women on the streets through increased police presence is not liberating for women, who still do not feel free to go out and be supported in their right to the street. But there is progress in that the contentious has become acceptable at all levels of society, even if it has been appropriated by the state because they do effect real change for women. “Is this a backdoor for depoliticized feminism or a window into activating women’s sense of their own rights? It’s difficult to tell.”

Draft Law Requires Men to Obtain Spousal Consent to Remarry

The law will require husbands to obtain the consent of their wives before remarrying


A set of new amendments to the Personal Status Law (No. 25 of 1929 and amended by Law No. 100 of 1985), is calling for husbands who remarry without notifying their spouses to be jailed six months. The draft law was first suggested by the Center for Egyptian Women’s Legal Assistance (CEWLA) to the House of Representatives as part of a draft Personal Status Law that strives to modify the rights of the women and their children, and following numerous complaints that it was unfair.

Abla Hawary, member of the parliamentary Legislative and Constitutional Affairs Committee, proposed the amendments to Parliament. Gawaher Al-Taher, manager of CEWLA’s ‘Egyptian Women Reaching Justice’ program, worked on the project and told The Caravan that within the draft law, the polygamy article is a proposal that is new in its intention to regulate the phenomena of men marrying up to four women in Egypt. “The [Muslim] husband with an intent to remarry will be required to submit his legal marital status papers to the marriage registrar, including the name and address of

Sara Mohamed

his current wife,” Al-Taher said. “In this case, the wife shall be officially called to court to be notified beforehand, and the judge will then ask if she approves or rejects to continue her marriage with him. In case she rejects, the husband must divorce her in the same session.” Almost 25 percent of Egyptian husbands take on a second wife within three years of marriage, based on the 2011 statistics provided by the National Centre for Sociological and Criminological Research (NCSCR). Al-Taher highlighted that the draft law was specifically proposed due to the high rates of unregulated polygamy cases within Egyptian society, which usually inflict

psychological and financial harm on the wives. She added that the law seeks to guarantee a divorce for the wife due to the protracted proceedings that usually occur in the courts as she attempts to prove her material or mental harm which led to irreconcilable differences. In the case that she consents, the court will oblige the husband with his financial responsibilities towards his family – guaranteeing fairness between the spouses. But Islamic scholars and women’s rights advocates alike have cried foul saying that Sharia law does not oblige the husband to inform his wife of his remarriage, much less obtain her consent. “Any wife who requests her husband to divorce her because of him remarrying will not smell the scent of heaven,” said Waleed Ismail, a leading Salafi figure, during an aired debate broadcasted on Huna El Kahera on March 6. Waleed acknowledged in his TV interview that he believes this draft law is too impractical to be implemented. “So suppose we imprison all husbands that remarry and break this law, who would support the wives and the kids financially?” In Egypt, polygamy is legally allowed, since Islam permits a Muslim man to marry up to four wives under the condition he treat them equally. However, this equality is too laborious to be achieved, as implied by certain readings of the Qu’ran. “You can never be equitable in dealing with more than one wife, no

matter how hard you try. Therefore, do not be so biased as to leave one of them hanging, neither enjoying marriage, nor left to marry someone else. If you correct this situation and maintain righteousness, God is Forgiver, Most Merciful,” the Quranic verse on polygamy [4:129] reads. Mona Abo Shanab, founder of the ‘Having Several Wives’ movement, an initiative that supports the idea and prevalence of polygamy in society, criticized the law’s proposal and described it as an “indirect message for society’s abandonment of morals.” “There isn’t a single Qu’ranic verse or Hadith that makes it mandatory for a man to let his wife know he is remarrying. He is free to do what he wants because he has superiority, and this is according to Quran and Islamic Law. So this draft law is an implicit invitation for disregarding God’s wisdom” she told The Caravan. According to Al-Azhar Fatwa Global Center, based on the Sharia, the first wife’s knowledge of the husband’s remarriage is not a condition of the validity of his new marriage. “If the contract fulfills its requisite pillars and conditions, such as the permission of the guardian of the bride, the two just witnesses and explicit mutual consent, it is religiously valid and all legal effects follow,” said the center. However, the center stressed that the permissibility of polygamy is strictly conditioned by fair treatment. From the perspective of law, Al-Taher stated that based on the

current Personal Status Law, a man must acknowledge his new marriage and notify his spouse/spouses with it, as stipulated in Article 11 bis (1) of the Personal Status Law, which reads: “A husband should declare his marital status in the marriage contract, in case he is married he should state his wife’s or wives’ name(s) who are in a marriage bond with him, and their place of residence and the marriage officer should notify them with the new marriage by an acknowledged registered mail.” The ma’azoun (marriage official) must then register the new marriage contract and notify the current wife through a legal document delivered to her residence. Upon her notification, the wife is able to file for divorce within one year. After that period, the law presumes her acceptance of this marriage if she has not filed for divorce by then. “The husbands often pay the ma’azoun to fill in the wrong address in order to avoid the delivery of this document to prevent his wife from knowing and file a divorce case against him,” Al-Taher added. The proposal [amendments] are intended to guarantee the notification of the wife by calling her to court to prevent such falsification and also guaranteeing her a divorce on spot if she wants. “Instead of imprisoning husbands who remarry without notifying their wives, the government should rather impose a huge fine that would hit them where it hurts the most – their pockets,” Nada Nashaat, advocacy coordinator at CEWLA, said.

Sunday March 25, 2018


Four Women of Egypt Casts Light on Finding Unity in the Difference

The movie brings together four Egyptian women from different walks of life to discuss Egyptian politics, religion and culture

BY MAHMOUD SAEED @MAHMOUDHSAID Four Women of Egypt is more than just a film, it is also a public invitation to conversations that ought to be had more often. If you are a romantic fan of history, you will love this movie. If you are a feminist,

you will love this movie. In fact, if you have a pulse, this movie is guaranteed to subdue you with its intimate accounts of the journeys of four formidable sisters-inarms who fervently disagree on everything, but are united in their passion for justice. The Office of Diversity and

Advocacy held a screening of the movie on March 14 followed by a discussion on sexism in AUC. These women from various backgrounds challenge the belief that religious and secular people cannot converse and empathize with one another; that they cannot relate to one

another based on the collective, nationalistic concerns that drive and fuel them. Christian, Muslim and secular, they do not see eyeto-eye on many issues, and yet there is little they shy away from discussing. Despite their differences, they share the common denominator of having been jailed as political prisoners under President Anwar El-Sadat, The four friends, born under colonial occupation, speak nostalgically about the history of the nation, politics, and religion. They connect the mindsets and political ideologies of the past with those of modern Egypt, humorously recounting their riveting shared experiences. The first woman we see is leftist Amina Rachid, granddaughter of former Prime Minister Ismail Sidki. Born an aristocrat, she voluntarily became a socialist and left the Westernized household where she grew up for the Egyptian countryside. The second woman is a staunch and charismatic activist, Shahenda Maklad, whose rebel husband was politically assassinated. Maklad was part of Egypt’s national movement, who was then imprisoned before

running for public office herself. She met a political journalist and devout Muslim in prison, who the audience discovers is also the third woman of this fascinating group - the radical, hilarious author Safynaz Kazem. We are also introduced to Shahenda’s mentor and the group’s core, the fourth woman, Wedad Mitry, an accomplished Christian nationalist leader, author, and also the first woman to ever sit at the Student Union at Cairo University. Against interlaced footage of former political leaders of their era, the four begin to speak about the Arab socialism they all embraced. They compellingly go through decades of Egyptian history. For instance, they discuss El-Sadat’s dependence on conservative, Arab countries, and how this reliance imported the extreme ideologies from the Gulf that would have had otherwise been foreign to a

liberal Egypt. They also debate the relationship between the mosque and the state as signposts for the question about whether Egypt should adopt a secular or religious mantra. Three argued that a secular state should be set in place: a state not devoid of religion, but one where citizens are not governed through doctrine. Safynaz, being a strict Muslim, was the sole advocate for an Islamic state. Though they hold seemingly irreconcilable viewpoints, these four comrades who shared prison cells, among many other things, sustain a real and genuine friendship. The movie illustrates how they debate gracefully and with mindful tolerance, while casually defusing of any rare tension that may arise with jokes and bursts of laughter, underscoring a loving friendship that endured for 40 long years.

HAPPY SPRING BREAK! Due to the upcoming holidays, there will be no issue next week. Please check out our news and features online, and be sure to follow us on YouTube and Soundcloud for multimedia content. Happy holidays from The Caravan!

French Monodrama Blurs Reality on AUC’s Falaki Stage BY MALAK NOUR In collaboration with Egypt’s Institut Français, and as part of its seventh edition, the Downtown Contemporary Arts Festival (DCAF) premiered Clémentine Baert’s monodrama Alors, est-ce que c’est là? (So, is it here?) at AUC’s El Falaki Theatre on March 13. Alors, est-ce que c’est là? first ran at the Festival Artdanthé in 2015, and was performed, written and conceptualized by French actress Clémentine Baert who worked with both film and theatre directors, like Pascal Rambert, Christophe Fiat, Emmanuel Mouret, and Wim Wenders. The monodrama blurs the line between illusion and reality, as it tells the story of a woman who finds herself abandoned by the man she deeply loves, trying to piece back together the nowscattered parts of herself, and the equally scattered story of his disappearance. Her lover’s identity and existence float like a shadow between the real and the imaginary, posing bigger questions about the reality of our very perceptions and our trust in them. Baert’s performance beamed with the immense

despair, loss, and sense of desolation felt by her character. The protagonist’s troubled state of disbelief was accurately reflected through Baert’s facial expressions and a voice which displayed an array of conflicting emotions, ranging from monotony and false composure to sudden agonized shouts and even bursts of song. The character’s monologue was characterized and dominated by a sense of reluctance that epitomized the character’s position as an unreliable narrator. She stumbled over her sentences, rephrased them, and incessantly repeated some of her words for no apparent reason, reflecting a deeply troubled state of mind. This unpredictability and instability of the character who happens to be the audience’s sole source of information led to the blurring of the line between illusion and reality that characterized the monodrama as a whole. This atmosphere of uncertainty was further accentuated by Philippe Gladieu’s lighting and Alexandre Meyer’s music and sound, both of which subtly added a very powerful dimension to the character’s monologue, but without

subduing it. For example, the dark colour of the character’s costume blended in very well with the dimness of her surroundings, facilitating her disappearing into them as was the case at several segments of the monodrama. In those segments, the lighting would die down, transforming the stage into a sea of near blackness, making Baert’s character barely visible to the audience even as she continued to speak. She was then made completely invisible by the very last scene of the monodrama when the stage turned pitch black, evoking the image of the black holes she would mention throughout. In this way, lighting played on the audience’s perception, adding to the piece’s overall air of perplexity. The sense of sound was also toyed with, as, at some points, it was very easy to mistake the sounds of the monodrama with sounds from the audience’s actual surroundings, leaving the audience in a literal blur between reality and fiction. For example, the subtle sounds at the beginning could have been very easily mistaken for actual backstage rumble.

The play uses the lighting and atmosphere to dissolve the boundary between what is real and what is fantasy

This subtle yet potent play with light and sounds served to further the audience’s disorientation, both overloading and confusing their own sensory experiences. Having been disoriented on a sensory level through light and sound, as well as on

a cognitive level through the monologue’s unreliability, the audience got to experience a glimpse of the inner goings-on of the character for themselves. Her unreliable memory, the talk about dreams and wormholes that suck people

Courtesy of D-CAF

into the unknown, were no longer rendered unfamiliar. Alors, est-ce que c’est là? is a monodrama that merges between the real and unreal subtly yet so effectively that you can’t help but wonder about your own reality…“so, is it here?”


Sunday March 25, 2018

Inequality of Social Opportunities Hinders Economic Development BY MAHMOUD SAID @MAHMOUDHSAID Professor of Political Science and Economics at Yale University John E. Roemer told an AUC audience how circumstances during formative young years, including the education level of parents and the standards of schools can lead to inequality in economic opportunity later. Roemer, author of the influential 1998 book Equality of Opportunity which looks at policies that level the playing field and eliminate the effects of luck, said that unbalanced economic factors may sometimes be beyond an individual’s control. The education of the parents, specifically that of the mother, along with the resources devoted to nurturing and enriching the life of a child, also heavily influences the intellect and consequently the job prospects and income opportunities that this child may have in the future. If your parents are university graduates, you are almost more likely to land jobs and earn much more money compared to individuals whose parents did not. You are likely to have the same education your parents had, Roemer said during the talk organized by international NGO Economic Research Forum (ERF) and AUC’s Alternative Policy Solutions (APS). Toddlers with collegeeducated parents, for example, hear around 11.2 million words annually, whereas a working

class baby hears 6.5 million, and one belonging to a family on welfare hears only 3.2 million. The quality of education a child receives in most countries is largely dependent on the resources the parents provide, but most public school systems in many developing countries are inadequate, so resources and luck affect your potential, he added. He used Scandinavian countries as an example of nations that successfully provide citizens with equal opportunities - free education from kindergarten right up to the university level. In this scenario, the state guides children toward income equality and social welfare by ensuring that everyone has access to education, compensating children for disadvantageous family circumstances. All that remains after supplying your population with equal opportunities to contribute and compete for resources, is for individuals to either choose to work diligently or bear the consequences, he said. “Equality of opportunity is said to hold when incomes depend only upon effort. The ideal is that how well an individual does in life should depend only upon their effort and voluntary choices,not upon circumstances beyond their control,” Roemer added. In Egypt, children of the most elite and educated class make more than double what

the least advantaged category of Egyptians make on a monthly basis. “My conjecture is that well over half of income inequality in Egypt is due to inequality of opportunity. That is to say, it is due to circumstances, beyond the control of people, which massively affect what their income prospects will be during their working lives ” Roemer said. “However, we don’t, at present, have the data to totally demonstrate this.” Distinguished Visiting Professor of Economics at AUC Ragui Assaad pointed out that there are no means to properly measure consumption and income distribution in Egypt, but we nevertheless have an understanding of poverty. That is because the richest segment of the population is often reluctant to fully report its total wealth. It is of paramount importance to be able to collect this kind of data in developing countries to understand the extent of inequality, Roemer added. Roemer finally referred to two World Income Database graphs showing income inequality in Egypt. One explained that the top ten percent of the population received roughly 50 percent of incomes from 1999-2015. The other revealed that about 20 percent of the entire income of this country went to the top one percent of the Egyptian population during that period, which means the

Lack of access to healthcare and education is one of the primary obstacles to income equality

average income of these “one percenters” is 20 times greater than average of the rest of the country. The bottom fifty percent received just around five to seven percent of the total income. Assaad and Roemer both called for the implementation of policies that would go further than just real estate taxes, but would instead rather tax the stocks and bonds that entail most of the unreported money within Egypt, in order to be able to adequately estimate the levels of income distribution. Roemer added that just

13 percent of Egypt’s GDP comes from taxes, compared to 50 percent in Scandinavian countries who enjoy every penny they pay to the state in the form of free education and universal healthcare. Roemer and Assaad both agreed that the reason Egypt does not tax the rich here to that extent is because they influence government policies, and they simply do not want to be taxed. Assaad said that APS has recently proposed a new wealth tax policy. This event was a part of the organizers’ efforts to bridge the gap between academic

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knowledge and applied practice by bringing together world renowned experts and practicing professionals. Established in 1993, ERF is a regional network dedicated to promoting high quality research in the area of applied economics and sustainable development in the Arab countries. APS is a public policy research project with the mission of finding and drafting innovative and forward thinking policy proposals in the areas of inclusive economic development, the management of natural resources, and institutional reform.

Digital Economies Grow as Media Markets Skyrocket in the Middle East

Digital economies are among the fastest growing in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region

BY MAHMOUD SAID @MAHMOUDHSAID Vice President of Business Development and Partners Relations at Connect Ads Ramy

Riad reviewed the latest digital marketing trends in social media at a recent talk hosted by the School of Business’ Office of Student Services and Development (OSSD).

Deena Sabry

The digital market is a “playground of information”, he told the audience. He advises companies to understand the number of internet users, as well as know

the figures of mobile and smartphone penetration in order to enlighten advertisers as to how to effectively reach their target audience(s). Riad explained that there are different categories of digital markets. For instance, “seed markets” are rising or “blooming” digital markets that include countries like Qatar and Kuwait. “Virgin markets” on the other hand are countries with low internet proliferation but have untapped potential for digital growth. Riad said that these growing digital economies are targets for giants like Twitter because their market is still expanding, whereas in the US for instance, the market is almost “stagnating”. The “golden triangle” region for entities like Connect Ads includes Dubai, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, primarily because their large young and tech-savvy populations. This makes them more likely to respond to ads on social media platforms. “If I want to have a good reach, I would target people in Egypt because of the large users, lots of traffic and good money,”

said Riad. He added that Facebook is the most popular digital media platform in Egypt, with more than 35 million users, making it the virtual mother lode for advertisers. “If you want to target people, you better target them through Facebook.” He then explained that what advertisers and marketing agencies dread is the looming threat of “spillover,” which is paying millions for ad campaigns without successfully reaching their target market. In order to avoid this spillover, marketers have a basic calculation - cost per thousands. They calculate how much money is spent to reach a thousand people from a given target group. Digital media now allows advertising agencies to target and reach more customers through online platforms like Facebook, which according to their figures, results in “zero

spillover.” The next frontier in digital marketing? Riad emphasized that mobile phone usage is on the rise, and is the most consistent digital trend. “Forty-five percent of the Middle East’s internet users access the web via their mobile phones. The penetration rate of smartphones in [Saudi Arabia], for example, is now 63 percent.” Advertising through social media platforms is also rising considerably and that has not gone unnoticed – users complain about increasing numbers of ads on social media platforms, such as YouTube. He also added that because messaging apps like Whatsapp are on the rise, advertisers will flock to such platforms in the near future. “Wearable technology,” like the popular Apple Watch, will be one of the uprising digital trends in the near future, he said.

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SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY | 5 Closing the Loop: The Economic Benefits of Going Green Sunday March 25, 2018

The current supply chain structure is unsustainable because of the lack of emphasis on the environment

BY MAHMOUD SAID @MAHMOUDHSAID With the environmental agenda quickly gaining foot as ecological damage continues to escalate, many businesses are developing ways to shift toward more sustainable practices. The School of Business organized a talk examining social and technological forces involved in the sustainability of supply chains, providing analysis on practices in Egypt and the Middle East and North Africa region (MENA). Joseph Sarkis, professor at the

Foisie School of Business in the Worcester Polytechnic Institute, introduced various members of the AUC community to green and sustainable supply chains. Sarkis explained that sustainable supply chain management is what encompasses all activities associated with the flow and transformation of goods from raw materials, through the end user, as well as information flow. Sustainability is an intergenerational philosophy that meets the needs of this generation without weakening future generations’ ability to meet their

Laila Sherif Said

needs, he added. Sarkis discussed the triple bottom line (TBL) concept, an accounting framework comprised of three parts: social, environmental and financial. Some organizations use the TBL framework to assess their performance in a broader perspective to create greater business value. “My argument is that the TBL, in terms of sustainability, is not good for the environment. Now why would I say something that stupid?” he said, after asking his audience whether they

believed TBL helps or harms the environment. In past years, the environment was foremost, but now businesses focus primarily on the economic side of the TBL, at the expense of the other two pillars. Sarkis then posed another question, “If you’re a business, realistically, of the TBL, which one are you [going to] care about?” “The economic, of course!” roared some members of the audience. Sarkis then reassured his spectators that indeed 99.99 percent of global companies would agree. “If something is socially good and benefits the economic side, but is environmentally bad, you bet your bottom-dollar businesses will emphasize the social part while downplaying the environmental aspects. Now, do you see why the TBL is bad for the environment?” he said. Balancing all sides of the TBL is a very difficult act, but not impossible, he added. Businesses always prioritize the financial side of the concept, without actually focusing on the other two. Sarkis took this further by discussing the global and regional problems created due to the reluctance of businesses to balance all sides of the TBL in practice. For example, Egypt faces water pollution as a regional problem, and waste disposal as a local one. “How much value you put on clean air and clean water - that is an environmental issue and one that is priceless,” said Sarkis. Environmental threats are

caused by the use of inefficient and toxic means of transformation and the inadequate management of waste. Sarkis also discussed the “closed loop system,” a concept that basically brings back waste material into the system of production, so that no waste is created, but rather made use of. Nearly 80 percent of environmental issues can be traced back to how the product is designed and the processes that follow. “It all begins with how you design your product”, said Sarkis. With each and every stage of production, waste is accumulated, which companies eventually pay money to dispose of and which ends up inevitably harming the environment. Sarkis then moved toward discussing the new sociopolitical trend of globalization and postglobalization, explaining that there is a new Chinese world order changing the globe. China’s major goal is economic growth, though it puts less emphasis on human rights and environmental damages. “They have a reason: they want to get their people out of poverty. Unfortunately, they don’t really take in the true cost of environmental damages occurring there,” he told The Caravan. The air pollution in China is responsible for around 600,000 deaths a year. “But how do you value something like that? You want to help your people live better lives, but [you’re] also simultaneously killing them,” he said. Turning to Egypt, he similarly

said that efforts to increase living standards are contributing to environmental damage. However, Egypt has the resources and tools to solve this. Sarkis pointed out that renewable energy and efficient methods of waste disposal is the way forward. “You can put solar panels on rooftops and start local farming within the city. Being green could bring Egypt out of poverty,” he added. Sarkis also told The Caravan that Egypt could simultaneously benefit the environment while making money by properly repurposing waste. “Instead of paying someone to take the waste, or just dumping it and kill animals and the environment, they can find out ways to fix it and sell it to other companies that would use it to sell even cheaper products.” Sarkis used the “biodiesel example” to illustrate how this can function in a circular economy. He explained, for instance, that instead of selling vegetable oil to companies and organizations, oil should be leased. As people use it and benefit from it, the oil should return back to the source. When the used oil is collected, it can then become biodiesel, which can be sold to someone else entirely. This repurposing would also create more jobs. However, one of the main challenges facing Egypt when it comes to efficient waste disposal is the poor infrastructure, which is why Sarkis believes the Egyptian government should work on developing the infrastructure in order to become greener.

The Life of a City From the Souk to the Tuktuk Inclusive Education as a Social Problem BY MAHMOUD SAID @MAHMOUDHSAID Cities are living, breathing laboratories of human interactions, and according to anthropologist and director of the Danish-Egyptian Dialogue Institute in Cairo (DEDI) Hans Christian, these interactions occur within a certain space, a finite place. But the social organizational relationship between “the social space” and human conduct remains undefined,Christian said in a lecture organized by the School of Humanities and Social Sciences last week. To anthropologists, “social organization” refers to the roles individuals within a society perform in relation to one another, as well as their status. Christian discussed how social organization was both influenced by and influenced the layout of cities like Sanaa in Yemen. He highlighted how different segments of the population are placed within the boundaries of these cities according to the statuses they acquire based on the roles they play within the city. Before Christian delved into his research, he posed a question: “Do you think what you see around you (cities) are a reflection of how people

think?” There is a metaphorical importance in urban design, he said. Architecture denotes function. He was studying how different minorities living in Sanaa situated themselves within the boundaries of the city based on social status, which is a consequence of how their society valued their professions. He was told by his peers that, like most “Islamic cities,” people’s houses in Sanaa would surround the mosques where they prayed. By mapping the city, however, he first discovered that Yemen’s peoples were divided into a hierarchy based on heritage. The highest social class are known as Al Ashraf, descendants of Prophet Muhammad. They were followed by those with deep tribal connections, known as Awlad Al Nas, then those who have no tribal backgrounds whatsoever followed finally by the mostly African immigrants. He discovered that people were not situated around mosques, but rather around the main market, Souk Al-Milh. Those who sold the best, most valuable goods, the goldsmiths and silk traders, for instance, were those who claimed to be the descendants of the Prophet. The houses and shops that belonged to people from these

classes were located around the center of power, close to the heart of the pulsing Souk of Al- Milh. He explained that lower classes have the trades or professions that the other classes shun. For instance, blacksmiths usually belong to the lower classes of Yemen, their shops and homes located on the outskirts of the souk. The second half of the lecture was delivered by Doaa Kadah, a graduate anthropology student, who turned her attention to the Egyptian social hierarchy and how certain segments of the population are virtually denied access to “public spaces” where their affluent counterparts dwell. She used the tuktuk drivers as a key example. Marginalized Egyptians who operate these auto rickshaws are never seen in the centres of power in Cairo where the politically and financially stable rest. Tuktuk drivers, who usually belong to the lowest of Egyptian social classes, for instance, are never seen in certain places like Zamalek, where many foreign embassies and government buildings are situated. The Egyptian government ensures that they remain in the areas where they cannot disturb the rich, rendering the latter category oblivious and indifferent to the struggles their compatriots face.

BY NADA MOSTAFA @NADAMNAGUIB The Graduate School of Education last week hosted a series of lectures looking for means to overcome obstacles to inclusive education, which seeks to integrate children with special needs into regular classrooms. In the lectures on March 11 and 14, visiting professor in the department of education from the University of Vermont Michael Giangreco warned against falling for the trap of an either/or approach when it comes to inclusion versus a high quality education. “Special education experts will tell you that it is all about instruction, and that if you want good instruction then we are going to have to segregate your child. The same people will say, ‘we can include him’ but he’s not gonna get good instruction.’ I would say that this is a false choice,” he said. “You have to start with good instruction. The first thing you need to do [for a student with a disability] is make sure they have high quality instruction from a teacher in a regular setting,” Giangreco said. Giangreco then explained that

there are three mainframes in which disability is viewed and discussed. The first is the medical approach, in which disability is seen as abnormal but ultimately treatable. The second is the charity approach, where the disabled person is looked down upon with too much sympathy and “misguided benevolence.” An alternative to these models is the social model of disability, which is based on the idea that disability is not a personal failure. “The premise around the social model is that people are disabled by society’s failure to accommodate their needs,” Giangreco said. He attributes this to the current educational structure, which presumes that all children are identical and should be treated in the same way. “The one size fits all approach is not good teaching,” he said. The reading levels of children in a 6th grade classroom in America would range from 2nd grade all the way to 12th grade, so the idea that all children could grasp the same kind of content in the same way using the same methods is not correct, he added.

“One of the mistakes people make is they think special education means a place, [but] special education is a support system,” he said. As such, in principle, any and every educational establishment could adopt inclusive education techniques. “It is not about piling on all types of special services, it is about trying to find the right match for the right student that helps them through their education.” He also discussed the roles of paraprofessionals, special education teachers and assistants in delivering high quality instruction to children with disabilities. The research found that having a one-on-one assistant may in fact be socially hindering, as it forms a “bubble” around the child that intimidates their peers. His presentation focused on the methodology and data analysis of the research more than the societal or psychological impact of inclusive education. Instead, he said it would better for special needs children to receive their education from regular teachers who have been trained to accommodate them.


Sunday March 25, 2018

Mother’s Day and the Silencing of Working Women Don’t Punish the Victims

Last Wednesday, Egypt celebrated Mother’s Day. Men and women from all walks of life took at least a moment to celebrate, remember or acknowledge their mothers. Special consideration was given to the work they put in raising their children. A number of cakes, celebratory cards and gifts all featured scenes of women cleaning, cooking, or doing other household chores, asking them to “take a break for the day.” And this is the one day in the year that housework is even brought into the conversation. But when it is, the assumption is that it is a natural duty of all mothers and that this one day is their chance to “relax” before they resume their family duties the next day. Multiple studies have been conducted attempting to calculate the amount of hours working women spend caught between their paying job and day-to-day housework.

On average, working women clock about ninety-eight hours a week doing the two: the equivalent of 2.5 full time jobs, according to a 2017 study published by Welch’s in CBC News. And somehow, our Mother’s Day celebration cards seem to suggest that this is natural. Their brief respite is limited to a single day, but soon enough they will have to resume these duties. These objects - gifts, cakes, cards - all contribute to the creation of an affective economy that justifies the over-burdening of the working women, guised under the token of gratitude and appreciation. Affective economies, a socioanthropological term, refers to how emotions are circulated in societies to organize, align or even disrupt certain patterns of behavior. Mother’s Day is a clear example of how the larger neoliberal enterprise seeks to invisiblize this work. The emotional labor working women extoll in raising children, as well as the physical labor they exert in managing households is pushed under the rug. Instead, a single day is dedicated to these efforts, presented as evidence of their recognition, but in fact engaging in a double move whereby this work is naturalized. Many will argue that this work is natural; women are supposed to rear the household, raise children and provide the means for family life to sustain itself, they say. But this argument has its roots

in a very gendered understanding of what family life ought to look like. It is empirically and anthropologically inaccurate to say that women have always been relegated to the household. In fact, throughout history women have not only contributed to the workforce but have time and again assumed active roles in leadership and governance. The sexual division of labor that is now apparent is more so the product of modern times, coming to the fore with the consolidation of the nuclear family and the need to ensure a stable domestic life during the industrial era. As such, it is not that women have always carried out familial functions. The notion that it is the man that should earn his family’s income reinforces very patriarchal gender roles that ignores a long history of female entrepreneurship and leadership. Even more infuriating is the argument put forth by religious zealots, who similarly ignore women who used to work during the classical and medieval periods to justify their enclosure within the household. Religion, culture and “history” are articulated as structures designed to silence, sideline and suppress women engaged in housework. And this is partly because there is at least an implicit awareness that the work women do is so crucial to society.

Contemporary feminist scholarship has called this ‘social reproduction’ and it entails the work required to reproduce society: it is the work needed to produce families that can enter the workforce themselves. Social reproduction is at the heart of a productive society, but acknowledging this work would mean coming to see it as work, as labor that merits not just recognition, but renumeration. In the 1970s, a movement spearheaded by a certain group of feminists demanded wages for housework, having come to see that the existing division of labor was not only unjust but also unmerited. Although the movement’s ambitions did not materialize in the form of policy reform or concrete results, their contribution to feminism should not be underplayed. At the very least, we owe it to these women not just to recognize the labor they perform on a single day, but also understand the implications of this work on a daily basis and work against it.

Mohamed Kouta Editor-in-Chief

Through My Frames: Manspreading All Over Cairo

Deena Sabry Managing English Editor Last week, The Caravan’s columnist Malak Sekaly wrote about male drivers on the road. She focused on how aggressive men tend to be as they’re driving, unlike women, who lend themselves to more care and caution. She concluded that driving is a gendered process.

Her editorial got me thinking about people’s relationships with the space around them. The fact that women are less comfortable in public space is something I was aware of in the back of my mind, just not one I ever thought of significantly. I started taking note of my own relationship with the space around me, and came to realize that I take up as little space as possible. When I’m walking, day or night, I tend to walk fast. I always feel the need to lessen the time I’m spending in an urban setting, almost feeling like I should not be out on the street. I spent the past week of my daily commute carrying out my own tiny research experiment. I observed men and women interacting with the space around them, zeroing in on how much space they take and how comfortable they seem to be. It was no surprise that men

were the more comfortable sex. Whether it was in how they drive, how they walk or the manner by which they wait; the actual physical space they took up reflected a degree of entitlement and a sense of owning urban space. Women, on the other hand, were not nearly as comfortable. They were usually in a rush as they walked; if they have to wait at a bus stop, they would do it in a nook; a lot of them would only stand near other women, holding onto their bags and, in a lot of cases, be looking down or ahead; juxtaposing the men next to them standing all tall and mighty. On the metro, all the men were seated or standing in the middle of the cart, manspreading in both instances. Some were even sitting on the ground as they were scrolling through their phones. ‘But what if someone needs to get to the door?’ - that clearly did not

cross their minds. Not a single woman was sitting. Not a single woman was standing in the middle. They were all huddled by the door. I was also standing by the door, next to two girls. I kept looking around me, making sure that anyone who would like to get off would be able to pass by me; trying to take up as little space as possible as I hold on to the handle, in case someone else needed to hold on to it as well. The girl next to me suggested to her friend they go sit down, there were several empty seats after all. “We will not go anywhere. We are staying in the corner until we get off,” her friend said quietly. As I got off the metro, I took a look into the ladies cart, an urban setting solely created for women, and for a momentary period of time, just like the men, they were comfortable, taking up as much space as they possibly could.

Malak Sekaly Caravan Columnist

I hope to one day volunteer at a refugee camp abroad, like Greece, I told a family member. “How do we know the refugees aren’t killers, rapists or drug addicts?” was their response. The utter belligerence of that question took a toll on me - for a few hours I was generally upset and, for the most part, hurt. I was hurt that after all the years I spent advocating against associating the word “refugee” with such hostile connotations, my efforts may have fallen on deaf ears. My story is like that of many; an entire side of my family was in fact forced to seek refuge, some having to relocate many times. A more rational reaction to my expressed ambition may have been “why cross the sea to help people when you can help those inside our borders?” But even after explaining that Greece is the first stop for many refugees, particular Syrian ones attempting to seek asylum in Europe, my plans to volunteer were still deemed preposterous. Nationalism slowly turns into xenophobia when we start to prioritize our own over others, forgetting that we are all humans at the end of the day and that race and ethnicity are social constructs created to ease the process of conformity and control over “citizens.” We create categories of “us” versus “them,” and “they” are always inferior to the highly praised yet fictional grouping of “us.” “Why don’t you go and volunteer in the rural areas of Egypt instead?” was the second question I got.

And how are we so sure these people aren’t molesters or murders, if I am to follow the initial logic? Is it simply because they are Egyptian that we eliminate any possibility of faults? “Refugees seek refuge from something, how do I know what they are running from?” This third question left me in awe. “They are running from war!” was my immediate snap. They are running from bullets, bombs, torture, starvation, lack of sewage, and a memory of carnage and chaos, death and destruction. This is not to say that no refugee may be of bad character, but to generalize them all as fugitives and criminals is outrageous. After explaining that the majority of refugees are in fact mothers and children, there are those who still cling to the image of a debauched man with ill intentions. In the 21st Century, we have come to see refugees as illegal and no longer human. They are passports, asylum proposals, yellow cards, blue cards, and food stamps. They have become unemployment rates, boxes of food, first aid kits, and mortality rates; just numbers pestering our national budget and no longer beings with thoughts and feelings we cannot express in digits. Unfortunately, we tend to forget that refugees by definition are forced to leave their homes. Yet, we treat them as if they consciously chose to abandon family, friends and their entire lives to become second-class citizens in a stranger’s land. Or worse. We have no authorization nor moral high ground to judge refugees for fleeing, especially since most of us sleep comfortably knowing we will wake up to our cup of coffee in our walled confines and continue to enjoy the security benefits of legal citizens. Distrusting refugees is tantamount to punishing the victim and using their vulnerabilities to dehumanize and demonize them. Chastise the war, its agents and funders, its zealots and profiteers but not its victims.

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‫‪ | 4‬آراء وشعــــــر‬

‫اﻷﺣﺪ ‪ ٢٥‬ﻣﺎرس‪٢٠١٨ ،‬‬

‫وفري لنفســك قســطا من الراحة اليوم‪ :‬اجلانب اآلخر لعيد األم‬

‫ﻳــﻮم اﻷرﺑﻌــﺎء اﳌــﺎﴈ‪ ،‬إﺣﺘﻔﻠــﺖ ﻣــﴫ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴــﺪ اﻷم‪ .‬أﻇﻬــﺮ اﻟﻨــﺎس ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻫــﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻠــﻸم ﻋﺎﻣــﺔ واﻟﻌﻤــﻞ اﻟــﺬي ﺗﻘــﻮم‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء ﰲ ﺗﺮﺑﻴــﺔ أﺑﻨﺎﺋﻬــﻦ ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺧــﺎص‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻊ ذﻟــﻚ‪ ،‬رأﻳــﺖ ﻋــﺪدًا ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮوت اﻟﻬﺪاﻳــﺎ اﻟﺘــﻲ أﻇﻬــﺮت أن‬ ‫ﻫــﺬا ﻳــﻮم اﳌــﺮأة ﻟﻼﺳــﱰاﺣﺔ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴــﻒ أو أداء اﻷﻋــامل اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴــﺔ‬ ‫أﺧــﺮى ﺑﻌﻨــﻮان » وﻓــﺮي ﻟﻨﻔﺴــﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺴــﻄﺎً ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺮاﺣــﺔ اﻟﻴــﻮم«‪.‬‬ ‫وﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏــﻢ ﻣــﻦ أن ﻫــﺬا ﻫــﻮ اﻟﻴــﻮم‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺣﻴــﺪ ﰲ اﻟﺴــﻨﺔ ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻔــﺎل ﺑــﺎﻷم‪،‬‬ ‫اﺳــﺘﻄﺎﻋﻮا ﺗﺤﻮﻳــﻞ اﳌﻮﺿــﻮع إﱃ‬

‫اﻟﻌﻤــﻞ اﳌﻨــﺰﱄ ﺑﻬــﺬا اﻟﺸــﻜﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻋﻴــﺪ اﻷم‪ ،‬ﻳُﻔــﱰض أن اﻟﻌﻤــﻞ‬ ‫اﳌﻨــﺰﱄ واﺟــﺐ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ ﻟﺠﻤﻴــﻊ‬ ‫اﻷﻣﻬــﺎت وأن ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻴــﻮم ﻫــﻮ ﻓﺮﺻــﺔ‬ ‫»اﻻﺳــﱰاﺣﺔ« ﻗﺒــﻞ أن ﻳﺴــﺘﺄﻧﻔﻦ‬ ‫واﺟﺒﺎﺗﻬــﻦ اﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﻴــﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻴــﻮم اﻟﺘــﺎﱄ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺪ أﺟﺮﻳــﺖ دراﺳــﺎت ﻣﺘﻌــﺪدة‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﺤﺎوﻟــﺔ ﺣﺴــﺎب ﻋــﺪد اﻟﺴــﺎﻋﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻘﻀﻴﻬــﺎ اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء اﻟﻌﺎﻣــﻼت ﺑــني‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤــﻞ اﳌﺪﻓــﻮع واﻷﻋــامل اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘــﴤ اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء اﻟﻌﺎﻣــﻼت ﻧﺤــﻮ‬ ‫مثــﺎين وﺗﺴــﻌني ﺳــﺎﻋﺔ ﰲ اﻷﺳــﺒﻮع‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﻘﻴــﺎم ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤــﻞ ﺧــﺎرج وداﺧــﻞ‬ ‫اﳌﻨــﺰل‪ :‬وﻫــﺬا ﻣــﺎ ﻳﻌــﺎدل ‪٢٫٥‬‬ ‫وﻇﻴﻔــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘــﺔ ﻣــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒــﺪو أن إﺣﺘﻔﺎﻟﻴــﺎت‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴــﺪ اﻷم ﺗﺸــري إﱃ أن ﻫــﺬا أﻣــﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺘــﴫ ﻓــﱰة اﻟﺮاﺣــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺼــرية ﻋــﲆ ﻳــﻮم واﺣــﺪ ﻓﻘــﻂ‬ ‫وﻫــﺬا ﻣــﺎ ﻳﻜﻔــﻲ ﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳــﺮ اﻷﻣﻬــﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺘــﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﻫــﻞ اﳌﺠﻬــﻮد اﻟﻨﻔــﴘ‬ ‫واﻟﺬﻫﻨــﻲ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺑﻴــﺔ اﻷﻃﻔــﺎل‪،‬‬ ‫وﻛﺬﻟــﻚ اﻟﻌﻤــﻞ اﻟﺒــﺪين اﻟــﺬي متﺎرﺳــﻪ‬ ‫اﻷﻣﻬــﺎت ﰲ إدارة اﻷﴎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜــﻦ ﻫــﺬه اﻟﺤﺠــﺔ ﻟﻬــﺎ ﺟﺬورﻫــﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻓﻬــﻢ ذﻛــﻮري ﺟــﺪا‬ ‫ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻜﻴﺔ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻷﴎﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﻠﻴــﻖ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴــﺔ اﻟﺘﺠﺮﻳﺒﻴــﺔ‬

‫وﻋﻠﻤﻴ ـﺎً أن ﻧﺤــﴫ اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء ﰲ ﻣﻘﻮﻟــﺔ‬ ‫أن اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء ﻛﺎﻧــﻮا دامئــﺎ ﻣﺤﺼﻮرﻳــﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﻨــﺰل‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﻮاﻗــﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻫﻤﺖ اﳌــﺮأة ﻋــﱪ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺎرﻳــﺦ ﰲ اﻟﻘــﻮى اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠــﺔ ﻛــام‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟــﺖ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺮار أدوا ًرا ﻧﺸــﻄﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻴــﺎدة واﻟﺤﻜــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫إن اﻟﺘﻘﺴــﻴﻢ اﻟﺠــﺬري ﻟﻠﻌﻤــﻞ ﻟﻴــﺲ‬ ‫اﻵن ﻫــﻮ أﻛــرث ﻣــﻦ ﻧﺘــﺎج ﻟﻠﻌــﴫ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺪﻳــﺚ ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴــﺚ ﺑــﺪأ ﻳﻈﻬــﺮ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﺴــﻄﺢ ﻣــﻊ ﺗﻮﻃﻴــﺪ اﻷﴎة اﻟﻨﻮوﻳــﺔ‬ ‫)إﻓﺘﺼــﺎر ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ اﻷﴎة ﻋــﲆ اﻷم‬ ‫واﻷب واﻷﺑﻨــﺎء ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻋــﲆ ﻋﻜــﺲ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻴــﺎة اﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴــﺔ واﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﻴــﺔ اﻟﻜﺒــرية(‬ ‫واﻟﺤﺎﺟــﺔ إﱃ ﺿــامن ﺣﻴــﺎة داﺧﻠﻴــﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺮة ﺧــﻼل اﻟﻌــﴫ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋــﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻨﺤــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴــﺲ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﺤﻴــﺢ اﻟﻘــﻮل إن اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء ﻛﺎﻧــﻮا‬ ‫دامئــﺎً ﻳﻌﻤﻠــﻦ ﰲ وﻇﺎﺋــﻒ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻋــﲆ ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻨﺤــﻮ ‪ ،‬ﻓــﺈن اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء مل‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻤــﻦ دامئــﺎً مبﻬــﺎم ﻋﺎﺋﻠﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫واﻟﻔﻜــﺮة اﻟﺴــﺎﺋﺪة ﺑــﺄن اﻟﺮﺟــﻞ‬ ‫ﻫــﻮ اﻟــﺬي ﻳﻨﺒﻐــﻲ أن ﻳﻜﺴــﺐ دﺧــﻞ‬ ‫أﴎﺗــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌــﺰز أدوار اﻟﺠﻨﺴــﻴﺔ اﻷﺑﻮﻳــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻫــﻞ ﺗﺎرﻳﺨــﺎً ﻃﻮﻳــﻼً ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫رﻳــﺎدة اﳌــﺮأة وﻗﻴﺎدﺗﻬــﺎ ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴــﻊ‬ ‫اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌــﺎت‪ .‬وﻫﻨــﺎك أﻳﻀــﺎً اﻟﺤﺠــﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﻐﺮﺿــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻳﻄﺮﺣﻬــﺎ اﳌﺘﻄﺮﻓــﻮن‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴــﻮن‪ ،‬اﻟﺬﻳــﻦ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻫﻠــﻮن أﻳﻀــﺎً‬

‫اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء اﻟــﻼيت ﻗﺎﻣــﻮا ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤــﻞ ﺧــﻼل‬ ‫اﻟﻔــﱰات اﻟﻜﻼﺳــﻴﻜﻴﺔ واﻟﻮﺳــﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﱪﻳــﺮ إﻏــﻼق اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء ﰲ اﳌﻨــﺰل‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺘــﻢ اﻟﺘﻌﺒــري ﻋــﻦ اﻟﺪﻳــﻦ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓــﺔ‬ ‫و »اﻟﺘﺎرﻳــﺦ« ﻋــﲆ أﻧﻬــﺎ ﻫﻴــﺎﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻬــﺪف إﱃ ﺣــﴫ اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء اﻟﻌﺎﻣــﻼت‬ ‫ﰲ اﻷﻋــامل اﳌﻨﺰﻟﻴــﺔ وإﻫامﻟﻬــﻦ‬ ‫وﻗﻤﻌﻬــﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺣﺠﺘﻬــﻢ ﺑــﺄن دور اﳌــﺮأة ﰲ اﻟﺒﻴــﺖ‬ ‫أﻫﻢ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ أﻗــﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤــﻦ ﻣﺪﻳﻨــﻮن‬ ‫ﻟﻬــﺆﻻء اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء ﻟﻴــﺲ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺑﺎﻻﻋــﱰاف‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻤﻴــﻞ ﰲ ﻳــﻮم واﺣــﺪ ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜــﻦ‬ ‫أﻳﻀــﺎ ﻓﻬــﻢ اﻵﺛــﺎر اﳌﱰﺗﺒــﺔ ﻋــﲆ ﻫــﺬا‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤــﻞ ﻋــﲆ أﺳــﺎس ﻳﻮﻣــﻲ‪.‬‬

‫‪Mohamed Kouta‬‬ ‫‪Editor-in-Chief‬‬ ‫‪‬‬

‫الـوقــــت كـالـســـيـــف… كــــده كــــده هــيـقـطــعـــك‬

‫كتبت‪ :‬جيداء طه‬

‫ﻛﻨــﺖ ﺟﺎﻟﺴــﺔ أﻣــﺎم اﻟﺘﻠﻔــﺎز أﺗﻨــﺎول‬ ‫ﻏــﺬايئ ﺑﺈﺣــﺪى ﻋﺸــﻴﺎت ﻳــﻮم اﻟﺠﻤﻌــﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﺘــﻰ ﻻﺣﻈــﺖ ﴎﻋــﺔ ﻣﻀﻐــﻲ ﻟــﻸﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣــﻊ أﻧﻨــﻲ مل أﻛــﻦ ﰲ ﻋﺠﻠــﺔ ﻣــﻦ أﻣــﺮي‪,‬‬ ‫ﻓﺘﻌــﻮدت ﻋــﲆ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘــﺔ اﻟﴪﻳﻌــﺔ‬ ‫ﻟــﻸﻛﻞ ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﺗﺠــﱪين أﻣــﻲ ﻋــﲆ ﺗﻨــﺎول‬ ‫اﻟﻄﻌــﺎم ﻣﴪﻋــﺔ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﻧــﺰوﱄ ﺻﺒﺎﺣــﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻔــﺲ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﴪﻋــﺔ اﻟــﻼ ارادﻳــﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﻐــري ﴐورﻳــﺔ وﺟﺪﺗﻨــﻲ أﺗﺒﻌﻬــﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻗﻴــﺎديت أو ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺳــريي ﻋــﲆ ﻗﺪﻣــﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺤــﺖ أﺷــﻌﺮ أين أﺧﺘﻨــﻖ ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻄــﺄ اﻟﺴــﻴﺎرة أﻣﺎﻣــﻲ‪ ,‬ودامئــﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﺗﺴــﺒﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘــﻲ أى ﺷــﺨﺺ أﺳــري ﺑﺠﺎﻧﺒــﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻋﺘــﺪت ﻋــﲆ ﻫــﺬا اﻟﺮﺗــﻢ اﻟﴪﻳــﻊ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺣﻴــﺎيت ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ ﻋــﺎم ﺣﺘــﻰ أﺻﺒــﺢ‬ ‫اﻻﺳــﺘﻌﺠﺎل واﻟﻬﺮوﻟــﺔ ﺟــﺰء ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠــﺰأ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ‪ ,‬ﺳــﻮاء ﻛﺎن ﻟﺴــﺒﺐ أو‬ ‫ﺑــﺪون ﺳــﺒﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻫــﺬا اﻟﺤــﺎل ﻟﻴــﺲ ﺣــﺎﱄ ﻓﻘــﻂ‪,‬‬ ‫ﻓﻤﻌﻈــﻢ ﻣــﻦ ﺣــﻮﱃ ﻳﺒــﺪون دامئــﺎ‬ ‫وﻛﺄﻧﻬــﻢ ﰲ ﴏاع ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ أﻳﻀــﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺤــﺎول إﻧﺠــﺎز ﻛــﻢ ﻣﻬــﻮل ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻮاﺟﺒﺎت‬ ‫ﰲ آن واﺣــﺪ وﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬــﺎ ﴐورﻳــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻛﺮﻫــﺖ ﻓﻜــﺮة »ﻗﺎمئــﺔ ﻣــﺎ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫إﻧﺠــﺎزه« اﻟﺸــﻬرية ﻷن ﺧﻄــﺔ ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ ﺧﻄــﺔ ﺷــﺒﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻴﻠﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻌــﺎمل اﻟﻌﺸــﻮايئ‪ ,‬ﻓﻤﻬــام ﻧﻈﻤــﺖ‬ ‫وﻗﺘــﻚ‪ ,‬ﺳــﺘﺠﺪ ﺷــﻴﺌﺎ ﺧﺎرﺟــﺎ ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫ارادﺗــﻚ ﻓﺠــﺄه ﻟﻴﻔﺴــﺪ ﻛﻞ اﻟﺨﻄــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وان ﻛﻨــﺖ ﻣﺤﻈﻮﻇــﺎ وﺗﺠﻨﺒــﺖ ذﻟــﻚ‪,‬‬

‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺔ وﺻﻮﻟــﻚ ﰲ اﳌﻴﻌــﺎد وﺗﻘﺪﻳــﺮك‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺴــﺎﻓﺎت ﻟﻴﺴــﺖ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻣﻬﻤــﺔ ﺻﻌﺒــﺔ‪,‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻞ ﺗﺆﺛــﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﺎ اﻟﻌﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻌﻮاﻣــﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺎرﺟﻴــﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﺑﺘــﺔ ﻣﺜــﻞ اﻻزدﺣــﺎم‬ ‫اﳌﺰﻣــﻦ وﺗﺄﺧــﺮ اﻵﺧﺮﻳــﻦ وﻏريﻫــﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺣﺘــﻰ ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﻧﻠﺘــﺰم ﺑﺎﻟﺨﻄــﺔ‪,‬‬ ‫أﺻﺒﺤــﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻳﺎﺗﻬــﺎ اﻟﺒﺴــﻴﻄﺔ‬ ‫واﳌﻌﻘــﺪة ﻣﺠــﺮد واﺟﺒــﺎت ﻧﻨﻬﻤــﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻬــﺎ ﻛﺎﻹﻧﺴــﺎن اﻵﱄ ﻻ وﻗــﺖ ﻟﺪﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻼﺳــﺘﻤﺘﺎع ﺑــﺄي ﺷــﺊ‪ ,‬ﻳﻨﺘﻘــﻞ ﻣــﻦ ﻋﻤــﻞ‬ ‫ﻵﺧــﺮ ﻓﻘــﻂ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــني ﻛﻞ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﻀﻐﻮﻃــﺎت‪ ,‬اﺳــﺘﺤﻮذ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜــريي ﺳــﺆاﻻ واﺣــﺪا‪ ,‬ﳌــﺎذا ﻧــﱰك‬ ‫أﻧﻔﺴــﻨﺎ ﰱ ﺻــﺪر اﳌﻮﺟــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﴎﻋــﺎن‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺗﻨﻔﺠــﺮ ﺑﻨــﺎ؟ ﻛﻴــﻒ أﺻﺒﺤﻨــﺎ دامئــﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﻛــﺾ واﻟﻘﻠــﻖ واﻟﻌﻤــﻞ اﻟﺰاﺋــﺪ؟‬ ‫ﻟــﻦ أزﻋــﻢ أﻧﻨــﻲ وﺟــﺪت اﻻﺟﺎﺑــﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣــﻼ أو اﻟﺤــﻞ ﺣﺘــﻰ اﻵن‪ ,‬وﻟﻜﻨﻨــﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎوﻟــﺖ أن أﻓﻬــﻢ أﺳــﺒﺎيب وأﺳــﺒﺎب ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﱄ ﻋــﲆ اﻷﻗــﻞ أوﻻ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻸﺳــﻒ مل أﺳــﺘﻄﻊ ﺗﱪﻳــﺮ ﻫــﺬا ﺑﻔﻜــﺮة‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ اﻟــﺬات واﻟﺴــﻌﺎدة ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺠــﺎح‬ ‫وﺣﺪﻫــﺎ‪ ,‬ﻓﻴﻤﻜﻨﻨــﺎ أن ﻧﺤﻘــﻖ ذاﺗﻨــﺎ‬

‫ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘــﺔ أﺑﺴــﻂ ﻣــﻦ ﻫــﺬه‪ .‬ﻛــام أن‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻨــﺎس ﻳﺒﺬﻟــﻮن ﻗﺼــﺎر‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺪﻫــﻢ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻬــﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏــﻢ ﻣــﻦ ﻋــﺪم‬ ‫ﺷــﻐﻔﻬﻢ ﺗﺠﺎﻫــﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻔﺴــري اﳌﻨﻄﻘــﻲ اﻟﻮﺣﻴــﺪ اﻟــﺬي‬ ‫وﺟﺪﺗــﻪ ﺣﺘــﻰ اﻻن ﻫــﻮ اﻧﻐامﺳــﻨﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﺔ ﻣﺘﺄﺧــﺮة أﻋﻤــﻖ ﻟﻠﺮأﺳــامﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻠﺘﻨــﺎ ﻧﱰﺟــﻢ ﻛﻞ اﻟﺨــﱪات‬ ‫واﻻﻧﺠــﺎزات اﱄ ﺳــﻄﻮر زاﺋــﺪة ﺑﺴــريﺗﻨﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺬاﺗﻴــﺔ‪ ,‬ﺗﺠﻌﻠﻨــﺎ أﻛــرث ﻗــﺪرة ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴــﺔ ﰲ ﺳــﻮق اﻟﻌﻤــﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬــام زادت ﻗﺎمئــﺔ اﻹﻧﺠــﺎزات‪ ,‬ﻟــﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻔــﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﺠــﺐ أن ﺗﻜﻠــﻞ ﺑﺎﳌﺰﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻤــﻞ واﻟﺠﻬــﺪ ﺣﻴــﺚ أن اﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴــﺔ‬ ‫دامئــﺔ‪ .‬اﻟﻨﻈــﺎم ﻧﻔﺴــﻪ ﻣﺒﻨــﻲ ﻋــﲆ ﻓﻜــﺮة‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓــﺲ‪ ,‬واﻟﺘــﻲ اﺗﻀــﺢ اﻵن أﻧﻬــﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺴــﻴﺖ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻣﺪﻣــﺮة ﻟﻠﻄﺒﻘــﺎت اﻷﻛــرث‬ ‫اﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟــﺎ‪ ,‬ﺑــﻞ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴــﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻷﺻﻌــﺐ أﻧﻨــﺎ ﻧﻌــﺮف اﳌﺸــﻜﻠﺔ وﻟﻜــﻦ‬ ‫ﻟــﻦ ﻧﺴــﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﻟﺘﺨﻠــﺺ ﻣﻨﻬــﺎ وﻟــﻮ ﻗﺮرﻧــﺎ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪم اﳌﺸــﺎرﻛﺔ‪ ,‬ﺳﻴﺸــﺎرك أﺣــﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻴﺎﺑــﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﺎ‪ .‬وﺣﺘــﻰ اﻻﻧﻌ ـﺰال ﺑﻘﻮﻗﻌــﺔ ﺑﻌﻴــﺪة‬ ‫ﻋــﻦ اﻟﻌــﺎمل ﻏــري ﻣﻘــﺪور ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ‪.‬‬

‫انــا حســن بهنســي بهلــول‪ :‬دور عليــا مــش هتاقيني‪...‬‬

‫كتب‪ :‬أحمد زاده‬

‫دور ﻋﻠﻴــﺎ ﻣــﺶ ﻫﺘﻼﻗﻴﻨــﻲ ﺑﺴــﻬﻮﻟﺔ‬ ‫إﻻ ﻟــﻮ دورت ﺑﺠــﺪ ﰲ ﻋﻴــﻮن اﻟﻨــﺎس‬ ‫ﺑــﺮدو ﻣــﺶ ﻫﺘﻼﻗﻴﻨــﻲ أﻗﻮﻟــﻚ ﻟﻴــﻪ‬ ‫؟ أﻧــﺎ ﻳــﺎ ﺳــﻴﺪي ﻣــﻦ ﻛــﱰ اﻟﻬﻤــﻮم‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﻴﺖ أزﻋــﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺶ ﻫﻘﻮﻟــﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﻴﺖ أﻓــﺮح ﺑــﺲ أﻧــﺎ ﻣــﺶ‬ ‫ﻋــﺎرف ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ إﻳــﻪ اﻟﻔــﺮح أﺻ ـﻼً أو‬ ‫ﻣﺘﴩﻓﺘــﺶ ﺑﻴــﻪ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﻛــﺪه ميﻜــﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﻤﻌﺖ ﻋﻨــﻪ وﻛﺎن ﻧﻔــﴘ ﻳﴩﻓﻨــﻲ‬ ‫وﻳﺒﻘــﻲ ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ وﻻدي‪.‬‬ ‫أﻧــﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺧــﺮ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘــﺔ ﻏــري‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﴍه ﺑــﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘــﻲ ﺑﻴــﻪ ﺳــﻄﺤﻴﺔ‬ ‫أﻧــﺎ ﻛﻞ اﳌﺤﺘﺎﺟــﻪ ﻣﻨــﻪ إﻧــﻪ ﻳﺒﻘــﻲ‬ ‫أﻧﻴــﺲ ﻟــﻮﻻدي أﻧــﺎ ﻣﻤﻜــﻦ أﺻﺎﺣــﺐ‬

‫اﻟﺤــﺰن ﻋــﺎدي وأﺳــﺘﺤﻤﻞ رﺧﺎﻣﺘــﻪ‬ ‫وﺗﻘﻠــﻪ واﻟﺪﺑــﺶ اﻟﺒريﻣﻴــﻪ ﻋﺸــﺎن‬ ‫اﻟﻔــﺮح ﻳﺒﻘــﻰ ﻣــﻊ وﻻدي داميــﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫أﻧــﺎ ﺑﺴــﺘﺤﻤﻞ اﻟــﺬل واﻹﻫﺎﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ﻋــﺎدي ﰲ اﻟﺸــﻐﻞ ﻳﻮﻣﻴــﺎً ﻋﺸــﺎﻧﻬﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺗﻜــﱪ ﻓﻬﻤــﻲ ﺑﻴــﻪ ﳌــﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺒﻌــﺖ ﺳــﻮاﻗﻪ ﻳﺨﻠــﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻧــﺎ ﻋﺸــﺎن اﻟــﻜﺎم ﻣﻠﻄــﻮش‬ ‫ﺑﺘــﻮع أﺧــﺮ ﺷــﻬﺮ وﻳﺎرﻳﺘﻨــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺪﻫــﻢ دول ﺑﻌــﺪ اﻟﴬاﻳــﺐ و‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻨــﺎت واﻟــﻼذي ﻣﻨــﻪ ﻣــﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺠﻴﺒــﻮا رﺑــﻊ ﻛﻴﻠــﻮ ﻃــﺮب‪ ،‬ﺻﺤــﺎيب‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻬﻮﻧــﻮا ﻋﻠﻴــﺎ ﺑــﺲ ﺑــﺮدو ﺑﻴﻴﺠــﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺄﻧﺴــﻨﺎ اﺧﻮﻧــﺎ اﻟﺤــﺰن وﻫﻤﻨــﺎ‬ ‫راﻛﺒﻨــﺎ ﻛﻠﻨــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋــامد ﺑﻴﻀﺤــﻚ رﻏــﻢ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮض ﺑﻨﺘــﻪ وﻣــﺪاري اﻟﺤــﺰن ﺟــﻮاه‬ ‫ﺑــﺲ اﻟﺤــﺰن ﻋﻨــﺪه ﻗــﺪره رﻫﻴﺒــﻪ‬ ‫و راﺷــﻖ ﻟﻴﻨــﺎ داميــﺎ اﻣــﺎ اﻟﻔــﺮح‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻜﱪ ﻳﻌــﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻧــﺎ ﻫــﻮ ﻣــﺶ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺿﻴﻠﻨــﺎ اﺻــﻼ!‬ ‫راﻣــﺰ ﺑﻴﺴــﻤﻌﻨﺎ رﻏــﻢ ﻣــﺮض‬ ‫واﻟﺪﺗــﻪ وﺣــﻖ اﻷدوﻳــﻪ ال‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺴــﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺎﻳــﺾ ﻋﺸــﺎن‬ ‫ﻳﴫﻓﻬــﻢ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺼﻴﺪﻟﻴــﻪ و ﺑﺮﻏــﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ده اﺣﻨــﺎ ﻋﺎﻳﺸــني ﺑﻔﻀــﻞ رﺑﻨــﺎ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺳــﺒﺤﺎﻧﻪ و ﺗﻌــﺎﱄ رﺣﻤﺘــﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺒــريه و أﻛﻴــﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨــﺎ اﻟﻔــﺮح‬ ‫ﻣــﺶ ﻫﻴﺘﻜــﱪ ﻋﻠﻴﻨــﺎ ﻳــﻮم اﳌﻮﻗــﻒ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻈﻴــﻢ و ﻫﻴﺘﻌــﻆ و ﻳﻜــﻮن‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻴﺴــﻨﺎ ﻟﻸﺑــﺪ‪.‬‬

‫وﻗــﺖ اﻟﺜــﻮره أﻓﺘﻜــﺮت اﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺄﻧﺴــﻨﺎ ﺑــﺲ وﻻد اﻟﺤــﺮام ﺑﻠﻌــﻮه‬ ‫و وﻗــﻒ ﰲ ذورﻫــﻢ دﻟﻮﻗﺘــﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺸــﺎن ﻛﺎﻧــﻮا ﺑﻴﻠﻌﺒــﻮا ﺑﻴﻨــﺎ و‬ ‫مبﺸــﺎﻋﺮﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻟــﻮ ﻋﻴــﺶ ﺣﺮﻳــﻪ‬ ‫و ﻋﺪاﻟــﻪ اﺟﺘامﻋﻴــﻪ و اﺗﺎرﻳﻬــﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ أﻗــﻮال ﻻ أﻓﻌــﺎل‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﻴــﺶ‬ ‫اﻫــﻮ ﺳــﻌﺮه ﺑﻘــﻲ ﻏــﺎﱄ واﻟﻌﺪاﻟــﻪ‬ ‫اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴــﻪ ﻛﺎن ﺣﻠــﻢ وأﺗﺒﺨــﺮ‬ ‫وﻓﻬﻤــﻲ ﺑﻴــﻪ رﺟــﻊ أﻛــﱰ ﺟــﱪوت‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ اﻷول و اﻟﺤﺮﻳــﻪ ﻣــﺶ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﻲ أﺻــﻼ اﻧــﺎ ﻋﺎﻳــﺰ أريب‬ ‫وﻻدي ﻳــﺎ ﺑﻴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻳــﺰ ﺣﻈﻬــﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺒﻘــﻲ أﺣﺴــﻦ ﻣﻨــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻳــﺰ أﻃﻤــﻦ‬ ‫ﻋــﲇ ﺑﻜــﺮه ﺑﺘﺎﻋﻬــﻢ ﻣــﻦ ﻏــري ﻗﻠــﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴــﻪ ﻳﺮوﺣــﻮا ﻣﺪرﺳــﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﻪ‬ ‫وﻳﻨﺠﺤــﻮا ﺑﺎﻟــﺪروس اﻟﺨﺼﻮﺻﻴــﻪ‬ ‫ال أﻧــﺎ ﻣــﺶ ﻣﻌﺎﻳــﺎ ﺣﻘﻬــﺎ؟ ﻟﻴــﻪ‬ ‫أﺑﻨــﻲ ﳌــﺎ ﻳﻜــﱪ أﻛﺴــﻔﻪ و ﻣﻌﺮﻓــﺶ‬ ‫أﺟــﻮزه ال ﺑﻴﺤﺒﻬــﺎ ﻋﺸــﺎن ﻣﻌﻴــﺶ‬ ‫ﺣــﻖ اﳌﻬــﺮ و اﻟــﻜﻼم اﻟﻔــﺎﴈ ده‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴــﻪ ﺑﻨﺘــﻲ اﺧــﺎف ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﺎ ﺗﻨــﺰل‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺣﺪﻫــﺎ ﻋﺸــﺎن أزﻣــﺔ اﻟﺘﺤــﺮش‬ ‫و أﺧﺘﻔــﺎء اﻟﻨﺨــﻮه اﺣﻨــﺎ ﻓــني ﻳــﺎ‬ ‫ﻧــﺎس؟‬ ‫زﻣــﺎن ﻛﺎن ﻓﻴــﻪ ﺑﺮﻛــﻪ ﻛﺎن ﻓﻴــﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺨــﻮه و رﺟﻮﻟــﻪ و ﺷــﻐﻞ وﺧــري‬ ‫وﻛﺎن ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨــﺎ اﻟﻔــﺮح ﻣﺘﻮاﺿــﻊ‬ ‫دﻟﻮﻗﺘــﻲ اﻧــﺎ ﺑــﺪور ﻋــﲇ اﻟﺴــﱰ و‬ ‫ﺑﺤﻤــﺪ رﺑﻨــﺎ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ‪.‬‬

‫اﻧــﺎ ﻣــﺶ ﺷــﻐﲇ ﻳﻄﻠﻌــﲇ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎرات ﻧﺴــﺎﺋﻴﻪ وﻫــﻲ ﻗﻮﻳــﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﺒﻌﻬــﺎ و ﺿــﺪ اﳌﺠﺘﻤــﻊ ﻛﻞ ده‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﺢ وﻓﻨﻜــﻮش أﻧــﺎ ﻋﺎﻳــﺰ أريب ﻋﻴــﺎﱄ‬ ‫وأﺳــﱰﻫﻢ ﻳﺄﻣــﺎ ميﻨﻌــﻮا اﻟﺨﻠﻔــﻪ و‬ ‫ﻳﺮﻳﺤﻮﻧــﺎ ﺑــﻼ وﺟــﻊ دﻣــﺎغ!‬ ‫ﻫــﺎ ﻋﺮﻓﺘــﻮين ؟ اﻧــﺎ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺑﻬﻨــﴘ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻠــﻮل أﻧــﺎ اﻟﻐﻠﺒــﺎن ﰱ ﻫــﺬا‬ ‫اﻟﺰﻣــﺎن أﻧــﺎ اﻟــﺬى ﻟــﻮ ﺟــﺎع ﻧــﺎم‬ ‫‪ ..‬أﻧــﺎ اﳌﺴــﻜني ﰱ ﻫــﺬا اﻟﺰﻣــﺎن‬ ‫‪ ..‬أﻧــﺎ اﳌﺤــﺎط ﺑﺎﻷوﻫــﺎم ‪ .. ..‬أﻧــﺎ‬ ‫اﳌﺨــﺪوع ﺑﺎﻟــﻜﻼم ‪..‬‬ ‫أﻧــﺎ اﺗﴪﻗــﺖ ﻳــﺎ ﻋــﲆ ‪..‬‬ ‫اﺗﺴــــــــــــــــــــﺮﻗﺖ ! ! ﴎﻗــﻮا‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺣﺎﺟــﻪ ﺣﺘــﻲ اﺳــﻤﻲ ﴎﻗــﻮه ﻣــﺎ‬ ‫أﻧــﺎ ﻣﺴــﻤﻴﺶ ﺣﺴــﻦ ده اﻟﺰﻋﻴــﻢ‬ ‫ﻋــﺎدل أﻣــﺎم ﻛﺎن ﺑﻴﺤــيك ﻗﺼﺘــﻲ‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﻠﻌــﺐ ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻜﺒــﺎر اﻧــﺎ ﻣﻠﻴــﺶ‬ ‫أﺳــﻢ ﺑــﺲ ﻋــﺎرف ﻟﻴــﺎ اﻳــﻪ؟‬ ‫ﻟﻴــﺎ رب ﻛﺮﻳــﻢ ﻫﻴﺠﻴــﺐ ﺣﻘــﻲ‬ ‫و ﻟــﻮ ﻣــﺶ ﺑﻜــﺮه ﻫﻴﻜﺄﻓﻨــﻲ ﻳــﻮم‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻴﺎﻣــﻪ ﻋﺸــﺎن ﺻــﱪي و أميــﺎين‪.‬‬ ‫ِــﴚ ٍء ِﻣــ َﻦ ا ﻟْﺨَــ ْﻮ ِف‬ ‫َوﻟَ َﻨ ْﺒﻠُ َﻮﻧﱠﻜُــ ْﻢ ﺑ َ ْ‬ ‫َوا ﻟْ ُﺠــﻮ ِع َوﻧَﻘ ٍ‬ ‫ْــﺺ ِﻣــ َﻦ اﻷْ َ ْﻣــ َﻮا ِل‬ ‫ُــﺲ َواﻟﺜﱠ َﻤــ َﺮ ِ‬ ‫َواﻷْ َﻧْﻔ ِ‬ ‫ــﴩ‬ ‫ات َوﺑَ ﱢ ِ‬ ‫اﻟﺼﺎ ِﺑﺮِﻳــ َﻦ ﺻــﺪق اﻟﻠــﻪ اﻟﻌﻈﻴــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﱠ‬ ‫دورا ﻋﻠﻴــﺎ ﻳــﺎ ﻧــﺎس ﻟــﻮ ﻟﻘﺘــﻮين‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﻠــﻮﱄ ﻟــﻮ ﻣــﺶ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮد ﺧــﲇ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻜــﻮا ﻣــﻦ وﻻدي و اﻟﺴــﻼم أﻣﺎﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺘــﻮع ﺣﻘــﻮق اﻷﻧﺴــﺎن ‪.‬‬

‫ركــن الشعـ ـ ـ ـ ـ ــر‬ ‫نفســي أعــرف العيــب ف ــي مــن‬ ‫نفســي أ عــر ف ا لعيــب يف مــني‬ ‫و ليــه إ نتــو د ا مي ـ ًا خســر ا نني‬ ‫ال بتا خــد و ا د و ر ي و ال كا س‬ ‫و حر قتــو د م ا لنــا س‬ ‫و إ نتــو مــش د ا ر يــن‬ ‫نفســي أ عــر ف ا لعيــب يف مــني‬ ‫ممكــن يكــو ن يف ا إل د ا ر ه‬ ‫و ا هلل يا ميــت خســا ر ه‬ ‫علــي جمهو ر كــم ا حلز يــن‬ ‫كل يــو م يز يــد جر ا حــو ا‬ ‫جمهــو ر نســي خــا ص أ فر ا حــو ا‬ ‫و شــا ل ا لهــم مــن ســنني‬ ‫نفســي أ عــر ف ا لعيــب يف مــني‬ ‫ا لعيــب يف عــد م ا إل نتمــا ء‬ ‫و ال يف با ســم و عــا ء‬ ‫و ال يف ا ملد ر بــني‬ ‫ممكــن يكــو ن يف ر ئيــس ا لنــا د ي‬ ‫كل ا لفــر ق بتكســبكم عــا د ي‬ ‫و ال إ نتــو مــش حا ســني‬ ‫نفســي ا عــر ف ا لعيــب يف مــني‬ ‫ممكــن يكــو ن ســحر و أ عمــا ل‬ ‫و ال يف خطــة إ يهــا ب جــا ل‬ ‫و ال يف ا لا عيبــه ا لنا ميــني‬ ‫نفســي أ عــر ف ا لعيــب يف مــني‬ ‫ال ز م بســر عه تا قــو ا ا لــد و ا‬ ‫إ و عــو تقو لــو ا ا لعيــب يف ا لهــو ا‬ ‫و ال يف ا مللعــب و ا لتحكيــم‬ ‫عيــد و ا حســا بتكم كلكــم‬ ‫ا جلمهــو ر جا لــه شــلل منكــم‬ ‫و نفســه يشــو فكم كســبا نني‬ ‫نفســي أ عــر ف ا لعيــب يف مــني‬ ‫يف ا مللعــب مــش شــا يفني بعــض‬ ‫و بتد خلــو د ميــآ علــي بعــض‬ ‫طــب إ يــه لز متــه بقــي ا لتمر يــن‬ ‫ا جلما هيــر و ا هلل بتعا نــي‬ ‫و ز هقــو ا مــن ا ملر كــز ا لثا نــي‬ ‫ا للــي إ نتــو ا عليــه متعو د يــن‬ ‫نفســي أ عــر ف ا لعيــب يف مــني‬ ‫ا لعيــب يف جمهــو ر بيشــجع‬ ‫ال عيبــه يخلــو ا ا لد مــا غ تصــد ع‬ ‫مــش عا ر فــني يجيبــو ا و ال بطو لــه‬ ‫و بيلعبــو ا يف ا لد ر جــه ا أل و لــي‬ ‫و يف ا مللعــب علــي طــو ل تا يهــني‬ ‫نفســي ا عــر ف ا لعيــب يف مــني‬ ‫لســة بر ضــو مــش عا ر فــني‬ ‫و ســنظل كــد ا مســتنني‬ ‫حلــد ما نعــر ف ا لعيــب يف مــني‬ ‫محمود حـــــاوة‬

‫فـــن وأدب | ‪3‬‬

‫اﻷﺣﺪ ‪ ٢٥‬ﻣﺎرس‪٢٠١٨ ،‬‬

‫متحــف الفــن اإلســامي يصل إلى الناس من خــال مترو األنفاق‬ ‫تقرير‪ :‬مرمي إسماعيل‬

‫ﺑــﺪأ ﻣﺘﺤــﻒ اﻟﻔــﻦ اﻹﺳــﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻤﻠــﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪة ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌــﺎون ﻣــﻊ‬ ‫إدارة ﻣــﱰو أﻧﻔــﺎق اﻟﻘﺎﻫــﺮة ﻟﻌــﺮض‬ ‫أﺛــﺎر ﰲ ﻣﺤﻄــﺎت اﳌــﱰو ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴــﻊ‬ ‫أﻧﺤــﺎء اﳌﺪﻳﻨــﺔ ﻟﺘﺼﺒــﺢ ﻣﺼــﺪر‬ ‫إﻟﻬــﺎم ﻟﻠﺸــﻌﺐ اﳌــﴫي ﻳﺸــﻌﺮون‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺧﻼﻟــﻪ ﺑﺎﻹﻧﺘــامء وﻳﺘﻌﺮﻓــﻮن‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻔــﻦ اﻹﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳُﻌــﺮض اﻟﻌــﺮض اﻷول ﺣﺎﻟﻴًــﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣــﱰو أوﺑــﺮا اﻟﻘﺎﻫــﺮة‪ ،‬ﺣﻴــﺚ ﻳﺘــﻢ‬ ‫ﻋــﺮض ﻧﺴــﺦ ﻃﺒــﻖ اﻷﺻــﻞ ﻣــﻦ ﻓــﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺤــﻒ وأي راﻛــﺐ ميﻜــﻦ أن ﻳﺮاﻫــﺎ‬ ‫وﺗﺠــﺬب ﻫــﺬه اﻵﺛــﺎر إﻧﺘﺒﺎﻫﻬــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺻــﻒ أﻛــرث ﺑﴫﻳــﺔ ﻟﻠﻤــﴩوع‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻀــﺢ ﺑﺘﺨﻴــﻞ ﻏﺮﻓــﺔ ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻌﺪﻳــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻘﻄــﻊ اﻷﺛﺮﻳــﺔ وأﻛــرث ﻣﺼــﻮرة‬ ‫وﻣﻌﻠﻘــﺔ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺠــﺪران ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌــﺮض‬ ‫ﺻﻐــري‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘــﻮل وﻻء اﻟــرناوي‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳــﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺴــﻮﻳﻖ واﻟﻌﻼﻗــﺎت اﻟﻌﺎﻣــﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺤــﻒ ورﺋﻴــﺲ ﻗﺴــﻢ اﳌﻌﺎﺑــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻧﺨﺘــﺎر اﻟﻘﻄــﻊ اﻟﻔﻨﻴــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺠــﺬب ﺟﻤﻬــﻮ ًرا وﺗﺸــﺠﻊ اﻟﻨــﺎس أن‬ ‫ﺗــﺄيت إﱃ اﳌﺘﺤــﻒ ﳌﺸــﺎﻫﺪة ﺑﻘﻴــﺔ‬ ‫ا ﳌﺠﻤﻮ ﻋــﺎ ت ‪« .‬‬ ‫أﺿﺎﻓــﺖ اﻟــرناوي‪» ،‬ﺑﻌــﺾ اﻟﻘﻄــﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻨﻴــﺔ اﳌﺨﺘــﺎرة ﺳــﻴﻜﻮن ﻟﻬــﺎ ﻗﺼــﺔ‬ ‫وراءﻫــﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻬــﺎ ﻧــﺎدر ﺟــﺪا ‪،‬‬ ‫وﺑﻌﻀﻬــﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟــﺪ ﰲ ﻣــﻜﺎن أﺧــﺮ‬ ‫ﻏــري ﰲ ﻣﺘﺤﻔﻨــﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫وﻟﻜــﻦ ﻗﺎﻟــﺖ ﻫﺎﻧــﺰادا اﻟﺒﺪﻳــﻮي‪،‬‬ ‫أﺳــﺘﺎذه ﰲ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴــﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﻨــﻮن‪» ،‬ﻟﻘــﺪ زرت‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺤــﻒ‪ ،‬وﻟﺪﻳﻬــﻢ اﻟﻜﺜــري ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻔــﻦ اﳌﻤﻴــﺰ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳــﺔ‪ ،‬وﰲ رأﻳــﻲ إن‬ ‫اﳌﻌــﺮض ﻛﺎن ﺳــﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻣــﻦ اﻷﻛــرث‬ ‫ﺟﺎذﺑﻴــ ًﺔ إذا وﺿﻌــﻮا أﺛــﺎر ﻏــري‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻌــﺔ ﻛــام ﻓﻌﻠــﻮا ﰲ اﺧﺘﻴﺎرﻫــﻢ‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﻔﺨــﺎر واﻟﺘﺤــﻒ اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳــﺔ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘــﺪم اﻟﺒﺪﻳــﻮي أﻣﺜﻠــﺔ ﻟــﺪروع‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ اﳌﺤﺎرﺑــني اﻹﺳــﻼﻣﻴني اﻟﻘﺪميــني‬ ‫واﻟﺒﻮﺻــﻼت اﻹﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺔ اﻟﻘﺪميــﺔ ‪،‬‬

‫وﻛﻼﻫــام ﻣﻮﺟــﻮد ﰲ اﳌﺘﺤــﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘــﻮل اﻟــرناوي‪ ،‬إن اﻟﻬــﺪف ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﻫــﺬا اﳌــﴩوع ﻫــﻮ ﺟــﺬب أﺷــﺨﺎص‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــني وﻧــﴩ اﻟﻮﻋــﻲ ﺑــﺄن ﻣﺜــﻞ‬ ‫ﻫــﺬا اﳌﺘﺤــﻒ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮد‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺳــﻴام‬ ‫أﻧــﻪ أﻛــﱪ ﻣﺘﺤــﻒ ﻟﻠﻔــﻦ اﻹﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﻌــﺎمل‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺟــﺊ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﱄ اﳌﺘﺤــﻒ ﺑﺈﻧﺪﻣــﺎج‬ ‫وﺣﻀــﻮر اﻟﺠﻤﻬــﻮر ﻟﻠﻌــﺮض‪ ،‬وأدى‬ ‫ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻨﺠــﺎح إﱃ ﺳــﻌﻲ اﳌﺴــﺆوﻟني‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺒــﺪء ﰲ ﺧﻄــﺔ ﺗﻮﺳــﻴﻊ اﻟﻌــﺮض‬ ‫ﻟﺠﻤﻴــﻊ ﻣﺤﻄــﺎت اﳌــﱰو ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴــﻊ‬ ‫أﻧﺤــﺎء اﻟﻘﺎﻫــﺮة‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨــﺎ ًء ﻋــﲆ إﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴــﺎت ﴍﻛــﺔ‬ ‫ﻣــﱰو اﻟﻘﺎﻫــﺮة ‪ ٢٠١٨-٢٠١٧‬ﻫﻨــﺎك‬ ‫اﺛﻨــني ﻣﻠﻴــﺎر راﻛــﺐ ﰲ ﺳــﻨﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻣــام‬ ‫ميﻨﺤﻬــﻢ ﻓﺮﺻــﺔ ﻛﺒــرية ﻟﻴﺘﻌﺮﺿــﻮا‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻔــﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟــﺖ ﻧــﻮرا ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺔ اﻟﻔﻨــﻮن‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﻴــﺔ ﺑﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﺣﻠــﻮان‪،‬‬ ‫»اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺔ أن ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻌــﺮض ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌــﱰو ﻳﻈﻬــﺮ أن اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣــﺔ ﺑــﺪأت‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﱰف ﺑــﺄن اﻟﻔــﻦ ﻫــﻮ ﳾء ﻣﻬــﻢ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳــﺔ وﻳﺠــﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻨــﺎ إﺑــﺮازه ﻟﻌﺎﻣــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻨــﺎس ﰲ ﻣــﴫ‪«.‬‬ ‫أﺿﺎﻓــﺖ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ أن اﻟﻌــﺮض‬ ‫ﻳﻀﻴــﻒ إﱃ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻬــﻢ وإرﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬــﻢ‬ ‫وﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﻫــﻢ ﻟﻠﻔــﻦ‪ .‬ﺗﻘــﻮل اﻟــرناوي‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﻨــﺬ إﻋــﺎدة ﻓﺘﺤــﻪ‪ ،‬اﺳــﺘﻘﺒﻞ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺤــﻒ اﻟﻌﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ اﻟــﺰوار ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻔﻴــﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ؛ اﳌﻔﻜــﺮ واﻟﻌﺎﻣــﻞ‬ ‫اﳌﺸــﱰك ورﺑــﺔ اﳌﻨــﺰل واﻟﻄﻔــﻞ‬ ‫واﻟﻄﺎﻟــﺐ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﻲ واﻷﺟﻨﺒــﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻫــﺬا ﻳﻮﺿــﺢ وﺟــﻮد وﻋــﻲ أﻛــﱪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤــﻒ اﻹﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺷــﻮارع اﻟﻘﺎﻫــﺮة اﳌﺰدﺣﻤــﺔ‬ ‫واﳌﺠﻬــﺪة ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒــﺎً ﻣــﺎ ﻳﺘــﻢ إﻏﻔــﺎل‬ ‫اﻟﻔــﻦ واﻟﻌــامرة ‪ ،‬وﰲ اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴــﻪ ﺗﻘــﻮم اﳌﺒــﺎدرة ﺑﺎﻹﻋــﻼن ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﺤــﻒ ‪ ،‬ﻛــام ﻳﺠﻌــﻞ ﻫــﺬا اﳌــﱰو‬ ‫أﻛــرث ﺟﺎذﺑﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻟــﺖ اﻟﺒﺪﻳــﻮي‪» ،‬ﺗﺒــﺪو‬ ‫اﻟﻌــﺮوض ﺟﻴــﺪة‪ ،‬إﻧﻬــﺎ ﺟﺬاﺑــﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳــﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴــﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬــﻮر ﻷﺧــﺬ‬

‫وﻻء اﻟرناوي‬

‫ﻋﺮض آﺛﺎر اﳌﺘﺤﻒ اﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﳌﱰو‬

‫دﻗﻴﻘــﺔ واﺣــﺪة ﻟﻴﺸــﺎﻫﺪوا اﻻﺛــﺎر‪«.‬‬ ‫وﺻﻔــﺖ اﻟــرناوي اﳌﺘﺤــﻒ ﺑﺄﻧــﻪ‬ ‫»ﻳﺼــﻒ ﺗﺎرﻳــﺦ ﻣــﴫ واﻟﺤﻀــﺎرات‬ ‫اﻹﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺔ« ‪ ،‬وﺗﻀﻴــﻒ أن اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ‬ ‫اﻵن ﻫــﻮ اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ اﳌﺜــﺎﱄ ﻟﻺﻋــﻼن‬ ‫ﻋــﻦ اﳌﺘﺤــﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘــﻮل اﻟــرناوي‪» ،‬ﻧﺮﻳــﺪ أن ﻳﻌــﺮف‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻤﻴــﻊ اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺔ‪ .‬أن دﻳــﻦ اﻹﺳــﻼم‬ ‫مل ﻳﻜــﻦ ﻋﻨــﺪه ﺗﻌﻨﺘــﺎً أو إرﻫــﺎب‬

‫وﻟﻜــﻦ ﻛﺎن ﻟﺪﻳــﻪ ﻓــﻦ‪ .‬أي ﳾء‬ ‫ﻳﺤﺘــﻮي ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻔــﻦ ﻋــﺎدة ﻳﻜــﻮن‬ ‫ﺳــﻠﻤﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳــﺔ‪ .‬ﻧﺤــﻦ ﻧﺮﻳــﺪ اﻟﱰوﻳــﺞ‬ ‫ﻟﻬــﺬه اﻟﻔﻜــﺮة ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل ﻣﺘﺤﻔﻨــﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻬــﻢ اﻟــﱰاث اﻟﻐﻨــﻲ ﻟﻠﺒــﻼد‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ أﻓﻀــﻞ ‪ ،‬ﺟــﺰء ﻣــﻦ اﳌﻨﻬــﺞ‬ ‫اﻟــﺪراﳼ ﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﺣﻠــﻮان ﻫــﻮ‬ ‫رﺣﻠــﺔ إﺟﺒﺎرﻳــﺔ واﺣــﺪة ﻋــﲆ اﻷﻗــﻞ‬ ‫إﱃ اﳌﺘﺤــﻒ‪.‬‬

‫وﺗﻘــﻮل اﻟــرناوي إن اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺎﻣــﺔ ﺗــﺰور اﳌﺘﺤــﻒ أﻛــرث‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺜــري ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺎت اﻟﺪوﻟﻴــﺔ أو‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺎﺻــﺔ ‪ ،‬وأﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﺮﻳــﺪ اﻟﻌﻤــﻞ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﺪﻳﺪ ﻫــﺬه اﻟﻔﺠــﻮات ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎرﻳﻊ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺗﻀﻴــﻒ‪» ،‬ﳌــﺎذا ﻻ ﻳــﺰور ﻃــﻼب‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴــﺔ ﻣﺘﺤﻔﻨــﺎ؟«‬ ‫ﻳﺬﻛــﺮ أﻧــﻪ ﰲ ﻋــﺎم ‪ ، ٢٠١٤‬ﺗﺴــﺒﺐ‬

‫ﺗﻔﺠــري ﺳــﻴﺎرة ﰲ إﺣــﺪاث ﻓــﻮﴇ‬ ‫ﻋﺎرﻣــﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺘﺤــﻒ اﻟﻔــﻦ اﻹﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪ ،‬ﻣــام أدى إﱃ ﺗﺪﻣــري اﻟﻌﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻄــﻊ وﻫــﺪم اﳌﺒﻨــﻰ ﺑﺄﻛﻤﻠــﻪ إﱃ‬ ‫درﺟــﺔ أﻧــﻪ ﺗــﻢ إﻋــﺎدة ﺑﻨﺎﺋــﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫أﻋﻴــﺪ اﻓﺘﺘــﺎح اﳌﺘﺤــﻒ ﰲ ﻋــﺎم‬ ‫‪ ، ٢٠١٧‬وﻣﻨــﺬ ذﻟــﻚ اﻟﺤــني ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨــﺎك اﻟﻌﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺤﻤــﻼت‬ ‫ﻟﺠــﺬب اﻟﺠﻤﻬــﻮر إﱃ ﺟﺪراﻧــﻪ‪.‬‬

‫«أربعة نســاء من مصر»‪ :‬إختالفات إيدولوجية وشــخصية خلف قطبان مشــتركة‬

‫اﻟﺴــﻌﻲ وراء اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ ﻣﺤﻮر ﻓﻴﻠﻢ أرﺑﻌﺔ ﻧﺴــﺎء ﻣﻦ ﻣﴫ‬ ‫تقرير‪ :‬محمود سعيد‬ ‫أﻛــﱪ‪.‬‬ ‫ترجمة‪ :‬نوران العاشري‬ ‫إن ﻛﻨــﺖ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﺤﺒــﻲ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳــﺦ‬ ‫اﻟﺮوﻣﺎﻧــﴘ وأوﺟــﻪ ﻣﺆﻳــﺪي اﻟﺤﺮﻛــﺔ‬ ‫ﻫــﻮ أﻛــرث ﻣــﻦ ﻣﺠــﺮد ﻓﻴﻠــﻢ‪ .‬أرﺑﻌﺔ ﻧﺴــﺎء اﻟﻨﺴــﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺘﻘﻊ ﰲ ﻏــﺮام اﻟﻔﻴﻠــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻣــﴫ ﻫــﻮ دﻋــﻮة ﻋﺎﻣــﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺪﻳــﺚ ﰲ اﻟﻮاﻗــﻊ‪ ،‬إن ﻛﺎن ﻗﻠﺒــﻚ ﻳﻨﺒــﺾ‪،‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎت ﻳﻨﺒﻐــﻲ أن ﺗ ُﺘﻨــﺎول ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ ﻓــﺈن ﻫــﺬا اﻟﻔﻴﻠــﻢ ﺳــﻴﺠﺬب إﻧﺘﺒﺎﻫــﻚ‬

‫ﳌﺸــﺎﻫﺪة ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺘــﻪ ﻟــﴪد رﺣﻠــﺔ أرﺑــﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺎء ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤــﺎت‪ ،‬راﺋﻌــﺎت وﺟﺬاﺑــﺎت‪،‬‬ ‫مل ﻳﺠﺘﻤﻌــﻦ ﻋــﲆ ﺷــﺊ ﺳــﻮى ﺷــﻐﻔﻬﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺴــﻌﻲ وراء اﻟﻌﺪاﻟــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺮاﺑــﻊ ﻋــﴩ ﻣــﻦ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻣــﺎرس‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﻢ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ دﻋــﻢ اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻋﺮﺿً ــﺎ‬

‫ﻟﻔﻴﻠــﻢ أرﺑــﻊ ﻧﺴــﺎء ﻣــﻦ ﻣــﴫ واﻟــﺬي‬ ‫ﺗــﻼه ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺔ ﻋــﻦ اﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴــﺰ ﺑــني‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻨﺴــني‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺤــﺪى ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء اﻟــﻼيت أﺗــني ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻔﻴــﺎت ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ اﳌﻌﺘﻘــﺪ اﻟﺮاﺳــﺦ‬ ‫ﺑــﺄن اﳌﺘﺪﻳﻨــني واﻟﻌﻠامﻧﻴــني ﻻ ميﻜﻨﻬــﻢ‬ ‫اﻹﻧﺪﻣــﺎج ﻣــﻊ ﺑﻌﻀﻬــﻢ اﻟﺒﻌــﺾ أو ﺗﺒﺎدل‬ ‫اﳌﺤﺒــﺔ واﻟﺮﺣﻤــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ميﻜﻨﻬــﻢ أن ﻳﱰاﺑﻄــﻮا‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﺒﺐ اﻷﻓــﻜﺎر اﻟﺠامﻋﻴــﺔ واﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﻬــﻢ وﺗﺪﻓﻌﻬــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫أﺗــني ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘــﺪات دﻳﻨﻴــﺔ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻋــﺪة‬ ‫ اﳌﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺔ واﻹﺳــﻼم واﻟﻌﻠامﻧﻴــﺔ ‪ -‬ﻻ‬‫ﺗﺘﻔــﻖ اﻟﺴــﻴﺪات ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎت ﻛﺜــرية وأﻳﻀً ــﺎ ﻻ ﺗﺘﻔــﺎدى‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺜــري ﻣــﻦ اﳌﻮﺿﻮﻋــﺎت ﻟﻠﺤﺪﻳــﺚ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫رﻏــﻢ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻹﺧﺘﻼﻓــﺎت اﻟﺘــﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﺘﻬــﻦ‪ ،‬وﺟــﺪت اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء اﻷرﺑﻌــﺔ‬ ‫أﻧﻔﺴــﻬﻦ ﺧﻠــﻒ ﻗﻀﺒــﺎن اﻟﺴــﺠﻮن‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﺖ ﺣﻜــﻢ اﻟﺮﺋﻴــﺲ أﻧــﻮر اﻟﺴــﺎدات‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺤــﺪث اﻟﺼﺪﻳﻘــﺎت اﻷرﺑﻌــﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟــﻼيت‬ ‫ُوﻟــﺪن ﺗﺤــﺖ اﻻﺳــﺘﻌامر‪ ،‬ﻋــﻦ ﺗﺎرﻳــﺦ‬ ‫اﻷﻣــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋــﻦ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳــﺔ وﻋــﻦ اﻟﺪﻳــﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘــﺪ اﻟﺼﺪﻳﻘــﺎت ﻣﻘﺎرﻧــﺔ ﺑــني‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴــﺎت واﻷﻳﺪوﻟﻮﺟﻴــﺎت اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳــﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺪميــﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜــﺔ ﰲ ﻣــﴫ وﺗــﴪد‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺼﻬــﻦ وﺗﺠﺎرﺑﻬــﻦ اﳌﺸــﱰﻛﺔ ﻋــﲆ ﻣــﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﻗــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫اﳌــﺮأة اﻷوﱃ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻳﻘﺎﺑﻠﻬــﺎ اﳌﺸــﺎﻫﺪ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻴﻠــﻢ ﻫــﻲ اﻟﻴﺴــﺎرﻳﺔ اﳌﻠﺘﺰﻣــﺔ‪ ،‬أﻣﻴﻨــﺔ‬ ‫راﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻴــﺪة رﺋﻴــﺲ اﻟــﻮزراء اﻷﺳــﺒﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫إﺳــامﻋﻴﻞ ﺻﺪﻗــﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫راﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬واﻟﺘــﻲ ﺟــﺎءت ﻣــﻦ ﻃﺒﻘــﺔ‬ ‫أرﺳــﺘﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺘــﺎر اﻹﻧﺘــامء ﻟﻺﺷـﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‬ ‫وﺗــﱰك اﻟﺴــﻜﻦ اﻟﻐــﺮيب اﻟــﺬي رﺑﻴــﺖ‬ ‫وﺗﺮﻋﺮﻋــﺖ ﻓﻴــﻪ ﻟﺘﻠﺠــﺄ ﻟﻠﺮﻳــﻒ اﳌــﴫي‪.‬‬ ‫اﻟﺸــﺨﺼﻴﺔ اﻟﻨﺴــﻮﻳﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴــﺔ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﻨﺪة‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻠــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫــﻲ ﻧﺎﺷــﻄﺔ ﺻﺎﻣــﺪة وﻗﻮﻳــﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺘــﻲ أُﻏﺘﻴــﻞ زوﺟﻬــﺎ‪ ،‬اﳌــﱰد‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ـﻴًﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﻣﻘﻠــﺪ ﺟــﺰ ًءا ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺤﺮﻛــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴــﺔ اﳌﴫﻳــﺔ واﻟﺘــﻲ ُﺳــﺠﻨﺖ ﺑﻌــﺪ‬

‫ذﻟــﻚ ﻗﺒــﻞ أن ﺗﺴــﻨﺢ ﻟﻬــﺎ اﻟﻔﺮﺻــﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﱰﺷــﺢ ﳌﻨﺼــﺐ ﻋــﺎم‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺴــﺠﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﺘﻘــﻲ ﻣﻘﻠــﺪ ﺑﺼﺤﻔﻴــﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻴﺔ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺔ‬ ‫‪ ،‬واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻳﻜﺘﺸــﻒ اﻟﺠﻤﻬــﻮر أﻧﻬــﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻀــﻮ اﻟﺜﺎﻟــﺚ ﻟﺘﻠــﻚ اﳌﺠﻤﻮﻋــﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﻤﻴــﺰة‪ .‬متﺜــﻞ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﻜﺎﺗﺒــﺔ اﳌﺮﺣــﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺸــﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﻓﻴﻨــﺎز ﻛﺎﻇــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻠﺘﻘــﻲ اﳌﺸــﺎﻫﺪ أﻳﻀً ــﺎ مبﺴﺘﺸــﺎر‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌــﺮأة اﻟﺮاﺑﻌــﺔ واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﺸــﺎر‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﻨﺪة واﻟﺠﻮﻫــﺮ اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘــﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋــﺔ‪ ،‬وداد ﻣــﱰي‪ ،‬اﻟﻘﺎﺋــﺪة‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴــﺔ اﻟﺒﺎرﻋــﺔ واﳌﺴــﺤﻴﺔ واﻟﻜﺎﺗﺒــﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ اﳌــﺮأة اﻷوﱃ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﺤﺘــﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼــﺐ ﰲ إﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب ﺑﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎﻫــﺮة‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ اﻟﺼﺪﻳﻘــﺎت اﳌﺜﻘﻔــﺎت اﻷرﺑﻌــﺔ‬ ‫ﻫــﻦ اﳌﺤــﻮر اﻷﺳــﺎﳼ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟ ـﴫاع اﻟﺮأﻳــﻲ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋــﻲ واﻟﺪﻳﻨــﻲ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣــﴫ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫إﻋﱰاﺿً ــﺎ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺼــﻮرة اﳌﺘﺪاﺧﻠــﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺰﻋــامء اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳــﻴني ﰲ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﻔــﱰة‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺤــﺪث اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء اﻷرﺑﻌــﺔ ﻋــﻦ اﻹﺷـﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴــﺔ واﻟﺘــﻲ إﻋﺘﻨﻘﻬــﺎ ﺟﻤﻴ ًﻌــﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺣﺮﻛــﺔ ﺳﻠﺴــﺔ وﻣﻘﻨﻌــﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺤــﺮك‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء ﺑــني اﻟﻌﻘــﻮد اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺘﺎرﻳﺦ‬ ‫اﳌــﴫي‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ ﺳــﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜــﺎل‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻗﺸــﻦ ﰲ‬ ‫إﻋﺘــامد اﻟﺴــﺎدات ﻋــﲆ اﻟــﺪول اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴــﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺤﺎﻓﻈــﺔ وﻛﻴــﻒ أدى ذﻟــﻚ إدﺧــﺎل‬

‫أﻳﺪوﻟﻮﺟﻴــﺎت ﻣﺘﻄﺮﻓــﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺨﻠﻴــﺞ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ ﻣــﴫ واﻟﺘــﻲ ﻟــﻮﻻ إﻧﺘﺸــﺎرﻫﺎ ﻟﺒﻘﻴــﺔ‬ ‫دﺧﻴﻠــﺔ وﻏﺮﻳﺒــﺔ ﻋــﲆ ﻣــﴫ اﳌﺘﺤــﺮرة‪.‬‬ ‫أﺧـ ًريا‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺖ اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء ﺣــﻮل اﻟﻌﻼﻗــﺔ‬ ‫ﺑــني اﳌﺴــﺠﺪ واﻟﺪوﻟــﺔ ﻛﻤــﺆﴍات ﻟﻄــﺮح‬ ‫اﻟﺴــﺆال ﺣــﻮل ﻣــﺎ إذا ﻛﺎن ﻋــﲆ ﻣــﴫ‬ ‫ـﻜﻼ دﻳﻨ ًﻴــﺎ أو ﻋﻠامﻧ ًﻴــﺎ ﻟﻠﺪوﻟــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻨــﻲ ﺷـ ً‬ ‫ﺷــﺠﻌﺖ اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء اﻷرﺑﻌــﺔ ﻓﻜــﺮة ﻓﺼــﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻳــﻦ ﻋــﻦ اﻟﺪوﻟــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺎدﻟــﺖ ﺛﻼﺛــﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء اﻷرﺑﻌــﺔ‬ ‫أن اﻟﺪوﻟــﺔ اﻟﻌﻠامﻧﻴــﺔ ﻳﺠــﺐ أن ﺗﻮﺿــﻊ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬــﺎ‪ ،‬دوﻟــﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺨﻠــﻮ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺪﻳــﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻟﻜــﻦ دوﻟــﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺘــﻢ اﻟﺤﻜــﻢ ﻓﻴﻬــﺎ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﳌﻮاﻃﻨــني ﺧــﻼل اﻟﻌﻘﻴــﺪة‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨــام ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ ﺻﺎﻓﻴﻨــﺎز اﳌﺆﻳــﺪ اﻟﻮﺣﻴــﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺪوﻟــﺔ اﻹﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻬــﺎ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸــﺪدة‪.‬‬ ‫رﻏــﻢ أﻓﻜﺎرﻫــﻦ اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ اﳌﺘﻀﺎرﺑــﺔ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻳًــﺎ‪ ،‬إﻻ أن اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء اﻷرﺑــﻊ واﻻيت‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺸــﺎرﻛﻦ زﻧﺰاﻧــﺎت اﻟﺴــﺠﻦ ﺑﺠﺎﻧــﺐ‬ ‫أﺷــﻴﺎء ﻛﺜــرية أﺧــﺮى‪ ،‬إﺳــﺘﻄﻌﻦ أن‬ ‫ﻳﺤﺎﻓﻈــﻦ ﻋــﲆ ﻋﻼﻗــﺔ ﺻﺪاﻗــﺔ ﻗﻮﻳــﺔ‬ ‫وﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳُﻈﻬــﺮ اﻟﻔﻴﻠــﻢ ﻛﻴــﻒ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻗــﺶ‬ ‫اﻟﺸــﺨﺼﻴﺎت وﺗﺘﻌــﺎرض ﺑــﺮوح ُﻣﺤﺒــﺔ‬ ‫وﻣﺘﺴــﺎﻣﺤﺔ وﻧــﺰع ﻓﺘﻴــﻞ أي ﺗﻮﺗــﺮ‬ ‫ﻧــﺎدر ﻗــﺪ ﻳﻨﺸــﺄ ﻣــﻊ ﺑﻌــﺾ اﻟﻨــﻜﺎت‬ ‫واﻟﻀﺤــﻜﺎت ﻣــام ﻳﺆﻛــﺪ وﺟــﻮد ﻋﻼﻗــﺔ‬ ‫ﺻﺪاﻗــﺔ ﻗﻮﻳــﺔ وﻣﺤﺒــﺔ داﻣــﺖ ﻷﻛــرث‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ‪ ٤٠‬ﻋﺎ ًﻣــﺎ‪.‬‬

‫تعتذر أســرة القافلة عن عدم إصدار عدد‬ ‫اإلســبوع املقبل‪ .‬ميكنكم متابعتنا على‬ ‫موقع اجلريدة االلكتروني‪.‬‬

‫‪ | 2‬أخـبار و تقارير‬

‫اﻷﺣﺪ ‪ ٢٥‬ﻣﺎرس‪٢٠١٨ ،‬‬

‫مـؤسـسـة «بــال» تــطلق بــرنامـج تعليمي جديد‬

‫ﻣﺒﺎدرة »ﺑﺎل« ﳌﺴــﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﻄﻼب اﳌﻨﻌﴪﻳﻦ دراﺳــﻴﺎً‬ ‫تقرير ‪ :‬ماهي محمد‬

‫ﻗﺎﻣــﺖ ﻣﺆﺳﺴــﺔ ﺑــﺎل »‪ «PAL‬اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴــﺔ‬ ‫مبﺒــﺎدرة ‪ PAL ER‬واﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﻬــﺪف إﱃ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل إﻧﺸــﺎء‬ ‫ﻗﻨــﺎة ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴــﺔ ﻋــﲆ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻳﻮﺗﻴــﻮب ﺗﻀﻢ‬

‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ اﳌـﻮاد اﻟﺤﺴــﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﺜــﻞ اﻟﻔﻴﺰﻳﺎء‬ ‫وﺑﻌــﺾ ﻣ ـﻮاد اﻟﻌﻠــﻮم اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴــﺔ ﻣﺜــﻞ‬ ‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼــﺎد وﻋﻠــﻢ اﻟﻨﻔــﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗــﻢ إﻧﺸــﺎء ‪ PAL ER‬ﻳــﻮم ‪ ٣‬ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎرس ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋــﺔ ﻣﻜﻮﻧــﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫‪ ٦‬ﻃــﻼب مبﺆﺳﺴــﺔ‪ ،PAL‬ﺣﻴــﺚ ﻳﺮﻛــﺰ‬

‫ﻣﻠﻚ ﺻﻴﻘﲇ‬

‫اﻟﱪﻧﺎﻣــﺞ ﻋــﲇ ﺗﻨﻤﻴــﺔ اﻟﻄﻼب اﻟﺠــﺪد ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻧــﺐ اﻷﻛﺎدميــﻲ واﻻﺟﺘامﻋــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴــﺚ‬ ‫أن اﻟﻨﻤــﻮ اﻷﻛﺎدميــﻲ ﻳــﺄيت ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل‬ ‫إﻧﺸــﺎء ﻗﻨـﻮات ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴــﺔ وﻋﻤــﻞ ﺣﺼــﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺮاﺟﻌــﺔ ﻋــﲆ ﺑﻌــﺾ اﳌــﻮاد ﰲ أوﻗــﺎت‬ ‫اﻻﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧــﺎت‪ ،‬ﻛــام ﻳﻨﻈــﻢ أﻳﻀً ــﺎ رﺣــﻼت‬

‫ﻟﻠﻄــﻼب ﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴــﺔ ﻧﺸــﺎﻃﻬﻢ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋــﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻋــﻦ اﳌﺤــﺎﴐات ﻋــﱪ اﻹﻧﱰﻧــﺖ اﻟﺘــﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻬــﺎ اﻟﱪﻧﺎﻣــﺞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘــﻮم ﻋــﺪد ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫اﻷﺳــﺎﺗﺬة اﻷﺟﺎﻧــﺐ ﺑﺘﺪرﻳﺒﻬــﺎ‪ ،‬وﻏﺎﻟ ًﺒــﺎ ﻣــﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺼــﻞ ﻣــﺪة اﻟﻔﻴﺪﻳــﻮ إﱃ ﺳــﺎﻋﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺪ متﻜــﻦ اﻟﱪﻧﺎﻣــﺞ إﱃ اﻵن ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﻢ ﻣﺤــﺎﴐات ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴــﺔ ﰲ ﻣــﻮاد‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺴــﺎب واﻻﻗﺘﺼــﺎد ‪.‬وﻳﻘــﻮم اﻟﱪﻧﺎﻣــﺞ‬ ‫أﻳﻀً ــﺎ ﺑﺘﻘﺪﻳــﻢ ﻣﺮاﺟﻌــﺎت ﻟﻠﻄــﻼب ﻗﺒــﻞ‬ ‫اﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧــﺎت ﻧﺼــﻒ اﻟﻔﺼــﻞ اﻟــﺪراﳼ‬ ‫واﻣﺘﺤﺎﻧــﺎت ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺔ اﻟﻔﺼــﻞ اﻟــﺪراﳼ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗــﺎل ﻋﺼــﺎم اﻟﺨــﻮﱄ اﳌﺪﻳــﺮ اﻟﻌــﺎم‬ ‫ﳌﺒــﺎدرة ‪ PAL ER‬إن ﻫــﺬا اﻟﱪﻧﺎﻣــﺞ ﻗــﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﻢ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴــﻪ ﳌﺴــﺎﻋﺪة اﻟﻄــﻼب وأﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺘــﻢ اﺧﺘﻴــﺎر اﻟﻔﻴﺪﻳﻮﻫﺎت اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴــﺔ ﺑﻨﺎ ًء‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ ﻃــﻼب ﺳــﺎﺑﻘني اﺳــﺘﻔﺎدوا ﻣــﻦ ﻫﺬه‬ ‫اﻟﻔﻴﺪﻳﻮﻫــﺎت ﻣــﻦ ﻗﺒــﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫وأﺿــﺎف اﻟﺨــﻮﱄ‪» :‬ﻧﺤــﺎول ﻣﺴــﺎﻋﺪة‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل وﺿــﻊ ﻓﻴﺪﻳﻮﻫــﺎت‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴــﺔ ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴــﻊ ﻣــﻮاد ﺳــﻨﺔ أوﱃ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴــﺚ أن اﻟﱪﻧﺎﻣــﺞ ﻳﻬــﺪف‬ ‫إﱃ ﺗﻬﻴﺌــﺔ اﻟﻄــﻼب اﻟﺠــﺪد ﻣــﻦ ﺧــﻼل‬ ‫دروﺳــﺎ ﰲ ﻛﻴﻔﻴــﺔ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ‬ ‫إﻋﻄﺎﺋﻬــﻢ ً‬ ‫وﻗﺘﻬــﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛــام ﴏح اﻟﺨــﻮﱄ أن اﻟﺴــﺒﺐ اﻟﺮﺋﻴــﴘ‬ ‫ﻹﻧﺸــﺎء ﻫــﺬه اﻟﻘﻨــﺎة اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴــﺔ ﻫــﻮ أن‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ اﻷﺣﻴــﺎن ﻳﻮاﺟﻬــﻮن‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻛﻞ ﰲ اﻟﻔﻬــﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻷﺳــﺎﺗﺬة وﻳﺮﻳﺪون‬ ‫اﳌﺴــﺎﻋﺪة‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺴــﻌﻰ ‪ PAL ER‬ﰲ اﻟﻔــﱰة اﻟﻘﺎدﻣــﺔ‬ ‫إﱃ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﻢ ﺧﺪﻣــﺔ أﺧــﺮى ﺗﺤــﺖ اﺳــﻢ‬ ‫» أﺳــﺘﺎذ ﻟــﻜﻞ ﻃﺎﻟــﺐ «‪ ،‬مبﻌﻨــﻲ أﻧــﻪ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟــﺔ وﺟــﻮد ﻃﺎﻟــﺐ ﻣﺘﻌــرث ﰲ ﻣــﺎدة ﻣــﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ميﻜــﻦ ﻟﻄﺎﻟــﺐ آﺧــﺮ ﻣﺘﻔــﻮق ﰲ ﻫــﺬه‬ ‫اﳌــﺎدة أن ﻳﻘــﻮم مبﺴــﺎﻋﺪﺗﻪ وذﻟــﻚ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﺧــﻼل اﻟــﴩح ﻟــﻪ‪ ،‬وﰲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻟــﺔ ﻳﻘﻮم‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺎﻟــﺐ ﺑــﺪور اﻷﺳــﺘﺎذ‪.‬‬

‫تـصـحــــيـــح‬ ‫يعتــذر فريق القافلة عــن قطع جزء من مقالة «حتالف‬ ‫حقــوق الطاب يدعو للمقاطعة حتى إشــعار ًا أخر » الذى‬ ‫نُ شــر يوم األحد ‪ ١٨‬مارس‪ ،‬عن طريق اخلطأ‪.‬‬ ‫أوﺿــﺢ أﻣــني أن إدارة اﻟﻌﻴــﺎدة‬ ‫واﻟﺨﺪﻣــﺎت اﻟﻐﺬاﺋﻴــﺔ ﻳﻌﻤــﻼ ﻣﻌ ـﺎً‪ .‬ﻛــام‬ ‫ﻳﺘــﻢ إرﺳــﺎل أي ﺣــﺎﻻت إﱃ اﻟﻌﻴــﺎدة أو‬ ‫إﱃ ﻗﺴــﻢ اﻟﺨﺪﻣــﺎت اﻟﻐﺬاﺋﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗــﺎل أﻣــني »ﻋﻨﺪﻣــﺎ ﻳﻜــﻮن ﻫﻨــﺎك أﻛــرث‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺷــﺨﺺ واﺣــﺪ ﻟﺪﻳــﻪ ﻧﻔــﺲ اﻟﺤﺎﻟــﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺘــﻢ إﻏــﻼق اﳌــﻜﺎن ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻘﻴــﻖ‪ .‬أﻋﺘﻘــﺪ‬ ‫أن ذﻟــﻚ ﺣــﺪث ﻣــﻊ ﻣــﻜﺎن اﻟﺴــﻠﻄﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﺴــﺎﺑﻖ ‪«.‬‬ ‫أﺿــﺎف أميــﻦ أن ﻳﻘــﻮم ﻗﺴــﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺨﺪﻣــﺎت اﻟﻐﺬاﺋﻴــﺔ دامئــﺎً ﺑﻔﺤــﺺ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻴــﻊ اﳌــﻮاد اﻟﻐﺬاﺋﻴــﺔ واﳌﴩوﺑــﺎت‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺤــﺮم اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﻲ ﺿــﺪ اﳌﻴﻜﺮوﺑــﺎت‬ ‫وﻳﺘﺨــﺬون إﺟــﺮاءات ﺗﺤﻠﻴــﻞ اﻟﻌﻴﻨــﺎت‬ ‫اﻟﻐﺬاﺋﻴــﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺨﺘــﱪات اﻷﻏﺬﻳــﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﻌﺘﻤــﺪة‪.‬‬ ‫أﻣــني‪ ،‬وﻫــﻮ أﻳﻀــﺎ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﰲ ﻟﺠﻨــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻐــﺬاء‪ ،‬ﻗــﺎل أن ﻳﻨﺒﻐــﻲ اﻹﺑــﻼغ ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫أي ﳾء ﻟﻠﺨﺪﻣــﺎت اﻟﻄﺒﻴــﺔ ﺑﺤﻴــﺚ‬ ‫ميﻜــﻦ ﺗﺴــﺠﻴﻠﻪ‪.‬‬

‫أﺿــﺎف أﻣــني »ﺑﺼــﺪق‪ ،‬ﻓــﺈن اﻟﺘﺪﻗﻴــﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﺤــﺪث ﻋــﲆ أﺳــﺎس ﻣﺴــﺘﻤﺮ وﻳﺒﻠﻐــﻮن‬ ‫ﻋــﻦ اﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋــﺞ وﻳﴩﺣــﻮن أي إﺟ ـﺮاءات‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺨﺬوﻧﻬــﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟــﺔ ﺣــﺪوث اﻧﺘﻬــﺎﻛﺎت‪«.‬‬ ‫أﺧــﱪ ﻋﺒــﺪ اﻟﺤﻤﻴــﺪ اﻟﻘﺎﻓﻠــﺔ أﻧــﻪ ﻣﺮض‬ ‫مبــﺮض »‪GERD) gastroesophageal‬‬ ‫‪ «(reflux disease‬ﻣــﻦ ‪Butcher’s‬‬ ‫‪ Burger‬ﺧــﻼل اﻟﻔﺼــﻞ اﻟــﺪراﳼ‬ ‫اﻟﺜﺎﻟــﺚ ﰲ ﺧﺮﻳــﻒ ﻋــﺎم ‪.٢٠١٦‬‬ ‫أﺿــﺎف ﻋﺒــﺪ اﻟﺤﻤﻴــﺪ أن ﻣــﺎ دﻓﻌــﻪ‬ ‫إﱃ إﺟــﺮاء اﻻﺳــﺘﻄﻼع ﻫــﻮ أﻧــﻪ ﻳــﺮى‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻳﻨــﴩون ﺷــﻜﺎوى ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺴــﺒﻮك ﺣــﻮل اﻟﺘﺴــﻤﻢ اﻟﻐــﺬايئ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗــﺎل ﻋﺒــﺪ اﻟﺤﻤﻴــﺪ »ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟــﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻓــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟــﺪ رﻋﺎﻳــﺔ ﻟﺼﺤﺘﻨــﺎ‪ .‬ﻳﺠــﺐ أن‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻮن ﻫﻨــﺎك اﳌﺰﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺠــﺐ أن ﻳﻜــﻮن ﻫﻨــﺎك ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻳــﴩف‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺘﺄﻛــﺪ ﻣــﻦ أن اﻷﺧﻄــﺎء ﻻ ﺗﺤــﺪث‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻳﺠــﺐ أن ﻳﻜــﻮن ﻫﻨــﺎك ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ أو‬ ‫إﴍاف ﻋــﲆ ﺟﻤﻴــﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻓــﺬ اﻟﻄﻌــﺎم‪«.‬‬

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‫أو قم بزيارة مكتب التحرير‬ ‫‪jameel po28‬‬

‫البرملــان‪« :‬حبــس الرجــل الذي يتزوج بأخــرى دون إخطار زوجته»‬ ‫تقرير‪ :‬سارة محمد‬

‫أﺛــﺎرت ﻋﺒﻠــﺔ اﻟﻬــﻮاري‪ ،‬ﻋﻀــﻮ اﻟﻠﺠﻨــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﴩﻳﻌﻴــﺔ مبﺠﻠــﺲ اﻟﻨــﻮاب‪ ،‬واﻟﻘﻴﺎدﻳــﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺋﺘــﻼف دﻋــﻢ ﻣــﴫ‪ ،‬ﻛﺜ ـ ًريا ﻣــﻦ اﻟﺠــﺪل‬ ‫ﺣــﻮل ﻣــﴩوع ﻗﺎﻧــﻮن ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺑﺸــﺄن‬ ‫ﺣﺒــﺲ اﻟــﺰوج ﳌــﺪة ﺳــﺘﺔ أﺷــﻬﺮ ﰱ ﺣــﺎل‬ ‫ﺗﺰوﺟــﻪ ﻣــﻦ اﻣــﺮأة أﺧــﺮى دون إﺧﺒــﺎر‬ ‫اﻟﺰوﺟــﺔ اﻷوﱃ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗــﻢ إﻗ ـﱰاح ﻣــﴩوع اﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن ﻷول ﻣــﺮة‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ِﻗﺒــﻞ ﻣﺆﺳﺴــﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳــﺎ اﳌــﺮأة اﳌﴫﻳــﺔ‬ ‫)‪ (CEWLA‬إﱃ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ اﻟﻨــﻮاب ﰲ ‪٢٠١٧‬‬ ‫ﻛﺠــﺰء ﻣــﻦ ﻣــﴩوع ﻗﺎﻧــﻮن اﻷﺣــﻮال‬ ‫اﻟﺸــﺨﺼﻴﺔ اﻟــﺬي أﻋﺪﺗــﻪ اﳌﺆﺳﺴــﺔ ﻟﺘــﻼﰲ‬ ‫إﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻴﺎت اﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ وﺗﻌﺪﻳــﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻘــﻮق اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴــﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﻔــﻞ واﳌــﺮأة‪.‬‬ ‫أﻓﺼﺤــﺖ ﺟﻮاﻫــﺮ اﻟﻄﺎﻫــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮل‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﺞ اﻟﻮﺻــﻮل ﻟﻠﻌﺪاﻟــﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺆﺳﺴــﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻓﻠــﺔ إﻧــﻪ ﰲ إﻃــﺎر ﻣــﴩوع ﻗﺎﻧــﻮن‬ ‫اﻷﺣــﻮال اﻟﺸــﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌــﺪ ﻫــﺬا اﳌﻘــﱰح‬ ‫اﻟﺨــﺎص مبﺸــﻜﻠﺔ ﺗﻌــﺪد اﻟﺰوﺟــﺎت اﻗﱰاﺣـﺎً‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳــﺪا ً ﻣــﻦ ﻧﻮﻋــﻪ ﻳﻬــﺪف إﱃ ﺗﻨﻈﻴــﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻈﺎﻫــﺮة ﰲ ﻣــﴫ‪.‬‬ ‫وأوﺿﺤــﺖ اﻟﻄﺎﻫــﺮ‪» ،‬إذا أراد اﻟــﺰوج‬ ‫اﳌﺴــﻠﻢ أن ﻳﺘــﺰوج زوﺟــﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴــﺔ ﻓﻌﻠﻴــﺔ أن‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻘــﺪم أوﻻً ﺑﻄﻠــﺐ إﱃ اﳌﺤﻜﻤــﺔ ﻳﻠﺤﻖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫أوراﻗــﻪ اﻟﺰوﺟﻴــﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴــﺔ‪ ،‬مبــﺎ ﰲ ذﻟــﻚ‬ ‫اﺳــﻢ وﻋﻨــﻮان اﻟﺰوﺟــﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴــﺔ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﰲ ﻫــﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻟــﺔ ‪ ،‬ﺗ ُﺪﻋــﻰ اﻟﺰوﺟــﺔ‬ ‫رﺳــﻤﻴﺎً إﱃ اﳌﺤﻜﻤــﺔ ﻟﻴﺘﻢ إﺧﻄﺎرﻫــﺎ ﺑﺰواج‬ ‫زوﺟﻬــﺎ ﻣــﻦ أﺧــﺮى ﻣﺴــﺒﻘﺎً‪ ،‬ﺛــﻢ ﻳﺴــﺄﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻘــﺎﴈ إذا ﻛﺎﻧــﺖ راﻓﻀــﺔ أو ﻣﻮاﻓﻘــﺔ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﻣﻮاﺻﻠــﺔ زواﺟﻬــﺎ ﻣﻌــﻪ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺣــﺎل رﻓﻀﻬــﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌــﲆ اﻟﺰوج ﺗﻄﻠﻴﻘﻬــﺎ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻟﺠﻠﺴــﺔ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒــﺎً ‪ ٢٥‬ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺋــﺔ ﻣــﻦ اﻷزواج‬ ‫اﳌﴫﻳــني ﻳﺘﺰوﺟــﻮن زوﺟــﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴــﺔ ﺧــﻼل‬ ‫ﺛــﻼث ﺳــﻨﻮات ﻣــﻦ اﻟــﺰواج اﻷول‪ ،‬وﻓﻘــﺎً‬ ‫ﻟﻺﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴــﺎت اﳌﺘﻮﻓــﺮة ﻣــﻦ اﳌﺮﻛــﺰ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﻮﻣــﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﺤــﻮث اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴــﺔ واﻟﺠﻨﺎﺋﻴــﺔ‬ ‫)‪ (NCSCR‬ﰲ ‪.٢٠١١‬‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﺴــﻴﺎق ذاﺗــﻪ‪ ،‬أﺷــﺎرت اﻟﻄﺎﻫــﺮ إﱃ أن‬ ‫ﻣــﴩوع اﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن ﻗــﺪ ﺗــﻢ اﻗﱰاﺣــﻪ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫وﺟــﻪ اﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳــﺪ ﺑﺴــﺒﺐ إرﺗﻔــﺎع ُﻣﻌــﺪﻻت‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻻت ﺗﻌــﺪد اﻟﺰوﺟــﺎت اﻟﻐــري ﻣﻨﻈﻤــﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤــﻊ اﳌــﴫي‪ ،‬واﻟﺘــﻲ ﰲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟــﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺴــﺒﺐ ﰲ أﴐار ﻧﻔﺴــﻴﺔ وﻣﺎﻟﻴــﺔ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﺰوﺟــﺎت‪.‬‬

‫وأﺿﺎﻓــﺖ أن اﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن ﻳﺴــﻌﻰ إﱃ‬ ‫ﺿــامن اﻟﻄــﻼق ﻟﻠﺰوﺟــﺔ وذﻟــﻚ ﺑﺴــﺒﺐ‬ ‫اﻹﺟـﺮاءات اﳌﻄﻮﻟــﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺤﺎﻛــﻢ ﻹﺛﺒــﺎت أن‬ ‫زواج زوﺟﻬــﺎ ﺗﺴــﺒﺐ ﰲ ﴐرﻫــﺎ اﳌــﺎدي أو‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻔــﴘ ﻣــام ﻗــﺪ ﻳﺠﻌــﻞ اﺳــﺘﻤﺮار ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻬــﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺰوﺟﻴــﺔ ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻴﻼً‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴــﺔ أﺧﺮى‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻟــﺖ اﻟﻄﺎﻫــﺮ أن ﰲ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎل واﻓﻘــﺖ ﻋــﲆ اﻻﺳــﺘﻤﺮار ﰲ زواﺟﻬــﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺈن اﳌﺤﻜﻤــﺔ ﺳـﺘُﻠﺰم اﻟــﺰوج مبﺴــﺆوﻟﻴﺎﺗﻪ‬ ‫اﳌﺎﻟﻴــﺔ ﺗﺠــﺎه أﴎﺗــﻪ ﻣــام ﻳﻀﻤــﻦ اﻟﻌﺪاﻟــﺔ‬ ‫ﺑــني اﻟﺰوﺟﺘــني‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺒــﻪ‪ ،‬رﻓــﺾ وﻟﻴــﺪ إﺳــامﻋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫رﺋﻴــﺲ اﺋﺘــﻼف آل اﻟﺼﺤــﺐ واﻟﺒﻴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣــﴩوع ﻗﺎﻧــﻮن »ﺣﺒــﺲ اﻟــﺰوج ﰲ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟــﺔ زواﺟــﻪ دون ِﻋﻠــﻢ زوﺟﺘــﻪ« ﺧــﻼل‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺘﻪ اﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴــﺔ ﺣــﻮل ﻣــﴩوع‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن ﻫــﺬا‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﻛـﺪًا أن اﻟــﴩع ﻻ ﻳﻔﺮض‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ اﻟــﺰوج أن ﻳُﺒﻠــﻎ زوﺟﺘــﻪ ﺑﺰواﺟــﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺜــﺎين‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺎل‪» ،‬أي زوﺟــﺔ ﺗﻄﻠــﺐ ﻣــﻦ زوﺟﻬــﺎ‬ ‫أن ﻳُﻄﻠﻘﻬــﺎ ﺑﺴــﺒﺐ زواﺟــﺔ ﻣﺮة أﺧــﺮى ﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺸــﻢ راﺋﺤــﺔ اﻟﺠﻨــﺔ‪«.‬‬ ‫وأﺿــﺎف أن اﻟﻄــﻼق ﻳﻜــﻮن ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟــﴬر ﻓﻘــﻂ‪ ،‬واﻟــﺰواج اﻟﺜــﺎين ﻟﻴــﺲ ﴐرا ً‬ ‫إﻃﻼﻗــﺎً‪ ،‬ﻻﻓﺘــﺎً إﱃ أﻧــﻪ ﻟﻴــﺲ ﻣــﻦ ﺣــﻖ‬ ‫اﻟﺰوﺟــﺔ أن ﺗﻄﻠــﺐ اﻟﻄــﻼق ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟــﺔ زواج‬ ‫زوﺟﻬــﺎ ﻣــﺮة أﺧــﺮى‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳُﺴــﻤﺢ ﺑﺘﻌــﺪد اﻟﺰوﺟــﺎت ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴــﺎً ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣــﴫ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴــﺚ ﻳُﺒﻴــﺢ اﻹﺳــﻼم ﻟﻠﺮﺟــﻞ‬ ‫اﳌﺴــﻠﻢ اﻟــﺰواج ﻣــﻦ أرﺑــﻊ زوﺟــﺎت ﺑﴩط‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺘﻬــﻦ ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﺴــﺎوٍ‪ .‬وﻣــﻊ ذﻟــﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓــﺈن اﳌﺴــﺎواة ﺷــﺎﻗﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬــﺎ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺤــﻮ اﳌﺒــني ﰲ اﻟﻘــﺮآن اﻟﻜﺮﻳــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻓﻘــﺎً ﻟﻶﻳــﺔ رﻗــﻢ ‪ ١٢٩‬ﻣــﻦ ﺳــﻮرة‬ ‫اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء‪ ،‬ﻻ ميﻜــﻦ ﻟﻠﺮﺟــﻞ أن ﻳﻜــﻮن ﻋــﺎدﻻً‬ ‫ﻓــﺈن زوﺟــﺔ واﺣــﺪة ﺗﻜﻔــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻐــﺾ اﻟﻨﻈــﺮ‬ ‫ﻋــﻦ ﻣــﺪى ﺗﻜــﺮار اﳌﺤــﺎوﻻت ﰲ اﻟﻌــﺪل‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻬــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨــﻰ أﺑــﻮ ﺷــﻨﺐ‪ِ ،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴــﺔ ﻣﺒــﺎدرة‬ ‫»ﺗﻌــﺪد اﻟﺰوﺟــﺎت«‪ ،‬وﻫــﻲ ﺣﺮﻛــﺔ ﻟﺪﻋــﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻜــﺮة واﻧﺘﺸــﺎر ﺗﻌــﺪد اﻟﺰوﺟــﺎت ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﺠﺘﻤــﻊ اﳌــﴫي‪ ،‬اﻋﱰﺿــﺖ ﻋــﲆ اﻗـﱰاح‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن ووﺻﻔﺘــﻪ ﺑﺄﻧــﻪ »رﺳــﺎﻟﺔ ﻏــري‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎﴍة ﺗ ُﺸــﺠﻊ ﻋــﲆ ﺗﺨــﲇ اﳌﺠﺘﻤــﻊ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﻷﺧــﻼق واﳌﺒــﺎدئ اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴــﺔ‪«.‬‬ ‫وأﻓﺼﺤــﺖ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻓﻠــﺔ‪» ،‬ﻟﻴــﺲ ﻫﻨــﺎك آﻳــﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺮآﻧﻴــﺔ أو ﺣﺪﻳــﺚ ﻧﺒــﻮي واﺣــﺪ ﻳُﻠــﺰم‬

‫اﻟﺮﺟــﻞ أن ﻳُﺒﻠــﻎ زوﺟﺘــﻪ أﻧــﻪ ﺳــﻴﺘﺰوج‬ ‫ﺑﺜﺎﻧﻴــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬــﻮ ُﺣــﺮ ﰲ أن ﻳﻔﻌــﻞ ﻣــﺎ ﻳﺤﻠــﻮ‬ ‫ﻟــﺔ ﺑﺴــﺒﺐ رﺟﻮﻟﺘــﺔ اﳌﻬﻴﻤﻨــﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫــﺬا وﻓﻘﺎً‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻘــﺮآن واﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن اﻹﺳــﻼﻣﻲ‪«.‬‬ ‫وﻓﻘ ـﺎً ﻟﻠﻤﺮﻛــﺰ اﻷزﻫــﺮ اﻟﻌﺎﳌــﻲ ﻟﻠﻔﺘــﻮى‬ ‫اﻹﻟﻜﱰوﻧﻴــﺔ‪ ،‬اﺳــﺘﻨﺎدا ً إﱃ اﻟﴩﻳﻌــﺔ‬ ‫اﻹﺳــﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓــﺈن اﻹﺳــﻼم مل ﻳﺠﻌــﻞ ِﻋﻠــﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺰوﺟــﺔ اﻷوﱃ ﴍﻃــﺎً ﻣــﻦ ﴍوط ﺻﺤــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟــﺰواج ﺑﺎﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وأﺷــﺎر اﳌﺮﻛــﺰ‪» :‬ﻃﺎﳌــﺎ أن اﻟﻌﻘــﺪ ﻳﻔــﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺄرﻛﺎﻧــﻪ وﴍوﻃــﻪ اﳌﻄﻠﻮﺑــﺔ‪ ،‬مبــﺎ ﰲ ذﻟــﻚ‬ ‫وﱄ أﻣــﺮ اﻟﻌــﺮوس‪ ،‬اﻟﺸــﺎﻫﺪان‪ ،‬وﺻﻴﻐــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺒــﻮل ﺑﺎﻟــﺰواج ]ﻣﻮاﻓﻘــﺔ ﻣﺘﺒﺎدﻟــﺔ‬ ‫ﴏﻳﺤــﺔ[‪ ،‬ﻓــﺈن ﻋﻘــﺪ اﻟــﺰواج ﻫــﺬا ﻳُﻌﺘــﱪ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺤ ـﺎً دﻳﻨﻴ ـﺎً وﻳﺘﺒــﻊ ﻛﻞ اﻷرﻛﺎن اﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴــﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﺳﺎﺳــﻴﺔ‪«.‬‬ ‫وﻣــﻊ ذﻟــﻚ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺪد اﳌﺮﻛــﺰ ﻋــﲆ أن ﺗﻌــﺪد‬ ‫اﻟﺰوﺟــﺎت ﻳﺠــﻮز ﰲ اﻹﺳــﻼم‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨــﻪ ﻟﻴــﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺿ ـﺎً‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ـﺎً وأﻧــﻪ ﻣــﴩوط متﺎﻣ ـﺎً ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻘــﺮآن ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠــﺔ اﳌﻨﺼﻔــﺔ ﺑــني اﻟﺰوﺟــﺎت‬ ‫ﰲ إﻃــﺎر ﻗــﺪرة اﻟﺮﺟــﻞ اﳌﺎدﻳﺔ واﻟﺠﺴــﺪﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛــام ﺗﺎﺑــﻊ اﳌﺮﻛــﺰ ﻗﺎﺋـﻼً‪» ،‬ﻧﻨﺼــﺢ اﻟــﺰوج‬ ‫ﺑــﺄن ﻳﻜــﻮن واﺿﺤ ـﺎً وﻟﻴــﺲ ﻋﻠﻴــﺔ إﺧﻔــﺎء‬ ‫زواﺟــﻪ اﻟﺠﺪﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻞ ﻳﺠﻌﻠــﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﻴ ـﺎً ﻷﻧــﻪ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﻔﻌــﻞ ﺷــﻴﺌﺎ ﻣﺤــﺮم ﰲ دﻳﻨﻴــﺎ‪ .‬ﻛــام أن‬ ‫إﺧﻔــﺎء زواﺟــﻪ ﻗــﺪ ﻳــﺆذي أﴎﺗــﻪ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴــﺔ‬ ‫ﻷﻧــﻪ ﻗــﺪ ﻳــﺆدي إﱃ ﻋﻮاﻗــﺐ وﺧﻴﻤــﺔ‪ ،‬مبــﺎ‬ ‫ﰲ ذﻟــﻚ ﺗﻮزﻳــﻊ اﳌ ـرياث إذا ﻣــﺎت اﻟــﺰوج‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ ﺳــﺒﻴﻞ اﳌﺜــﺎل‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ وﺟﻬــﺔ ﻧﻈــﺮ اﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن‪ ،‬أﺷــﺎرت‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺎﻫــﺮ أﻧــﻪ وﻓﻘــﺎً ﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن اﻷﺣــﻮال‬ ‫اﻟﺸــﺨﺼﻴﺔ اﻟﺤــﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠــﺐ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺮﺟــﻞ‬ ‫اﻻﻋــﱰاف ﺑﺰواﺟــﻪ اﻟﺠﺪﻳــﺪ وإﺧﻄــﺎر‬ ‫زوﺟﺘــﻪ أو زوﺟﺎﺗــﻪ ﺑﻬــﺬا اﻟــﺰواج‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨــﺺ اﳌــﺎدة ‪ ١١‬ﻣﻜــﺮر )‪ (١‬ﻣــﻦ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮن‬ ‫اﻷﺣــﻮال اﻟﺸــﺨﺼﻴﺔ اﳌــﴫي )اﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن‬ ‫رﻗــﻢ ‪ ٢٥‬ﻟﺴــﻨﺔ ‪ ،(١٩٢٩‬اﳌﻌــﺪل ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن‬ ‫رﻗــﻢ ‪ ١٠٠‬ﻟﺴــﻨﺔ ‪ ،١٩٨٥‬أن »ﻋﻠﻴــﻰ‬ ‫اﻟــﺰوج أن ﻳُﻘــﺮ ﰱ وﺛﻴﻘــﺔ اﻟــﺰواج ﺑﺤﺎﻟﺘــﻪ‬ ‫اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓــﺈذا ﻛﺎن ﻣﺘﺰوﺟـﺎً ﻓﻌﻠﻴــﻪ أن‬ ‫ﻳُﺒــني ﰱ اﻹﻗـﺮار اﺳــﻢ اﻟﺰوﺟــﺔ أو اﻟﺰوﺟــﺎت‬ ‫اﻟــﻼيت ﰱ ﻋﺼﻤﺘــﻪ وﻣﺤــﺎل إﻗﺎﻣﺘﻬــﻦ‪ ،‬وﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﳌﻮﺛ ﱢــﻖ إﺧﻄﺎرﻫــﻦ ﺑﺎﻟــﺰواج اﻟﺠﺪﻳــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺘــﺎب ﻣﺤــﻞ ﻣﻘــﺮون ﺑﻌﻠــﻢ اﻟﻮﺻــﻮل‪«.‬‬ ‫إﺿﺎﻓــﺔ إﱃ ذﻟــﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠــﺐ ﻋــﲆ اﳌــﺄذون‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﺠﻴﻞ ﻋﻘــﺪ اﻟــﺰواج اﻟﺠﺪﻳــﺪ وإﺧﻄــﺎر‬ ‫اﻟﺰوﺟــﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣــﻦ ﺧﻼل وﺛﻴﻘــﺔ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻋــﲆ ﻛﻞ ﻣــﻦ ﻳﺘــﺰوج ﺑﺄﺧــﺮى ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﻢ أوراﻗــﻪ اﻟﺰوﺟﻴــﺔ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴــﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺤﻜﻤــﺔ‬

‫ﻳﺘــﻢ ﺗﺴــﻠﻤﻬﺎ إﱃ ﻣﻘــﺮ إﻗﺎﻣﺘﻬــﺎ‪ ،‬وﺑﻨــﺎءا ً‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ إﺧﻄﺎرﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴــﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﻟﺰوﺟــﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﻢ‬ ‫ﻃﻠــﺐ اﻟﻄــﻼق ﰲ ﻏﻀــﻮن ﻋــﺎم واﺣــﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﻫﺬه اﻟﻔــﱰة‪ ،‬ﻳﻔــﱰض اﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن ﻗﺒﻮﻟﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻬــﺬا اﻟــﺰواج‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻟــﺖ اﻟﻄﺎﻫــﺮ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻓﻠــﺔ‪» ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒــﺎً ﻣــﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻓــﻊ اﻷزواج ﻟﻠــأمذون ﳌــﻞء ﻋﻨــﻮان‬ ‫ﻏــري ﺻﺤﻴــﺢ ﻣــﻦ أﺟــﻞ ﺗﺠﻨــﺐ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘــﺔ ﳌﻨــﻊ زوﺟﺘــﻪ ﻣــﻦ اﳌﻌﺮﻓــﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺰواﺟــﺔ وﺑﺎﻟﺘــﺎﱄ ميﻨــﻊ ﺗﻘﺪﻳــﻢ دﻋــﻮى‬ ‫ﻃــﻼق ﺿــﺪه‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻣــﻊ أﺧــﺬ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺗﻠــﻚ اﻟﺤــﺎﻻت ﰲ‬ ‫اﻻﻋﺘﺒــﺎر‪ ،‬ﻓــﺈن اﻟﻐــﺮض ﻣــﻦ ﻣــﴩوع‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن ﻫــﻮ ﺿــامن إﺧﻄــﺎر اﻟﺰوﺟــﺔ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﺧــﻼل دﻋﻮﺗﻬــﺎ إﱃ اﳌﺤﻜﻤــﺔ ﻟﻮﺿــﻊ ﺣــﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺤــﺎﻻت اﻟﺘﺰوﻳــﺮ وﻛﺬﻟــﻚ ﺿــامن اﻟﻄــﻼق‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻔــﻮر إذا أرادت اﻟﺰوﺟــﺔ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﻼوة ﻋــﲆ ذﻟــﻚ‪ ،‬أﺷــﺎرت ﻧﺪى ﻧﺸــﺄت‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺆوﻟﺔ اﻟﺪﻓــﺎع ﰲ ‪ ،CEWLA‬إﱃ أﻧــﻪ إذا‬

‫متﻜﻨــﺖ اﻟﺰوﺟــﺔ ﻣــﻦ إﺛﺒــﺎت اﻟﺘﺰوﻳــﺮ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤــﻞ إﻗﺎﻣﺘﻬــﺎ أو ﻋــﺪم ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻬــﺎ ﺑــﺰواج‬ ‫زوﺟﻬــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤــﻦ اﳌﻤﻜــﻦ أن ﻳﻮاﺟــﻪ اﻟــﺰوج‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻮﺑــﺎت ﺷــﺪﻳﺪة أﺧــﺮى ﺑﻐــﺾ اﻟﻨﻈــﺮ‬ ‫ﻋــﻦ ﺗﻄﺒﻴــﻖ ﻣــﴩوع اﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻟــﺖ‪» ،‬إذا ﻗــﺎم اﻟــﺰوج ﺑﺘﺴــﺠﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﺪ‬ ‫اﻟــﺰواج اﻟﺠﺪﻳــﺪ ﺑﻌﻨــﻮان ﺧﺎﻃــﺊ ﻟﺰوﺟﺘــﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬــﺬا ﻳُﻌﺘــﱪ ﺗﺰوﻳــﺮ ﰲ أوراق‬ ‫رﺳــﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬أﻣــﺎ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟــﺔ إذا مل ﻳُﺨــﱪ زوﺟﺘــﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴــﺔ ﺑﺰواﺟــﻪ اﻟﺜــﺎين‪ ،‬ﻓــﺈن ذﻟﻚ ﻳُﺴــﻤﻰ‬ ‫إﺧﻔــﺎء اﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣــﺎت‪ .‬وﰲ ﻛﻠﺘــﺎ اﻟﺤﺎﻟﺘــني‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻮف ﻳﻮاﺟــﻪ ﻋﻘﻮﺑــﺎت ﺳــﺠﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔــﺔ‬ ‫مبﻮﺟــﺐ اﻟﻘﺎﻧــﻮن‪«.‬‬ ‫أﺷــﺎرت ﻧﺸــﺄت ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻓﻠــﺔ أﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗﻌﺘﻘــﺪ‬ ‫أن اﻟ ُﺤﻜــﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺴــﺠﻦ ﻟﻴــﺲ ﻫــﻮ اﻟﺤــﻞ‬ ‫اﳌﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟــﺔ ﺗﻌــﺪد اﻟﺰوﺟــﺎت‬ ‫وﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺗﻄﺒﻴــﻖ اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺗﺎﺑﻌــﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑــﺪﻻً ﻣــﻦ ﺣﺒــﺲ اﻷزواج‬ ‫اﻟﺬﻳــﻦ ﻳﺘﺰوﺟــﻮن ﺛﺎﻧﻴــﺔ دون إﺧﻄــﺎر‬

‫ﺳﺎرة ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬

‫زوﺟﺎﺗﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠــﺐ أن ﻳﺘــﻢ ﻓــﺮض ﻏﺮاﻣــﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺒــرية ﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻬــﻢ اﻟــﺪرس ﺑﺸــﻜﻞ ﺻﺤﻴــﺢ‬ ‫واﺧﺘﺒــﺎر ﻗﺪراﺗﻬــﻢ اﳌﺎﻟﻴــﺔ‪«.‬‬ ‫واﺳــﺘﻄﺮدت‪» ،‬ﻻ ﻳُﺴــﻤﺢ ﺑﺎﻟﻄــﻼق إﻻ‬ ‫إذا أﺻﺒﺤــﺖ اﻟﺤﻴــﺎة ﺑــني اﻟــﺰوج واﻟﺰوﺟــﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﺤﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬وﻫــﺬا ﻟﻴــﺲ ﻫــﻮ اﻟﺤــﺎل إذا‬ ‫ﺗــﺰوج اﻟــﺰوج ﺛﺎﻧﻴــﺔ‪ .‬وﻟﺬﻟــﻚ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺤــﻖ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺰوﺟــﺔ اﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻄــﻼق إذا ﺗــﺰوج‬ ‫اﻣــﺮأة أﺧــﺮى‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻳﻨﺒﻐــﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﺎ أن ﺗﺤﺎول‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴــري ﻣــﻦ ﻋﻴﻮﺑﻬــﺎ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺟﻌﻠﺘــﻪ ﻳﺒﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻋــﻦ ﺳــﻴﺪة أﺧــﺮى‪«.‬‬ ‫أﻓــﺎد اﻟﺠﻬــﺎز اﳌﺮﻛــﺰي ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺒﺌــﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣــﺔ‬ ‫واﻹﺣﺼــﺎء )‪ (CAPMAS‬أن ﻣﻌــﺪﻻت‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼق ارﺗﻔﻌــﺖ ﺑﻨﺴــﺒﺔ ﺳــﺒﻌﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺌــﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒ ـﺎً ﻣــﻦ دﻳﺴــﻤﱪ ‪ ٢٠١٦‬إﱃ دﻳﺴــﻤﱪ‬ ‫‪ .٢٠١٧‬ﻛــام ﺑﻠــﻎ ﻋــﺪد منــﺎذج اﻟﻄــﻼق‬ ‫اﻟﺼــﺎدرة ﰲ دﻳﺴــﻤﱪ ‪ ٢٠١٧‬إﱃ ‪ ١٤‬أﻟــﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎرﻧــﺔ ﺑـــ ‪ ١٣‬أﻟــﻒ ﺧــﻼل ﻧﻔــﺲ‬ ‫اﻟﺸــﻬﺮ ﻣــﻦ ﻋــﺎم ‪.٢٠١٦‬‬

‫إخطـار الـزوجـة واجـب‬


‫متحــف الفن اإلســامي باملترو‬


‫الـــجانب اآلخر لعيد األم‬


‫اﻷﺣﺪ ‪ ٢٥‬ﻣﺎرس‪ ٢٠١٨ ،‬اﳌﺠﻠﺪ ‪ ٩٩‬اﻟﻌﺪد ‪١٣‬‬

‫وقفة إحتجاجية صامتة للطالب أمام جلنة اإلعتماد األكادميي‬

‫ﺗﺠﻤــﻊ اﻟﻄــﻼب إﺣﺘﺠﺎﺟـﺎً ﻋــﲆ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺎت اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‬ ‫تقرير‪ :‬محمد قوطة‬ ‫رئيس التحرير‬ ‫ترجمة‪ :‬حسني املعتز‬

‫ﺷــﺎرك ﺗﺤﺎﻟــﻒ ﺣﻘــﻮق اﻟﻄــﻼب ﰱ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﻗﻔــﺔ اﻟﺼﺎﻣﺘــﺔ أﺛﻨــﺎء ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠــﺔ أﻋﻀــﺎء‬ ‫ﻟﺠﻨــﺔ اﻟــﺪول اﳌﺘﻮﺳــﻄﺔ ﻟﻼﻋﺘــامد‬ ‫اﻷﻛﺎدميــﻲ مبﻤﺜﻠــني ﻋــﻦ اﻟﻄــﻼب‪.‬‬ ‫وأوﺿــﺢ اﻟﻄــﻼب واﻷﺳــﺎﺗﺬة ﺗﺤﻔﻈﻬــﻢ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ اﻷداء اﻹداري ﻟﻠﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ أﺛﻨــﺎء وﺟﻮد‬ ‫اﻟﻠﺠﻨــﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺤــﺮم اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﻲ‪ .‬ومتﺜﻠــﺖ‬

‫داﻧﻴﺎ اﻟﻌﻜﺎوي‬

‫اﻻﻋﱰاﺿــﺎت ﰲ ﻗﻮاﻧــني اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻣﺜــﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧــﻮن ﻣﻨــﻊ اﻟﺘﺪﺧــني وﻗﺎﻧــﻮن ﻣﻨــﻊ‬ ‫اﳌﻨﻘﺒــﺎت ﻣــﻦ دﺧــﻮل اﻟﺤــﺮم اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫وأﺛﻨــﺎء زﻳــﺎرة أﻋﻀــﺎء اﻟﻠﺠﻨــﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺪﺛــﻮا‬ ‫ﻣــﻊ اﻟﻌﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣــﻦ ﻣﻤﺜــﲇ اﻟﻄــﻼب‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻤﺜﻠــني ﰲ اﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب وأﻋﻀــﺎء‬ ‫ﺳــﻜﻦ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ وأﻋﻀﺎء اﻟﻔــﺮق اﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺷــﺎرك ﻫــﺆﻻء اﻟﻄــﻼب أﻋﻀــﺎء اﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﰱ‬ ‫آراﺋﻬــﻢ ﰲ اﺟﺘامﻋــﺎت ﻣﻐﻠﻘــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺷــﺎرك اﻟﻄــﻼب ﺣﺮﻛــﺔ اﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟــﻒ‬ ‫ﰲ وﻗﻔــﺔ أﻣــﺎم ﻗﺎﻋــﺔ اﻻﺟﺘامﻋــﺎت‬

‫اﻟﺘــﻲ اﺳــﺘﻀﺎﻓﺖ اﺟﺘــامع اﻟﻄــﻼب‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻠﺠﻨــﺔ وﺣﻤﻠــﻮا ﻻﻓﺘــﺎت ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺑًــﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﺎ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﻣ ـريات اﳌﺮاﻗﺒــﺔ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻨــﻊ اﻟﻨﻘــﺎب« و‬ ‫»ﻋــﺪم اﺣــﱰام اﻷﺳــﺎﺗﺬة« ﺗﻌﺒــ ًريا ﻋــﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻀﺒﻬــﻢ ﺗﺠــﺎه إدارة اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻟــﺖ أﺳــﻴﻞ ﻋــﺰب ﻋﻀــﻮة اﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟــﻒ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻗــﺔ اﻟﺮاﺑﻌــﺔ ﺑﻜﻠﻴــﺔ اﻟﻌﻠــﻮم‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳــﻴﺔ‪»،‬مل ﻧﻜــﻦ ﻟﻨﻠﺠــﺄ إﱃ اﻟﻮﻗﻔــﺔ‬ ‫ﻟــﻮﻻ ﺗﺠﺎﻫــﻞ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻟﻠﺤــﻮار ﻣــﻊ‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب‪ ،‬وأﺿﺎﻓــﺖ‪» ،‬رﺳــﺎﻟﺘﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﻄــﻼب‬ ‫ﻫــﻲ أن ﻟﻬــﻢ دو ًرا ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﳽء ﻳﺤــﺪث‬

‫ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ«‪.‬‬ ‫وﺷــﺎرك أﻋﻀــﺎء اﻟﺘﺤﺎﻟــﻒ اﻋﱰاﺿﺎﺗﻬــﻢ‬ ‫وﻛﺎن أوﻟﻬــﺎ اﻟﺘﺴــﺎؤﻻت ﺣــﻮل اﻟﺤﺮﻳــﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﻛﺎدميﻴــﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻟــﺖ دﻧــﺎ أﻣــﺎم ﻋﻀــﻮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻴﻮخ‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب‪ ،‬وﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻗــﺔ اﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴــﺔ ﺑﻜﻠﻴــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻌﻠــﻮم اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳــﻴﺔ‪» ،‬أﻋﺘﻘــﺪ أن ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺎت‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳــﺔ اﻟــﺮأي ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ واﺿﺤــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜــﻦ ﻻ‬ ‫أرى أي ﺗﻨﻔﻴــﺬ ﻛﺎﻣــﻞ ﻟﻬــﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫وﴐﺑــﺖ إﻣــﺎم ﻣﺜـ ًـﻼ ﺑﻘﺎﻧــﻮن اﻟﺘﺤﻜــﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺧــﻮل اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ اﻟــﺬي ميﻨــﻊ اﻷﺷــﺨﺎص‬

‫دﺧــﻮل اﻟﺤــﺮم ﻣﺮﺗﺪﻳــﻦ اﻟﻨﻘــﺎب ‪،‬وﻗﺎﻟــﺖ‬ ‫رﻏــﻢ ﻋــﺮض ﺑﺪاﺋــﻞ ﻟﻜﻦ مل ﺗﺼــﻞ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻷي ﺣــﻞ وﺳــﻂ ﻣــام ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺧﺮﻗًــﺎ واﺿ ًﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻳــﺎت ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻣــﻦ أﺳــﺒﺎب ﻏﻀــﺐ اﻟﻄــﻼب اﻳﻀــﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫــﻮ اﻹﺟــﺮاءات اﻷﻣﻨﻴــﺔ اﻟﺠﺪﻳــﺪة‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺎل ﻃﺎﻟــﺐ رﻓــﺾ ذﻛــﺮ اﺳــﻤﻪ‬ ‫‪»:‬دامئًــﺎ ﺗﺸــﻌﺮ ﺑﺄﻧــﻚ ﻣﺮاﻗــﺐ‪ ،‬اﻟﻜﺎﻣـريات‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟــﻮدة ﺑــﻜﻞ ﻣــﻜﺎن ﺗﺮاﻗﺒﻨــﺎ ﰲ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗﻨــﺎ وﺗــﱪز ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺘﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣــام ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪم ﻗﺪرﺗﻨــﺎ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺘﺤــﺮك ﺑﺤﺮﻳــﺔ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋــﲇ اﻟﺮﻏــﻢ ﻣــﻦ اﻋــﱰاض ﺑﻌــﺾ‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب‪ ،‬ﻳــﺮي اﻟﺒﻌــﺾ اﻵﺧــﺮ أن ﺣﺮﻳــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻌﺒــري ﻣﻮﺟــﻮدة ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﺑﺪﻟﻴــﻞ ﻗﺪرة‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻋــﲆ اﻻﻋــﱰاض دامئًــﺎ ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮارات اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻟــﺖ ﻫﺎﻳــﺪي اﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺔ ﺑﻜﻠﻴــﺔ اﻟﻌﻠــﻮم‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳــﻴﺔ‪» ،‬اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﺗﺘﻤﺘــﻊ ﺑﻘــﺪر ﻛﺒــري‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﺣﺮﻳــﺔ اﻟــﺮأي‪ ،‬ﻧﻌــﻢ ﻳﻮﺟــﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﻛﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻨﻨــﺎ ﻛﻨــﺎ ﻗﺎدرﻳــﻦ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫــﺮ ﺑﻌــﺪ‬ ‫ارﺗﻔــﺎع اﳌﴫوﻓــﺎت ﻣﺜـ ًـﻼ«‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻟــﺖ إﻣــﺎم ‪:‬إن ﻃﺮﻳﻘــﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺎﻣــﻞ ﻣــﻊ ﺗﺤﻔﻈــﺎت اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻫــﻲ‬ ‫»ﻋــﺪم اﻟــﺮد«‪.‬‬ ‫وأﺿﺎﻓــﺖ‪» ،‬ﰲ اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻬﺘــﻢ أﺣــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﱰاﺿــﺎت اﻟﻄــﻼب وﺗﺤﻔﻈﺎﺗﻬــﻢ«‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺎل ﻋﻤــﺮ اﻟﻄﺎﻟــﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻗــﺔ اﻷﺧــرية‬ ‫ﺑﻜﻠﻴــﺔ اﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳــﺔ ﻗﺴــﻢ ﻋــامرة‪» ،‬ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﻏــﻢ ﻣــﻦ وﺟــﻮد إدارﻳــني ﻳﻬﺘﻤــﻮن‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﱰاﺿــﺎت اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻋﻤﻴــﺪ اﻟﻄﻼب‬ ‫ﺟــﻮرج ﻣﺎرﻛﻴــﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜــﻦ اﳌﺸــﻜﻠﺔ ﻫــﻲ‬ ‫ﻋــﺪم ﻣﺸــﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﻄــﻼب ﺑﺼﻨــﻊ اﻟﻘ ـﺮار«‪.‬‬ ‫وأﺿــﺎف إﻣــﺎم أن ﻫﻴﺌــﺔ اﻟﺘﺪرﻳــﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻌــﺎىن أﻳﻀً ــﺎ ﻣــام ﺳــﻤﺘﻪ »اﻟﻌﺰﻟــﺔ« ﰲ‬ ‫اﺗﺨــﺎذ اﻟﻘ ـﺮار‪ ،‬ﺣﻴــﺚ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻫــﻞ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‬ ‫دور ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺷــﻴﻮخ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻻﺳﺘﺸــﺎري‬ ‫وﺗﺘﺠﺎﻫــﻞ أﻳﻀً ــﺎ ﻗﺮاراﺗﻬــﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫وﴎدت إﻣــﺎم ﻗﺎﺋﻠﺔ‪»،‬ﻧﺤــﻦ ﻻ ﻧﻌﻠــﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻳﺘﺨــﺬ ﺑﻬــﺎ اﻟﻘــﺮار‬ ‫«‪.‬وﴐﺑــﺖ إﻣــﺎم ﻣﺜـ ًـﻼ ﺑﻜﺎﻣـريات اﳌﺮاﻗﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺋﻠــﺔ ‪»:‬ﻧﺤــﻦ ﻻ ﻧﻌﻠــﻢ ﺳــﺒﺐ وﺟﻮدﻫــﺎ‬ ‫وﻛﻴــﻒ ﺗﻌﻤــﻞ وﻣــﻦ ﻟــﻪ اﻟﺤــﻖ ﰲ رؤﻳــﺔ‬

‫اﻟﺘﺴــﺠﻴﻼت«‪.‬‬ ‫وﺷــﺎرك رﺋﻴــﺲ اﺗﺤــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ‬ ‫ﺟــﺎد اﻟﻠــﻪ إﻣــﺎم ﰲ ﺗﺤﻔﻈﻬــﺎ ﻋــﲆ ﻋــﺪم‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎرﻛﺔ ﻣﺠﺘﻤــﻊ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻨــﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺜــﻼ ﺑﻘﺎﻧــﻮن ﻣﻨــﻊ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﻟﻘــﺮار وﴐب‬ ‫اﻟﺘﺪﺧــني‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺎل ﺟﺎداﻟﻠــﻪ‪» :‬ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ اﻟﻘــﺮارات‬ ‫ﺗــﺄيت ﳌﺼﻠﺤــﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ‪،‬ﻟﻜــﻦ اﻋ ـﱰاﴈ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘــﺔ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻳﺘﺨــﺬ ﺑﻬــﺎ اﻟﻘ ـﺮار‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﺸــري وﻻ ﺗﺴــﺘﻄﻠﻊ رأي‬ ‫أﻋﻀــﺎء ﻣﺠﺘﻤــﻊ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ اﳌﻨﺎﺳــﺒني ﻗﺒــﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴــﺬ ﻓﻴﻜــﻮن اﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴــﺬ ﻋﻜــﺲ ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﺠﺘﻤــﻊ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﻲ«‪.‬‬ ‫وﻋﻨــﺪ ﺳــﺆال أﻋﻀــﺎء اﻟﻠﺠﻨــﺔ اﻟﻄــﻼب‬ ‫ﻋــﻦ ﺗﻄﺎﺑــﻖ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻬــﻢ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻴــﺔ مبــﺎ ﺗــﻢ‬ ‫وﻋﺪﻫــﻢ ﺑــﻪ اﺛﻨــﺎء اﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬اﺧﺘﻠﻔــﺖ‬ ‫آراء اﻟﻄــﻼب ﺣــﻮل ﻫــﺬه اﻟﻨﻘﻄــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻟــﺖ إميﻴــﲇ ﺟــﻮن رﺋﻴﺴــﺔ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﺞ‬ ‫إرﺷــﺎد اﻟﻄــﻼب‪ ،‬واﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻗــﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﺧــرية ﺑﻜﻠﻴــﺔ اﻹﻋــﻼم‪» ،‬ﰲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻮى‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴــﻢ ﺧــﺎرج ﻛﻠﻴــﺎت اﻟﻌﻠــﻮم أري‬ ‫أﻧﻨــﻲ مل أﺗﻌﻠــﻢ ﺷــﻴﺌًﺎ وأرى أين اﻋﺘﻤــﺪت‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ ﻧﻔــﴘ أﻛــرث‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻣــﺎ ﺗﻘــﺪم اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴــﺔ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴــﺔ ﻟﻴﱪاﻟﻴــﺔ أو أن ﺗﺤــﺎول‬ ‫أن ﺗﻌﻠــﻢ ﻧﻔﺴــﻚ ﺷــﻴﺌًﺎ ﺗﻌــﺮف أﻧــﻚ ﰲ‬ ‫اﺣﺘﻴــﺎج ﻟــﻪ وﻻ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻤــﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ«‪.‬‬ ‫وﻛﺎﻧــﺖ اﳌﴫوﻓــﺎت اﻟﺪراﺳــﻴﺔ إﺣــﺪى‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻘــﺎط اﳌﻬﻤــﺔ ﻋــﲆ ﻃﺎوﻟــﺔ اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗــﺎل ﺟﺎداﻟﻠــﻪ ‪»:‬ﻋــﲇ اﻟﺮﻏــﻢ ﻣــﻦ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻄــﻼب ﺑﺰﻳــﺎدة اﳌﴫوﻓــﺎت ﻋــﲆ أﺳــﺎس‬ ‫ﻣﻌــﺪﻻت اﻟﺘﻀﺨــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜــﻦ اﻟﺰﻳــﺎدة اﻷﺧرية‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻠــﺖ ﺧﻄــ ًﺮا ﺷــﺪﻳﺪًا ﻋــﲆ اﳌﺴــﺘﻘﺒﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤــﻲ ﻟﻠﻄــﻼب«‪.‬‬ ‫وﻗﺎﻟــﺖ ﺟــﻮن ‪:‬إن اﻟﺰﻳــﺎدة اﻷﺧــرية‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺒﻬﺎ اﻷﺳــﺎﳼ ﻫــﻮ ﺳــﻮء اﻟﺘﻮاﺻــﻞ‬ ‫وﻋــﺪم وﺟــﻮد ﻧﻘﻄــﺔ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳــﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸــﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛــام ﻗــﺎل ﻋﻤــﺮ ‪»:‬ﻳﺠــﺐ وﺿــﻊ اﻟﻘﻮاﻧني‬ ‫ﻣﺤــﻞ ﺗﺠــﺎرب ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫــﺎ وإذا ﺛﺒــﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺸــﻠﻬﺎ ﻳﺘــﻢ اﻳﻘﺎﻓﻬــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜــﻦ اﻟﻮﺿــﻊ ﺣﺎﻟﻴًــﺎ‬ ‫ﻫــﻮ أن اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ إذا أرادت ﻓﻌــﻞ ﳽء‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬اﳌﺸــﻜﻠﺔ ﻫﻨــﺎ ﰲ اﻻﺳــﺘﻤﺮارﻳﺔ‬ ‫واﻟﺘﻮاﺻــﻞ«‪.‬‬

‫فوز فريق كرة القامة للفتيات للمرة الثانية على التوالي فـي الدوري املصري لعام ‪2018‬‬ ‫تقرير‪ :‬فريق القافلة‬

‫ﻗــﺎم ﻓﺮﻳــﻖ ﺗﻴﺘﺎﻧــﺲ ﻟﻜــﺮة اﻟﻘــﺪم‬ ‫اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴــﺔ )‪ (AUC Titans‬ﺑﺎﻟﻔــﻮز‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴــﻬﻢ اﻟﺜــﺎين ﻓﺮﻳــﻖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﺔ أﻛﺘﻮﺑــﺮ ﻟﻠﻌﻠــﻮم واﻵداب‬ ‫ﻳــﻮم اﻟﺴــﺒﺖ اﳌــﺎﴈ اﳌﻮاﻓــﻖ ‪١٧‬‬ ‫ﻣــﻦ ﻣــﺎرس‪.‬‬ ‫أﺣــﺮز ﻓﺮﻳــﻖ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴــﺔ‬ ‫‪ ٣٨‬ﻧﻘﻄــﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺑــﻞ ‪ ١٢‬ﻧﻘﻄــﺔ ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳــﻖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﺔ أﻛﺘﻮﺑــﺮ ﰲ ﻣﺒــﺎراة‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻳــﺔ ﺟﻤﻌــﺖ اﺛﻨــني ﻣــﻦ أﻗــﻮى‬ ‫اﻟﻔــﺮق‪ .‬ﻳﻘــﺎم اﻟــﺪوري اﳌــﴫي‬ ‫ﻟﻜــﺮة اﻟﻘــﺪم اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴــﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺴــﺎء‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤــﺮة اﻟﺮاﺑﻌــﺔ ﻋــﲆ اﻟﺘــﻮاﱄ ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﺮﻛــﺰ اﻷوﳌﺒــﻲ ﺑﺎﳌﻌــﺎدي‪ ،‬و‬ ‫ﻳﻌــﺪ ﻫــﺬا اﻟــﺪوري اﻷول ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﻹﻃــﻼق ﻟﻔﺮﻳــﻖ اﻟﻨﺴــﺎء ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌــﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧــﺎض ﻓﺮﻳــﻖ اﻟﺘﻴﺘﻨــﺲ ﻟﻠﻨﺴــﺎء‬ ‫أرﺑــﻊ ﻣﺒﺎرﻳــﺎت ﰱ ﻣﻮاﺟﻬــﺔ أرﺑﻌــﺔ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮق أﺧــﺮى ﻣــﻦ ﺟﻤﻴــﻊ أﻧﺤــﺎء‬ ‫ﻣــﴫ‪ ،‬وﻓــﺎزوا مبﺒﺎراﺗــني ﺑﻴﻨــام‬ ‫ﺧــﴪوا اﳌﺒﺎراﺗــني اﻷﺧﺮﻳــني‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟــﺖ ﻧــﻮر أﺻﻴــﻞ‪ ،‬إﺣــﺪى‬ ‫اﻟﻼﻋﺒــﺎت ﺑﻔﺮﻳــﻖ اﻟﺘﻴﺘﻨــﺲ‪» ،‬ﻟﻘــﺪ‬ ‫أﺻﺒﻨــﺎ ﺑﻘﻠﻴــﻞ ﻣــﻦ اﻹﺣﺒــﺎط ﺑﻌــﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺴــﺎرﺗﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎراﺗــني اﳌﺎﺿﻴﺘــني‬ ‫وﻟﻜﻨﻨــﺎ ﻗﻤﻨــﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪرﻳــﺐ اﳌﻜﺜــﻒ‬ ‫ﺧــﻼل اﻷﺳــﺒﻮع اﳌــﺎﴈ ﻟــيك ﻧﻔــﻮز‬

‫ﺑﻬــﺬه اﳌﺒــﺎراة وﺑﺎﻟﺘــﺎﱄ مل ﺗﻜــﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒــﺎراة ﺳــﻬﻠﺔ وﻟﻜﻨﻨــﺎ ﻓﺰﻧــﺎ ﰱ‬ ‫اﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳــﺔ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻜــﻮن ﻓﺮﻳــﻖ اﻟﺘﻴﺘﻨــﺲ ﻣــﻦ ‪٢٠‬‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺔ ﰲ ﻋــﺪة ﺗﺨﺼﺼــﺎت ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴــﺔ‬ ‫وﻟﻜــﻦ ﻫــﺬه اﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿــﺔ ﺟﻤﻌﺘﻬــﻢ‬ ‫واﻟﺘــﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻟــﺖ إﱃ ﺟــﺰء ﻛﺒــري ﻣــﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻬــﻢ اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴــﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗــﺎل ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻰ ﻣﺤﻤــﻮد‪ ،‬ﻣــﺪرب‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳــﻖ اﻟﺘﻴﺘﺎﻧــﺲ ﻟﻠﻨﺴــﺎء ‪» :‬ﻧﻘــﻮم‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪرﻳــﺐ ﺛــﻼث ﻣــﺮات ﰲ اﻷﺳــﺒﻮع‬ ‫مبﺠﻤــﻮع ‪ ٩‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺎت وﻫــﺬا ﻳﺘﻄﻠــﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻬــﻮدًا ﺷــﺪﻳ ًﺪ ا ﻣــﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻨــﺖ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺮﻳــﻖ«‪ .‬وأوﺿــﺢ زﻳــﺪ أﻳﻀً ــﺎ‪،‬أن‬ ‫ﺷــﻐﻒ ﻛﻞ ﻻﻋﺒــﺎت اﻟﻔﺮﻳــﻖ ﻫــﻮ‬ ‫اﻟﺴــﺒﺐ اﻷﺳــﺎﳼ ﻟﻬــﺬا اﳌﻜﺴــﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟــﺖ ﺷــﻬرية اﻟﺒــﺪري‪ ،‬إﺣــﺪى‬ ‫ﻻﻋﺒــﺎت ﻓﺮﻳــﻖ اﻟﺘﻴﺘﺎﻧــﺲ‪ :‬ﻳﻌــﺪ‬ ‫ﻫــﺬا اﻟــﺪوري أول دوري رﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﺮﻳــﻖ اﻟﺒﻨــﺎت وﻛﻨــﺎ ﺟﻤﻴ ًﻌــﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻘــني ﻗﺒــﻞ أول ﻣﺒــﺎراة ﻷﻧﻨــﺎ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻧﻌــﺮف ﻣﺴــﺘﻮى ﺑﻘﻴــﺔ اﻟﻔــﺮق‬ ‫وﻟﻜــﻦ ﺑﻌــﺪ أول ﻣﺒــﺎراة اﺗﻀــﺢ ﻟﻨــﺎ‬ ‫أﻧﻨــﺎ ﻋــﲆ ﻧﻔــﺲ ﻣﺴــﺘﻮى ﺑﻘﻴــﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻔــﺮق وازدادت ﺛﻘﺘﻨــﺎ ﰲ أﻧﻔﺴــﻨﺎ‬ ‫وﻛﺎن ﻫــﺬا أﺣــﺪ اﻷﺳــﺒﺎب اﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴــﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺴــﺐ اﻷﺧــري«‪.‬‬ ‫أﺿﺎﻓــﺖ أﺻﻴــﻞ أﻧﻬــﻢ ﺧﺎﺿــﻮا‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎراﺗــني ودﻳﺘــني ﻗﺒــﻞ اﻟــﺪوري‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺳــﻤﻲ واﺳــﺘﻄﺎﻋﻮا أن ﻳﺜﺒﺘــﻮا‬

‫أﻧﻔﺴــﻬﻢ أﻣــﺎم ﺟﻤﻴــﻊ اﻟﻔــﺮق ﻣــام‬ ‫أﻣــﻼ ﰲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴــﻖ ﻣﻜﺎﺳــﺐ‬ ‫اﻋﻄﺎﻫــﻢ ً‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟــﺪوري‪ .‬ﻳﺴــﺘﻌﺪ اﻟﻔﺮﻳــﻖ ﻟﺒﺎﻗــﻲ‬ ‫اﳌﺒﺎرﻳــﺎت اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺳــﻮف ﺗﻘــﺎم ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫ﻣــﺪار اﻟﺜــﻼث اﺳــﺎﺑﻴﻊ اﻟﻘﺎدﻣــﺔ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ أن ﻳﺤــﺮزوا ﻣﻜﺎﺳــﺐ أﺧــﺮى‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺳــﺲ ﻓﺮﻳــﻖ اﻟﺘﻴﺘﻨــﺲ ﻋــﺎم‬ ‫‪ ٢٠١٤‬وﻟﻜــﻦ ﰲ أول ﻣﺒــﺎراة رﺳــﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗــﻮﰱ اﻟﻼﻋــﺐ ﻋﻤــﺮ ﺧﺎﻟــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣــام أدى إﱃ اﺿﻄﺮاﺑــﺎت ﰲ اﻟﻔﺮﻳــﻖ‬ ‫وﻣــﻊ ﺣﻠــﻮل ﻋــﺎم ‪,٢٠١٦-٢٠١٥‬‬ ‫واﺟــﻪ اﻟﻔﺮﻳــﻖ ﻣﺸــﺎﻛﻞ إدارﻳــﺔ‬ ‫أدت إﱃ ﻋــﺪم دﺧﻮﻟﻬــﻢ اﻟــﺪوري‬ ‫ﻟﻬــﺬا اﻟﻌــﺎم‪ ،‬وﻟﻜــﻦ اﺳــﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫إدارة اﻟﻔﺮﻳــﻖ واﻟﻼﻋﺒــﻮن ﻋــﲆ‬ ‫اﺳــﺘﻌﺎدة ﻗﻮﺗﻬــﻢ اﻟﺘــﻲ ﺳــﺎﻋﺪﺗﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻋــﲆ دﺧــﻮل اﻟــﺪوري اﻟﺮﺳــﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻌــﺎم ‪ ٢٠١٨‬ﺑــﻜﻞ ﻗــﻮة‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻜــﻮن اﻟــﺪوري ﻣــﻦ ‪٧٠٠‬‬ ‫ﻻﻋــﺐ وﻻﻋﺒــﺔ ﻣــﻦ ‪ ١٦‬ﻓﺮﻳﻘًــﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺮﺟــﺎل واﻟﻨﺴــﺎء ﻣــﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ‬ ‫أﻧﺤــﺎء اﻟﻘﺎﻫــﺮة‪ .‬وﻳﺜﺒــﺖ ﻫــﺬا‬ ‫اﻻﻧﺘﺸــﺎر اﻟﻀﺨــﻢ ﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿــﺔ ﻛــﺮة‬ ‫اﻟﻘــﺪم اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴــﺔ وﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﺴــﺎء وﻳﻌــﺪ‬ ‫ﻣــﴫ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻫــﺬا أﻳﻀً ــﺎ ﺗﻐﻴــ ًريا ﻛﺒــ ًريا ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜــري اﳌﺠﺘﻤــﻊ اﳌــﴫي ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴــﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿــﺔ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﻫــﺬه و اﻟﺘــﻲ ﻳﻄﻠــﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬــﺎ أﺣﻴﺎ ﻧًﺎرﻳﺎﺿــﺔ ﻋﻨﻴﻔــﺔ ﻟــﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺤﻤﻠﻮ ﻫــﺎ ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓــﻮز ﺛــﺎىن ﻟﻔﺮﻳــﻖ ﻛــﺮة اﻟﻘﺎﻣــﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴــﺔ‬

‫إﺗﺤﺎد ﻛﺮة اﻟﻘﺪم اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﴫ‬

Spring 2018 - March 25 - Issue 5  
Spring 2018 - March 25 - Issue 5