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The AUC Leftists Student Movement’s Manifesto ٢٠١٢ ‫ ﻓﱪاﻳﺮ‬١٥ ‫اﻷرﺑﻌﺎء‬

«‫ﻧﴩة دورﻳﺔ ﺣﺮة ﺗﺼﺪر ﻋﻦ »ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﻃﻼب اﻟﻴﺴﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺳﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺨﺪم اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ وﺗﻘﺪﻣﻪ وﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎ ﻟﺴﻴﺎدة أﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬ .‫اﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺎ وإﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺎ‬ :‫اﻷﻫﺪاف‬ ‫ اﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺣﻖ اﻟﻄﻼب ﰲ متﺜﻴﻞ وﻣامرﺳﺔ اﻟﻨﺸﺎط‬.‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ داﺧﻞ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ ﺗﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﻄﻼب ﻋﲆ ﻗﻮة اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴﺔ وﺗﺄﺛريﻫﺎ ﰲ‬‫اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ وﺑﻌﺜﻬﺎ ﻣﺮة اﺧﺮى ورﺑﻄﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ‬ .‫اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎت ﻣﴫ‬ ‫ اﻟﺘﺤﺮك ﻣﻊ اﻟﻨﺸﺎط اﻟﻌامﱄ داﺧﻞ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﳌﻤﺜﻞ‬.‫ﰲ اﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ اﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‬ ‫ ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺔ ﺣﻘﻮق اﻟﻌامل اﳌﴩوﻋﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻀﻤﻦ‬‫ﺗﺤﺴني ﻣﺴﺘﻮاﻫﻢ ﻣﺎدﻳﺎ وﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺎ وﺗﺤﻘﻖ اﻟﺘﻜﺎﻓﻞ‬ .‫داﺧﻞ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ ﺗﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﻄﻼب ﺑﺤﻘﻮﻗﻬﻢ واﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻨﻬﺎ واﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ﺗﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﺤﺴﻦ اﻟﺠﻮدة اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ واﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ اﻟﺘﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻜﺮ اﻟﻴﺴﺎري وﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺗﻪ وازاﻟﺔ‬.‫اﻷﻓﻜﺎر اﻟﺨﺎﻃﺌﺔ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻴﺴﺎر واﻹﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‬ ‫ اﻟﺘﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ مبﺎ ﻳﺤﺪث ﻋﲆ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ‬.‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ اﳌﴫﻳﺔ ﺧﺎرج اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ .‫ اﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ اﻟﺮأي واﻟﺘﻌﺒري ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺮق اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‬‫ اﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﲆ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﻄﻬري اﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻟﻔﺴﺎد‬.‫واﻟﻮﻗﻮف ﺿﺪ اﻹﺗﺠﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‬ .‫ﻋﺎش ﻧﻀﺎل اﻟﻄﻼب واﻟﻌامل‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﻃﻼب اﻟﻴﺴﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة‬

‫ﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﺆﻣﻦ أن اﻟﻄﻼب ﻫﻢ أول اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎء‬ ‫ وﻟﻨﺎ ان‬. ‫اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺛﻮرة اﻟﺸﻌﺐ اﳌﴫي اﻟﻌﻈﻴﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺬﻛﺮ أن ﻣﴫ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ راﺋﺪة ﰲ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﻃﻼﺑﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫اﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎت ﻣﻦ اﻟﻘﺮن اﳌﺎﴈ وﻟﻨﺎ أن ﻧﺬﻛﺮ أﻳﻀﺎ دور‬ ‫ وان ﺻﺎر ﻓﻴام ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم‬.‫اﻟﻴﺴﺎر اﻟﺮاﺋﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮري اﻟﺬي ﻗﴣ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴﺔ ﳌﺎ ﻛﺎن‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ دور ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﳌﴫي داﺧﻞ وﺧﺎرج‬ .‫أﺳﻮار اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﳌﴫﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﳌﺎذا اﻟﻴﺴﺎر؟‬ ‫ﻷﻧﻨﺎ ﺿﺪ ﺳﻴﻄﺮة رأس اﳌﺎل ﻋﲆ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎت ﻷﻧﻬﺎ أول‬ ‫ ﻷن اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﺪﻋﻢ أن‬.‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﻔﺴﺎد واﻟﻈﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻮن اﻟﻘﻮة واﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ واﳌﺎل ﰲ ﻳﺪ أﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﱰﻓﻪ وأن‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻮن ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻘﻮة واﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ واﳌﺎل ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺗﺞ ﻋﺮق‬ ‫ إن اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﺎدي‬.‫وﻋﻤﻞ اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﻜﺎدﺣﺔ‬ ‫ ﻓﻜﻴﻒ ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺲ اﻟﺠﻤﻮع‬.‫ﺑﺎﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺴﻮق اﻟﺤﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻜﺎدﺣﺔ اﻟﻔﻘرية ﺑﻼ ﻣﺎل وﻻ ﺻﺤﺔ وﻻ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﻞ أن‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ واﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﺻﺎرا ﺳﻠﻌﺔ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺟﻮدﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﲆ اﳌﺎل‬ .‫أﻳﻀﺎ ﻓﻼ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬام إﻻ اﺻﺤﺎب رؤوس اﻷﻣﻮال‬ ‫ﺑﻞ أن اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ ﺟﻌﻠﺖ اﻹﻧﺘﺎج ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﻋﲆ ﻛﺪ‬ ‫وﻋﻤﻞ اﻟﻌامل ﻣﻦ أﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻜﺎدﺣﺔ ﻟﱰﻣﻲ ﻟﻬﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺘﺎت وﻳﺴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﻨﺎﺗﺠﻪ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﻀﺌﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ .‫اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ اﻧﻨﺎ ﻃﻼب ﰲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ أن ﻧﻨﴗ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮق ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻨﺎ وﺧﺪﻣﺖ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ ﺑﻞ أن واﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﻛﻄﻼب واﻋﻮن مبﺎ درﺳﻨﺎ‬.‫ﺑﺄﴎه‬ ‫أو ﻗﺮأﻧﺎ ان ﻧﻘﻒ ﻣﺴﺎﻧﺪة ﻟﻠﻔﻘﺮاء واﻟﻜﺎدﺣني اﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬ .‫ﻋﻤﻠﻮا ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ أن ﻧﺘﻌﻠﻢ ﻧﺤﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺮى ﰲ اﻟﻴﺴﺎر ﺑﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺗﻪ اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎ أﻧﺴﺐ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻌﺪاﻟﺔ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ واﳌﺴﺎوة ﰲ اﻟﺤﻘﻮق اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ مبﺎ‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﻦ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻦ ﻃﻼب ﻣﴫﻳﻮن وﻋﺮب ﻧﺪرس ﰲ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﺗﻮﺣﺪﻧﺎ أﻓﻜﺎرﻧﺎ اﻟﻨﻀﺎﻟﻴﺔ إميﺎﻧﺎ ﻣﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻮرة اﳌﴫﻳﺔ واﻟﺜﻮرات اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻟﻨﺎ‬ ‫ ﺗﻮﺣﺪﻧﺎ أﻓﻜﺎرﻧﺎ اﻟﻴﺴﺎرﻳﺔ واﻹﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ اميﺎﻧﺎ‬.‫واﻟﻼﺣﻘﺔ‬ ،‫ﺑﺄن اﻟﻴﺴﺎر ﻟﻄﺎﳌﺎ ﻛﺎن ﰲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎت اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫إميﺎﻧﺎ ﺑﺄن اﻟﻴﺴﺎر ﻟﻄﺎﳌﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻣﻊ ﺟﻤﻮع اﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬ ‫ وإميﺎﻧﺎ ﺑﺄن اﻟﻌامل وﻃﺒﻘﺔ اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬،‫وﻟﻠﺸﻌﺐ‬ .‫اﻟﻜﺎدﺣﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺤﺮك اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻷول‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺪﻧﺎ ﻷﻧﻨﺎ وﺑﻌﺪ اﻟﺜﻮرة ﻧﺆﻣﻦ ﺑﺄن اﻟﻄﻼب ﻻﺑﺪ أن‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮن ﻟﻬﻢ دور ﰲ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ ﻓﻨﺤﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﻃﻼب اﻟﻴﺴﺎر ﰲ‬.‫اﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎت ﻋﺪة‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮة ﻧﻌﻠﻦ ﺑﺪأ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻨﺎ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ اﻧﻀامﻣﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴﺔ اﳌﴫﻳﺔ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ .‫ﻋﺎﻣﺔ واﻟﻴﺴﺎرﻳﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎت اﳌﴫﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻰ ﺗﻜﻮﻧﺎ وﳌﺎذا؟‬ ‫ﻳﺮﺟﻊ اول ﻟﻘﺎء ﻟﺒﻌﻀﻨﺎ اﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻛﻄﻼب ﻳﺴﺎرﻳني إﱃ‬ ‫ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ اﳌﴫﻳﺔ‬٢٠١٠‫اﻟﺨﺮﻳﻒ اﳌﺎﴈ‬ ‫ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻠﻨﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻧﺪة ﻟﺤﻘﻮق‬،‫ﻣﻊ إﴐاب اﻟﻌامل اﻷول‬ ‫اﻟﻌامل اﻟﴩﻓﺎء اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺨﺪﻣﻮن ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ وﺗﻌﺎرﻓﻨﺎ‬.‫اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ وﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻃﻼﺑﺎ وأﺳﺎﺗﺬة وإدارة‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﻓﻜﺎرﻧﺎ ﻛﻴﺴﺎرﻳني واﺷﱰاﻛﻴني ﰲ ﻣﺴﺎﻧﺪة اﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ‬ ‫ وﺗﻜﺮر إﴐاب اﻟﻌامل‬.‫اﻟﻜﺎدﺣﺔ واﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ واﳌﺴﺎواة‬ ‫ﻣﻊ اﻟﻄﻼب اﻷﻛﱪ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻌﺎم اﻟﺬي ﻗﺪم ﻧﺠﺎﺣﺎ‬ ‫وﻣﺤﺮﻛﺎ ﰲ أول اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻓﺘﻌﺎرﻓﻨﺎ أﻛرث وﻗﺮرﻧﺎ اﺳﺘﻜامل ﻣﺴرية اﻟﻨﻀﺎل‬ ‫اﻟﻄﻼيب اﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺎرت مبﺴﺎﻧﺪة اﻟﺤﺮاك اﻟﻌامﱄ‬ ‫وأوﺿﺤﺖ ﻣﺜﺎﻻ ﻋﲆ ﻗﻮة اﻟﻄﻼب واﻟﻌامل ﻣﻌﺎ ﰲ‬ .‫وﺟﻪ اﻟﻈﻠﻢ واﻟﻔﺴﺎد وﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎوة واﻟﺘﻜﺎﻓﻞ‬

‫ ﻏري ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻷي‬.‫ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﻃﻼب اﻟﻴﺴﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ أول ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻃﻼيب ﻳﺴﺎري ﺣﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻦ داﺧﻞ اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‬ .‫ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﻛﻞ أﻃﻴﺎف اﻷﻓﻜﺎر اﻟﻴﺴﺎرﻳﺔ اﳌﺎرﻛﺴﻴﺔ‬.‫ﺟﻬﺔ أو ﺣﺰب داﺧﻞ أو ﺧﺎرج اﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ .‫إﺑﺘﺪاءا ﻣﻦ اﻹﺷﱰاﻛﻴﻮن اﻟﺪميﻮﻗﺮاﻃﻴﻮن ﻣﺮورا ﺑﺎﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﻮن واﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﻮن اﻟﺜﻮرﻳﻮن واﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﻮن وﺣﺘﻰ اﻟﻼﺳﻠﻄﻮﻳﻮن‬ .‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪون ﰲ اﻟﻨﻀﺎل اﻟﺜﻮري ﺗﺤﺖ راﻳﺔ اﻟﻴﺴﺎر‬

! ‫ﺇﻧﻀﻢ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻭﻧﺎﺿﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬

Who are we? We are a group of Egyptian and Arab students in The American University in Cairo (AUC), that are united on the same belief that the Egyptian and Arab revolutions are the only way towards our progress as an Arab nation. We share the same leftist and socialist political ideologies, believing that the left have always been at the vanguard of the Egyptian student movement, have always been biased to the oppressed and segregated classes, and believing that the working class represents the vast majority of the Egyptian people making its’ rights and interests a priority. We decided to unite as part of one movement, because we believe that in the post revolutionary context the student must play a leading role in the Egyptian political scene and are the main igniter of social change. The AUC Leftists’ student movements announce the launch of our independent movement as part of the Egyptian student movement as a whole, and part of the Leftist student coalitions in particular in all Egyptian universities. When the movement was initiated and why? The first members of the movement met for the first time in the Fall of 2010 before the Egyptian revolution and during the first workers’ and staff strike, we were a group of Leftist students that decided to support the workers’ in their struggle with the AUC administration for better wages and working conditions. Following the first strike, a few students that were involved decided to form the first Leftist student movement in AUC. The movement was then reinforced with even more members during the second student and workers strike in Fall 2011. After the relative failure of

both strikes in meeting the legitimate demands of the students and workers alike, we felt the need to create a grassroots movement of AUC students that share leftist ideologies in order to continue strengthen the student movement and follow up on the workers’ rights. We believe that the students’ role in reshaping the Egyptian society following the revolution is pivotal. And it is important to note that Egyptian student was pioneering in the Arab world in the 70’s of the last decade with the Egyptian Left being at its core. That it is why it is our role today as Egyptian students to rebuild the Egyptian student movement in a way that would ensure the fulfillment of the demands of the revolution, and to get the students back into political life following Mubarak’s long years of repression of student rights and crackdown on any political student activity. Why the Left ? Because we are against capitalist pursuits being the main drive of our society, as it is the first step towards corruption and injustice. Because capitalism is based on power being monopolized by a small ruling elite and the economic exploitation of the masses. Capitalism calls on individual competition within the free market, but how can the toiling masses compete in the free market without capital, health and education? Indeed, health and education has become a luxury product in capitalist societies and reserved exclusively to the owners of the means of production. Capitalism has transformed production into being a process of exploitation of the working class to the sole interests an elitist economic class. Being students in the American University in Cairo, and part of the Egyptian education

elite, gives us the responsibility to be biased to the exploited and marginalized lower classes and to fight by their sides for their long lost rights. We see that the Leftists political ideology is the most suitable to this post revolutionary era as it is the only path to the fulfillment of social justice and the equal access to basic rights including education and healthcare. Our Goals: 1. Emphasize the students’ right to representation and political activity within the university. 2. Promote awareness on the importance of the student movement and its’ influence on society and create links with other Egyptian universities as part of the Egyptian student movement as a whole. 3. Support and defend the workers’ movement within the university represented in the independent workers’ syndicate. 4. Monitor the respect of the workers’ legitimate rights and demands which include material as well as psychological gains, and promote overall solidarity with the workers’ cause within the AUC community. 5. Defend students’ rights within the university including the enhancement of the quality of education and overall student activities on campus. 6. Promote awareness of different leftist ideologies in an attempt to remove stereotypes that revolve around them. 7. Promote awareness of the Egyptian political scene. 8. Emphasize on the right to freedom of expression and its different forms within the university. 9. Support all attempts of cleansing educational institutions from bureaucratic as well as political corruption, and fight any attempts to corporatize the education.

The AUC Leftist Student Movement is the first organized independent leftist group on campus. The movement is not affiliated with any entities or parties inside or outside the campus. The movement adapts the whole leftist spectrum starting from social democrats, socialists all the way reaching revolutionary socialists, communists, and anarchists who unite in struggle under the leftist flag.

Join us and pursue equailty and freedom!


‫ﺭﺅﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻮﻳﻪ‪ :‬ﻫﺬا اﳌﻘﺎل ﻣﺶ ﺳﺎﺧﺮ ﺧﺎﻟﺺ‪ ،‬و اي ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻏري ﻣﻘﺼﻮدة‬ ‫متﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬و إمنﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎب اﻟﻘﻠﺶ اﻟﺮﺧﻴﺺ ﺟﺪا ً ﺟﺪا ً‪ .‬و اي ﻛﺌﺎﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻬﻲ ﻏري ﻣﻘﺼﻮده أﻳﻀﺎً‪ ،‬أمنﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻧﺘﺎج ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ "ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﺎً ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻄﺮة" و‬ ‫" زيك ﻃﻮل ﻋﻤﺮه" و "ﻛﺮﻳﻢ و ﻣﻀﻴﺎف"‪ ....‬ﻫام اﱄ ﺑﻴﻘﻮﻟﻮا ﻛﺪه!‬ ‫اﻻول أﻧﺎ راﺟﻞ ﺑﺪرس اﻧرثوﺑﻮﻟﻮﭼﻴﺎ‪ ،‬أو ﻋﻠﻢ اﻻﺟﻨﺎس زي ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﻤﻮه‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﻜﺘﺐ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻴﺶ ﻣﺨﻠﻮق ﻗﻠﺘﻠﻪ ﻋﻦ دراﺳﺘﻲ دي و ﻣﱰﻳﻘﺶ ﻋﻠﻴﺎ‬ ‫أو ﺳﺄﻟﻨﻲ " اﻳﻮه ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺘﺸﺘﻐﻞ اﻳﻪ ﳌﺎ ﺗﺘﺨﺮج؟!" وﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺶ ﺑﺤﺲ‬ ‫اين ﺑﺪرس اﻻﻧرثوﺑﻮﻟﻮﭼﻴﺎ دي ﳌﺠﺮد اين أﺗﻌﻠﻢ ﺻﻨﻌﺔ زي اﳌﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ‬ ‫وﻻ اﻻﻋﻼﻣﻲ وﻻ اﻟﺸﺎب ﺑﺘﺎع ﺑﺰﻳﻨﺲ‪ .‬ده ﻃﺒﻌﺎً ﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ أن‬ ‫"اﻟﺼﻨﻌﺔ" دي ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﻋﻴﺐ زي ﻣﺎ إﺣﻨﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﳌﺎ ﻧﺘﻜﻠﻢ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻐﻼﻧﺎت اﱄ "اي ﻛﻼم" ‪ ،‬وﻟﻜﻦ اﻧﺎ ﺑﻘﻮل ان دراﺳﺘﻲ دي ﻫﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ اﱄ ﺑﻌﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻬﺎ ﺣﻴﺎيت‪ ...‬ﻟﻴﻪ اﻟﺮﻏﻲ اﱄ ﻓﻮق ده ﺑﻘﻲ؟!‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺎن ﺑﺲ أوﺿﺢ ﻟﻴﻪ أﻧﺎ ﻫﻜﺘﺐ اﻟﻜﻠﻤﺘني اﱄ ﺟﺎﻳني‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮة ﻛﻨﺖ ﻣﺎﳾ ﰲ اﻟﺰﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﲇ ‪ ٢‬اﻟﻔﺠﺮ ﻛﺪه‪ .‬و ﻻﻗﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻓﺔ )ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‪...‬ﻣﺴﻤﻬﻮش ﺑﺘﺎع اﻟﺰﺑﺎﻟﺔ( ﺑﻴﻜﻨﺲ ﰲ اﻟﺸﺎرع اﱄ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻀﻴﻒ أﺻﻼ‪ ،‬ﻣﺶ ﻣﺜﻼ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺷﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺷﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ اﱄ ﺑﻨﻌﺪي‬ ‫"ﻓﻮﻗﻴﻬﻢ" و أﺣﻨﺎ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮي أو ﻛﱪي أﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ‪ .‬اﳌﻬﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫اﺗﻔﺮﺟﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ و أﻧﺎ ﻣﻌﺪي و ﻓﻜﺮت ﻛﺪه ﰲ ﺷﻮﻳﺔ ﺣﺎﺟﺎت‪ .‬ﻫﻮ ﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﺮاﺟﻞ ده ﻣﺶ ﻧﺎﻳﻢ ﰲ ﺑﻴﺘﻪ ﰲ ﻋﺰ اﻟﱪد ده ﺑﻠﻴﻞ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺑﻴﺎﺧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻮس ﻛﺘري أوي ﻛﺪه ﻋﺸﺎن ﻳﺘﻘﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﻟﻠﺪرﺟﺔ دي؟ ﻫﻮ أﺻﻼ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻘﺒﺾ ﻛﺎم ﰲ اﻟﺸﻬﺮ؟ ﺑﻴﻜﻔﻴﻪ ﻫﻮ و ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺘﻪ و ﻻ ﻷ؟ ﻃﺐ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻳﻜﻮن ﻣﺪﻳﺮه ﺟﺎﺑﺮه ﻋﲇ ﻛﺪه؟ ﻃﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮه ﻓني اﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ ‪،٢‬وﻻ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻳﻢ ﰲ اﻟﺒﻴﺖ؟ ﻃﺐ اﻟﺮاﺟﻞ ده ﻟﻮ ﻋﻨﺪه ﻋﻴﺎل ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎميني ﻟﻮﺣﺪﻫﻢ؟‬ ‫ﺟﻌﺎﻧني و ﻻ ﺷﺒﻌﺎﻧني؟ وﻻ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮا ﻫام ﻛامن ﺑﻴﺸﺘﻐﻠﻮا ﺑﺲ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪ ﻛﻮﰲ ﺑﻴﻨﺰ أُم ﻛﻠﺜﻮم؟ ) اه‪ ..‬اﱄ ﺑﻨﺴﻤﻴ ُﻬﻢ أﻃﻔﺎل اﻟﺸﻮارع دول‬ ‫ﻣﺶ ﺑﻴﺸﺤﺘﻮا‪ ،‬دي ﺷﻐﻼﻧﻪ و ﻟﻴﻬﺎ أﺻﻮل ﻛامن( ﻃﺐ اﻃﻔﺎﻟﻪ دول‬ ‫اﱄ أﺣﻨﺎ ﻳﺎ إﻣﺎ ﺑﻨﺒﺼﻠﻬﻢ ﺑﻨﻈﺮة إﺣﺘﻘﺎر أو ﻋﺪم إﻫﺘامم أو ﺑﻨﺪﻳﻬﻢ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﻮس ﻋﺸﺎن ميﺸﻮا و ﺧﻼص‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ازاي؟ ﻣﺮاﺗﻪ ﻃﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻟﻮ ﺑﺘﺸﺘﻐﻞ ﺷﻐﻼﻧﺔ )ﻻﻣﺆﺧﺬة ﻛﺪه(‪ ،‬و ﺑﻨﻌﺘﱪﻫﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺔ ﺑﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮن‪ ،‬أو ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ اﻻدب ﺑﺤﻜﻢ ﻛﺘﺎب اﻻﺧﻼق اﱄ ﺑﻨﺄﻟﻔﻪ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﻣﺰاﺟﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺪه ﻟﻴﻪ؟ ﻋﺸﺎن اﻟﻔﻠﻮس وﻻ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺰاﺟﻬﺎ ﻛﺪه؟ ﻃﺐ‬ ‫اﻣﺎل ﻟﻮ ﻫﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ أن وﻻدﻫﺎ ﻳﻨﺎﻣﻮا ﻧﺺ ﺷﺒﻌﺎﻧني ﺣﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻠﻮﻣﻬﺎ أول واﺣﺪه ﰲ اﻟﻘﺼﺔ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ؟ ﻧﺮﺟﻊ ﻟﺼﺎﺣﺒﻨﺎ ﺑﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﺐ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﺧﺪش ﺑﻌﻀﻪ و ﻳﺮ ْوح و ﻳﺴﱰﻳﺢ؟ اﻫﻮ ﻛﺪه ﻛﺪه ﻫﻴﻘﺒﺾ‪ .‬وﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻳﻜﻮن ﺑﻴﻌﻤﻞ ده ﻋﺸﺎن ﻓﻌﻼ ﻫﻮ ﻋﺎﻳﺰ ﻳﺨﲇ اﻟﺸﺎرع‬ ‫ﻧﻀﻴﻒ؟‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺒﻜﻢ ﺑﻘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ اﻻﺳﺌﻠﺔ دي‪ ...‬ﻫﻮ آﺧﺮ واﺣﺪ اﺑﺘﺴﻢ ﰲ وﺷﻪ أو‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﻪ "رﺑﻨﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻳﻚ" ﻛﺎن اﻣﺘﻲ؟!‬ ‫ﻛﺎم واﺣﺪ ﺑﻘﻰ ﻣﴚ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ و ﻓﻜﺮ ﰲ ﺳﺆال ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳﺌﻠﺔ اﱄ اﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻏري ﻓﻜﺮﺗﻪ ﻋﻦ اﳌﻮﺿﻮع او‬ ‫ﺳﺄﻟﺘﻬﺎ دي؟ ﻃﺐ ﻟﻮ ﻓﻜﺮوا ﻛﺎم واﺣﺪ ﱠ‬ ‫ﺣﺎول ﻳﻔﻜﺮ ﰲ ﺣﻞ ﻟﻠﻨﻴﻠﺔ اﻟﺴﻮدة اﱄ اﺣﻨﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ دي؟ و ﺣﻞ ﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻄﻠﻊ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ ﺟﻨﻴﻪ و ﻳﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬دي ﺑﺘﺰﻳﺬ اﻟﻄﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﻠﺔ أﺻﻼ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ اﻻﺧﺮ أﻧﺎ ﻣﺶ ﻋﺎﻳﺰ ﺣﺪ ﻳﺤﺲ إين "ﺑﺰاﻳﺪ" ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪) .‬ﻓﺄﻧﺎ ﻟﺴﺖ اﻛرث‬ ‫اﻧرثوﺑﻮﻟﭽﻴﺎً ﻣﻦ أﺣﺪ( وﻻﻛﻦ ﻛﺎم واﺣﺪ ﻓﻌﻼ ﺑﻴﺒﺺ ﺣﻮاﻟﻴﻪ و ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﳾ و ﻳﺸﻮف اﻟﻨﺎس دي؟ اﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮي اﱄ واﻗﻒ ﻳﺤﺮس ﻃﻮل اﻟﻠﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫و ﻻ ﺑﺘﺎع ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ اﻟﻔﻮل اﱄ واﻗﻒ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٥‬اﻟﺼﺒﺢ‪ ،‬و ﺳﻮاق ﺑﺎص‬ ‫اﻟﻔﺎﻣﻴﲇ اﱄ ﻋﺸﺎن ﻳﺴﻮق ﺑﺎص ‪ ٧‬ﺑﻴﺨﺮج ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺘﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻔﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺎن ﻳﻠﺤﻖ ﻳﺠﻲ ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﺒﻮر ل‪ ٦‬أﻛﺘﻮﺑﺮ‪ ،‬و ﻻ ﺳﺎﻳﺲ اﻟﻘﻬﻮة اﱄ‬ ‫ﺳﻤﻴﻨﺎه ﺧﻼص " ﻳﺎ وﻟﻌﺎاه"‪ ،‬و اﱄ ﺑﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺰﺑﺎﻟﺔ اﻻزاﻳﺰ اﻟﺒﻼﺳﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫‪ ،‬وﻻ اﻟﻮﻟﺪ اﱄ ﺑﻴﻠﻤﻊ اﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺎت ﻗﺪام اﻟﺴﻨﻴام و ﻫﻮ ﻣﻴﻜﻤﻠﺶ ‪٥‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨني و ﺑﺮﺿﻮ ﺑﻨﻠﻮﻣﻪ ﻫﻮ أو أﻫﻠﻪ‪ ،‬و اﻟﻌامل اﱄ واﻗﻔني ﻣﺴﺘﻨني‬ ‫أوﺗﻮﺑﻴﺲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻋﺎم زﺣﻤﺔ ﻳﺮﻛﺒﻮه ﻷن ﻣﻔﻴﺶ ﻏريه و ﻫام ﻣﺮوﺣني‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ اﻟﺨﺎﻣﺲ؟‬

‫ﻳﺴﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﻮﺵ ﺇﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻠﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺳﻢ اﻟﺒﻨﺪاري‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﻪ ﻷﻓﻜﺎر ﻣﻐﻠﻮﻃﻪ ﺳﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎم‬ ‫ﻫﻞ أﻧﺖ ﺿﺪ اﺳﺘﻐﻼل اﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﺘﻔﻊ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ و ﺗﺤﻘﻖ إﻋﻼﻣﻲ و ﺳﻴﺎﳼ ﻋﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ إﻻ ﺻﻮره ﻣﺴﺒﻘﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺎدﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨام ﺗُ َﱰك ﺗﻠﻚ اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻛﺎدﺣﻪ ﻟﻴﺜﺒﺖ ﺧﻮﻓﺎً ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ و ﻳﺼﻄﻨﻊ اﺳﺘﻘﺮارا ً‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺎول ﺟﻤﻊ ﻓﺘﺎت ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻘﺎء؟‬ ‫ﻟﺤامﻳﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻬﻤﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ اﻟﻐﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﺘﻜﻮن إﺟﺎﺑﺘﻚ ﻧﻌﻢ‪ ،‬و ﰲ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻴﻮﻟﻚ ﻣﺒﺪﺋﻴﺎً ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺢ اﻹﻋﻼم ﰲ رﺑﻂ اﻟﻴﺴﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻢ و ﻛﺄﻧﻬام‬ ‫اﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ اﳌﻤﻜﻦ أن ﺗﻌﺘﱪ ﻳﺴﺎرﻳﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺟﻬﺎن ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻪ واﺣﺪه‪ ،‬و ﻗﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ذﻟﻚ ﰲ اﻋﺘﻘﺎدك أن‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﺔ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻴﺴﺎر ﻳﻘﺘﴫ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫ﺳﺆال آﺧﺮ‪ :‬ﻫﻞ ﺗﻮاﻓﻖ ﻋﲇ ﺗﻮزﻳﻊ اﳌﻮارد ﻋﲇ اﻟﺒﴩ ﻛﺎﻓﻪ اﻟﺘﺤﻔﻆ ﻋﲇ أﻣﻼﻛﻚ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨام أن اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ ﻳﻐﺎﻳﺮ ذﻟﻚ متﺎﻣﺎً‪ ،‬ﻓﺈن‬ ‫ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻋﺎدﻟﻪ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ إﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻬﻢ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﻪ؟‬ ‫رﺑﻂ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم اﻟﻌﺪاﻟﻪ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﻪ ﰲ اﻟﻴﺴﺎر ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻢ ﻣﻐﻠﻮط‬ ‫و ﻏري ﻣﻨﺼﻒ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻴﺴﺎر ﰲ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ اﻟﻌﻤﲇ ﻣﻄﺒﻖ إﱄ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﰲ إﺟﺎﺑﺘﻚ ﻋﲇ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺴﺆال ﺳﺘﺒﺪأ ﰲ ﻣﺮاﺟﻌﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺒري ﰲ دول رﻓﺎه ‪,‬ﻣﺜﻞ دول أوروﺑﺎ اﻟﺸامﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻹﺟﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺗﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ اﻟﻜﺜري ﻣﻦ اﻟﻌﻮاﻣﻞ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﻪ ﻳﺴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﻪ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻔﺮض ﴐﻳﺒﻪ‬ ‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺈذا ﻛﻨﺖ ﻣﻦ أﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻄﺒﻘﻪ اﻟﻜﺎدﺣﻪ ﺳﻴﻜﻮن‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻳﻪ ﻋﺎدﻟﻪ‪ ،‬متﻴﺰ ﺑني أرﺑﺎح رأس اﳌﺎل ﺑﻨﺴﺒﻪ اﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﻪ‬ ‫ردك اﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺑﺎﻹﻳﺠﺎب‪ .‬أﻣﺎ إذا ﻛﻨﺖ ﻣﻦ أﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﻄﺒﻘﻪ‬ ‫و ﺗﻀﻊ ﰲ اﻟﺤﺴﺒﺎن وﺟﻮب ﺗﺴﺪﻳﺪ دﻳﻦ اﳌﻨﺘ ِﻔﻊ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ أو اﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ ,‬ﺳﻨﻼﺣﻆ ﺗﺒﺎﻳﻨﺎً ﰲ اﻵراء ﻳﺮﺟﻊ إﱄ‬ ‫ﻓﱰد ﻣﻤﺜﻠ ًﺔ ﰲ ﺧﺪﻣﺎت ﺗﺨﺺ ﺣﻴﺎة اﳌﻮاﻃﻦ‬ ‫اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪َ ُ ،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻔﻴﺘﻚ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﻪ و أﻋﺘﻘﺪ أن اﻟﻜﻔﻪ ﺳﺘﻜﻮن ﻣﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺮد اﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﺘﻴﻪ و ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ و ﺻﺤﻪ و ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﺐ‪ .‬و ﻟﻜﻦ ﰲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ اﻷﺣﻮال و ﺑﻐﺾ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ إﻻ ﺧﺪﻣﺎت ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ اﻟﻘﻄﺎع اﻟﺨﺎص ﻣﻦ ﻛﻔﺎءه‬ ‫اﻟﴩﻳﺤﻪ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻌﻴﻪ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺘﻤﻲ إﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬أﺳﺘﻄﻴﻊ أن أﺟﺰم ﻟﻚ ﻋامﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬و ﻃﺮق و ﻣﻨﺸﺂت ﺗﻔﻴﺪ أﻋامﻟﻪ اﻟﺘﺠﺎرﻳﻪ‪ ،‬أﻟﺦ‪.‬‬ ‫أﻧﻚ أﺛﻨﺎء ﺗﻔﺤﺼﻚ ﻟﻠﺴﺆال رأﻳﺖ ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻨﺎﴏ و اﻟﻈﺒﺎط‬ ‫و ﻫﻨﺎ ﺗﺤﻄﻢ ﻓﻜﺮة أن اﻟﺪوﻟﻪ اﻟﻴﺴﺎرﻳﻪ ﻳﺠﺐ أن متﻠﻚ‬ ‫اﻷﺣﺮار ﻳﻘﺘﺤﻤﻮن ﴎاﻳﺎ اﳌﻠﻚ‪ ,‬ﺑﻴﻨام ﺗﺘﺨﻠﻞ أﻏﻨﻴﺔ اﻟﺜﻮره‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻹﻧﺘﺎج‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ اﻟﻌﻠﻢ أن اﻟﻴﺴﺎر ﰲ ﺟﻮﻫﺮه‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻔﻴﺔ اﳌﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻜﻠامﺗﻬﺎ اﳌﻌﺮوﻓﻪ " ﺧﻤﺲ ﻓﺪادﻳﻦ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻤﺤﻮر ﺣﻮل ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻟﻨﻔﺲ اﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ و ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺪادﻳﻦ ﺧﻤﺴﻪ" و ﰲ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ذاﺗﻪ ﺗﺪاﻋﺐ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ اﻹﺷﱰاﻛﻴﻪ اﻟﺪوﻟﻪ ﻟﻬﺎ‪ .‬و ﻟﻜﻦ إﱄ ﺣني ﺑﻠﻮرة اﻟﻬﻴﻜﻞ اﻹﺟﺘامﻋﻲ ‪-‬‬ ‫أذﻧﻴﻚ‪ ,‬ﻣﺤﺪﺛ ًﺔ رﻧني ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ اﻟﻬﺮوب ﻣﻨﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫إﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻮﻋﺐ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﲇ اﻟﺪوﻟﻪ أن‬ ‫اﻟﺤﺼﺺ اﳌﺆﺛﺮه ﰲ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎت‬ ‫متﺘﻠﻚ ﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﻄﺎق َ‬ ‫ﺑﻐﺾ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬا أو ذاك‪ ،‬ﺳﺄﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﻚ ﻃﻠﺒﺎً واﺣﺪا ً‪.‬‬ ‫اﻻﺳﱰاﺗﻴﺠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺪ و أﺳﻤﻨﺖ ﻣﺜﻼ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺠﻨﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﺎول أن ﺗﻨﴘ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻤﻌﺘﻪ ﻋﻦ اﻹﺷﱰاﻛﻴﻪ و اﻟﻴﺴﺎر‪.‬‬ ‫اﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎر و ﺗﻮﺟﻪ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎت ﰲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ اﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﺎم‪..‬‬ ‫ﻓﺄوﻻً‪ ,‬ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻨﺎﴏ و ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻪ ﻏري ﻣﻤﺜﻠني ﻟﻠﻴﺴﺎر ﻋﲇ‬ ‫و ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎت اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﳌﻮﺟﻪ ﻻ ﺗﻌﺘﱪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪه أو دﺧﻴﻠﻪ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫اﻹﻃﻼق و ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎً‪ ,‬ﻫﺬا اﻟﺒﻌﺒﻊ اﳌﺴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻹﺷﱰاﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ إﻻ ﻧﻈﻢ إﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ اﻻﺳﺘﺜامرات ﰲ‬

‫ﺑﻘﻠﻢ‪ :‬ﺣﺴﺎم ﺳﻠﻄﺎن‬

‫ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻊ اﻟﺸﻴﺒﴘ ﻣﺎ ﺑني ﺗﺎﻳﺠﺮ و ﰲ ﻛﺖ و ﺗﺮو ﺷﻴﺒﺲ و‬ ‫ﻏريﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺮض اﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻪ ﴐاﺋﺐ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﲇ اﻻﺳﺘﺜامر ﰲ‬ ‫ﻫﺬه اﳌﺠﺎﻻت "اﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﻪ" و ﺗﺪﻋﻢ اﻟﺪﺧﻮل ﰲ ﻣﺠﺎﻻت‬ ‫اﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﻪ أﺧﺮي ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎت ﴐﻳﺒﻴﻪ أﻗﻞ ﺣﺪه‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ و اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎد اﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪،‬ﻣﺤﺪﺛﻪ دﻣﺠﺎً ﺑني رأس‬ ‫اﳌﺎل و اﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻟﻌﺎم‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ أﺧﺮي ٌ َمي ِﺜﻞ اﻟﻘَﻤﻊ اﳌامرس ﰲ اﻟﺤﻘﺒﻪ اﻟﻨﺎﴏﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺳﻮداء ﰲ ذاﻛﺮة اﻟﻮﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣام أﺣﺪث ﰲ اﻟﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻤﻌﻲ اﳌﴫي ﺧﻠﻄﺎً ﺑني اﻟﻴﺴﺎر و ﺑني اﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮرﻳﻪ و‬ ‫اﳌامرﺳﺎت اﻟﻔﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎم‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﻴﺴﺎر ﻟﻠﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺪورك ﻛﻤﻮاﻃﻦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ اﻟﻴﺴﺎر‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻋﻞ ﻻ ﻳﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺻﻨﺪوق اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎب‪ ،‬و ﻟﻜﻨﻪ دور ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻐري‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺠامﻫري و ﻧﻀﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺿﺪ أي ﻧﻮع‬ ‫و داﺋﻢ‪ ،‬ﺿﺎﻏﻂ و ِ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ اﻻﺳﺘﻐﻼل‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ اﻟﻴﺴﺎري‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ اﻟﻀامﻧﻪ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪه ﻟﺘﺼﺤﻴﺢ و ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ اﳌﺴﺎر اﻟﺨﺎﻃﻲء ‪ .‬وﻋﲇ ﻫﺬا‬ ‫اﻷﺳﺎس ﻓﺈن اﻹﺑﺪاع ﺑﻼ ﻗﻴﻮد ﻫﻮ إﻛﺴري اﻟﺤﻴﺎه اﻟﺤﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻋﻲ اﳌﻮاﻃﻦ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﺬا اﻟﻴﺴﺎر ﻳﺪﻋﻢ اﻟﻌﻘﻞ اﻟﺠﺪﱄ اﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ اﻟﺜﻐﺮات و اﳌﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﺎﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻷن رﺧﺎء اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫وﺟﻬﺔ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ اﳌﺎرﻛﺴﻴﻪ ﻟﻦ ﻳﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺨﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺼﻮﻟﻪ ﻋﻦ اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗُ َﻨ ِﻈﺮ و ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻗﺶ‪ ،‬و إمنﺎ ﺳﻴﺘﺠﺴﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﻪ اﻟﻜﺎدﺣﻪ اﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻪ اﳌﺘﻔﺎﻋﻠﻪ و‬ ‫اﻷﻛرث دراﻳﺔ ﺑﻮاﻗﻌﻬﺎ‪ ,‬ﻓﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﲇ ﺧﻠﻖ آﻟﻴﺎت ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﺒﺪأ‬ ‫اﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﻪ اﳌﺒﺎﴍه‪ ،‬اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺠﻌﻞ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻣﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼريه و ﰲ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺛﺮواﺗﻪ و ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫إذن‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺎرﻧﺎ ﻳﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﲇ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺘﻚ اﻟﺨﺎﺻﻪ و ﻳﺴﻌﻲ إﱄ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓري إﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻚ اﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺄﻛﻞ و ﻣﴩب و ﻣﺴﻜﻦ و‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ و ﺻﺤﻪ ﻋﲇ درﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺠﻮده‪ .‬ﻳﺴﺎرﻧﺎ ﻳﻌﻲ‬ ‫أن أﺳﻠﻮب ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻨﺎ و أمنﺎﻃﻨﺎ اﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﺮت ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﴍ ﺑﻨﻈﺎم ﻋﺎﳌﻲ ﻳﱪع ﰲ ﺧﻠﻖ إﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎت ﻏري ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻚ ﰲ داﺋﺮه ﺟﻬﻨﻤﻴﻪ ﻻ ﺗﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﻦ اﻹﻏﺮاءات اﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺘﻔﻲ ﺑﺴﻠﺒﻚ اﻟﺠﻬﺪ و اﳌﺎل‪ .‬ﻓﺄﺻﺒﺤﺖ أﻗﴢ ﻃﻤﻮﺣﺎﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻤﺤﻮره ﺣﻮل ﺗﺄﻣني ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺘﻚ ﻣﺎدﻳﺎً‪ .‬ﺗﺄﻣني ﺗﻠﻚ اﻟﺪاﺋﺮه‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺮﻳﺒﻪ اﻟﻀﻴﻘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻨﻚ إﻧﺴﺎﻧﺎً أﻧﺎﻧﻴﺎً‪ ,‬ﻳﻌﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ و ﻳُﺸﺒِﻊ إﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻪ‪ .‬و ﻟﻌﻠﻤﻚ أﻛرثﻧﺎ ﻳﺴﺎرﻳﻪ ﻳﺘﺄﺛﺮ‬

‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‬

‫ﺑﺎﺑﻠﻮ ﻧريودا‬ ‫‪source: adab.com‬‬

‫‪ ,‬ﻧﺤﻦ اﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺨﻨﺎ ‪ ,‬ﰲ اﻟﺼﺨﺮ‬ ‫‪ ,‬ﰲ اﻟﺤﺪﻳﺪ ‪ ,‬ﰲ اﻹﻧﻀﺒﺎت اﻟﺼﺎرم‬ ‫‪ ,‬واﺻﻠﻨﺎ اﻟﺤﻴﺎة ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺐ وﺣﺪه‬ ‫‪ ,‬و اﻟﻜﻞ ﻳﻌﺮف ﺑﺄﻧﺎَ ﻧﺰﻓﻨﺎ دﻣﺎ‬ ‫‪ ,‬ﺣﻴﻨام ﺷﻮﻫﺖ اﻟﻨﺠﻤﺔ‬ ‫‪ ,‬ﻋﲆ ﻳﺪ ﻗﻤﺮ اﻟﺨﺴﻮف اﻟﺠﻬﻢ‬ ‫‪ .‬اﻵن ﺳﱰون ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﻦ و ﻓﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫‪ .‬اﻵن ﺳﱰون ﻣﻦ ﻧﺤﻦ و ﻓﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﻜﺮ‬ ‫‪ ,‬ﻧﺤﻦ ﻓﻀﺔ اﻷرض اﻟﻨﻘﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪ ,‬ﻣﻌﺪن اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﺤﻖ‬ ‫‪ ,‬ﻧﺠﺴﺪ ﺣﺮاك اﻟﺒﺤﺮ اﻟﺪاﺋﺐ‬ ‫‪ .‬دﻋﻢ ﻛﻞ اﻵﻣﺎل‬ ‫‪ .‬و ﻟﺤﻈﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻈﻼم ﻻ ﺗﺴﻠﺒﻨﺎ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫‪ .‬و دومنﺎ ﻋﺬاب ﺳﻨﻠﻘﻰ ﺣﺘﻔﻨﺎ‬

‫ﺑﺘﻠﻚ اﳌﻐﺮﻳﺎت‪ ،‬و ﻳﻀﻌﻒ أﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎ أﻣﺎم ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺪم ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﻊ‬ ‫زاﺋﻔﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻘﺪ ﺗﺮﻋﺮﻋﻨﺎ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﺎ ﰲ ﻛﻨﻒ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻮﺣﺶ اﻟﺮأس‬ ‫ﻣﺎﱄ‪ ،‬و اﻟﻴﻮم ﻧﺤﺎول اﻟﺜﻮره ﻋﻠﻴﻪ و اﻟﺘﺤﺮر ﻣﻦ أﻏﻼﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻓامذا‬ ‫ﻟﻮ أﻧﻚ ﺿﻤﻨﺖ ﺗﻮﻓري ﺣﻴﺎه ﻛﺮميﻪ ﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺘﻚ‪ ،‬أﻟﻦ ﺗﺴﻌﻲ ﻧﺤﻮ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎدة اﻟﺒﴩ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﻟﻚ؟‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺎرﻧﺎ ﺳﻴﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻊ اﻟﺪواء دﻋامً ﻷﺑﺤﺎث اﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﻋﲇ‬ ‫اﻷﻣﺮاض‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻻً ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﻧﻊ ﻹﺑﻘﺎء اﻷﻣﺮاض‪ .‬ﻓﻄﺎﳌﺎ أن‬ ‫رﺟﻞ اﻷﻋامل ﻳﺴﻌﻲ ﻧﺤﻮ اﻟﺮﺑﺢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻦ ﻳﻌﺎﻟﺠﻚ أﺑﺪا‪ .‬ﻓﻤﺮﺿﻚ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﴍاﺋﻚ ﻟﻌﻠﺒﺔ دواء أﺧﺮي ﻣﻦ ﻓﻮق اﻷرﻓﻒ‪ .‬ﻳﺴﺎرﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﲇ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ وﺳﺎﺋﻞ اﻟﻨﻘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺠﻌﻠﻬﺎ آدﻣﻴﺔ و‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﺤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﺮا ً ﻋﻠﻴﻚ ﻣﺸﻘﺔ ﴍاء ﺳﻴﺎره ﺟﺪﻳﺪه‪ .‬ﻳﺴﺎرﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻜﻔﻞ ﻟﻚ اﻟﻮﻗﺖ اﻟﻜﺎﰲ ﻟﺘﻬﺘﻢ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻚ ﻛﺈﻧﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻧﺖ ﰲ‬ ‫وﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻧﺎ ﻃﺎﻗﻪ ﻣﺒﺪﻋﻪ و ﻟﺴﺖ ﻣﺠﺮد ﺗﺮس ﰲ ﻣﺎﻛﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﻮر و ﻳﺘﻢ اﺳﺘﺒﺪاﻟﻚ ﺣﻴﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬أﻧﺖ ﺗﺴﺘﺤﻖ أن‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺘﺸﻒ ﻧﻔﺴﻚ و ﺗﻨﻤﻲ ﻣﻮاﻫﺒﻚ‪ .‬ﻓﺄﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﺘﻌﻴﺶ‪ ،‬و‬ ‫ﻟﻦ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ أﺑﺪا ً ﻟﺘﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺎرﻧﺎ ﻳﺴﺎر ُوﻟِ َﺪ ﻣﻦ رﺣﻢ اﻟﺜﻮره‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺮر ﻣﻦ ﻗﻴﻮد اﻟﻔﻜﺮ و‬ ‫دوﺟام اﻹﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎت‪ .‬ﻳﺴﺎرﻧﺎ ﻣﺎرﻛﴘ ﰲ ﺣﻠﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻷﻣﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻲ اﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻷﻣﺜﻞ ﻟﻨﴩ اﻟﻌﺪل ﺑني اﻟﺒﴩﻳﺔ وﻣﺤﻮ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫اﻹﺳﺘﻐﻼل‪ .‬و ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ اﻵن دميﻘﺮاﻃﻲ إﺟﺘامﻋﻲ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮﺟﻮب اﻟﺘﻜﻴﻒ ﻣﻊ ﻧﻈﺎم ﻋﺘﻴﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﻣﺘﺸﺒﺜﻪ ﰲ‬ ‫أﺣﺸﺎء اﻟﻌﺎمل و ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮازي ﻫﺪﻓﻪ ﻫﻮ ﻧﴩﻫﺎ ﰲ اﻟﻌﺎمل ﻛﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﴐﻳﺒﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﻋﺪﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﳌﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺣﺪه ﺗﻨﻬﻲ ﻋﲇ‬ ‫اﺳﺘﻨﺰاف ﻣﻮارد اﻟﺒﴩ ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻗﻮاﻧني اﻟﻌﻮﳌﻪ اﳌﺠﺤﻔﻪ أوﱄ‬ ‫إﻧﺠﺎزاﺗﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻧﻌﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺎرﻧﺎ ﺗﺮوﺗﺴﻜﻮي اﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪه‪ ،‬ﻹميﺎﻧﻪ اﻟﻌﻤﻴﻖ‬ ‫أن اﻟﻨﻀﺎل اﻟﻌامﱄ اﻟﻄﻼيب اﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻫﻮ اﻟﺴﺒﻴﻞ اﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﲇ اﻟﻘﻠﻪ اﳌﻨﺘﻔﻌﻪ ﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮل إﱄ اﻟﻬﺪف و ﻣﻨﻪ إﱄ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻠﻢ ‪ .‬ﻳﺴﺎرﻧﺎ ﻧﺎﴏي ﰲ اﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺑﻪ أن اﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﻪ ﻫﻲ أﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﺗﻴﺢ اﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﱄ أﻣﻤﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﳌﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻴﻪ ﺗﻐري أمنﺎﻃﻨﺎ‬ ‫اﳌﻌﻴﺸﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪرﻳﺞ و ﺗﻀﻐﻂ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻳﺴﺎرﻧﺎ اﻧﺎريك‬ ‫اﻟﻬﻮي‪ ،‬ﻻﻗﺘﻨﺎﻋﻪ ﺑﺄن ﺣﻠﻤﻪ ﻟﻦ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ‪ ,‬إﻻ إذا متﻜﻨﺖ‬ ‫اﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ اﻟﺴﺎﺣﻘﺔ ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺤﻜﻢ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ اﻷﻣﻮر‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﺘﺎج إﱄ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺤﻜﻤﻨﺎ ‪ ...‬ﻓﺎﻟﻌﺎمل ﻳﺤﻜﻢ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺎرﻧﺎ ﺣﺎمل‪ .‬ﻳﺴﺎرﻧﺎ واﻗﻌﻲ‪ .‬ﻳﺴﺎرﻧﺎ ﻓﺎﻋﻞ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﻣﺢ‬

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‫ﻟﻠـﺮﻓـﻴــــﻖ‬

‫ﺗﺸﻲ ﺟﻴﻔﺎﺭﺍ‬

‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﳌﺎرﻛﺴﻴﺔ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﴚ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺜﻮري ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﳾء‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﺗﺒﻨﻰ ﻓﻜﺮة ﻣﺎرﻛﺲ‪ :‬ﻻ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﺗﻔﺴري اﻟﻌﺎمل ﺑﻞ ﻳﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴريه‪ .‬وﻛﺎن ﻳﻌﺘﱪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪا إﱃ ﻟﻴﻨني‪ ،‬إن دور اﻟﺜﻮرﻳني ﻫﻮ‬ ‫اﳌﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺧﻠﻖ ﴍوط اﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼء اﻟﺜﻮري ﻋﲆ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻫﺬه ﻫﻲ اﻟﻔﻜﺮة اﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺠﺪ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺗﴚ ﺑﺼﺪد دور ﺣﺮب‬ ‫اﻟﻐﻮار‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺒﻨﻈﺮه ﻻ ميﻜﻦ ﻗﻀﺎء اﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﰲ اﻧﺘﻈﺎر اﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎء ﴍوط‬ ‫اﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼء ﻋﲆ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻛام ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻔﻌﻞ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ اﻷﺣﺰاب‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﺄﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ اﻟﻼﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﺗﺠﺐ اﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪة ﻋﲆ ﺧﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﴍوط اﻟﺜﻮرة‪ .‬وﻻ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺬا ﺑﺄي وﺟﻪ أن ﻟﺘﴚ ﺗﺼﻮر ﻧﺨﺒﻮي‬ ‫ﴏف ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺜﻮري ﻻ ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺴﺒﺎن اﻟﴩوط اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫واﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻃﻮر ﻓﻜﺮة اﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻄﻮر اﻟﺜﻮرة دون ﻓﻌﻞ اﳌﻨﻈامت اﻟﺜﻮرﻳﺔ واﻟﺠامﻫري‪ .‬وﻗﺪ ﻛﺎن‬ ‫ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺼﻮر ﰲ ﻗﻄﻴﻌﺔ ﺗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺗﺼﻮرات ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻈامت‬ ‫اﻟﻴﺴﺎر اﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪي ﺑﺄﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ اﻟﻼﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ آﻧﺬاك‪ ،‬وﻻ ﺳﻴام اﻷﺣﺰاب‬ ‫اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎن ﻟﻬﺎ ﺗﺼﻮر ﻟﻠﺜﻮرة ﻋﲆ ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ وﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻳﻮم ﺗﺴﺘﻮﰱ ﻓﻴﻪ اﻟﴩوط ﻟﻄﺮح ﻣﺸﻜﻞ اﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼء اﻟﺜﻮري‬ ‫ﻋﲆ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺬا اﳌﻌﻨﻰ ﻳﺘﻌني ﻓﻬﻢ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﺗﴚ‪ »:‬واﺟﺐ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺛﻮري ان ﻳﻘﻮم ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻮرة «‪ .‬وﺗﺒﻨﻰ ﺗﴚ ﻓﻜﺮة ﻣﺎرﻛﺲ اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺆداﻫﺎ أن ﺗﺎرﻳﺦ اﻟﺒﴩﻳﺔ ﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﻜﻮن اﻟﺒﴩ أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻴﻪ‬ ‫وأن اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺑﺪاﻳﺔ ﺻﻨﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﻋﻲ‪ .‬وﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫أﺧﺮى ﻳﺘﻌﺬر ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ اﻟﺜﻮرة واﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﴚ‪ ،‬دون‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺒﺌﺔ ﺷﻌﺒﻴﺔ وﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻄﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺛﻮرﻳﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻮﱄ ﻋﲆ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫وﺗﺒﻨﻲ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎ اﻛرث إﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﱪأﻳﻪ ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ أي ﺗﻐﻴري ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ دون ﺗﺪﺧﻞ اﻟﺠامﻫري‪ .‬وﺗﺒﻨﻰ ﺻﻴﻐﺔ ﺗﺤﺮر اﻟﻌامل‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺻﻨﻊ اﻟﻌامل أﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‪ .‬وﺳﻴﻜﻮن ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻧﺸﺎط ﺗﴚ اﻟﺜﻮري‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺬا اﻟﻔﻜﺮ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ اﻟﺘﻲ ميﺜﻞ ﻗﻄﻴﻌﺔ ﻣﻊ اﻟﺘﺼﻮرات‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎمئﺔ ﰲ اﻟﺤﺮﻛﺔ اﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﺄﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ اﻟﻼﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ آﻧﺬاك‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻤﻦ ﺗﻔﺴري ﺗﻄﻮر ﻓﻜﺮ ﺗﴚ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎ ﰲ اﻷﺳﻔﺎر اﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻗﺎم ﺑﻬﺎ ﰲ أﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ اﻟﻼﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺑني ‪ ١٩٥١‬و‪ .١٩٥٦‬وﻛﺎﻧﺖ إﻗﺎﻣﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺟﻮاﺗﻴامﻻ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ زاوﻳﺔ اﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻫﺬه‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎك ﺷﻬﺪ ﻛﻴﻒ‬ ‫متﺖ إﻃﺎﺣﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺎوﻟﺖ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ إﺻﻼﺣﺎ زراﻋﻴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫وذﻟﻚ ﺑﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻋﺴﻜﺮي ﻣﺪﻋﻮم ﻣﻦ اﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎت اﳌﺘﺤﺪة وﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺶ ﺟﻮاﺗﻴامﻻ‪ .‬وﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﻫﺬا أن اﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﱃ اﻟﺤﻜﻢ دون‬ ‫اﻹﻃﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﺤﻜﻮم ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺸﻞ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺲ اﻟﺘﺼﻮر‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﲆ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ إﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻏري أوﻫﺎم ﺑﻨﻈﺮه‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻟﻘﻄﻴﻌﺔ اﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬واﻟﺜﻮرﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﴬورة‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ اﻟﻨﻈﺎم اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻲ‬ ‫اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ اﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺠﻌﻞ ﺗﻐﻴريا ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ أﻣﺮا ﻣﻤﻜﻨﺎ‪..‬‬ ‫وﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻀﻊ ﺳﻨﻮات ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮت ﺗﴚ ﻛﺎن اﳌﺜﺎل اﻟﺸﻴﲇ ﻫﻮ أﻳﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨريا‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ أﻟﻴﻨﺪي‪،‬اﻟﺬي وﺻﻞ إﱃ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ اﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎيب ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎوﻟﺖ اﻟﻘﻴﺎم ﺑﺈﺻﻼﺣﺎت اﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻜﻦ دون اﺳﺘﻨﺎد‬ ‫ﻓﻌﲇ إﱃ اﻟﺠامﻫري اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ودون ﺗﺪﻣري ﺟﻬﺎز اﻟﺪوﻟﺔ اﻟﻘﺪﻳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫أﻃﻴﺢ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﻘﻼب ﺑﻴﻨﻮﺷﻴﻪ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ ، ١٩٧٣‬وﻫﻮ اﻻﻧﻘﻼب اﻟﺬي‬ ‫دﻋﻤﺘﻪ وﻣﻮﻟﺘﻪ وﺳﻠﺤﺘﻪ ﻛﱪﻳﺎت اﻟﱰوﺳﺘﺎت اﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ ووﻛﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫اﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎرات اﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫أﺧريا‪ ،‬ﻷﺟﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ اﻟﺘﺼﻮر اﻟﺬي ﻃﻮره ﺗﴚ ﻟﺜﻮرﺗﻬﻢ ﻳﺠﺐ‬ ‫إدراك أﻧﻪ ﻛﺎن ذي رؤﻳﺔ واﺿﺤﺔ ﳌﻜﺎﻧﺔ اﻟﱪﺟﻮازﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻠﺪان‬ ‫أﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ اﻟﻼﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻛﺎﻧﺖ اﻷﺣﺰاب اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ آﻧﺬاك ﺗﺪاﻓﻊ ﻋﻦ‬

‫وﺟﻮب ﻗﻴﺎم اﻟﱪﺟﻮازﻳﺔ اﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻮرة وﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ اﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﱪﺟﻮازﻳﺔ اﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ ‪ ١٧٨٩‬ﻗﺒﻞ وﺿﻊ اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ‬ ‫ﺟﺪول اﻷﻋامل‪ .‬أدرك ﺗﴚ اﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﺔ اﻟﺪﻓﺎع ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺮؤﻳﺔ‬ ‫اﳌﻴﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺜﻮرة‪ .‬ﻓﱪﺟﻮازﻳﺔ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﻟﺨﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﻄﺮة‬ ‫اﺧﺘﺎرت ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻨﻬﺞ اﻻرﺗﺒﺎط مبﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬و ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ أي ﺛﻮرة ﺧﻮﻓﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻮرة ﺷﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻮم ﺑﺈﺻﻼح زراﻋﻲ‬ ‫ومتﺲ اﳌﺼﺎﻟﺢ اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴامت‪ .‬ﺑﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﺰﻫﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺛﻮرة دميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬اﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫وﺧﺸﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻮرة دميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ متﺲ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﻘﻮم‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺟﻮازﻳﺔ اﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺑﺎي دور ﺛﻮري‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺑﻞ ﻫﻲ ﺗﻌﺎرض‬ ‫اﻟﺜﻮرة‪ .‬ﻟﺬا ﻻ ميﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﴚ‪ ،‬اﻟﻮﺻﻮل إﱃ إﺻﻼح زراﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﺬري وإﱃ اﻟﻨﻀﺎل اﻟﻔﻌﺎل ﺿﺪ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ وﺗﺪﺧﻠﻬﺎ ﺑﺄﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫اﻟﻼﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ وﻷﺟﻞ اﻟﺨﺮوج ﻣﻦ اﻟﺘﺨﻠﻒ‪ ،‬إﻻ ﺑﺎﻻﺳﺘﻨﺎد ﻋﲆ‬ ‫اﻟﺠامﻫري اﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻﺳﻴام اﻟﻔﻼﺣني اﻟﻔﻘﺮاء واﻟﺴري ﻧﺤﻮ ﺛﻮرة‬ ‫اﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‪ .‬وﻫﻨﺎ أﻳﻀﺎ ﻛﺎن ﻣﺜﺎل اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﻜﻮﺑﻴﺔ ﻫﻮ اﳌﻐﺬي‬ ‫ﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﴚ‪ .‬إذ واﺟﻬﺖ ﻫﺬه اﻟﺜﻮرة ﻣﺠﻤﻮع ﻫﺬه اﳌﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻴام‬ ‫ﺑني اﺳﺘﻴﻼء اﻟﺜﻮرﻳني ﻋﲆ اﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺳﻨﺔ ‪ ١٩٥٩‬وﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴريات اﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ اﻟﺘﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺖ ﻓﻴام ﺑﻌﺪ وإﻋﻼن اﻟﻄﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫اﻻﺷﱰايك ﻟﻠﺜﻮرة ﻋﺎم ‪ .١٩٦١‬وﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ اﻧﻄﺮﺣﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺘﴚ‬ ‫ﴐورة ﺛﻮرة اﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺻﻌﻴﺪ ﻗﺎرة أﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ اﻟﻼﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺮﻣﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫وﻣﺠﻤﻮع اﻟﻌﺎمل اﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎم‪ .‬ﻳﻠﺘﻘﻲ ﻫﺬا اﻟﺘﺼﻮر إﱃ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺒري ﻣﻊ ذاك اﻟﺬي داﻓﻊ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺗﺮوﺗﺴيك واﻟﱰوﺗﺴﻜﻴﻮن وﻣﺆداه‬ ‫ان ﻣﻬﺎم اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻠﺪان اﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻋﲆ ﻛﺎﻫﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺠامﻫري اﻟﻌامﻟﻴﺔ واﻟﻔﻼﺣﻴﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻷن اﻟﱪﺟﻮازﻳﺔ‪ ،‬اﳌﺴﺘﻨﺪة‬ ‫إﱃ اﻹﻣﱪﻳﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﺴري ﺑﻬﺎ إﱃ اﻟﻨﺠﺎح‪ .‬وﻋﲆ ﻫﺬا اﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﻳﺘﻌني‬ ‫أن ﺗﻜﻮن اﻟﺜﻮرة دامئﺔ وﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻋﱪ ﻣﺮاﺣﻞ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺜﻮرة اﻟﺪميﻘﺮاﻃﻴﺔ واﻟﺜﻮرة اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ ﺳريورة واﺣﺪة‪.‬‬

‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن اﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ‬

‫ﻛﺎن ﺗﴚ ﻳﻘﻮل‪ » :‬ﻣﻦ أﺟﻞ ﺑﻨﺎء اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺗﻐﻴري‬ ‫اﻹﻧﺴﺎن و اﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪة اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ «‪ُ .‬ﻃﺮﺣﺖ ﺧﻼل اﻟﻨﻘﺎش‬ ‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ﰲ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺣﻔﺰ اﻟﺒﴩ إﱃ اﻟﻨﺸﺎط اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‪.‬‬ ‫و ﺗﻮاﺟﻪ ﺗﺼﻮران ‪ :‬ﺗﺼﻮر اﻟﺤﻮاﻓﺰ اﳌﺎدﻳﺔ وﺗﺼﻮر اﻟﺤﻮاﻓﺰ‬ ‫اﳌﻌﻨﻮﻳﺔ‪ .‬وﻛﺎن ﺗﴚ ﻣﻌﺎرﺿﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﻮر اﻟﺬي ﻳﻌﺘﱪ اﻟﺤﻮاﻓﺰ‬ ‫اﳌﺎدﻳﺔ ﴐورﻳﺔ ﻹﺗﺎﺣﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮى منﻮ اﻗﺘﺼﺎدي ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ اﻟﻘﻀﺎء‬ ‫ﻋﲆ أﺷﻜﺎل اﻟﺴﻠﻮك اﻟﻔﺮدي اﻟﻘﺎمئﺔ ﰲ ﻇﻞ اﻟﺮأﺳامﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬و ﺟﲇ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻈﺮه أن ﺗﻐﻴري اﻟﺴﻠﻮك اﻹﻧﺴﺎين ﻻ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ واﻗﻌﺎ ﺑني ﻋﺸﻴﺔ‬ ‫وﺿﺤﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ارﺗﺒﺎﻃﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻐﻴريات اﻟﺒﻨﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫اﳌﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬وﻫﻜﺬا ﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻴﺢ اﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ وﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﺠامﻫري ﰲ‬ ‫اﻟﺤﻴﺎة اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدﻳﺔ واﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ واﻻﺟﺘامﻋﻴﺔ‪ ...‬ﺗﻐﻴري ﺳﻠﻮك‬ ‫اﻷﻓﺮاد‪ .‬ﻛﺎن واﺟﺒﺎ إذن ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﻨﺎس ﰲ اﻟﻨﺸﺎط‬ ‫اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي إﱃ اﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺪ ﻋﲆ ﺣﻮاﻓﺰ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬أي ﻋﲆ ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﰲ اﻟﻘﺮارات وﰲ اﻟﺘﺴﻴري اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي وﻋﲆ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫اﻟﻮﻋﻲ اﻟﺴﻴﺎﳼ‪ .‬وﰲ ﻫﺬا اﻹﻃﺎر ﻳﻨﺪرج‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﴚ‪ ،‬اﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻄﻮﻋﻲ‪ .‬إذ ﻳﺮى ﻓﻴﻪ أوﱃ اﻟﺨﻄﻮات ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻇﻞ اﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬إﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺎرﻛﺔ اﻟﻌامل اﻟﻮاﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻨﺎء اﻻﺷﱰاﻛﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻳﺠﺐ أن ﻳﻠﻐﻲ ﻓﺼﻞ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﻴﺪوي ﻋﻦ اﻟﻌﻤﻞ اﻟﺬﻫﻨﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫وﻫﻨﺎ أﻳﻀﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﺔ اﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ اﻟﺪميﻮﻗﺮاﻃﻴﺔ ﻋﲆ ﺳريورة‬ ‫اﻟﺘﻐﻴري اﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎدي‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺻﻠﺐ اﻟﻨﻘﺎش‪.‬‬

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دورية تصدر عن "حركة طلاب اليسار في الجامعة الأمريكية"

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