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University School of Architecture and Planning Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University Sector-16 C, Dwarka, New Delhi. Delhi

Dissertation | B. Arch | Fourth Year



Guide Prof. Rajat Ray

Author Ansh Kumar



Dissertation | B. Arch | Fourth Year





Ansh Kumar



Figure 1.1 - 3 Goals of Jugaad Innovation ( infographics/) Figure 1.2 - 6 Principles Frugal Innovations Figure 1.3 to 1.7 - robert_neuwirth_the_power_of_the_informal_ economy/transcript?language=en Figure 1.8 - Kinetic City by Rahul Mehrotra Figure 1.9 - Kinetic City by Rahul Mehrotra Figure 1.10 - Five stages of Squatting (http:// five-stages-of-squatting.html) FIGURE 1.11: Portraits PHOTOJOURNALISM


FIGURE 1.12: STREET VENDOR, Figure 1.11 - The Skyline of Delhi with the Informal Source: Author Figure 1.12 - The Glocal loop Source: Author Figure 2.1- 2.4 - demonetisation/ Table 1 : Principles of Jugaad ( innovation-a-frugaland-flexible-approach-to-innovation-for-the-21st-century/) Table 2 : Government, University and Global Initiatives for the Jugaad Movement (https:// flexible-approach-to-innovationfor-the-21st-century/)



University School of Architecture and Planning, New Delhi

Dissertation Title: More with Less: Absorbing the Informal Dissertation Guide: Prof. Rajat Ray Dissertation Coordinator: Prof. Sumant Sharma & Prof. Rekha Bhaskaran Dissertation Period : 16th August 2017 - 15th November 2017 Date of Submission: 15th November 2017 No. of pages: No. of words:

Ansh Kumar


RECOMMENDATION We hereby certify that the Dissertation entitled “More With Less: Absorbing The Informal, New Delhi�, prepared by Ansh Kumar under our guidance, be accepted as a requirement for the partial fulfillment of the Degree of Bachelor of Architecture (Semester 7).

Prof. Rajat Ray (Dean, U.S.A.P) (Dissertation Guide)

Prof. Sumant Sharma (Dissertation Coordinator)

Prof. Rekha Bhaskaran (Dissertation Coordinator)



For some unworldly reason when it comes to acknowledgEments, just for a moment, I intend to roll up my sleeves and bare some skin and take a deep breath. This research paper, the final lap was the icing on top of the wonderful five year journey – For I have been lucky to have the company of very talented individuals and outstanding friends, without whose relentless support this project wouldn’t have been possible. Firstly, to my guide Prof. Rajat Ray, for your unwavering support, guidance and inspiration throughout the process and always pushing me to believe I can achieve far more than I had imagined in this paper. Thank you for sticking through all the ups and downs throughout the course of the research paper. It would have been an impossible monster, if it were not for your collected thoughts and sound guidance. Sir, you truly are an amazing mentor. Our Thesis Co-ordinators Prof. Rekha Bhaskaran and Prof. Sumant Sharma cannot be thanked enough for their unbiased and cooperative approach towards the entire batch. To my team, my strength, for all the unconditional support and sleepless nights they put in this project making life look a bit easier. Rohit( the go to person for both content and motivation) - my right hand , you were always the go to guy at any hour with any task. Anubhav, the monk, for doing all the mammoth tasks with ease, calm and utmost efficiency. To Kirti -For believing in me at points when I couldn’t myself and having absolute faith in me and my work. You were invaluable for my sanity over the course of this paper. Thank you for the constant motivation. To my ever loving friends Ashmita, Tulika for always supporting me even in times of distress and having played a very important part in making me the person I am today. Thank you !


To Abhishek, Simar, Shivani, Anshul, Nikhil, Pallavi, Himanshu, Karan and Kshipra for the constant push, appreciation and criticism through the years and for the beautiful experiences that we have had. Lastly, I am indebted to my family, Raghav Bhaiya, Mom, Dad and Dadi, who have done everything in their power to help me achieve all I have to this day. Thank you for believing in me. You have all played an enormous part in shaping this year and making the project successful. Thank you.


PREFACE This Dissertation was written in the 7th semester of Bachelors programme in architecture, at University School of Architecture and Planning, Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University. The Idea for this paper came forth due to my fascination with nonpedigreed architecture and Innovation. Also, the activity and impact that this temporary urban environment generates was exciting. Further adding to my interest where simple but creative observations by Prof. Rajat Ray that one can find on their streets. To study and demonstrate, one such stretch was identified, Fortis Hospital, Vasant Kunj to Chattarpur Metro Station. The theoretical phase was enforced with books, articles and studies:


ABSTRACT The Informal has long been an important part of the lives of Indians affecting them through their daily routines, from the morning tea at a local tea stall to fulfilling cigarette temptations to help survive the day, to the daily ration and household needs and the late night ice-cream cravings. Today, the informal sector suffers criticism and is considered unsuitable for a static urban scenario of a city like Delhi. On the other hand, it is also considered important for the image of the city and adding to its character. It is the adapting qualities and continuous perseverance that they with their innovative frugal innovations and a ‘more with less’ approach continue to exist and functions in-spite of all barriers they face on the streets. This dissertation conducts an explanatory research on the temporal entities and their existence on the streets of Delhi. It draws on literature reviews and additional studies performed to help understand and then demonstrate how the informal works. It intends to add to the academia by giving perspicacity into the temporal urbanism furthermore how it compliments the static city. Keywords: Informal sector, Formalization, Temporal urbanism, Frugal innovation, Delhi, More with Less.



17 Literature Studies 19

Rise of Frugal Innovation

22 The importance of the Informal 30 Kinetic City: Emerging Urbanism in India 32 The Street Vendors Act 34 The Impact of Economic Reforms



Introduction 13


Purpose of study

Site 40 42 43

NHAI - Road Extension Project Research Question Methodology



Indentifying Informal 45 48


Identification Framework

Conclusion 138 140

Adaptibility Towards Temporality



52 Demonstrations 53 61 71 81 91 101 107 115 123 128

The- Ironman The Man with the Liscence The Island The Twins Taxi- Taxi The Hidden Gem Tea Under Tree The Minimals Fruit Market Cumulative Mapping


INTRODUCTION Background: More with Less Indian cities are well understood as static by the bodies who create and develop it- but there exists a dual entity on and around this static city that is always in motion, it may well be considered temporary, in-fact the whole city must be regarded as a temporal space. Indian cities have long forgotten the history of temporal land use and architectural practice1, which still manifests itself in the way the city functions beyond the rigidity of its architecture and planning. The streets in India have an architecture of their own, bamboos used as column supports, rocks stacked up to make a bench, banners, and hoardings used as shade or a pan-waala on the narrow streets of Chandni Chowk runs his business solely with a low lying table in a statistical shaded space or sometimes a sofa acting as a comforting waiting area for a cycle repairer on the footpath. The people use anything and everything and make the most out of it for their purpose, more value from limited resources. Some architects believe in the structural strength, Some in the design, Some in materials. But there are some who do not know the above, what they know and believe in, is survival and the skill they possess is not of engineering or design, they possess only survival instinct. Here Minimalism rather not be ‘Less is more’


but is more of ‘More with Less.’ “ In such a context, architecture or urbanism of equality in an increasingly inequitable economic condition requires a deeper exploration into a wide range of places to mark and commemorate the cultures of those excluded from the spaces of global towns. These do not fundamentally lie in the formal production of architecture; rather, they often challenge it. The idea of a city here is an elastic urban condition- not a grand vision, but a grand adjustment.” - Rahul Mehrotra Temporary uses are usually, not considered to be a part of normal cycles of urban development. They are often associated with, crisis, a lack of vision and chaos. But, despite all preconceptions, we have seen a lot of examples such as the vital scene of Berlin’s nomadic clubs or temporary events proves that temporary uses can become an extremely successful, inclusive and innovative part of the contemporary urban culture.2 The case of temporary use on the Indian streets has a different character altogether which when studied with an observant analytic mind can generate marvelous discoveries regarding design, planning and socio-economic culture. These smaller interventions may or may not have been conscious choices but may turn out to be advantageous for the quality of space and/or their business itself.

Purpose: Informalisation

This dissertation intends to break down our narrow concepts of the art of the building by magnifying the much familiar but ignored world of non-pedigreed architecture. We are so ignorant of this active part of our lives that we don’t even have a name for it and so mostly it is referred as anonymous, spontaneous, indigenous, rural, Informal, etc. India is a nation that lives around actively around these ephemeral nomadic cultures, be it KhIdki next to Saket, Masud Pur near Vasant Kunj, Mohamaddmpur near Safdarjung Enclave. This paper argues considering the already ongoing discussions for the need for the formal address of urban temporality in Indian cities. It aims to discuss how temporality contributes to the city(in terms agents that propagate it). What are the factors that threaten this phenomenon in the Indian context considering models for recognizing and promoting urban temporality? Further comparing different types of temporal entities active in the city of Delhi in terms of different design elements such as anthropometrics, materials, construction techniques, aesthetics, etc. by understanding and Learning from these temporal elements in terms planning, construction, assembly, the operation of the system and interdependencies different entities and transient nature. All above discussions may be done under consideration of already established studies of informality around the world to collect the information and try to formulate a system of the informal if only it exists.



LITERATURE STUDIES The theories listed below will form the basis for the development of my bachelor’s research paper. Some of them are going to be useful for understanding the importance of this study, and some will be used in the analytical stages of the project. Rise of Frugal Innovation There have been a lot of amazing frugal innovations coming out of regular households in India- from the ‘Mitticool Fridge’ to affordable prosthetics, India’s world of frugal innovation has been celebrated for a long time now. These innovations would help in understanding the existence of ‘More with Less’ and to draw a parallel between these innovative solutions and how these then fuel the Informal. The Importance of the Informal In this chapter, we understand the importance of the informal and how it has gained recognition in the formal system with integration in the master plan and the affect it has had on our economy. This will help us understand the relationship between the formal and the informal and how they exist complementing each other in a complex system. Temporary Urbanism The nature of the temporal has been discussed, with emphasis on the socio-cultural importance of temporal agents in the city. This part of the literature study will help in understanding the theories and the ongoing discussions on kinetic/temporary urbanism.


RIS E O F F RU GA L I N N OVATI ON Leading companies around the world such as GE, Google, PepsiCo, Philips, Renault-Nissan, Siemens, Facebook, Suzlon, Tata Group, and Yes Bank are practicing various principles of jugaad or frugal innovation and are learning from grassroots innovators in emerging economies such as India, according to the authors of this informative book. These principles are also being adopted by many NGOs and governments around the world. (Jugaad: Innovation)

The Genius of Frugal Innovation Navi Radjou is an advisor on reform and administration from Silicon Valley. He is one of the professor at Judge Business School, University of Cambridge, and assists on the World Economic Forum’s Global Future Council on Innovating & Entrepreneurship. He is the coauthor of the book Jugaad Innovation (The Economist, 2015). In his book ‘Jugaad: Innovation’ he talks about a human resource that exists in abundance and how people are solving there biggest problems using smart but cheap solutions around the world. He highlights the innovative solutions that people have come up with in different parts of the world, like Mansukh Prajapati a potter from India who invented a fridge uniquely from clay that works zero power and can retain fruits and vegetables preserved for several days, he calls this a ‘cool invention,’ well quite literally. Entrepreneurs from Africa came up with a resourceful mobile recharger solution attaching it to a bicycle, and in Peru an advertisement billboard is designed such that it consumes muggy air and converts it into purified water, generating more than 90 litres every day. Mentioning these kinds of solutions as Jugaad, a Hindi term derived in India meaning ‘an improvised x,’ which may or may not be a permanent or more promising solution but is undoubtedly cheaper and is achieved with scarce resources. “ I think of the individuals who devise them


as being like alchemists: they can magically transform adversity into opportunity, turning something of low value into something of high value. They’re masters of the art of doing more with less, which I call frugal innovation. “ Further in the book, six principles of frugal innovations that can help corporates and R&D labs learn and adopt these principles for cheaper, faster and more sustainable solutions. ‘I’ve faced and inquired hundreds of astonishing entrepreneurs in India, China, Africa and South America. Several of them did not go or finish school, and they did not develop up their interventions in huge corporate research labs.’ The resources that are taken for granted, like capital and equipment, healthcare and education, are not at their disposal. The street is their lab and need, their motivation. A similar pattern can be noticed with the Informality on the streets. The scarcity of commodities forces people to tap in their human ingenuity and use it as a natural resource to help them grow, sustain their families and set a mark in the informal-formal system that has been debated throughout. The stories of frugal innovations help in defining, understanding and acknowledging the practice of ‘more with less.’ It also questions the forces that work against the Informal, if they really can or even want to remove these from the system, and if they do will there not be a way out that these creative minds may come up with to continue there pursuit to work and prosper.

Figure 1.1 - 3 Goals of Jugaad Innovation

Figure 1.2 - 6 Principles Frugal Innovations




THE IM P O RTA N C E O F TH E I N F OR M A L Urban informality is a topic that has relevance to different disciplines and cultures, and subculture and in various scales across different countries. Compared to most other disciplines, understanding informality in the context of urban planning is an emerging topic. Informal urbanism as a mode of urbanization in many of the megacities calls for a serious discussion on the prevalence of informality in the urban planning. (Revisiting Urban Informality)

Large sections of the unoccupied and underemployed population in rural areas and poor towns reach Delhi for work. This produces an abundance of small businesses, frivolous trading and informal labor. Thus a center like Delhi has an established on-wage sector and a fairly large informal sector. The Informal sector with decreased needs of area and capital is necessary as a source for jobs in the commercial framework of Delhi. A study by the Directorate of Economics and Statistics calculated the amount of unorganized trading activities in Delhi as two lakhs and the number of people employed around 3.18 lakhs. The participation of this sector which is estimated in terms of Gross Value addition to the economy of Delhi has been estimated at Rs 1.01 lakh per business per annum. Approach Paper MPD 2021 The Delhi Plan-2021 indicates increasing residence cum work areas and various land use developments allowing tiny shops, eateries, and non- hazardous, non-polluting prolific activities. This demands a fresh kind of micro-banking which helps small savings and loans for the expansion of small and microbusinesses and home-placed commercial ventures. The open sector activities are aimed to be associated with greater levels of productivity and profit. This will demand the growth of linkages among industrial generation and


informal sector, which implies that the open sector takes up jobs for the industrial sector, which will result in nurturing earnings and jobs. Advanced assistance and employment/ economic growth, empower and equip the disadvantaged to blend themselves within the system of transactions in the urban scheme as a whole. This italicizes the need for enhancing and promoting as the beginning of the urban process. The approach should include physical, cultural and economic infrastructure with clear linkages within the applications of infrastructure reform and poverty mitigation. It is intended to include and unite the open sector in the organized development for which guidelines and ordinances are to be made an obligatory element of the New Master Plan. Broadly, nearly one-third of the cumulative shops shall be composed of the total informal and service sector systems in the plan. Delhi has a parallel economy in the structure of this informal sector. This native and disorderly industry with deeply reduced needs of reservation, assistance, and expenses is an important cause of trade in the commercial fabric of Delhi. As such it is conceived to embrace a multi-pronged strategy to provide to this establishments: •Marking ‘Hawking’ and ‘No Hawking’ Zones in relation with the RWA at regional/ cluster

level. • The present weekly markets to be recognized and re-designed. • New spaces for open trade in the fashion of Janta markets (people’s market) to be produced and presented with necessary facilities in residential, commercial, institutional and industrial sectors. • Provision of common basic services, like toilets on a permanent basis. • Systematizing designs of stalls, push-carts and mobile vans of different extents and with sanitation conveniences. •To develop Controls on Street Merchants.

The plan did not offer the combination of the open sector heading to their exponential extension which surpassed infrastructural abilities. MPD-81 considered around 20000 informal sector totals in 1981 which is restricted to 15%. Furthermore, the proposal did not include any specific plan for the unification of the unorganized sector in expansion schemes. (Learnings from previous master plans,

Vision 2021 is to make Delhi a global metropolis and a world-class city, where the people would be involved in productive work with a better quality of life, living in a sustainable environment. This will, necessitate planning and action to meet the challenge of population growth and in-migration into Delhi; provision of adequate housing, particularly for the weaker sections of the society; addressing the problems of small enterprises, particularly in the unorganized informal sector; dealing with the issue of slums, up-gradation of old and dilapidated areas of the city; provision of adequate infrastructure services; conservation of the environment; preservation of Delhi’s heritage and blending it with the new and complex modern patterns of development; and doing all this within a framework of sustainable development, publicprivate and community participation and a spirit of ownership and a sense of belonging among its citizens. (Vision statement, MPD - 2021)


Stealth of Nations by Robert Neuwirth In the book, Robert Neuwirth talks about ‘system D,’ a pirated word from the former French colonies. There is a word in french- debrouillardise, that translates to self-reliant, and the later French communities have turned that into System D for the economy of self -reliance, or the DIY administration. “ It’s traditionally called the informal economy, the underground economy, the black market. I don’t conceive of it that way. I think it’s really important to understand that something like this is totally open. It’s right there for you. All of aforementioned is following openly, and aboveboard. There’s nothing avant-garde about it. It’s our prejudgment that it’s underground .” He then describes this situation as the pickle problem. “I had a friend who worked at a pickle factory, and the cucumbers would come down this conveyer belt, and his job was to pick off the ones that didn’t look so good and throw them in the bin labeled “relish” where they’d be crushed and mixed with vinegar and used for other kinds of products.” This is what is known as the pickle economy. Everyone is concentrating on the leisure economics. It’s staked at 1.5 trillion dollars yearly, and that’s an enormous sum of capital, roughly thrice the Gross Domestic Product of Switzerland. Nevertheless it should be seen with an asterisk, that is, it omits two-thirds of the workers of the world. 1.8 billion workers throughout the globe, trade in the economy that is unchecked and open. That’s a significant number, and what does that suggest? This indicates if it was combined in a singular political policy, one country. Known with different names, “The United Street Sellers Republic,” the U.S.S.R., or “Bazaaristan,” it would be priced at 10 trillion dollars each year, and that would make it the next largest economy in the world,


following the United States. Projections are that the volume of economic growth across the next 15 years will come from rising businesses in the developing world, it could comfortably overtake the United States and become the biggest marketplace in the world. So the indications of that are immense as it signifies that this is where job are — 1.8 billion workers — and this is where we can produce a more egalitarian society, because people are truly able to earn money and live and thrive. Big corporations have recognized this, and what’s interesting is that it’s not that the people can move cartons on their heads and push around without dropping them off. The Gala-Sausage roll is made by a global company called UAC foods. Active throughout Africa and the Middle East, but the Gala sausage roll is not sold in stores. UAC foods recognised the fact that it won’t sell if it’s product in stores. It’s only marketed by a phalanx of street vendors who run throughout the streets of Lagos. At bus stations and in traffic jams and sell it as a snack, and it has been working that way for 40 years. This is a business plan for a multinational. This is not true just in Africa. For Example, Mr. Clean is one of the primary Procter & Gamble products. The analytics have always indicated that WalMart is their biggest customer. WalMart purchases 15 percent of Procter & Gamble’s sales, but their largest market share is something that they call “high-frequency stores,” which are all the small booths, the lady sitting in the dugout and all the other shops that exist in System D, the informal. Procter & Gamble makes 20 percent of its money from informal, is also the market that’s evolving. So Procter & Gamble says, “We don’t care whether a store is incorporated or registered or anything like that. We want our products in that store.”

Figure 1.3

Figure 1.4


The Network of Networks Mobile phones have been an integral part of everyday lives and so have the network providers. In the book Robert points out on how the multinational companies use the informal sector to increase business. MTN is a South African multinational active in about 25 countries, and when they came into Nigeria — Nigeria is the big dog in Africa (One in seven Africans is a Nigerian), everyone wanted to get into the mobile phone market. And when MTN came in, they wanted to sell the mobile service like the United States or in the U.K. or in Europe -- expensive monthly plans, including a phone, paying overages and killing fees -- and their plan crashed and burned. So, while reconsidering they went back to the drawing board, and they retooled, and they came up with another plan: We don’t sell you the phone, we don’t sell you the monthly plan. We only sell you airtime. And where’s the airtime sold? It’s sold at umbrella stands all over the streets, where people are unregistered, unlicensed, but MTN makes most of its pro ts, perhaps 90 percent of its pro ts, from selling through System D, the informal economy. We have a similar system in India, well it has changed over the last few years with digitization kicking in, which has well affected the informal sector- we will address that in the later half of the section. Prepaid mobile recharges, and services were always accessible via the informal - the paanwalas, the local grocery stores, even chaiwallahs. Easily available coupons for self-recharge and giving these informal shop owners the tools to help the customers helped these providers to grow.


Product Performance Analytics The Guangzhou Dashatou second-hand trade center in Guangzhou, China, is where all the major companies get pirated. They have the brand name on them, but the name brand is not manufacturing them. Versace without the vowels. Zhuomani instead of Armani. S. Guuuci, and all around the world this is how products are being distributed, so, for instance, in one street market on Rua 25 de Março in São Paulo, Brazil, you can buy fake designer glasses or cloned cologne. You can buy pirated DVDs, of course. one can buy New York Yankees caps in all sorts of unauthorized patterns or cuecas baratas, designer underwear that is not necessarily manufactured by a designer, and even pirated evangelical mixtapes. Now, if we think from their perspective, Businesses tend to complain about this, but they use piracy as market research. “The sneaker manufacturer told me that if they found that Pumas are being pirated, or Adidas are being pirated and the ones by Puma aren’t being pirated, they know they’ve done something wrong. “ So, it’s essential to them to track piracy exactly because of this, and the people who are buying, are not their target customers anyway because their customers want the real deal. A similar trend is seen in the Indian cities. The piracy hubs and grey markets are an open and unapologetic part of the Indian commerce and talking of Delhi, where exist some enormous commercial markets that thrive on piracy- Nehru Place, Chandni Chowk, Sarojini nagar etc., where you get rst copies of products ranging from mobile phones to perfumes to underwear.

Figure 1.5

Figure 1.6


Figure 1.7


Figure 1.8


K I N E T IC C IT Y: E M ERGI N G URBA N I SM I N I N DI A Today, Indian cities carry two components occupying the same physical space: the static city and the Kinetic City. In the book, Rahul Mehrotra talks about the scenario of temporal Urbanism in relation to the city of Mumbai. Emerging Urbanism in India India’s cities, which are suspected to become some of the most significant urban conglomerates of the twenty-first century, incorporate both physical and visual contradictions to fuse in a landscape of pluralism. This isn’t a recent phenomenon. Historically, especially during British colonization, these complex worlds in the cities—whether economic, social, or cultural—occupied different spaces and worked under different rules, with a goal of maximizing control and minimizing conflict among the opposing worlds. Today these societies share the same area but comprehend and use it differently. Enormous waves of distressed rural migration during the latter half of the 1900s triggered the convergence of these systems into a singular, but multifaceted entity. Coupled with the inadequate supply of urban land and the lack of new urban centers, this resulted in notably high densities in existing cities. Furthermore, with the emergence of a post-industrial, service-based economy, these worlds became even more intertwined within the same space. T he book talks about how the Indian cities include two components occupying the same physical space: the static city and the Kinetic City. The static city, built of more permanent fabric such as concrete, steel, and brick, is perceived as a monumental two-dimensional reality on conventional city maps. Meanwhile, the Kinetic City—incomprehensible as a two- dimensional entity—is regarded as a city in motion, a three-dimensional construct of incremental development. The Kinetic City is temporary in essence and often built


with recycled materials: plastic sheets, scrap metal, canvas, and waste wood. It continually modifies and reinvents itself. The Kinetic City is not regarded as architecture but as temporary spaces, which hold associative values and supportive lives. Patterns of control determine its form and perception. It is an indigenous urbanism that has its particular “local” logic. It is not to be necessarily looked at as the city of the hapless, as most images might suggest; rather, it is a temporal articulation and control of space that not only creates a richer sensibility of spatial occupation but also implies how spatial limits are expanded to include formally unimagined uses in the compact urban conditions. The Kinetic City, with its bazaar-like pattern, is like the symbolic image of the emerging urban Indian condition. The processions, weddings, festivals, hawkers, street vendors, and slum dwellers all create an ever-transforming street scape; it is a city in continuous motion, where the very physical fabric is characterized by the kinetic. Meanwhile, the static city—reliant on architecture for its representation—is no longer the single image by which the city is read. As a result, architecture is not the “representation” of the town, nor does it even comprise the single dominant image of the city. In contrast, festivals such as Diwali, Dussehra, Navrathri, Muharram, Durga Puja, and Ganesh Chaturthi have emerged as the representations of the Kinetic City, and their presence in the everyday landscape pervades and dominates the famous visual culture of Indian cities.

Figure 1.9

Figure 1.10

Figure 1.11 The Five Stages of Squatting From the study, there can be concluded, five stages of the morphology of the urban temporal entity that exists on the streets between the static built. This scheme was used in a lecture by MIT professor Rahul Mehrotra. It shows ‘The Five Stages of Squatting,’ as he calls it; the Five steps that a Mumbai street vendor has to go through to become a more or less established part of the urban domain. In the first stage, the street vendor stalls out his food, goods, or whatever he is selling on some cardboard sheets or a small carpet. He barely has any products in stock, so that he can quickly run away if the police appear. A small number of people get engrossed in the goods he is selling. After

a couple of weeks, he obtains a hand full of costumers who regularly come back, causing him to move into stage two. Now, he needs to have more products in stock. If necessary, he can invest his earnings in bribing the police so that he can stay in his spot, and his costumers know where and when to find him. After a while, he earns enough to bribe his way into stage three. The street vendor is less flexible, but he can bribe the police when necessary. In stage four he expands his business and by offering more products and appeal to a wider range of costumers. By now he is a well -known street vendor, but he needs to prepare himself for the rain since monsoon is approaching. Therefore, in the final stage, our friend builds a small cover and is now an established part of the urban fabric.


T H E S T RE ET V EN D O R S AC T The Tehbazaari Act of 2014 describes a ‘street vendor’ as a person involved in the selling of articles, goods, food items or merchandise of everyday use or offering services to the public, on a street, lane, sidewalk, footpath, parks or any other public place, from a temporary builtup structure or by moving from one place to another. It includes hawker, peddler, settlers and other similar titles which may be local or regional. The urban infrastructure has resulted in suppression of such traditional livelihoods. Many large retailers, fearing competition, continue to demand the elimination of street vendors (as cited by Kyoko Kusakabe in 2006). Because of the inhospitable conditions with no necessary facilities and subject to continuous harassment by local authorities, there is moral ambiguity on whether these vendors should be given the status of legitimate or not. For most street vendors, the pavement is full of uncertainties. The constant harassment, eviction, bribery and municipal raids are a common sight. E.g.Sarai Kale Khan market, Lajpat Nagar market. The Street Vendors Act 2014 was legislated to address many of these issues with an objective is to legalize vending and provide street vendors the rights that they deserve. Unfortunately, this Act has not been entirely implemented despite being way past its deadline. Over the years, there have been various Non-Governmental Organisations and Street Vendor Unions were forcing the government to take steps for recognition of the vendors. In the 1990s street vendor movements across the world became widespread. In November 1995, representatives of street vendors from 11 cities and five continents got together and signed the Bellagio International Declarant of Street Vendors. Taking inspiration from the same, Street Vending led to a fair amount of discourse in India (cited by Sinha and Roever: 2011).


The case of Sodan Singh v/s New Delhi Municipal Corporation (NDMC) (1989) has been a benchmark in the history of street vendors.The Court ruled that “the right to carry on trade or business, on street pavements, if properly regulated, cannot be denied on the ground that streets are meant exclusively for passing or re-passing and for no other use.” It recognized the state of poverty and claimed that there is no justification to deny the right to earn a livelihood to the citizens by using public streets for trade and business. On 6th September 2013, The Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Bill, 2013 was passed by the Lok Sabha and on 19th February 2014 by the Rajya Sabha. The consent of the President was received on 1st May 2014 after which the notification was sent to all local governments. It had to be implemented entirely within one year, i.e., 1st May 2015. As The National Policies were only guidelines towards which state governments had to work, there was no binding order on the government to implement these directives. The primary problem with the National Policies remained non-implementation. There is a need to create a dedicated committee within state governments which works to ensure correct implementation of the Act. Penalties, notices, deadlines, incentives etc. need to be regulated by this committee.

Figure 1.12

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T H E I M PAC T O F ECO N O M I C REFO RM S The recent economic reforms in the country did hit hard on the informal sector and the following case study performed by Centre for New Economic Studies at OP Jindal Global University, and ICRIER, New Delhi shows that While Destroying Delhi’s Informal Markets, Demonetisation Also Lead to Rising Informalization.

In India, the widespread existence of the informal sector within cities like Delhi is seen in commercial exchanges of commodities in the form of street vending activities and local weekly markets operating as tehribazaars and haats. Post the announcement of the demonetization of the Rs 500 and Rs 1000 currency notes in November 2016, the worst impact of the announcement was seen in these cash-run informal bazaars across Delhi. Some key empirical trends can be noted from interviews of merchants and vendors operating in the weekly market in Mayur Viharand the old markets of Chawri Bazaar, Chandni Chowk and Meena Bazaar (old Delhi).

in the vicinity (less than 100 m ), triggering residential expansion and consumer demand in the neighborhood. The stalls are set up over footpaths on small wooden planks (for the display of goods) and have a minimum or no infrastructural support. The market is operational between 4-9 pm every Wednesday.

The empirical observations shown here are drawn from a six-month held study by the Centre for New Economic Studies, O.P. Jindal Global University. The objective of the study was to understand the governing dynamics of market activities in a few local markets in Delhi, in a post-demonetization context. Observations from Mayur Vihar In Mayur Vihar, there were approximately 13 weekly markets around a decade ago, now increased to around 280 in number. One of the biggest markets here is a weekly bazaar set up every Wednesday near D-Park, Pandav Nagar. This weekly market came into existence 30 years ago, with a few merchants selling garment products through street vending.

In this report, they have been described as the floating vendors. Vendors selling garment products usually purchase these goods from the old Delhi markets of Chandni Chowk and Chawri Bazaar and increase sales on a minimal profit margin. Post-demonetization: the street-vending business for most vendors was wiped out for a month, during which the weekly market was shut, with limited cash available for purchase or sale. However, after March 2017 (three months after the announcement), market activity flourished with the increased presence of vendors. In the absence of lowerdenomination currency (Rs 20, Rs 50 and Rs 100), some vendors used products with a lower price as barter (so to give customers their change). A similar observation was noted in a previous study conducted in the IndiaBhutan border area (in December 2016).

However, most traders came to the area to sell a wider basket of products only a decade ago, after the establishing a Mother Dairy plant


Some key findings in the study had conversations with the vendors operating in the market include: Most merchants working in the business are part of migrated populations from rural parts of Uttar Pradesh, who often sell their products on separate days of the week across different weekly markets across Delhi.

Figure 2.1: Mayur Vihar products and services

Figure 2.2: Inventory chain of goods sold by merchants in weekly Wednesday Bazaar

Wholesaler: vendors purchase in bulk from Chandni CHowk, Sadar Bazaar, Trilokpuri wholesale markets.

Procurement: These goods are then procured by the vendors through the public transport, autorickshaw, or private-vehicles.

Storage: Vendors store the procured products in their residency and carry them on pushcarts to Wednesday Bazaars.

Final Consumer: The goods are sold to the consumer on the weekly market at Wednesday Bazaar.

The number of merchants selling an alike product basket (say cotton apparel, plastic-ware or steel utensils) shape the bargaining power of consumers influencing an operating price range. No one really knows the actual price of the product sold, and most purchases are dependent on a traditional supply-

demand framework (the number of sellers vs. the willingness of the consumer to buy the product) without any role for indirect taxing, the price ceiling in the price quoted. The chart above offers a social network report map detailing the chain process of inventory management for products obtained to be sold by merchants at the market.


During a study of markets of old Delhi (Meena Bazaar, Chandni Chowk, and Chawri Bazaar), we interviewed around thirty retailers selling a wide basket of products, ranging from imitation brass jewels, used books, garments and plasticware to second-hand appliances. The spatial location of the markets in the old Delhi region is based on the strong historical importance of the Mughal era when the Jama Masjid was constructed during the reign of Shah Jahan. Book market in old Delhi has been operational for the past 100 years and witnessed a major increase of merchant and booksellers after Partition in 1947. Most vendors interviewed in Meena Bazaar set up their shops when they shifted to the city in the 1970s and still run unregistered stalls entirely on a cash-based business model. Below is a supply chain matrix on the inventory management of scrap tools and second-hand machinery products sold near the Jama Masjid Motor Market. Some of the vendors in old Delhi procure their tools from various parts of India like Pune, Bangalore, and Gandhinagar, and also from countries like Germany, the US, and the UK. Similarly, the imitation jewelry and brassware vendors in Chawri Bazaar procure their goods from Agra and villages around it, transporting the goods via tempos(vans), which costs them approximately Rs 4050 per kg. These goods are then sold to shopkeepers, who buy them in bulk. Another interesting aspect of studying markets in old Delhi is seen in the operational dynamics of the second-hand book market, where usually students, sell their books to the retailers at a lower price, which is re-sold (and is outside the formal accounting systems).


The volume of revenue from second-hand book sales is huge and remains growing here. The selling price of books depends on the edition of the book, the author of the book and the demand for the book. These factors determine the retail price. The retailers or booksellers in the market then trade it with the customers at a minimum of 50% profit margin. All these transactions and ventures in the old Delhi markets remain part of an informal, unregulated setup. In a postdemonetization scenario, some of the following observations were made during our study: Most markets located in the old Delhi region were the worst impacted after demonetization. Almost all economic affairs in Chawri Bazaar, Chandi Chowk, Meena Bazaar, Motor Market, Flower Market and Book Market are in cash, and it took months for merchants to resume their market operations on a day-to-day basis. Unlike the case of Mayur Vihar, markets proclaimed a loss of business in the medium term (between 8-12 weeks after the announcement). The loss of economic livelihood, especially those doing business in perishable goods (like fruits, eatables, and bakery items) was severe. It was only after mid-March that businesses with a smoother flow of cash ( new Rs 2,000 and Rs 500 notes) resumed with a reasonable consumer demand. However, most dealers complained of not having enough smalldenomination currency notes for change, which forced them to barter particular goods in change (similar to the Mayur Vihar case). The scale of business in terms of merchants selling goods across these markets have increased over the last six months, with more floating vendors selling garment products, plasticware, and steel utensils. Most of these floating vendors are part of migrant trading

Figure 2.3: Inventory chain of goods sold by merchants in Old Delhi

communities, with members of the group selling products across the city on various days of the week. In old Delhi, we saw most of these vendors positioned outside metro stations to provide easier access to consumers. Most bazaars in and around Delhi operate on a sizeable informal scale, engaging more than 60% of the people living in the city with little infrastructural support ( land allocation, essential utilities like power, water and so on). A lack of successful urban planning methods and existing policy discourse from the side of the state remains responsible for this. In times of reduced job creation (across formal sector groups), an ineffective skill development process and an increasing gap between skills attained from an academic degree and the skills demanded

by industries, it is likely that a foreshadowing rise in informalisation of occupational activities across cities in the years ahead. Concerning policy formulae, there is an urgent need for policymakers (particularly studying urban spaces and planning), to view urban informality inclusively rather than use a dualistic policy lens in viewing such market spaces outside the formal, organized market set up. The use of subjective, ethnographic research methods, going beyond traditionallyused econometric tools, is required in policy assessment. Public policy analysis including the greater use of mixed research methods, accommodating for a larger sample of survey-based records along with quantitative data (where available in secondary form) is critical for understanding the nature and differentiating structure of urban informality.


| Location |


SITE Vasant Kunj A farmland acquired by the government in the 1960’s, Vasant Kunj lies in the south-west district of Delhi and is considered one of the Porsche and upmarket areas of south Delhi as it is settled at the foothills of the Aravali range surrounded by greenery and is near the Indira Gandhi International airport, New Delhi. Vasant Kunj has approx. Eighteen schools and three hospitals. The population stratification being such that significant segment of the citizens is senior citizens and young families with small children. Mehrauli Mahipalpur road This road is the main spine road of the Vasant Kunj area. There are residential sectors that are interdependent with social facilities on both sides of the road. Vasant Kunj Marg road connects the Sectors-A (Pocket B&C), Sector-D (Pocket 1,2,3,4) and Kishangarh Village of Vasant Kunj to MehrauliGurgaon Road (M.G Road). The total length being 2.1 kilometers (1.3 mi), the Vasant Kunj Marg starts from Mehrauli-Gurgaon Road (Opp. of Chhatarpur (Delhi Metro) Station) and ends at the Traffic Light or Red Light of The Late. Ranjan Dhall Memorial Fortis Healthcare Hospital.



NHAI (The National Highways Authority of India), with its attempt to decongest the Delhi-Gurgaon extent of NH-8, has prepared a plan to complete a slew of projects with an investment of at least Rs 8,000 crore in the next three years, including the Dwarka Expressway. The project is to be implemented on a 3.5 km stretch from Andheria Mor to Masoodpur village to widen it from a four-lane road to an eight-lane road. The Mehrauli- Mahipalpur road crossing this stretch was designed to be completed in three phases, Phase I - being from Andheria Mod to Fortis Hospital (approx 2.2 km), Phase II: from the Fortis Hospital to Ryan International school and continuing to shiv Murti at NH8 cutting across the ridge area. The project started on 27th Oct 2010 but was put to halt due to protests and petitions filed by the residents against the project in February 2012 claiming illegal destruction of several trees by the PWD’s contractor. The project had to be reconsidered


to make sure that a high number of trees are saved. As a result of which, the cycle track was planned around the existing trees without touching them. Permissions have been issued for the first stage that starts from Andheria Mod to Fortis Hospital. Around 80% of land has been made cor work. A senior official stated that according to him, there is not much hope that the green belt promised by PWD will actualize since there is nothing in law to protect it and eventually informal activity would generate. The green cover excluding forests in Delhi has diminished by two sq km which means that plantations along avenues and streets have come down substantially according to a recent forest report. While Informing the court about the informal activity along the road, the residents point out that the vendors on either side of the road come under the green belt and have ensured that the project gets delayed.

Figure 1.14 : Mehrauli Mahipalpur Road - 2010

Figure 1.15 : Mehrauli Mahipalpur Road - 2014

Figure 1.16 : Mehrauli Mahipalpur Road - 2017


R E S E ARCH QUESTI ON It can be understood from the above introductory research and the ongoing discussions on the concerns of Temporary Urbanism that it is an integral part of the city. In the case of the city of Delhi we can see how there have been reforms to integrate the informal sector into the formal system and planning. Though there have debates if the recent reforms are in favor of the informal economy or have affected them economically, further affecting the countries economy. Studies conducted in the informal markets in Delhi have reported growth in the sector in spite of backlash and downfall in their sales these market continue to grow. The informal entities have become an integral part of the socio-culture and economy of the static city and they will continue to exist. Hypothesis In the selected context (site introduction later) after the completion of the Andheria Mor Road extension project in from Fortis to the Chattarpur metro station the informal entities still thrive to exist.

Scope & limitations As the paper includes first hand studies and analysis it is difficult to conclude on an area that his beyond limitations of time. Therefore, the scope of study is aimed at, but not limited to, the stretch from Vasant Square mall, Vasant Kunj to Chattarpur Metro station. A single stretch would be easier to observe regularly and will help understand and magnify the temporary entities in a more detailed fashion.


Methodology This chapter aims to present the structure of the paper by explaining the characteristics of the study, the methods used in data collection, empirical study and the analysis. The work process is presented in detail on literature studies, interviews and the observations that are used reach the results. The methodological limitations and challenges are presented and further validity and reliability of the study are discussed. Research Aproach: This study adopted an exploratory approach in order to add to the academia and the already ongoing research and discussions on similar topics. A desktop research followed by an empirical study is applied. Data Collection: The data collection is an important part to create a base for the study and demonstration in this paper. this includes theoretical reviews and literature reviews that include books by Rahul Mehrotra( Kinetic city & The Kumbh Mela), Jugaad Innovation that talks about the frugal innovations and its teachings. Also data from government documents such as the Delhi Master Plan & reforms like Tehbazaari Act have extracted which in a way fuels and supports the research questions. Demonstration: Understanding concepts and theories from the data collected and then performing an on foot documentation of the selected site and analyse it to further reach the results of this paper. Framework & Analysis: To prvepare a framework from preliminary studies and observations and then applying that on the demonstrations to reach to the results.


Data Collection

Empirical Study





Transient Permanent



This chapter would discuss the existence of temporal entities on the selected site and how they fit in the static city in a more literal sense as we come closer to demonstrating and getting to a conclusion. As discussed in the previous chapter, the road extension project along the Vasant Kunj marg road has been an unstable project, with petitions and protests against it. While there goes on a conflict between the authorities and residents, the informal layer has found advantages to themselves and continued to spread in the nooks and corners of the static city. So, with the cutting of trees to make space for the road construction there has, in turn, been created small voids and islands that were then occupied by vendors and hawkers who had seen an opportunity to sell their goods to the construction workers or the ones who have joined since then abiding by the concept of ‘Location Location Location’. Also how these have reacted and adapted to the changing situations on site with no provision providing for them whatsoever.


FRAMEWORK The presence of informal activity has now been identified between the selected site ends. So, the next stage is to magnify and understand the identified samples and use them to get to a conclusion. A Framework is to be formed to use it as a method of demonstration. The framework is a projection of a vision for the going-to-be findings from the demonstrations, built upon by referring and narrowing down the theoretical analysis and initial Literature reviews. This paper would further utilize this framework as a lens to result in a comparative analysis of the multiple activities and investigations leading into a structure, demonstrating how (if they, in different cases) these smaller entities are connected and perform a more significant role in the urban fabric. The framework further helps in narrowing down into a formal address to the demonstrations and conclude in as hypothesis or Antithesis. This Framework is to be applied as a method to examine the various objectives of this paper, which include the understanding of different architectural components in planning, materials used, construction methods, morphology of these existences. The demonstrations may result in more profound features that may or may not come under the formulated segments of the framework, never the less discussing variety, flexibility and different combinations within the framework. Note that the application of the framework will allow the understanding of the fact that the features discussed in it are not to be expected to be present in all the illustrations, however, this exclusive relationship of more and less is what is aimed at being achieved.




DEMONSTRATIONS The above-formed framework will now be applied on to our identified informal entities on site. These demonstrations would help us lead to the conclusion and help us understand the informal on a microscopic level. The variety, flexibility, vibrancy that the informal contributes to its context and how the context reacts to the informal. The interdependency would help us get a better insight on the importance of the informal and how, if possible, will this study help us in including the informal in the formal system without losing their traits, features, and advantages.



Aaj Kapde hen? The Iron-Man

“ Aaj Kapde hen ?� the voice every household answers daily on the knock of the iron-man or Iron-Lady more commonly known as the press-waala or press-waali respectively. They are important but insignificant to the many lives they cater and just like all the other household services in the informal sector even they are taken for granted. This particular service located in front of Sector-B, Pocket-8 of Vasant Kunj and serves to the ironing requirements of three pockets namely - 8, 9 & 10 of Sector B. In its

competition the service does have competition from a few formal laundry services across the road in the commercial tower but due to it being an old and loyal service provider and a bit cheaper than the formal businesses it still preferred by the citizens of these colonies. The family consists of four members the man, his wife and two of their children that are wandering around playing around the shop. They live in Kishangarh a village nearby and come here to work in the morning till the evening taking Sundays off leaving the structure vacant for most of the time.






Stage 2

Stage 1


Stage 3


Location of the shop is such that it is in isolation from the vehicular traffic from the roads gives at peaceful environment without any hassle around, sticking to the boundary wall of B8. It is separated from the road by 6m with two paved pedestrian pathways- a one step raised path of about 2 m in width and another of 4m width differentiating it further from the busy road. The shop is strategically located in between the sectors to help them provide the service with ease and the customers too have a walkable distance to collect or deposit their clothes in urgent times. Also it is situated under the shade of two trees keeping it cool and calm for most part of the day. The trees also help keep the winds away preventing damage. Keeping it minimalistic the internal planning is nothing more than two tables with drawers and cabinets that have locks on them for security. The two tables both act as the workstation as well as collection/delivery counter.

of a bamboo framework on which rests a layer of corrugated sheets which is further covered by plastic weather proof sheets tied up in a rugged fashion by thick ropes. The support bamboo and the roof framework are connected by diagonal lashing method which ends up to be more of a hack at places and the corrugated sheet is nailed to the bamboo framework. The roof falling as an eave helps it shade the part that is left exposed to the sun even after the trees blocking most of it. A clear demarcation of the sunlight, In the afternoon, can be seen just at the front edge of the prominent eave demonstrating the hit and trial process that helped the creator decide the measure and angle of projection of the eave.


The shop tries to blend itself with its surroundings by using the boundary wall and the tree a part of itself in-turn making it a part of the built environment. As there is lesser damage due to trees around Materials and the structure itself being isolated, Bamboo, concrete bricks, old furniture, mostly unnoticed, there is marginal or no corrugated sheets, Plastic sheets and modification at all for a long time. The banners, rope, nails. location choice has been shown in the three stages.


The strategically chosen location is also construction inclined as the boundary wall of B8 acts as the back support of the shop itself, also the trees help it gain the strength it needs by acting as the column from one side. Bamboo poles are used as the front supports standing on three concrete bricks piled to raise the bamboo to prevent it from insects and other wear and tear.

Unique features

One of the unique features is how the space between the bamboo framework and the corrugated sheets on the roof has been used to store smaller frequently used items such as bottles, newspapers, covering cloth etc. Also, spaces created by wear and tear on the rock coarse of the boundary wall have been used to keep small cups. Though being isolated and unnoticed by people, the shop The two bamboo poles in front, the wall itself acts as an eye on the street in the day at the back and the tree provide support and evening. for the roof. The support The roof consists








Mere Pass Certificate hai Chaiwala with a liscence

The tea stall stands alongside the wall of Harijan Basti ground at the entrance lane of Pocket 7, Sector B, Vasant Kunj. It is owned and run by Noor Mohhamad Khan. He works and stays both in his unique, compact box that he has had to shift and reconstruct at different places around the Harijans basti over the period of more than 20 years that he has been in the business for. When asked on why he has such a transient nature, he said “ Pehle men colony ke gate pe bethta tha par colony Waylon me hatwa diya kyunki parking ki Jagath waste

ho Rahi thi”, showing a certificate by fssai and claiming to have a permission grant as a hawker he said “ mere pass to certificate bhai hai tab Bhi Dukan Todd date hen” . In October 2017 His shop was further destroyed by the government authorities claiming a violation of the vendor’s act. Despite being angry and sad on losing his home and being an assertive man he reconstructed his shop shifting it from the front of the B8 entrance lane, just 10 yards away from it as he had to use the existing material, transportation being a problem and also because He did not want to lose his customers that start their day on his shop.



Stage 1




Stage 2


Stage 3


As mentioned above, the planning and placement of the tea stall/shelter have been changed a few times, but there surely is a strategy with every planning stage. It is interesting to see how Noor Mohammad has turned disapprovals of different authorities into his advantage. Three of the planning stages will be discussed ahead: 1.-Initial planning was inclusively done in the corner of the entrance of B7, away from the main road making the shop selectively visible and shaded under a tree. Due to the RWA complaining of encroaching the parking land, he was forced to move. 2.The shop was reconstructed but mostly shifted, farther towards the b block road at the front edge of the boundary wall of the Harijan bats ground as seen in the figure. The boundary wall was also creatively used by making a void for storage by placing the roof above the L shaped notch on the top of the wall. All of his belongings like blankets bags are kept here. Using the internal walls, there are wall hangings such as a framed essay certificate, a family photo, hangers for hanging clothes and polybags. The back of the box is opened in the day time and is used to spill out as seating space for the customers making it a more exclusive planning. Also, bench kept perpendicular to the front of the shop. The front has a table on which the man sits and makes tea and in the front of the table are boxes of sweets and biscuits. There is a storage provided underneath the table too. It surely grabs the attention of anyone walking past it as it is at the front edge and so also becomes a hub for many auto drivers and taxi drivers in the morning. 3.The lavishness has gone, the structure now rests on the front wall of the Harijan Basti ground. It is squeezed in size, and the

front is now along the length unlike before. Customer Comfort still being The priority, the car seat is still included in the planning and is kept parallel to the width and is kept closer, giving a more inclusive feeling. There no more exists a dedicated storage area, so most of his belongings are kept below the main desk.


Bamboo, pieces of wooden ply, ropes, bricks, old furniture


Here, only Part 2 will be discussed as it is the most elaborate and detailed form out of the three. The basic structure is made of a bamboo framework. It is supported on one side by the boundary wall itself while on the opposite side it is supported by bamboo poles with a weaved bamboo chick blind making for the wall. The roof is made in a unique weaving technique of vertical and horizontal wooden members with one vertical member in between two horizontal members supporting each other by selfweight. The whole structure is covered by large plastic covers and cloth from sides and top. The roof has bricks kept on them to increase pressure on the wooden framework making it even more robust. As there is an L shaped notch on the wall side, a large size rock and a few courses of brick are stacked to support the roof and also block any direct visual contact from the outside. mostly unnoticed, there is marginal or no modification at all for a long time. The location choice has been shown in the three stages.


Morphology As mentioned in the above topics, there has been a lot of change the structure has gone through. The most interesting and unique transformation of the tea stall is when every night the whole shop is sealed in a cocoon. Being both workplace and home the stall transform into a cocoon for the sole owner of the stall. This boxshaped cocoon shines off its white cloth that it is covered with when a car turns towards the entrance of B7 at night.




Unique The shifted form under the tree may have been a tragedy, but other vendors have taken advantage of his popularity and have stationed their shops next to him. So now it’s shaded, compact and more active around. This shows how the ‘chai waala’ with the survival instinct and an optimistic mind can use unfortunate circumstances to his advantage. Frugal innovations can be as simple as placing a back seat of a car as a sofa and a chair accompanying it for socializing or even, to survive an attack by the authorities by your will to keep going forward.






The Island

Traffic Island , Fortis Just opposite the main gate of the Fortis Hospital is a traffic island entirely occupied by different kinds of eateries and potteries. Fresh

juice in the morning to snacks, to just a cup of tea and much more.The land is mostly occupied and claimed by a single man who has a few shops staged around this large banyan tree.








Planning Talking of the banyan tree, there is no doubt the area is almost always shaded, with a few more trees around. The cool environment feels even more soothing in between a potters den. The potter has an all of his pieces of art displayed shamelessly spilling out on the maximum of the land. The potters shed at the farther end from the vicinity of the hospital has enclosed or more specifically barricaded itself using piles of pots covered under black tarpaulin from the traffic that comes through the traffic island. Towards fortis just behind a layer of parked cars are three eateries, me being a dhaba and the other to be a tea stall and a fast food joint. The banyan tree itself separates the dhaba and the other two joints.

they are and so are made of robust materials. The shed supported by a concrete pole and a tree with a raised eave by bricks. The eave was cleverly chosen as the there is a lot of dry leaf falling off the trees that could weigh down the roof which is what happens with the roof of the dhaba and so it needs to be removed daily to dispose of those leaves. The joints on another side of the banyan tree are made of steel making them least bothered about the weather or the surrounding. Morphology The open planning of the place with stances of privacy amidst a formal environment is both confusing but calm. The overall morphology of the space changes as an when the shops show their flexibilities with the roof, with different positions of carts, using spaces between the parking to sell vada. And all this in front of a well-known hospital, because which they have chosen the space itself and where they gain maximum customers from

On the smaller island on another side of the road is occupied by small carts Like a juice stall, a Momos joint that is occasional. They get formed around small benches chase of rock and concrete rollers. Unique The fact that a small commercial hub can be Materials created with a cultural exhibit is amazing. Bamboo, pieces of wooden ply, ropes, bricks, They are the eyes to whatever emergency the old furniture, earthen pots, hospital caters, and they are the helping hands too. A perfect example of how a formal and the Construction organized sector compliment each other and As most of the structures are fixed where exist within an interdependent relationship.









The Twins

Identical structure Different culture At the junction of Aruna asaf Ali Marg road and Abdul gaffer khan road are two tea stalls standing at the edge of the supposed service lane that marks a V with the Aruna asaf Ali road. These stalls are a hub for early risers including workers, morning walkers, fathers come to drop there children to school etc. it is surely is a busy spot where people drop for everything from a cigarette to drinking tea to read newspapers and of course, all of this does turn into a social hub. Just behind the shops is a settlement of workers from chattarpur mandir

which even further goes towards Kishangarh and A-Block, Vasant Kunj. Being the more permanent entities around they get surrounded by transient informal activities like a paranthewala cart in the front, a chole Bhature stall and also a puncture repair service at the back. Talking of surrounding informal activity, there is a weekly market on every Saturday that hides the two stalls completely from all sides. the lit market makes the two look dull and unnoticed from afar.









Planning The families both being from the same village in Bihar, established the shops together and so have a lot of similarities, like the location itself is chosen keeping in mind the close vicinity of the road and the traffic (pedestrian) that exists along with the vehicular traffic that marks the busy island. It is accessible for the public around that come from Kishangarh, A block, Vasant Kunj and even from fortis that is situated across the road. There is a space barrier that does not put the two entities in direct visual or access range from the two arterial roads. Due to the exterior planning and no tree around except one fenced tree at the end of the island that acts as a small but effective wall at the traffic island. The internal planning is where lies the difference between the two stalls. The immediate difference between the two is seen in the heights of the counters. The left stall ( Figure _ ) has the counter raised at 750 mm being more accessible for someone on foot as compared to its adjacent shop where the counter itself is low at the seating level (450 mm). The low level comes to advantage to the open planning created by extending the long seaters on the outer spce by lining up large rocks as seaters in an L shape also making a boundary, and at the same time making a space for people to interact. It also allows individuality and isolation if required creating a sociofugal space on the opposite side. On the other hand the left stall also having inclusively co-centric seaters is more forceful to face inwards making it a sociopetal space. There is an extra bench kept parallel to the shop for a more individual feel. The hanging packets of chips, namkeen, tobacco etc. hide the face of the shopkeeper on left he is on foot while the counterpart on right has the packets hung above and so being

at lower level does not get blocked by them. Materials Bamboo poles, cloth, old furniture: table sofa, plywood, rocks, Construction The shop on the right uses long plywood strips raised by rocks underneath for both its counter and the seater (Both 450 mm high) that also act as the boundary of the shop with rocks on open ends. While the other shop uses an old table as its counter, an old shelf for storage, an old sofa as a comfortable option to sit and two long plywood strips resting on rocks making for lower seaters. All the elements use also suffice as the boundary of the shop. The Overall framework stands on four bamboo poles on all four sides of the rectangular plan and a centre pole making a pyramidal roof in the centre with a tensile cloth attached to the poles. Morphology The two structures have evolved over time and change over seasons. In winters the sheds are removed to get in sunlight and in the monsoon, they are covered with a non-porous material like tarpaulin. The planning also evolves in different situations and hit and trial methods, like, the rock seaters were a later edition to enhance and increase seating space. Also the old sofa was given to the stall owner by one of his customers and so was incorporated in the plan. More with less There can be seen the use of just a few elements and all of them either being used or locally available and using them wisely and creatively to their advantage to enhance their customers experience and to adapt to different situations at different times.










The General Taxi Stand The General taxi stand stands opposite to st Marys church at the junction of church/ mall road and Abdul Gaffar khan Marg for more than 20 years now. It is one of the

three govt taxi services along the stretch. It houses around 8-10 drivers and has a parking just besides it. Besides the shelter, along the mall road are a flourish and a cobbler.







Planning The taxi shelter stands on the wall of D4 park and is low lying with respect to the level of the road, which is advantageous as it disconnects the shelter from the running traffic just outside their home. To further isolate them and create a visual barrier, use of bamboo weaved screen has been used, creating a dense jali like a barrier. This bamboo screen was made in order to rest on the two trees which are 2 meters apart. It is surrounded and supported by concrete walls from two sides. The from is made from bamboo weaving and has three openings: a door and two windows, housing a cooler and a table fan respectively. The internal planning has six beds laid in a sophisticated fashion with an electricity meter on the front wall. Taking care of the ventilation under the low eave structure there is a window with a curtain made of a used banner. Materials Bamboo, pieces of wooden ply, ropes, bricks, old furniture, bamboo weave

Construction The base of the structure is made of brick on a concrete floor and supports the bamboo frame eaves. A window is cut out in the brick work on the open wall. More professional and robust lashing techniques are used to make the bamboo framework. Morphology The structure is a constant mode of changes, though minor, as the structure is made, repaired and modified by the taxi drivers themselves. In winters the openings are closed by use of curtains of different materials. During monsoons, the roofs are redone by covering it with a layer of weatherproof plastic. Unique The most appealing feature Is for sure the bamboo weaved screen which adds to the low lying character. These govt taxi stands are spread throughout the city almost unnoticeable.









The Hidden Gem Tea and stay

The chai/snack joint is adjacent to the sector -A, Pocket-B bus stop. Behind this are an extension of the shop and the shelter one in which they reside. Planning The shop is planned to have front access to the road and a private low lying extension which has both a shop and the owners residence. It is planned such that rooms and the washrooms both are hidden behind the bus stop. The two rooms are divided for different people of the family. The structure is strategically made such that it is covered from all sides. From the back it is covered by the A block boundary wall, on its right is a concrete structure with a corrugated roof which houses a water tank that also suffices their needs. Construction The front shop is made of plywood

and bamboo joint with nails, The inner structures are stronger and are made with brick base and bamboo framework. Corrugated sheet is used for doos hinged on the bamboo poles. The lower area is completely paved, and There is a porch like an area made as a seater and for planters. Morphology The invisibility of the structure hidden in between the built completely merging into its surroundings keeping its lavishness to itself. Unique The structure would surprise anyone by its extension at the back that is completely unnoticeable and unexpected with the fact that it is almost a dwelling made with the temporary material, though their intentions to stay there were permanent for sure.















Tea Under Tree Chaiwala with a TREE

Owned by a husband and wife, both working to keep themselves busy and to get extra income into the family as two of their sons work away from home. Next to a mandir and under two trees one in front of it and the other protruding out from behind the Boundary wall

breaking the fence. The stall rests its back on the same boundary wall which is of the housing society of pocket 4 Block-D, Vasant Kunj. Like others it gets its customers from the nearby localities and the people passing by or waiting for a bus towards Mahipalpur or Masoodpur.








Planning Located next to a mandir and away from the road It is a very compact structure with its back on the wall and under a tree that is unique in its own as it create an enclosed but pleasant environment under it. The internal planning is very sophisticated with all the storage under the brick counter resting on a paved platform. The enclosed space marked by the paved concrete platform is the cooking area and the seating are spills out under the tree attached to the wall as back rest. It is blocked from all the other three sides, with the boundary wall on the back, brick wall in the front and a thick concrete raised platform on which a storage box is kept blocking any visual contact. There is another seater is placed next to the tree in the front with a small dustbin. While relaxing the couple sits on the floor and cooks on the high brick platform. Construction The most prominent part of its construction is the brick work that looks very clean on the facade with an almost perfect stretcher bond and some one-third bricks in between. This craftwork turns into a disappointment as seen from the sides as the bricks are placed in a shabby random manner. This suggests the conscious motive to make the front look clean and sophisticated. This wall stands on a one-step raised

paved concrete platform which has a carpet on it. The brick enclosure houses all the utensils and above it is a plywood surface acting as the counter. Moving on to the framework, there are two bamboo poles supporting the front of the weaved bamboo roof whose back is supported on the fence of the boundary wall. As the fence is broken due to the protruding tree, the spikes point inside the enclosure. These spikes from the fence are covered by layers of cloth and tarpaulin, that continue from the roof above, to prevent injury. The the cloth tarpaulin and the bamboo are tied together by black wires and strong cotton ropes with a diagonal lashing technique. The seaters are made from different size rocks placed horizontal and vertical at the right height. Morphology The structure is robust and is protected by the trees and so does not need a lot of modifications. More with Less/ unique There is a unique quality of space created by using the protruding tree branch that would surely hit your head and make you bow to the sweet couple in order to enter the shade. Bottles and boxes are kept on the plywood counter as an advertising strategy. Adding to which is the clean facade that calls you in for a simple and soothing experience.








The Minimals Situated at the turn towards Akhara road from Abdul Gaffar khan Marg - Vasant Kunj Marg, just opposite st. Mary’s church, the

place is relatively active than any other place throughout the day. This is a large Land with a different functions working together to making this an active space.








Planning The chai waala is at its permanent spot, taking the edge of the boundary of the children’s park, another tea stall on a cart facing it on the opposite wall. Twocycle repair shops one being just at the turn under shaded trees and another further inwards, just after the low lying tea stall attached to the wall. Being an open land, there are a lot of trees and using which stands a barber between four of them. Hooking the mirror on one of the trees he unpacks his treasure that he carries on the back of his cycle every day including the chair and all the other necessities. A small plastic table is used as the mirror counter to keep all the bottle and utensils. Three ropes are tied around the trees to house the shading cloth and also to hang wet towels to dry. Interestingly, there is so much land available here that many transient carts from a paani puri stall to a chole bhature dhaba enclosed around its cart by rocks to Mark its boundary. This area is quite active in the morning as it also acts as a bus stop and so a hub for breakfast. Construction The permanent tea shop has used nothing but rocks at the floor level creating a slightly raised platform in the front to make it easy for someone to grab a cigarette from the road, at the same time creating a seating area at the back for the ones who stay long for tea.

The roof is supported by old tree trunks on one side and the wall on the other. A small platform has been cleverly paved inside the boundary wall at the time the wall was being constructed and so acts as a cup holder for the people standing. The barber has marked his small island using broken tiles and rocks Clearly marking his workspace. He uses nothing else but the strategically chosen trees to his advantage. Though transient the tea stall on wheels has a permanent stop at the gossip centre. Besides the stall is a long bench again constructed by stacking up rocks that have been extended as the attendance of his customers. Everyone along this stretch tends to adapt anything around them to their needs. Using the minimum for optimum use. Morphology Space feels different every time one goes there, as there is always a different combination of function and vendors operating, creating variety and vibrancy. The shops complement each other by exposing people to other shops while they enjoy a tea at your stall. The impact is such that there is a whole new wholesale garment bazaar has been temporarily constructed next to that space. This helps both get more eyes to catch.







Unique The unique factor of this space is again the fact that it is never empty and never the same. From political discussions

to the information on if the train from your village has gone late to occasional fighting sequences, this place has a lot to offer in the little time you spent here.



Fruit Market The formal one

The Vasant Kunj fruit market is an example of an informal market been formalised as a market lane. One of the oldest markets in the area, The market is located near the Vasant square mall, Vasant Kunj. The fruit market is a daily market and is open from 6 am - 11 pm.

The market is well illuminated at night and being a formalised market has an individual meter for all the shops. Its official address is Vasant Kunj Mall Road, Pocket 7, Sector B 1, Vasant Kunj, New Delhi, Delhi 110070.








Planning The 115m stretch incorporates four fruit vendors, paan waala’s, a waste collector, chicken shop, car repairing and a taxi stand. It is a linearly planned stretch with every shop having a spinout space in its front. The Market stretch is 16m away from the road, and the land in between is mostly vacant, otherwise occupied by transient cart vendors or used as parking. The market in its core is a fruit market, but as it extends to its both ends, it converts into a taxi stand at one end and a panwadi on the other.

similar in elevation. Some vendors have used weaker methods of a bamboo frame and tarpaulin or cloth roof. While the old vendor has sophisticated roofs, ether bamboo weaved or corrugated steel or even a pakka-concrete construction at places. Morphology The long elevation does have a character to it with some shops spilling out and using the front as the counter while using the actual space for storage. The market has shifted from towards the road, when it was informal in nature, to the back as the tree cover decreased Construction Each Shop has a different style of and the road was widened. construction still manage to look a bit



The above demonstrations will now be applied on to mapping. These mappings would help us lead to the conclusion and help us understand how the Informal exist in the urban fabric. The variety, flexibility, vibrancy that the informal contributes to its context and how the context reacts to the informal. The interdependency would help us get a better insight on the importance of the informal and how, if possible, will this study help us in including the informal in the formal system without losing their traits, features, and advantages.

AT START ( MAY 2017 )












Paan and Cigerette Ironing Clothes Temple flowers and offerings Tea or coffee Food/Lunch




Floor Mat

Fresh Juice

Taxi Service



Fruits & vegetables


Car Repair

Car Repair





28. 6.

395mm 395mm



27. 13.


21. 5.

7. 3.

22. 20. 15. 25.

8. 12.






1. 10.


11. 16.




1. Temple Shop | 2. Organised Tents (Mall) | 3. Dhaba | 4. The Iron-man | 5. Paan Shop | 6. Tea stall | 7. Paan Shop | 8. The man with the license ( Tea stall ) | 9. Chole- kulcha dhaba | 10. Paan + Tea stall | 11. Chole-kulcha cart | 12. Barber | 13. Tent -Dhaba | 14. The Twins | 15. The Traffic Island | 16. Dhaba | 17. Fresh Juice Shop + coconut vendor | 18. Food cart | 19. Chinese Food Truck | 20. Grocery store | 21. Tea under Tree | 22. Barber | 23. Food cart + Tent | 24. Flourist | 25. The Hidden Gem (Tea stall + Home) | 26. Grocery + Paan Stall | 27. Paan Stall | 28. Fruit vendor | 29-30. Chinese Food trucks | *numbering irrespective of position


Temporality in Delhi is a condition that needs both stability and support. The temporary nature of the city is under threat by inflexible planning and the modern process of formalisation that compares it with it’s permanent nature. Given that the accelerated urbanisation, rising population, density, and the lack of land faced in our cities today, it is of the absolute value that various functions be brought out in the very space at an urban level. While formalisation of temporal activities is necessary for legitimisation and protection against harassment, it is important to remember that formalisation does not mean being permanent. Apart from design factors, it is necessary for a dialogue to be generated within different bodies participating in the temporary factors of the city. Once this dialogue has been established among lawmakers, municipality, ephemeral agents themselves, designer’s and the common dream of temporal urbanism might just match an existence.


The favorite metaphorical reference to ‘making Indian cities into Shanghai’ is indicative of the onedimensional vision that planners and legislators bring to bear on decisions about the city’s growth. An apparent extension of the Shanghai metaphor is the idea of altering the city in a sole image and practising architecture as the display to represent a global aspiration. The radical alteration of the city’s physical reality is seen as the most direct method to make the city viable for integration in a global network economy. Such global implications also raise political questions that challenge the democratic processes of city governance. (Mehotra 2013) It is this two-dimensional view of the city, as experienced by designers and policymakers that necessitates an ideology shift in practised architecture and city planning. It is of the highest importance that the city is first seen as a temporary body, for its temporality to be formally

addressed. This address of the city’s temporality would result in a city structure that is socio-economically responsive (Lepeska, 2012). Subramani (2009) states that our cities grow and continuously change their surroundings and natural landscapes. Hence urban designers and architects need to pioneer methods to integrate their structures in the natural world rather than conflicting with it. The thought that conceivably all constructions should not aspire to be permanent represents a tremendous shift in architectural ideology. Without the burden of permanence, architects, designers and builders can take advantage of and implement




Architecture could be reusable, recyclable and sustainable. Recast in this way; it could be better solve seemingly unsolvable problems and still succeed in creating a sense of place. Bishop (as cited in Lepeska,2012) claims that it is too soon to tell whether temporal urbanism is ‘a fad or a lasting paradigm shift within the field’. It is only when such concepts are discussed in academic discourse and considered by lawmaking authorities, which they become a reality. Until that happens in an Indian context, ‘temporal urbanism’ will become a concept as fleeting as the urbanism it talks about.


Through this paper it is establish the fact that the temporary exist and they are an important part of our urban fabric. They exist because of the local people who are dependent on them for various functions and utilities at their disposal. There is a new character to our immediate urban scenario in every few days or at least a few month as the urban Informal arise, sustain, provide products and services and then are destroyed. The ambitious force of these pop-up entities as they thrive to exist with forces that are against them, like the government itself, take advantage of the same forces to exist in the organised and formal system of the urban fabric. The demonstrations and discussions done in this paper can help us observe a few lessons both for the future of the informal and its establishment and organised growth


within cities in this ever transforming world. These lessons apply both for the planners and designers of the city as well as the commons that are constantly involved with these pop-up service providers. Change is the only constant with respect to the current urban situation of the developing cities of the world. There is a constant chaos amidst the constant goal of organization and a planned urban setting. The fluid nature of the cities with there morphing forms and exponential expansion needs a constant evolution for a more malleable solution that is free and open in nature. There is a constant flow of people within different in economies and cultures that want to participate in the generation of the city itself. There a requirement of a flexible membrane to be able to respond to this scenario. There need to be open organised platforms that are sustainable and responsive to future urban development. The informal reflection how the static

fabric around it is perceived. Architects can talk about being artistic about their works, they make it poetic because they can. They can because most of design for a status quo. Mostly for our status quo, to make a mark in the profession, always trying to something different, trying to be innovative in the herd of architects

that graduate in thousands every year and I agree to that. In a profession so vast, you need to be unique, create a door of opportunity for yourself. That becomes our priority and that becomes our clientele. But, there is also a group of architects who create for themselves not withe soul purpose of making a statement. They create because they need it.

The loop of Existing together


Adaptibility The quality of these entities, as seen in a small demonstrated part of a larger context of similar projections, engages us to discuss about an adaptable urban model. There exists the fact that there is a constant expansion of the city that is in a contact exposure to immigrants. Therefore the ones that are not able to fit in the organised sector turn to the informal city. The informality of these structures gives them the flexibility that they can be quickly assembled, disassembled and reassembled again. As the materials are chosen from an immediate context without any prior knowledge of there next establishment they choose they ways of frugal innovations. Once they disassemble the structure is disaggregated it its basic components and get recycled majorly. As seen in the case of the tea stall that had to go through a constant shift in areas over the years, there is an instinct within him to adapt and survive that helps him continue on his journey. The


shift is as per the convenience of its surroundings. There is literally dependancy on anything at all. The structure is self dependent and adaptable with different forms and construction methods as per the suitable found and chosen area around or further away from its previous destination. The shifted form under the tree may have been a tragedy, but other vendors have taken advantage of his popularity and have stationed their shops next to him. So now it’s shaded, compact and more active around. This shows how the ‘chai waala’ with the survival instinct and an optimistic mind can use unfortunate circumstances to his advantage. Frugal innovations can be as simple as placing a back seat of a car as a sofa and a chair accompanying it for socializing or even, to survive an attack by the authorities by your will to keep going forward. The most interesting and unique

adaptation of the tea stall is when every night the whole shop is sealed in a cocoon. Being both workplace and home the stall transform into a cocoon for the sole owner of the stall. This box-shaped cocoon shines off its white cloth that it is covered with when a car turns towards the entrance of B7 at night. In the selected context we have established that after the completion of the Andheria Mor Road extension project in from Fortis to the Chattarpur metro station the informal entities still thrive to exist. There exists adaptability not just with the space requirements

Stage 1

Stage 2

but also with the survival and existence within the formal system. Using the fssai certificate to fool people to believe that his shop is authorised by the government. This may sound unimportant or an useless act that would not help him getaway with anything. But, looking at it from a broader perspective, any kind of certification, may it be the Tehbazaari act challan or a certificate from the fssai, puts the entitled into the government records and hence making them a part of the formal system. This formal-informality exists and is used as a way to adapt within the organised sector.

Stage 3


Towards a Temporality



After the resulting knowledge, one could propose that it is time for urbanism and design to find new alternatives for effectively factoring in temporalities as significant components of the institutional and technological standard. The exploration of temporal landscapes opens a potent avenue to explore by questioning permanence a univocal solution for the urban fabric of a city. Instead one could argue that the future of urbanscapes depends less on the rearrangement of buildings and infrastructure, and more on the ability for us to openly imagine more fluid technological, material, social and economic landscapes. This is to say that we should design cities or part of cities as holding strategies, which grow out of a close alignment with the temporal scale and solutions we conceptualize in our urban dream. The form of urbanism that emerges


after the construction and occupancy, in a way provides what Kaliski describes as a deficiency in the temporal dimension of contemporary permanent cities. The informal offers a flexible model of spatial construction that is temporal, cyclic, in constant advancement, ready to spring into motion as the environment changes. The city is constantly designed to frame the human experience, making its cultural component a core determinant of its form. An inspiring thought that comes after having examined the construction and disassembly is that perhaps design must incorporate the anticipation of diverse temporalities into its image. In single buildings, as it is in master plans, the embracing of change, as an active dimension in spatial production is something that architects and planners need to consider. Change is everywhere and the intellectual wealth that one can gain from the close analysis of

this cases relies on understanding that every city in some way or another, goes through a constant process of internal reformulation; they are constantly in a state of disassembly. Whether perceptibly or imperceptibly, different materials fade at different paces and geographies change at different speeds. The modulation of change through design allows for the production of flexible, elastic, and

weak structures at any scale. From this study, we can learn how to move towards an urbanism that recognizes and better handles the ephemeral nature of the built environment with a more intelligent management of change as an essential element. In this case, several layers of change have been managed and negotiated. It should inspire flexible designs that are generally taught to design for static or stable situations.




BIBLIOGRAPHY 1- The importance and necessity of the informal Market as public spaces, Mittal, R. ,SPA Delhi 2- Christiaanse, Oswalt, Misselwitz & Overmeyer, 2003 3- Mehrotra, R. (2013) Kinetic City- Emerging Urbanism in India-Mumbai 4- Aggarwal, B. (2011) Temporary Informal Markets in the Modern Indian City, Taking case of Delhi: Unpublished Dissertation , School of Planning and Architecture. 5- Rajdou, N. | Prabhu, J. | Ahuja S. (2012) Jugaad Innovation 6- Rajdou N. (2015) The Genius of frugal Innovation:Ted Talk-Updated on (21.4.17) 7- Neuworth, R. (2011) Stealth of Nations:The Global Rise of the Informal Economy 8- Neuworth, R. (2012) The power of the informal economy: Ted Talk 9- Delhi Masterplan 2021 - reprint%20mpd2021.pdf 10- Alottment of Shops,NDMC,(20.7.17) Available at, https:// in/departments/enforcement_allotment_shop.aspx 11- The street vendors (Protection of livelihood and Regulation of street Vending)Act (2014)- acts2014/7%20of%20 2014.pdf 12- Mehrotra, R. (2015) Mapping the Ephemeral Mega-City




Profile for Ansh Kumar

More With Less- Absorbing the Informal | Dissertation by Ansh Kumar  

More With Less- Absorbing the Informal | Dissertation by Ansh Kumar  


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