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Letter from the Editor Dear Reader, When Accent published its first edition two years ago, our team consisted of ten Yalies striving to better incorporate foreign languages into daily life on campus. Over the past four semesters, we have expanded our team to include more than twenty editors and eleven language sections. The dedication of the Accent team and the great enthusiasm of Yalies who write for, read and support our magazine have allowed us to grow from a fledgling publication to an organization that has hosted film screenings, a photography and poetry exhibition and even talks with foreign officials. Accent has come a long way since our first edition in April 2012, and today, I am proud to present to you the fifth edition of Accent, the undergraduate multilingual magazine at Yale. The pages before you explore the theme of Empire, a term that has expanded from a strictly political sense to include phenomena of industry, entertainment, social media and even education. On the 100th anniversary of the start of the “War to End All Wars,” a war that signaled the decline of the imperial powers and the rise of new spheres of influence, our writers have come together to reflect upon how the world has changed since the height of the Imperial Age and to ask what “empire” means today. In this edition, you will be asked to consider nationalism, energy practices, economic development, fashion, agriculture and, of course, languages, in the context of empire. What was the effect of colonialism on modern-day national identities in the Middle East? How does France’s president, François Holland, plan to push his country toward energy independence? What are the implications of allowing the corn industry to accumulate so much importance? What is the fate of “linguistic purism” among the world’s languages in an age where English has established itself as the international community’s lingua franca? These are just a few of the questions that our writers seek to examine. Through our tradition of multilingualism, Accent has provided a platform for the Yale community to write and read about issues pertaining to empire in languages beyond our everyday English. We invite you to test your comprehension of Chinese and Arabic or to relax with your native French and Spanish by delving into the diversity of thought and expression in our pieces. Empire is my inaugural issue as Editor-in-Chief of Accent, and I am incredibly proud to have worked alongside such a competent and diligent team. The magazine before you would not be here today without the tremendous effort of each editor. I hope you enjoy this edition of Accent, and I look forward to what the future of multilingualism at Yale may bring.

Omegar Chavolla-Zacarias Editor-in-Chief

5


PORTUGUESE

O império da diáspora by Helder Toste, BK ’16

Helder Toste reflects on the rich traditions immigrants from the Azores have brought with them—traditions of an imperial heritage that shape their thoughts even today.

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e certo modo, a minha história, ou, pelo menos, a história da minha comunidade, começou no dia 25 de Abril de 1974, quando o império português e o Estado Novo, fundado por Salazar, chegaram ao seu inevitável fim. Depois de anos de guerra na África, convulsões políticas e dificuldades económicas, uma revolução esquerdista assumiu o Governo e os territórios do império português foram entregues aos governos locais. A independência das colónias marcou o fim da presença permanente de Portugal na África, uma tradição imperialista que durou 560 anos. Como consequência do fim do império português, um milhão de portugueses foram expulsos da África e refugiaram-se em Portugal, Brasil, Canadá e, até, nos EUA. A entrada destes, e dos soldados, em Portugal, desencadeou uma gravíssima crise económica, crise essa que, por sua vez, foi conducente a que famílias inteiras portuguesas ficassem na miséria, dado que incapazes de se sustentarem. Pouco depois, a 1 de Janeiro de 1980, um terramoto de grau 7 na escala Richter, viria a ser considerado como o maior desastre natural do século XX, em Portugal. O epicentro deste terramoto, localizado bem perto dos Açores, arquipélago situado no meio do Atlântico, destruiu milhares de habitações e deixou 15 mil açorianos desalojados. E em vez de esperarem por ajuda e reconstruírem as suas vidas, a maioria decidiu deixar os Açores e emigrar para os EUA. Volvidos que foram 30 anos, nasci eu e comecei um mergulho profundo na história de um povo cansado e abandonado, um povo que atravessou o Atlântico para começar tudo de novo e, sobretudo, reconquistar um império perdido. Entre 1960 e 1985, houve um movimento migratório portu6

To a certain extent, my story, or at least the story of my community, begins on the 25th of April 1974, the day when the Portuguese empire and the Estado Novo government founded by Salazar came to their inevitable end. After years of war in Africa, political upheavals, and economic difficulties, there was a leftist revolution that overthrew the government and saw the handover of the empire’s colonies back to local governments. The independence of the African colonies marked the end of continuous imperialist presence on the continent, bringing a Portuguese legacy that endured for 560 years to an end. As a result of the fall of the empire, a million Portuguese citizens were expelled. from Africa, taking shelter in Portugal, Brazil, Canada, and even the United States. The arrival of these expelled citizens and soldiers back to Portugal triggered a huge economic crisis, which led to entire Portuguese families living in poverty, unable to sustain themselves. A bit later, on the 1st of January 1980, an earthquake with a magnitude of 7.0, which would come to be considered the greatest natural disaster of the 20th century, hit Portugal. The epicenter of the earthquake was located close to the Azorean Islands–an archipelago in the middle of the Atlantic—and destroyed thousands of homes, leaving some 15,000 Azoreans homeless. Instead of waiting for help and rebuilding their lives on the islands, many citizens decided to leave and immigrate to the United States. Thirty years later, I was born, and I became immersed in the history of a tired and abandoned people, who crossed the Atlantic to start everything over, and, above all, to reclaim their lost empire. Between 1960 and 1985, there was a long period of Portuguese migration to the United States. These Portuguese from the Azores,


guês para os EUA. Os mesmos portugueses, que vinham dos Açores, da África e do continente chegaram aos estados de Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Havaí, e Califórnia, dado disporem de condições de trabalho em sectores com os quais eles se encontravam familiarizados. Em poucos anos, a comunidade portuguesa dos EUA chegou a controlar uma grande parte de várias indústrias, nomeadamente a pesca, a leiteira, a construção naval e a agricultura. Foi assim que a comunidade portuguesa começou a construir uma nova vida aqui, nos EUA, muito em paralelo com a do passado. Tendo como alicerce os antigos valores da nação portuguesa, famílias inteiras começaram a radicar-se em todo o meu Estado da Califórnia. Todavia, a triste verdade revelar-se-ia com a passagem do tempo: O nosso império, mesmo aqui nos EUA, construiu-se por ideais que pertencem a um mundo já obsoleto, um mundo apreciado somente pelos portugueses que aceitaram, resignadamente, o seu destino. Mas o império nos ensinou algo, e o império ensina aos demais algo sobre nós. Face a este império assente em sonhos, a comunidade portuguesa preservou um aspecto genuíno e, por coincidência, o aspecto mais nobre. É algo que me inspira ainda hoje: A persistência e a celebração de uma vida quotidiana, a qual nós fazemos vibrante. O meu pai foi um daqueles emigrantes e herdou esta existência fidedigna e duradoura. Veio com a minha avó em 1982. Tinha apenas 15 anos. Desde o dia em que chegou até agora, tem trabalhado na indústria leiteira. Eu próprio quase nasci numa leiteira e cresci sob o olhar atento de vacas. A minha casa foi sempre uma casa portuguesa: Em uma casa portuguesa, o envolvimento na comunidade é de maior importância. A comunidade de Tulare, a minha, é, de facto, uma mini réplica da cultura portuguesa, apesar de vivermos a mais de 5.000 milhas da nossa terra. Na minha cidade, a nossa cultura é mais do que uma igreja católica gigantesca, uma escola portuguesa, um salão dedicado a celebrações do Espírito Santo e um grupo folclórico. É na minha comunidade que eu vejo o legado do império Português. Aqui o Hino Nacional de Portugal ecoa, as bandeiras da nossa terra esvoaçam no ar, a terra mexe sob as patas dos touros e, juntos, preservamos um Portugal que já não existe. Em lendas, nas coscuvilhices do povo, na maneira como atuamos, é bem evidente que não abandonámos o nosso passado. Sabemos, sim, a verdade. De que muita gente na nossa comunidade enfrentou medonha pobreza. Que muitos perderam os seus haveres e famílias. Que em nome do império foram forçados a ir para Angola e Moçambique, durante a guerra. Que a opressão que muitos sofreram sob o pulso de Salazar foi cruel. Há alturas em que falamos sobre a vida passada em Portugal, e os amigos do meu Pai, às vezes, começam a falar sobre Angola, mas nunca vai além do “foi terrível”, ou, e citando o poeta Vitorino Nemésio, dizem “A vida está velha, mas eu estou novo.” Outras vezes, eu delicio-me a ouvir histórias sobre como era a vida. Histórias de como se enamoraram, as cartas que escreviam, o sorriso de dez irmãos ao comerem um mero pedaço de pão, os dias quando andavam 5 quilómetros para ir buscar um balde de água. O nosso é um povo orgulhoso, um povo que conseguiu conquistar muito, em pouco tempo. E a minha cidade de Tulare, é vivo exemplo disso, de como uma comunidade se pode reconstruir e como a queda de um Império pode ser motivo para a divulgação fatídica de um povo. Entre as brumas da memória, Ó Pátria, sente-se a voz do esplendor de Portugal!

Africa, and mainland Portugal arrived primarily in the U.S. states of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Hawaii, and California, since they provided opportunities in the job sectors with which they were most familiar. In a few years the community of Portuguese immigrants came to dominate a large part of various select markets, namely the fishing, shipbuilding, and dairy industries in the areas they settled. In this way, the Portuguese community began to build a new life here in the United States that was remarkably similar to that of the past. Having as a foundation timeless Portuguese values, families began to settle throughout my home state of California. Yet, the sad truth would reveal itself with the passage of time: our empire, even in the United States, was built by ideals that belong to an obsolete world, a world appreciated only by the Portuguese who accepted their destiny with resignation. Yet this empire taught us something, and it teaches others something about us. In the face of an empire based in dreams, the Portuguese community preserved something real, and, coincidentally, something very noble. It’s something that inspires me, even today: persistence, and a celebration of the everyday life that we make more vibrant. My father was one of the emigrants who inherited this reliable and enduring way of life. He came with my grandmother in 1982. He was only fifteen years old. Since the day he arrived until today, he has worked in the dairy industry; I myself was practically born on a dairy, and I grew up under the watchful eyes of our cows. For as long as I can remember, my home has always been a Portuguese household, in which involvement in the community is of great import. My community in Tulare, in fact, is a microcosm of Portuguese culture, even though we live over 5,000 miles from home. In my hometown, our culture is far more than a Catholic church, a Portuguese school, a Holy Spirit hall, and a folklore-dance group. It is in my home that the legacy of Portugal and its empire lives on. Here, the Portuguese national anthem rings, our flags flutter in the air, and the earth trembles under the hooves of the bulls, while together we preserve a Portugal that no longer exists. In our legends, in the gossip among our people, and in the way we do things, it’s clear we haven’t abandoned our past. We do know the truth. That many of the people in our community faced immense poverty. That many lost their belongings and families. That, in the name of empire, many were forced to Angola or Mozambique to fight in the wars. That the oppression that many suffered under Salazar’s rule never truly ended. There are moments when we speak of the past in Portugal, and my father’s friends sometimes begin to speak about Angola, but the conversation never goes beyond “it was terrible,” or, citing Vitorino Nemésio, they say, “My life might be old, but here I’m brand new.” Other times, I delight in hearing the stories of how life used to be, of how people fell in love, of the letters they wrote, of the smile on the faces of ten brothers sharing a single piece of bread, of the 5-kilometer trek for a bucket of water. We are a proud people who have achieved much in such little time. And my hometown, Tulare, is a living example of this, of how a community can be rebuilt, how the fall of an empire can make for the fateful dispersion of people. Through the mists of our memory, O Fatherland, the voice of Portugal’s splendor sounds on!

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Há alturas em que falamos sobre a vida passada em Portugal, e os amigos do meu Pai, às vezes, começam a falar sobre Angola, mas nunca vai além do “foi terrível”, ou, e citando o poeta Vitorino Nemésio, dizem “A vida está velha, mas eu estou novo.”

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FRENCH

Peindre et Juger l’Empire by Cordélia de Brosses, CC ’16

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Through Théodore Géricault’s and Jacques-Louis David’s paintings, Cordelia presents the Napoleonic myth, from the “légende dorée” to the legend of the ogre.

26 ans, Eugène Delacroix aurait lancé: «La vie de Napoléon est l’épopée de notre siècle pour tous les arts». Mais quel Napoléon peindre, quel Napoléon décrire? Lorsque Victor Hugo s’exclame, à propos de Napoléon: «Tu domines notre âge, ange ou démon, qu’importe ?», il démontre de manière magistrale que l’Empereur est bien le sujet le plus romantique de son temps. Ce qui a tant fasciné ses contemporains, qu’ils soient écrivains, peintres ou poètes, c’est sans doute ce destin extraordinaire, de la grandeur à la chute. Dieu d’une «génération qui s’ennuie» (le mot est de Lamartine); Napoléon leur offre ainsi un sujet privilégié, rejoignant la méditation sur l’histoire caractéristique du courant romantique du XIXème siècle. Figure tutélaire, héros épique, Bonaparte acquiert la stature d’un mythe, tel que l’a dépeint Chateaubriand: «Bonaparte n’est point grand par ses paroles, ses discours, ses écrits (…) il est grand surtout pour être né de lui seul, pour avoir su, sans autre autorité que celle de son génie, se faire obéir par 36 millions de sujets à l’époque où aucune illusion n’environne les trônes.» Les artistes de son temps ont tous été confrontés à la même interrogation: être pour ou contre Napoléon. Comment donc, dans ces conditions, «peindre et juger l’empire» s’interroge Michelet, le grand historien romantique français de l’époque ? La jeunesse, la gloire, mais également les épreuves, les défaites et l’abdication ont nourri l’imagination des artistes du temps de l’Empire; et de ce parcours inouï se sont forgés quelques un des plus beaux tableaux de cette époque. Nous nous proposons donc, à l’instar de Michelet, d’examiner de plus près deux tableaux célèbres, qui, tel un écho, ont, chacun à leur manière, peint et jugé l’empire. Lorsque David représente Bonaparte franchissant le Grand-Saint-Bernard en 1800, il peint le premier consul en héros et transforme l’événement historique en légende. S’il n’est pas le tout premier tableau représentant Napoléon Bonaparte, Le Premier consul franchissant les Alpes au col du Grand Saint Bernard est certainement le plus célèbre d’entre eux. Peint en 1800, ce tableau ouvre l’iconographie de la propagande napoléonienne. Si l’œuvre de David présente Bonaparte sur un cheval fougueux, la réalité est plus prosaïque; le Premier consul ayant en réalité traversé les Alpes 8

The young Eugène Delacroix said: “Napoleon’s life is the epic of our century for all the arts.” But which Napoleon would the artists depict? When Victor Hugo referred to Napoleon by saying: “You dominate our era, whether angel or demon it matters not,” he demonstrated in one stroke that the Emperor was the most Romantic subject of his time. What so fascinated his contemporaries, whether writers, painters or poets, was undoubtedly his extraordinary destiny, from greatness to downfall. The god of a “bored generation,” as Lamartine described him, Napoleon provided a privileged subject, thus joining the 19th century’s Romantic meditation on history. Guardian angel, epic hero, Napoleon acquired mythic status as in Chateaubriand’s description: “Bonaparte isn’t great because of his words or his writings (…) he is great for being self-made, for having been able single-handedly and thanks to his genius alone, to get 36 million subjects to obey him, at a time when there were no longer any illusions about kings and crowns.” The artists of his time have all been confronted by the question: to be supportive or critical of Napoleon? How then should we “judge the empire?” asked Michelet, the great French Romantic historian of the period. Youth, glory, but also trials, defeats and abdication have nourished artists’ imagination of the Empire, and from this incredible path were forged some of the most beautiful paintings of this period. We will therefore, following Michelet, examine closely two famous paintings, which have, each in their own way, painted and judged the empire. When Jacques-Louis David painted Napoleon Crossing the Alps in 1800, he represented the First Consul as a hero, transforming a historical event into a legend.


non pas sur un cheval, mais sur une modeste mule et avec l’assistance d’un guide. Bonaparte ayant souhaité être peint «calme sur un cheval fougueux», David cabra l’animal de manière à conférer un dynamisme à sa composition - dynamisme renforcé par le geste grandiloquent de Bonaparte, drapé dans un ample manteau de couleur vive. Le général, conquérant et victorieux, au visage idéalisé, le doigt tendu vers le ciel, regarde le spectateur et lui montre la direction à suivre - un avenir de conquête, de gloire et de grandeur. Bonaparte incarne bien là le héros romantique et fougueux, conscient de son génie. En dépit des libertés prises par David par rapport à la représentation historique, la scène, devenue vraisemblable, a participé, dès sa création, à la propagande napoléonienne. Il ne reste plus à David qu’à inscrire le nom de son modèle dans l’histoire: c’est chose faite, puisque l’on peut remarquer, dans l’angle gauche du tableau, trois noms gravés dans la pierre: Bonaparte, Annibal, Karolus Magnus. Et en effet, en franchissant le Grand Saint-Bernard avec son armée, Bonaparte renouvelait l’exploit accompli avant lui par Hannibal, le grand stratège qui avait défié Rome et par Charlemagne, l’empereur qui avait unifié l’Europe. A ce moment là, rien ne semble pouvoir contredire tant le peintre que son modèle, et l’on peut sans peine entendre résonner les vers prophétiques de Victor Hugo: «Déjà Napoléon perçait sous Bonaparte.» A cet icône de l’iconographie de l’épopée napoléonienne répond, en écho, Le Cuirassier blessé quittant le feu, peint par Géricault en 1814. De l’un à l’autre, l’histoire a fait un bond. Si David a pu peindre, en 1800, un Bonaparte triomphant, auréolé de conquêtes militaires innombrables et prestigieuses, le cours de l’Histoire s’est inversé depuis, et à cette glorieuse époque ont succédé les désastres militaires de Russie et d’Allemagne, qui sonnent le glas de l’Empire. L’année même où Géricault peint ce tableau, Byron célèbre déjà la chute de Bonaparte dans une ode célèbre: «C’en est fait de toi, hier encore un très grand roi, /Armé contre l’Europe pour lutter,/ Maintenant dégradé, chose sans nom, oui, toi,/ Roi tombé, mais vivant, ô fier guerrier !» (Ode à Napoléon). Au moment où Géricault peignait ce tableau, la situation politique avait changé radicalement, et l’annonce de la défaite perceptible dans le regard funèbre du chasseur était devenue réalité. Géricault, fasciné par les chevaux, a su ici exploiter la force physique et la nature puissante et sombre du cheval. En effet, celui-ci paraît effrayé, sur le point de se cabrer, les nuages sombrent en arrière-fond annoncent l’orage, et le regard inquiet du cuirassier blessé forment un ensemble tragique et menaçant. L’inquiétude romantique qui s’exprime dans ce tableau présente une autre vision de l’histoire, où le mythe de l’héroïsme est traversé par la vision de la défaite, l’angoisse de la chute et de la mort. On sait d’ailleurs que Michelet s’est imaginé que Géricault avait voulu «peindre et juger l’Empire» dans ce tableau. Ecoutons-le : «La chute, la déroute, le peuple touchèrent bien autrement le cœur de Géricault. Il fit comme l’épitaphe du soldat de 1814. C’est le cavalier démonté, ce bon géant, si pâle, géant de taille, et pourtant si homme et si touchant.» Finalement, il semble que le jugement de Chateaubriand sur Napoléon résume parfaitement l’héritage de cette bataille intellectuelle: «Vivant, il a marqué le monde; mort, il le possède.»

Of all the paintings representing Napoleon Bonaparte, Napoleon Crossing the Alps is certainly the most famous. Painted in 1800, it was the starting point of the artistic representation of the Napoleonic propaganda. David’s painting became a true icon, but reality was more prosaic. Napoleon had in fact crossed the Alps on a mule, enveloped in a grey frock coat. The First Consul had wanted to be painted “calm and astride a fiery horse.” David made the animal rear up to give dynamism to his composition, a dynamism reinforced by Napoleon’s grandiloquent gesture, draped in a brightly colored flowing coat. The victorious general’s face is idealized; his finger points to heaven and he looks at the viewer, showing him the path to follow—a future of conquest, glory and grandeur. Here, Bonaparte incarnates the romantic and dashing hero, conscious of his own genius. In spite of the liberties taken by David in his historical representation, the scene was taken as truth, and has encouraged, since its creation, the Napoleonic propagranda. David inscribed the name of his model in history: it is done, we can notice, in the left corner of the painting. There are three engraved names in stone: Bonaparte, Annibal, Karolus Magnus. Indeed, by crossing the Grand Saint-Bernard with his army, Bonaparte reached the status of Hannibal, great stategist, who challenged Rome, and of Charlemagne, the emperor who unified Europe. Napoleon was about to take another step in his career, and we can easily hear resonate Victor Hugo’s prophetic verses: “From Napoleon, Bonaparte was already breaking through.” This work inaugurated the “iconography of the Napoleonic epic”, at the end of which stands its counterpoint, The Wounded Cuirassier by Géricault, painted in 1814. In the time between the former and the latter works, history had taken a giant leap. David painted in 1800, a triumphing, glorified emperor, but Napoleon would soon face military disasters from Russia and Germany. The Empire’s bells were tolling. The year that Gericault painted this picture of Napoleon, Byron celebrated the downfall of Bonaparte in a famous ode : “Tis done—but yesterday a King!/ And arm’d with Kings to strive /And now thou art a nameless thing:/ So abject—yet alive!” (Ode to Napoleon) By the time Géricault painted this work, the political situation had changed radically, and the premonition of likely defeat, which we can read in the cuirassier’s anguished look, had already become a reality. Gericault, fascinated by horses, has here unleashed the physical force and the powerful nature of the horse. Indeed, the horse seems afraid, about to rear, the dark clouds in the background announce a coming storm, and the worried gaze of the wounded cuirassier completes the tragic and threathening ensemble. The Romantic restlessness evinced in this painting reveals a different vision of history, one in which heroism is confronted in an image of defeat and anguish before downfall and death.We know that Michelet thought Géricault had wanted to “paint and judge the Empire” in this work. He wrote, “The fall, the defeat and the people, touched Géricault in quite another way. He painted a sort of epitaph for the soldier of 1814. The dismounted horseman, a pale and good giant, is yet human and touching.” Finally, it seems that Chateaubriand’s judgment of Napoleon perfectly sums up the heritage of this intellectual battle: “Alive, he imprinted his mark on the world, dead he posseses it.” 9


10


GERMAN

Mit herzlichen Grüßen aus Sibirien oder wer sind die Russlanddeutschen? by Yulia Vozzhaeva, SM ’16 Yulia reports on the history of the German migrants in Russia, so-called “Russian-Germans”. The fascinating insight inevitably raises questions of identity and integration.

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eilenweit entfernt von Berlin gibt es ein anderes Deutschland, das in der Zeit und endlosen Taiga versunken ist. Eine Hälfte meines Lebens verbrachte ich in Nordkasachstan, die andere in der westsibirischen Stadt Omsk. Viele meiner Freunde in beiden Städten waren sogenannte “Russlanddeutsche”, was sich auf ethnisch Deutsche be zieht, deren Vorfahren vor einigen Jahrhunderten aus Deutschland nach Russland umgezogen sind. Meine ersten Wörter in einer Fremdsprache waren Deutsch. Deutsche Familiennamen kann man noch heute überall in Omsk auf Straßenschildern lesen. Die Straßen wurden nach für Omsk oder Russland prominenten „Russlanddeutschen“ genannt, wie zum Beispiel Alexander von Taube, Philip Stumpf, oder Iwan Buchholz. Es gibt sogar eine deutsche Mittelschule, “Wiedergeburt“. Am Stadtrand befindet sich der Bezirk “Asowo” mit ungefähr sechstausend deutschen Einwohnern. Darüber hinaus kann jeder Bewohner von Omsk einen kostenlosen Deutschkurs an einer deutschen Kirche belegen. Es gibt keinen Zweifel daran, dass für fast jeden „Omsker“ deutsche Kultur ein wichtiger Teil des Alltags ist. Hätte ich nicht zufällig mit einem deutschen Yale Studenten über dieses Thema gesprochen, würde ich noch immer denken, dass Photo courtesy of Yulia Vozzhaeva

Miles away from Berlin, one will find a different Germany, the Germany forgotten in time and lost in the endless taiga. One half of my life I lived in northern Kazakhstan, another half in the west Siberian city of Omsk. Many of my friends there were so-called “Russian-Germans” which refers to ethnic Germans whose ancestors moved to Russia several hundred years ago. Ever since, their culture has played an important role in the lives of many Russians, including mine. The first words that I learned in a foreign language were German words. Even today there are many streets in Omsk or elsewhere in Russia that are named after famous Russian-Germans, like Alexander von Taube, Philip Stumpf, and Iwan Buchholz. Around six thousand Russian-Germans live on the outskirts of Omsk in the Azovsky German National District that was founded in 1992. In addition, every Omsker can learn German without cost in one of German churches of Omsk, for example in Evangelical-Lutheran Church in Omsk. There is even a German middle school called “Wiedergeburt”, or “Rebirth”, that has a much higher integration of German culture and language than in any other Russian school. At this school, students start learning German from first grade onwards, and do so five days a week until they graduate. All in all, there

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jeder in Deutschland über das „sibirische Deutschland” Bescheid weiß. Tatsächlich ist dies den meisten Deutschen allerdings unbekannt. Eben aus diesem Umstand heraus kam ich auf die Idee, über die Deutschen in Sibirien zu erzählen. Ein kurzer Blick zurück auf die wechselhafte Geschichte der „Russlanddeutschen“ zeichnet ein konfliktreiches Bild. Es gab es in Russland im 18. Jahrhundert so viel freies und unterentwickeltes Land, dass Katharina die Große im Jahr 1732 das Problem per Gesetz zu beheben versuchte. Ausländer sollten nach Russland eingeladen werden, um Ländereien zu besiedeln und zu bewirtschaften. Tatsächlich zogen einige Ausländer, darunter viele Deutsche, wegen der zahlreichen Privilegien nach Russland. So mussten die Umsiedler beispielsweise keine Steuern zahlen, sie waren auch vom Militärdienst befreit und wurden nicht für ihre religiöse Gesinnung verfolgt. Die Mehrheit der Deutschen ließ sich an der Wolga nieder und sie wurden daher die „Wolgadeutschen“ genannt. Während des zweiten Weltkrieges wurden die Wolgadeutschen von Stalin und seiner Regierung verfolgt. Sie wurden als Staatsfeinde behandelt und nazistische Spione genannt. 1941 wurden die meisten „Russlanddeutsche“ in die Arbeitslager in Sibirien und Kasachstan geschickt, wo viele starben. Natürlich hatten diese Deutschen nichts mit der Nazi-Ideologie zu tun, sondern waren die Opfer der Tyrannei Stalins. Auf diese Weise sind die Deutschen, zwischen denen ich aufwuchs, die Nachkommen der Überlebenden russischer Arbeitslager. Einem Erlass von 1955 gemäß sollten die „Russlanddeutschen“ dann nicht mehr auf die Sondersiedlungen in Sibirien und Kasachstan beschränkt bleiben, sondern durften fast überall in der Sowjetunion wohnen. Im gleichen Jahr unterschrieb Konrad Adenauer ein Regierungsabkommen laut dessen die

Photo courtesy of Yulia Vozzhaeva

12

‘’

is no doubt that German culture is an important part of everyday life for every Omsk citizen. I always thought that every German knew about this “Siberian Germany”, until I spoke with one of my German friends at Yale and found out that this is not quite the case. In reality, “Siberian Germany” is a rather unknown subject for many. This was why I decided to write about Germans in Russia. What is the history of Russian-Germans? In 1732, Catherine the Great made a law inviting foreign citizens to colonize and farm the many undeveloped areas of the Russian Empire. Many foreigners, among them Germans, were lured to Russia by certain privileges that this new law offered: it freed foreign immigrants from taxes, military service, and promised freedom of worship. The majority of German immigrants settled in the Volga region and so were often called Volga-Germans. During World War II, Volga-Germans were oppressed by Stalin. Many of them were deemed Nazi spies, enemies of the State, and consequently sent to Russian labor camps, where many died. It goes without saying that the majority of Russian-Germans had nothing in common with the Nazis; they were but the victims of Stalin’s regime. The Russian-Germans I grew up with were the descendants of those Germans who survived the horrors of Russian work camps. In 1955, Russian-Germans became free to live almost anywhere they wanted in the Soviet Union. In the same year, the German statesman Konrad Adenauer signed the agreement that allowed Russian-Germans to immigrate back to Germany. This was the beginning of the long process of remigration that peaked during perestroika. In 1994 alone, approximately 200,000 Russian-Germans went back to the land of their ancestors. One such immigrant was my very good friend Julia P., who went back to Germany in 1999. Now she lives, works, and studies near Berlin. When I asked Julia if she knew how her family settled in Kazakhstan, she shared with me some of the memories her grandmother had told her about. Her grandmother told her that one night Russian soldiers came to her house and ordered her family to get dressed and leave the house immediately; her father was then deported to a labor camp in Siberia. Julia’s great-grandmother was “ relocated “ with five children to northern Kazakhstan. Under these circumstances, not only did the family suffer from hunger, but was also discriminated against as “fascists” by other Russians. Julia spoke very positively of her childhood in Kazakhstan. In the 1990s, there was no discrimination against Russian-Germans. Julia compared her life in Kazakhstan with life in the U.S. in terms of the diversity of nationalities and religious affiliations: “It was like a melting pot. I had Kazakh, Russian, Christian and Muslim friends. I didn’t personally experience any discrimination, but my mother and grandmother did.” Due to the economic collapse in Kazakhstan in the mid-90s, life there became ever harder. Julia was

Hätte ich nicht zufällig mit einem deutschen Yale Studenten über dieses Thema gesprochen, würde ich noch immer denken, dass jeder in Deutschland über das „sibirische Deutschland” Bescheid weiß.


Russlanddeutschen zurück nach Deutschland kommen durften. Das war der Anfang eines langen Prozesses der Rückwanderung. Dieser Prozess erreichte seinen Höhepunkt während der Perestroika-Zeit. 1994 emigrierten ungefähr 200.000 Deutsche aus den postsowjetischen Staaten nach Deutschland zurück. Eine der Emigranten war meine Kindheitsfreundin Julia P., die 1999 nach Deutschland auswanderte. Momentan lebt, arbeitet und studiert sie in der Nähe von Berlin. Auf die Frage wie ihre Familie in Kasachstan landete, teilt Julia die Erinnerungen ihrer Großmutter mit mir. Ihre Großmutter schilderte ihr einst, wie eines Nachts während des 2. Weltkrieges russische Soldaten ins Haus ihrer Großmutter kamen und der Familie befahlen sofort das Haus zu verlassen. Julias Urgroßvater wurde in ein Arbeitslager nach Sibirien deportiert. Ihre Urgroßmutter wurde mit den fünf Kindern nach Nordkasachstan “übergesiedelt”. Unter diesen Umständen litt die Familie nicht nur an Hunger, sondern wurde auch an der Diskriminierung als „Faschisten“ durch andere Russen. Über ihre Kindheit in Kasachstan äußert sich Julia dahingegen sehr positiv. In den 1990er Jahren hat die Diskriminierung von „Russlanddeutschen“ bereits stark nachgelassen. Julia vergleicht ihr Leben in Kasachstan mit dem Leben in den USA in Bezug auf die Vielfalt an Nationalitäten und Glaubenszugehörigkeiten: “Das war wie ein Schmelztiegel. Ich hatte kasachische und russische Freundinnen, christliche und muslimische. Ich habe persönlich keine Diskriminierung erlebt, jedoch meine Mutter und Oma.”Aufgrund des wirtschaftlichen Zerfalls in Kasachstan ab Mitte der 90er Jahren war Julia dann doch froh 1999 in das Land ihrer Vorfahren zu ziehen. “Wir sind 1999 in der Nähe des Schwarzwalds im Süden Deutschlands angekommen und alles sah aus wie ein Winterwunderland. Alle Straßen waren perfekt gesäubert und wunderschön in der Vorweihnachtzeit dekoriert. Alles leuchtete und glänzte,” sagt Julia. Leider war nicht alles so bildschön in ihrem Leben in Deutschland wie diese ersten Tage. Kurz nach ihrem Umzug in den Norden stieß Julia das erste Mal auf Diskriminierung als ein Mitschüler zu ihr sagte: ”Scheiß Russen, geht dahin zurück wo ihr herkommt!” Dieses Erlebnis hat sich tief in ihre Erinnerung eingeprägt und dazu geführt, dass sie sich als Jugendliche sogar für ihre Herkunft schämte. Erst nach einem einjährigen Aufenthalt in den USA als Jugendliche lernte sie ihre Herkunft zu akzeptieren und darauf stolz zu sein, eine Russlanddeutsche aus Kasachstan zu sein. Insbesondere fiel es der Großmutter schwer mitzuerleben, wie in ihrer neuen Heimat ihre Enkelin beschimpft wurde. Julia meint: “Der Kulturunterschied und unter anderem auch die Diskriminierung sind die Gründe, warum viele Aussiedler nach Russland oder Kasachstan zurückkehren. Sie fühlen sich in Deutschland nicht zu Hause. Insbesondere ist es für ältere Menschen sehr schwer, sich in Deutschland zu integrieren.” Obwohl Julia Kasachstan als ihre Heimat vermisst, würde sie nie nach Kasachstan zurückkehren, denn “in Kasachstan gibt es viel Korruption, die Meinungsfreiheit ist eingeschränkt und weiterkommen nur die Menschen, die Geld und Beziehungen und somit Macht haben.“ Sie führt weiter aus: „Ein Beispiel ist, dass dort Doktortitel oder Diplomabschlüsse einfach gekauft werden können. In Deutschland bin ich weit gekommen, weil ich gut bin. In diesem Sinne bietet das Land mehr Möglichkeiten. Zu einem gewissen Teil ist Korruption jedoch überall vorhanden, auch in Deutschland, jedoch bei weitem nicht so ausgeprägt wie in Kasachstan.“ Mich interessiert auch, wie Julia die Schuld der Deutschen an der andauernden Diskriminierung vieler „Russlanddeutschen“ einschätzt. Sie antwortet: “Ich würde sagen, es hängt immer von einem selbst ab. Viele Russlanddeutsche sind selber schuld, weil sie sich in ihrer neuen Heimat nicht integrieren. Wiederum bekommen viele gar nicht die Möglichkeit dazu, weil sie von Anfang an Fremdenfeindlichkeit gegenüber stehen. Jedoch glaube ich, dass jeder sein Schicksal in der Hand hat.” Julias faszinierende Geschichte versinnbildlicht die vieler „Russlanddeutscher“, die es nicht fürchten ein neues und oft schwieriges Leben in einem anderen Land aufzubauen. Julia und ihre Familie haben genau den gleichen Schritt getan, wie ihre Vorfahren vor hunderten von Jahren. Auf der Suche nach einem besseren Leben wagten sie einen Neuanfang und ließen alles hinter sich. Unabhängig davon, ob „Russlanddeutsche“ nach Deutschland umziehen oder in ihrem „kleinen Deutschland“ des postsowjetischen Raums bleiben, spielen sie eine wichtige Rolle in der russischen Kultur und in den Leben der Russen. Ich persönlich bin ihnen dankbar. Sie haben mich inspiriert Deutsch zu studieren und mir eine tiefe Wertschätzung für ihre Traditionen ermöglicht. Die „Russlanddeutschen“ brachten mir ein Deutschland nahe, das so weit weg erschien.

very happy to escape the hardships of life in Kazakhstan when, in 1999, her family immigrated back to Germany. “We arrived in the vicinity of the Black Forest in southern Germany. Everything looked like a winter wonderland. All roads were perfectly clean and beautifully decorated in anticipation of Christmas. Everything was shining and sparkling, “ said Julia. However not everything was as perfect as these first days in Germany. Shortly after her move to northern Germany, Julia was faced with discrimination. One of her German classmates told her, “Damn Russians, go back to where you came from! “ Deeply imprinted in her memory, this experience often caused Julia to feel ashamed of her Russian and Kazakh origins, a feeling that only disappeared after spending time in the US in 2005. Such discrimination was especially difficult for Julia’s grandmother. In her lifetime in Kazakhstan she herself felt discrimination as a German, and now she witnessed her granddaughter, Julia, discriminated against as Russian in her new home Germany. Julia said, “ The cultural differences and discrimination were often the reasons why many immigrants decided to leave Germany and return to Russia or Kazakhstan. They simply didn’t feel welcome in Germany. The process of integration is especially difficult for older people.” I also asked Julia if she thought that Germans were always to blame for the discrimination that new immigrants often felt. She replied, “I would say it always depends on the person. Many Russian-Germans are to blame because they do not try to integrate into the German culture. Others simply do not get the opportunity to integrate due to xenophobia and discrimination. However, I still believe that everyone has control over his or her destiny.” Although Julia misses Kazakhstan, she would never return there because “in Kazakhstan there is a lot of corruption, freedom of expression is limited, and the only way to succeed in life is through money and connections.” She continued, “ One of the examples of such corruption is that doctorate or graduate degrees can be easily purchased. Here in Germany, I have been rather successful, but it is because I have worked hard. In this sense, Germany offers many more opportunities. While there is still corruption in Germany, it is nowhere near as widespread as it is in Kazakhstan.” Julia’s story is one of many fascinating stories of Russian-Germans who were not afraid to build a new and often difficult life in another country. Like their ancestors hundreds of years ago, Julia and her family left everything behind and ventured back to Germany in a search of a better life. Regardless of whether Russian-Germans move back to Germany or stay in the “little Germany “ of the post-Soviet regions, they play an important role in Russian culture and in the lives of Russians. Personally, I am very grateful to them. They have inspired me to learn German, instilled in me a deep appreciation for German culture, and brought me closer to the Germany that seemed so far away.

13


HEBREW

‫שמות בדויים‬ by Dor Mizrahi, SM ’16

In his article, Dor reviews the trend of Hebraization of names in Israel, and discusses the personal and social implications of the phenomenon. Once, while walking down the street, I ran into an old friend. I recognized him immediately, and he seemed to recognize me as well, but somehow his gaze was averted, wondering. “Ruslan, what’s up!” I shouted. He looked at me with a sad half-smile. We talked briefly, and just as I was leaving, he added, hesitating, “My name is not Ruslan anymore.” Ruslan and I had played tennis together in the same club for many years. When we were in high school, we would sometimes go out together, to laugh and drink. Eventually, I had to leave the tennis team due to pressure in school, the girlfriend, the approaching recruitment to the Army and the difficulty of maintaining a high tennis ranking. After graduation, we were both recruited to the military, and our paths separated until this day on the street. Ruslan informed me that his name is “Eitan.” He is one of many Israelis who have undergone a process called Hebraization, or changing one’s name into Hebrew. He was not alone; I discovered that several other people from my high school had undergone this process. My close friend named Pavel was now Adam. Soldiers changed their names as well. When I was a commander of the army, I discovered that many of the soldiers, especially those who were new immigrants from Ethiopia, chose Hebrew names that did not at all resemble their birth names. In Eli Amir’s famous book, “Scapegoat,” a classic in Israel, Amir describes his life in the kibbutz, a rural collective community, in the 1950s. Nuri, the hero of the story, is prompted to take the name Nimrod. Despite the fact that he wants to be integrated in the kibbutz, he refuses to accept this new name. This story affected me greatly in high school. My girlfriend at the time, Olga, told me that her parents changed her name when she was little, but that in her adolescence she decided to return to her original name because it sounded more authentic and unique to her. I wanted to scream with joy. One day, a few months after we started dating, I kissed her and revealed that the first time I knew I was in love with her was when she told me about her rebellion against society. She did not recognize her own bravery, but I was proud that she was my girlfriend and no one else. Hebraization was quite common in Israel in its early history, around sixty years ago, when it was populated mostly by foreign immigrants. During the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the government encouraged and even forced some civilians and military personnel to change their names. The trend gained such strength that in 1955, Israel’s Minister of Defense, David Ben-Gurion, decided that any army personnel without a Hebrew name would not be able to work for the foreign Civil Service. Every Israeli Defense Force general needed to change his name. During this time, not even literary characters were 14

‫ זיהיתי‬.‫פעם אחת בעודי הולך ברחוב נתקלתי בחבר ותיק‬ ‫ אבל משום מה‬,‫ ונראה כי גם הוא זיהה אותי‬,‫אותו מיד‬ ‫ מה קורה!” מיהרתי‬,‫ “רוסלן‬.‫ תוהה‬,‫מבטו היה מופנה הצידה‬ .‫ הוא בתגובה הביט בי בחצי חיוך מלא בעצב‬.‫לצעוק לעברו‬ .‫ ניהלנו שיחת חולין קצרה‬,‫אחרי ששאלנו זה לשלומו של זה‬ ‫ “לא קוראים‬,‫ מהסס‬,‫כשעמדנו להיפרד הוא מיהר והוסיף‬ ‫ רוסלן ואני שיחקנו ביחד באותו מועדון טניס‬.”‫לי רוסלן יותר‬ ‫ מלבד זאת‬.‫ והיינו חברים לנבחרת‬,‫במשך שנים ארוכות‬ ‫ בשלב מסויים‬.‫ לצחוק ולשתות‬,‫נהגנו לצאת לפעמים ביחד‬ ‫באמצע התיכון הייתי מוכרח לעזוב את נבחרת הטניס עקב‬ ‫ הגיוס הקרב לצבא והקושי להישאר‬,‫ החברה‬,‫הלימודים‬ . ‫ ודרכינו נפרדו‬,‫ לאחר זמן מה שנינו התגייסנו‬.‫בדירוג גבוה‬ ‫ הוא אחד‬.”‫רוסלן מיהר לעדכן אותי שהשם שלו הוא “איתן‬ ‫ או הפיכת‬,‫מרבים שעבר תהליך מוכר בישראל שנקרא עברות‬ ‫ באותה תקופה גיליתי‬,‫ הוא לא היה היחיד‬.‫השם לעברית‬ ‫שאנשים אחרים שלמדו איתי בתיכון החליטו לשנות את‬ ‫ לאחר שלאורך כל התיכון שמם המקורי לא‬,‫שמם במפתיע‬ ‫ חבר קרוב שלי ששמו פבל שינה את שמו לאדם‬.‫הפריע להם‬ ‫ גיליתי שרבים‬,‫ כשהייתי מפקד בצבא‬,‫ובשלב מאוחר יותר‬ ‫ עברתו‬,‫ במיוחד אלו שהיו עולים טריים מאתיופה‬,‫מחיילי‬ . ‫את שמם כך שכבר לא היה ניתן לזהות את שמם המקורי‬ ‫בספר המפורסם “תרנגול כפרות” של אלי עמיר (מאין‬ ‫מכיר וחייב‬ ‫ ספר שכל ישראלי‬,‫“גטסבי הגדול” של ישראל‬ ‫ עמיר מתאר את החיים בקיבוץ‬,)‫לקרוא במהלך התיכון‬ ‫ מתבקש לעברת את שמו‬,‫ גיבור הסיפור‬,‫ נורי‬.50-‫בשנות ה‬ ,‫ למרות שכל כך רוצה להשתלב בקיבוץ‬,‫ אך הוא‬,‫לנמרוד‬ ‫ אני זוכר שהסיפור הזה‬.‫מסרב לקבל עליו את השם הזה‬ ‫ סיפרה‬,‫ אולגה‬,‫ גם חברתי לשעבר‬.‫השפיע עלי מאוד בתיכון‬ ‫ אך‬,‫לי שההורים שלה שינו את שמה כשהיתה קטנה‬ ‫שבשלב מסוים בגיל ההתבגרות היא החליטה לחזור לשמה‬ ‫ התרגשתי‬.‫המקורי מכיוון שנשמע לה אותנטי ומיוחד יותר‬ ‫ מספר‬,‫ יום אחד‬.‫ באמת שרציתי לצעוק משמחה‬,‫כל כך‬ ‫ לאחר שכבר התרגלנו אחד‬,‫חודשים לאחר שהתחלנו לצאת‬ ‫ נישקתי אותה וחשפתי לפניה את הפעם הראשונה‬,‫לשניה‬ ‫ כשהיא סיפרה לי על המרד העצום‬:‫שידעתי שאני מאוהב בה‬ ‫ אבל‬,‫ היא לקחה את זה כמובן מאליו‬.‫שלה כנגד החברה‬ . ‫אני הייתי גאה שהיא החברה שלי ולא אף אחת אחרת‬ ‫ דבר די הגיוני‬,‫תהליך העברות היה די נפוץ בישראל בעבר‬ ‫שישים וחמש‬ ‫בהתחשב בעובדה שישראל היא מדינה בת‬ ‫ושבראשית דרכה הייתה מורכבת בעיקר‬ ,‫שנים בלבד‬ ,‫ בתקופת מלחמת העצמאות‬.‫מעולים מארצות זרות‬ ‫הממשלה עודדה ואף חייבה חלק מן האזרחים ואנשי הצבא‬ 1955-‫ המגמה הייתה כה חזקה עד שב‬.‫לעברת את שמם‬ ‫ החליט שאנשי צבא ללא שם‬,‫גוריון‬-‫ דוד בן‬,‫שר הביטחון דאז‬ ‫ ושכל אלוף‬,‫עברי לא יוכלו לעבוד בשירות המדינה בחו”ל‬ ‫ התהליך היה נפוץ לא‬.‫בצה”ל יהיה מוכרח לעברת את שמו‬ ‫ ושמות‬,‫רק מבחינה חברתית אלא גם מבחינה תרבותית‬


exempt. “Romeo and Juliet” became ‫של דמויות במחזות מפורסמים כגון‬ “Ram and Yael.” The Hebraization .”‫“רומאו ויוליה” עוברתו ל”רם ויעל‬ phenomenon pervaded Israeli society. ‫ עם הזמן התופעה נעשתה‬,‫אולם‬ In the great Aliyah from the Soviet ‫ עד שהיה נידמה שנכחדה‬,‫נדירה‬ Union in the 1990s, most of the im- ‫ ושאנשים אינם מעברתים‬,‫לחלוטין‬ migrants kept their original names. ‫ בעליה הגדולה‬.‫את שמם יותר‬ However, after over twenty years of ,90-‫מברית המועצות בשנות ה‬ living in Israel, many of these immi- ‫רוב העולים שמרו על שמותיהם‬ grants are now deciding to change ,‫ כך גיליתי‬,‫ אך היום‬.‫המקוריים‬ their names. Though I can understand ,‫יותר ויותר עולים מברית המועצות‬ the desire of new immigrants to as- ‫כאלו שכבר חיים בארץ עשרים שנה‬ similate, it is difficult for me to com- ‫ מחליטים לפתע לשנות‬,‫או יותר‬ prehend why people who have lived in ‫ קל לי להבין מדוע‬ .‫את שמותיהם‬ Israel for many years would suddenly ‫ אך‬,‫עולים טריים משנים את שמם‬ alter such a substantial part of their ‫לא ברור לי מדוע אדם שחי במדינה‬ identity. I think the pressure to adopt ‫שנים רבות יחליט פתאום לוותר על‬ a Hebrew name is exerted by Israeli .‫חלק מהותי כל כך מהזהות שלו‬ society, which disapproves of those ‫אני חושב שהרצון לשנות את השם‬ who deviate from the norm. It is very ‫כיום נובע בעיקר מהשפעה חזקה‬ sad. As an international student, my ‫ שמטילה‬,‫של החברה הישראלית‬ name is foreign to most people, and ‫לחץ חברתי איום על אנשים שמעט‬ yet it is very difficult for me to iden- ‫ זה מעציב אותי‬.‫חורגים מן הנורמה‬ tify with the immigrants in Israel. In ,‫ בתור סטודנט בינלאומי בייל‬.‫מאוד‬ the United States, I have never experi- ‫ קשה‬,‫שהשם שלו זר לרוב האנשים‬ enced any kind of discomfort with my ‫ מעולם‬.‫לי מאוד להזדהות איתם‬ name. On the contrary, it seems that ‫לא חוויתי סוג של אי נוחות עם‬ people like my name precisely be- ‫ נראה שאנשים‬,‫ להיפך‬.‫השם שלי‬ cause it is different, and thus special. ‫ ושהוא‬,‫אוהבים את השם שלי‬ I do not know why Ruslan was . ‫מוסיף לי גוון מיוחד שלמקומיים אין‬ ashamed when he saw me, but I truly believe that it was because of his ‫אני לא יודע למה רוסלן התבייש‬ decision to change his name. Israel ‫אבל אני חושב‬ ,‫כשהוא ראה אותי‬ is my favorite place in the world; the ‫שההחלטה שהוא לקח הביכה‬ people, the food, the literature, the ‫ ישראל היא המדינה האהובה‬.‫אותו‬ sea-- these are the things that accom- ,‫ המאכלים‬,‫ האנשים‬:‫עלי בעולם‬ pany me to the other side of the world ‫ אלו הם דברים‬- ‫ הים‬,‫הספרות‬ and that I will never forget. But Israel ‫שמלווים אותי עד לקצה השני של‬ is not perfect, and our problems are ‫ואף‬ .‫העולם ושאף פעם לא אשכח‬ not only related to terrorism or in- ,‫לא הכל מושלם‬ ‫שבישראל‬ ‫על פי‬ ternational disputes, but also to how ‫רבות מבעיותינו אינן קשורות‬ we accept each other. A lot of people ,‫לטרור או למחלוקות בינלאומיות‬ think that if they change their names, ‫אלא לאיך שאנחנו מקבלים את‬ they will assimilate better into Israeli ‫ הרבה אנשים חושבים שאם‬.‫האחר‬ society. Yet if that is true, and my en- ‫ הם יטמעו טוב‬,‫הם ישנו את שמם‬ vironment is now full of people who ‫ אך אם‬.‫יותר בחברה הישראלית‬ are more “Israeli,” why do I miss my ‫זה באמת נכון ואם הסביבה שלי‬ old friends Ruslan and Pavel? Would ,”‫מלאה באנשים יותר “ישראלים‬ a rose by any other name really smell ‫איך זה שאני מתגעגע כל כך‬ ? ‫ לרוסלן ולפבל‬:‫לחברים הישנים שלי‬ as sweet?

‘’

‫תהליך העברות היה די נפוץ בישראל‬ ‫ דבר די הגיוני בהתחשב בעובדה‬,‫בעבר‬ ‫שישים וחמש שנים‬ ‫שישראל היא מדינה בת‬ ‫ושבראשית דרכה הייתה מורכבת‬ ,‫בלבד‬ .‫בעיקר מעולים מארצות זרות‬ 15


SPANISH

La evolución de un imperio

by Bernardo Bárzana, PC ’16 Forged from the clash of the Incan and Spanish empires many centuries ago, Peru now finds itself face to face with the American empire. But will U.S. cultural hegemony pervert or enrich Peruvian traditions?

E

n las alturas de Cusco se respira una triste ironía: la ex-capital del Imperio incaico se ha convertido en una base estratégica del imperio americano. En la plaza central, las letras doradas de McDonald’s se pueden leer desde la centenaria Catedral de Cusco. La “M” redondeada, amarilla y metálica se impone sobre la bandera Inca del arcoíris—una bandera que no ondea desde hace mucho tiempo. KFC y Starbucks se alzan como monarcas absolutos, presidiendo el poblado desde su trono imperial. En las calles, cientos de vendedores de Ray Bans pirateados acechan turistas y les ladran “My Friend!” con sonrisas de hienas predadoras. Un grupo de turistas con semblante europeo posan para fotografiarse con un peruano disfrazado de Inca. Debajo de un penacho colorido, se frunce el ceño de su cara ancestral curtida por el sol. Se me ocurre el término, “prostitución cultural.” Estuve en Cusco el verano pasado para el Inti Raymi, 16

High atop the Andes mountains, 11,000 feet above sea level, the city of Cusco reeks of a sad irony: the former capital of the Inca Empire has become a strategic base for the American Empire. In the central plaza, the golden letters of “McDonald’s” can be read from the centennial Cusco Cathedral. The rounded “M”, yellow and metallic, soars high above the rainbow Inca flag—a flag that has not been waved in many years. KFC and Starbucks overlook the entire town, squatting like absolute monarchs at the imperial throne. In the streets, hundreds of merchants selling bootleg Ray Bans are on the prowl for tourists. “My Friends!” they bark, and they smile like hyenas. A group of fair-skinned tourists pose for a picture with a Peruvian man who is dressed in a ridiculous Inca costume. Underneath a colorful plume, his ancient sunbaked face frowns sternly. I think of the term “cultural prostitution.”


el festival Inca que se celebra anualmente en honor a Inti, el dios del sol. Me quedé en Urubamba, donde estaba trabajando en una ONG llamada Proworld. Cuando los demás voluntarios y yo nos enteramos que el festival peruano más importante del año estaba ocurriendo en las ruinas de Saqsaywaman, situadas en las afueras de Cusco, decidimos pasar el fin de semana en la ciudad. Sinceramente, mis expectativas para el festival eran bajas: algunos habitantes locales me habían advertido que la representación contemporánea no era la original de los Incas, sino una versión apócrifa diseñada por un turista alemán en los años cuarenta. Además, mi estadía de un día en la ciudad me había preparado para esperar nada más que trampas de turistas y fraudes culturales: todo Cusco prometía ser inauténtico. Mis expectativas parecían cumplirse durante la caminata polvorienta hacia las ruinas de Saqsaywaman—o como escuché apodarle un guía, provocando el jolgorio de los turistas americanos que lo seguían, las ruinas de “Sexy Woman.” Entre las hordas de peregrinos pasaban vendedores cantando el himno de “Coca-Cola, bien fría, Coca-Cola!” y distribuyendo por mayoreo el emblema rojo del imperialismo americano. Sobre el mar de personas se erigía el ocasional gigante europeo, el colonizador moderno, conmovido por la oportunidad de ver el teatro de la cultura inca orquestado para él. Pero ni mi pesimismo ni mi predisposición prejuiciosa me permitieron ignorar que la gran parte de la población peregrina no era turista sino peruana. Aunque estuvieran tomando Coca-Cola o fumando cigarros Marlboro, miles de familias cusqueñas habían venido a disfrutar esta versión retocada de su festival milenario. Habían asimilado este elemento cul-

I was in Cusco last summer for Inti Raymi, the festival in honor of Inti, the sun god. I stayed in Urubamba, where I was working for an NGO called Proworld. When the other volunteers and I realized Peru’s most important festival was to be held in the Saqsaywaman ruins, situated in the outskirts of Cusco, we decided to spend the weekend in the city. My expectations, however, were low: some local townspeople had warned me that the festival’s contemporary representation was not the original Inca version, but rather an apocryphal version designed by a German tourist in the forties. Besides, a one-day stay in Cusco had prepared me for nothing more than tourist traps and cultural frauds: all of Cusco promised to be inauthentic. My expectations were met in the dusty walk from Cusco to the Saqsaywaman ruins—or, as I heard a guide nickname them, provoking the joy of the American tourists that were following him, the “Sexy Woman” ruins. Merchants weaving their way through the hoards of pilgrims chanted a hymn of “Coca Cola, bien fría, Coca Cola!” as they distributed the red emblem of American Imperialism. Above the sea of people one could see the occasional European giant, the modern colonizer, sincerely affected by the opportunity to witness the theater of Inca culture that has been set up just for him. But not even my pessimism or my prejudiced predisposition allowed me to ignore the fact that the majority of the population was not tourist, but Peruvian. Though they were drinking Coca Cola and smoking Marlboro cigarettes, thousands of Peruvian families had come to take part in this modified version of their millenary festival. It seemed like they had assimilated this exogenous cultural element and had made it theirs. Unfortunately, the festival was delayed, and I had to leave before it started. But I had to accept, in spite of my cynicism, that Peruvians loved the Germanized Inti Raym. The whole encounter left me frankly quite confused. I was ruminating this phenomenon and discussing it with my friends when we passed the Cusco Cathedral as we crossed the plaza. The cultural status of this impos17


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“Hoy en día, en el mundo globalizado del siglo veintiuno, se suele opinar que la hegemonía estadounidense es una fuerza de demolición cultural, motivada por impulsos capitalistas, que está homogenizando al planeta entero.”

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tural exógeno y lo habían hecho suyo. Desafortunadamente, el festival se retrasó y me quedé sin verlo. Pero tuve que aceptar, a pesar de mi cinismo, que a los peruanos les encantaba el Inti Raymi alemanizado. El encuentro me dejó francamente confundido. Por eso iba rumiando este fenómeno y discutiéndolo con mis amigos cuando cruzamos la plaza en frente de la Catedral de Cusco. El estatus cultural de esta imponente obra arquitectónica es prácticamente indiscutible. Ha tenido casi quinientos años de historia para echar raíces y arraigarse fuertemente en la imaginación cultural peruana. Disfruta de todo el respeto y la admiración que por alguna razón merece lo antiguo. Pero cuando fue construida en 1560, la Catedral Basílica fue una puñalada en el corazón de la cultura andina; con la evangelización, el imperio español le puso fin al Imperio inca. Sin embargo, esto no resultó en una simple sustitución; el imperio español no tomó el lugar del andino. Las culturas de ambos imperios se mezclaron en un caldo de tradiciones y costumbres. Si bien la evangelización le puso fin a las culturas prehispánicas, el sincretismo le dio vida a muchas más. El choque del imperio español con el inca fue destructivo y sangriento, pero no completamente infértil. De este choque nació el Perú. De todos los choques paralelos que se dieron entre el Viejo y el Nuevo Mundo nació América Latina, con todas sus penas y todos sus dolores, pero también con toda su riqueza cultural. Sólo el paso del tiempo, de siglos y siglos, nos ha dado la perspectiva histórica íntegra que se necesita para reconocer los frutos del enfrentamiento de estos dos imperios. Desde el punto de vista cultural, tal enfrentamiento puede ser un matrimonio. En frente a la Catedral de piedra, la “M” de McDonald’s sonríe con ironía, ostentando sus colorines chillantes. Los vestigios del imperio español desfallecen frente al americano, así como el inca desfalleció frente al español. Hoy en día, en el mundo globalizado del siglo veintiuno, se suele opinar que la hegemonía estadounidense es una fuerza de demolición cultural, motivada por impulsos capitalistas, que está homogenizando al planeta entero. ¿Estará justificada esta opinión? ¿Podemos estar seguros de que la cultura americana representa una fuerza maligna? ¿O estaremos demasiado cegados por nuestros propios prejuicios culturales para darnos cuenta de que algo bueno puede resultar de esta especie de casamiento? La cultura es por naturaleza frágil y xenófoba. Incluso la amenaza de un contacto la desconcierta, la desorienta. Pero, con el tiempo, siempre se estabiliza: se reformula, se reconstruye, se redefine. Tal vez la globalización no sea una fuerza puramente destructiva. Tal vez suponga una nueva vertiente en la evolución de la cultura. O tal vez en quinientos años las empresas transnacionales hayan uniformizado al mundo. Sólo el tiempo lo dirá.

ing work of architecture is practically indisputable. Almost five hundred years of history have given it time to grow roots in the cultural imagination of the Peruvian population. It demands all the respect and admiration that, for some reason, antique things deserve. But when it was built in 1560, the Cathedral’s construction was a stab in the heart of the Inca culture. Evangelization brought the Inca Empire to an end. However, this demise did not result in a simple substitution: the Spanish empire did not take the place of the Inca. Both cultures came together in a broth of customs and traditions. Evangelization put an end to pre-Columbian cultures, but syncretism breathed life to many more. The clash of the Spanish and Inca empires was bloody and destructive, but it was not infertile. From this clash Peru was born. From all the parallel encounters that occurred between the old and new worlds, Latin America was born; Latin America with all its pain and all its suffering, but also with its unparalleled cultural wealth. It takes centuries to develop a wholesome historical vantage point. That’s what it took us to recognize that the clash of two empires need not always be bad. Culturally, this clash can become a fruitful marriage. Facing the stone Cathedral, McDonald’s “M” smiles back ironically, flaunting its yellow and red plastic. The remnants of the Spanish empire falter, eclipsed by the rising American empire. The American Empire takes over the Spanish, just like the Spanish took over the Inca. In today’s twenty-first century globalized world, it is commonly thought that American hegemony is a cultural wrecking ball, motivated by capitalist impulses, that is homogenizing the entire planet. Is this opinion justified? Can we be sure that the expansion of American Culture is a malign force? Or are we too blinded by our own cultural moment to realize that good things can emerge from this encounter? Culture is by nature fragile and xenophobic. Even the slightest threat of an encounter distresses it, disorients it. But with time, culture naturally reaches equilibrium: it is reformulated, reconstructed, redefined. Maybe globalization is not a purely destructive force. Maybe it just creates a new branch in the evolution of culture. Or, maybe, five hundred years from now, transnational corporations will have homogenized the world. Only time will tell.


RUSSIAN

Photo courtesy of Irina Gavrilova

День Памяти by Irina Gavrilova, BK ’17 The 9th of May—one of the most important national holidays in Russia—is the day of victory over Hitler’s Germany. Irina Gavrilova, a native Russian, describes the official ceremonies that take place across Russia as well as the experiences of her great-grandfather, a fighter pilot during the war. венят ордена и медали, переливаясь в З майском солнце. Щурясь от ярких лучей, ветераны медленно идут по городским улицам,

собирая со слезами на глазах охапки красных гвоздик, которые им протягивает каждый прохожий. Этот день – их день. Этот день – 9 мая. 9 мая- день победы над гитлеровской Германией- один из самых важных национальных праздников в России. Каждый год в 24 городахгероях традиционно проходит Парад Победы, в котором участвуют курсанты военных училищ. Они маршируют по улицам, а за ними следует военная техника. В Москве по Красной площади едут искандеры, танки и ЗИЛы. В небе летчики показывают фигуры высшего пилотажа. Парад показывают по телевизору, и многие семьи смотрят прямую трансляцию. Многие отмечают праздник в Парке Победы, построенном в 1958 году на Поклонной горе. Его главная достопримечательность - 140-метровый обелиск с богиней Никой на самой верхушке.

The medals are clinking against each other and glittering in the summer sun. The veterans walk down the city’s streets, teary-eyed, collecting bouquets of red carnations from every passerby. This day is their day. This day is May 9th. May 9th—the day of victory over Hitler’s Germany—is one of the most important national holidays in Russia. Every year the cadets participate in Victory Parade held in twenty-four Hero Cities . They march on city streets, followed by rows of military machinery. Iskanders, ZILs and tanks travel down the Red Square in downtown Moscow. Pilots perform breathtaking stunts in the sky. The parade is streamed live, and families watch it in their living rooms. Many celebrate the holiday in Victory Park, built in 1958 on Poklonnaya Mountain. Its main landmark is a 140-meter tall obelisk with goddess Nike on the very top. The holiday is treated with utmost respect. Parents and teachers explain its significance to kids in early childhood, telling them how arduous the road to victo19


К празднику в стране относятся с огромным уважением. С самого детства учителя и родители рассказывают детям о значении этой победы, от том, как тяжело она далась нашим прадедам. Ученики в этот день навещают ветеранов, приносят им цветы и подарки, помогают с работой по дому и слушают их рассказы с фронта за чашкой чая с пряниками. У каждой школы в этот день специальная программа. Администрация проводит торжественные линейки, посвященные Великой Отечественной Войне. Часто дети выезжают на экскурсии в музеи. В моей школе мы выезжали на места боевой славы. Ученики собирались вокруг памятника павшим, и каждый в микрофон рассказывал историю ветерана (или ветеранов) из своей семьи. У каждого была своя история. Я всегда рассказывала про моего прадеда. Я так отчетливо помню его, играющего на баяне, сидя за кухонным столом крошечной квартирки в Тёплом Стане. Я помню его голос, когда он заливался песней: “Расцветали яблони и груши/ Поплыли туманы над рекой/ Выходила на берег Катюша/ На высокий берег, на крутой”. Я сияла от гордости: вот он, мой прадед-летчик, поет фронтовые песни лучше всякого Шаляпина. Его пальцы бегали по клавишам баяна так быстро, он вдруг молодел на моих глазах. С баяном в руках он превращался из 80-летнего полковника в отставке в 20-летнего солдата, в которого все девушки полка были когда-то влюблены. Он был призван в 1939-ом и прошел через всю войну. В 42-ом он поступил в летное училище, в котором проучился два года. После окончания училища, он участвовал в войне с Японией, а затем - с Сирией. Как-то раз, на очередных семейных посиделках 9 мая, дед предложил мне померить свой китель. Мне было всего пять или шесть. Дед достал его из шкафа и, смеясь, накинул его на мои детские плечи. Вся моя семья покатывалась от хохота, и мой папа сразу побежал за фотоаппаратом. Моё сияющее от счастья лицо было навсегда запечатлено на пленке. Сыграв в тот вечер пару военных песен, дед упаковал баян в футляр и сложил его под кухонный стол до следующего раза. Он был уверен, что в следующем году он снова будет нас развлекать. Следующего раза так и не было. Мой дед умер, когда мне было 14. Приехав навесить мою семью этим летом, я попросила их достать его китель и баян. Баян, оказалось, продали - чего ему стоять-пылиться? Кителя тоже не было- дед просил его в нем похоронить. Мне от него осталась только моя фотография с его кителем на моих плечах и юбилейные часы, которые он получил в год моего рождения на 50-летие победы. Но главное - остались мои воспоминания о его песнях, его историях о войне. Несмотря на парады и пышные празднества, мне в День Победы всегда грустно. С каждым годом ветеранов становится все меньше, и скоро некому будет дарить на улице красные гвоздики. 20

Photo courtesy of Irina Gavrilova

ry was. On this day, high school students visit the veterans and give them gifts and flowers, help with housework and stay for tea and pie to listen to their stories. Every school has a special program on May 9th. The administration organizes assemblies dedicated to World War II, and students often go on field trips to museums. My school took us to famous battle sights. During those trips we gathered around monuments to the fallen soldiers and told stories about veterans who were members of our families. Everyone had a story to tell. I always talked about my great-grandfather. He enrolled in the military in 1939 and fought through the entire war, taking a break for two years in 1942 to study at the Air Force Academy. After completing his training, he went on to fight in Japan and, later, Syria. I remember him so vividly, playing the accordion in the tiny kitchen of his apartment in Tepli Stan . I remember his voice singing: “Apple and pear trees were in bloom/ Fog floated over the river/ Katusha stood on a bank/ On the steep and lofty bank. ” I gleamed with pride: there he was, my great-grandfather, the fighter pilot who sang better than Shalyapin. His fingers danced on the accordion’s keyboard so quickly he seemed to grow younger by the minute. With the instrument in his hands he turned from an 80-year-old retired colonel to a 20-year-old soldier with whom all girls in the regiment were head-over-heels in love. Once at a family dinner on May 9th, my great-grandfather offered to let me try on his military jacket. He took it out of his closet and put it on my shoulders, chuckling. My entire family roared with laughter and my father ran to get a camera to take a shot of me bursting with happiness—that picture still sits next to my bed. After playing a number of war songs that night, my great-grandfather packed up his accordion and put it away until another time. He was sure that he’d be entertaining us all again very soon. That next time never happened. My great-grandfather passed away when I was 14. When I was visiting my family this summer, four years after his death, I asked them to see his accordion and his jacket. They had sold the accordion—what was the use of having it there, gathering dust? The jacket wasn’t there either—he had asked to be buried in it. All I have left of him is a picture of me in his jacket and a watch he got the year I was born for the 50th anniversary of victory. But what really matters is that I have my memories of him, of his songs, his stories. Despite the pomp of the Victory Parade, I always feel sad on May 9th. Every year the number of living veterans get smaller and smaller, and soon there won’t be anyone left to give bouquets of red carnations to.

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ARABIC

‫تأثير العصر اإلستعماري على‬ ‫الهوية الوطنية للدول العربية‬ by Mohammad Abdullah Alshahrani, PC’17 Why are national identities in the modern Middle East the way they currently are, and how did they come about being as such? ‫عميق بهويتهم‬ ,‫“أنا مصري‬ ‫تسأل أحدهما‬ ‫بهذا التقسيمة؟‬

‫ الكثير من أخواننا العرب يظهرو إلتزام‬,‫في عالمنا الحديث‬ .‫ بالبعض يرأ أسم بلده كممثل لجوهرة اإلنساني‬.‫الوطنية‬ ً ‫ هل يوما‬,‫ لكن‬.‫و أنت سوري” يصارخ العرب لبعض‬ ‫عن لماذا يمسي نفسه بهذا األسم و لماذا وطنا العربي مقسم‬

‫لماذا أهل سوريا يسمون نفسهم بهذا األسم؟ لماذا شخص يولد في قرية يسمي‬ ‫ و ابن عمه الذي يولد في القرية المقابلة يسمى نفسه أردني؟‬,‫نفسه سعودي‬ ‫ السبب هو رغبة عدة حكام فرنيسين و بريطانين بتقسيم‬,‫برأيي الشخصي‬ “‫ قبلهم لم يكن هناك دولة تسمى “سوريا‬.‫المنطقة بالشكل الذي يظنونه أفضل لهم‬ .‫ لما وجدت دوليات متفككة هكذا‬,‫و لوال رغبتهم في تفكيك األمة العربية‬ ‫ أو‬,‫ ستبقى سعودي لو أتى من يحكم بغير آل سعود‬,‫ يا أخواني العرب‬,‫هل‬ ‫ستبقى مصري لو قرر الرئيس إتحاد الدولة مع سوريا؟ أليس كل الهويات‬ !‫الوطنية الحالية زائلة و مؤقتة؟ إذاً ماذا الذي ال يزول و ال يتغير؟ عروبتا‬ ‫ عروبتنا هي أساس هويتنا و‬.‫عروبتنا ستبقى معنا من المهد إلى اللحد‬ ‫ أرا أن بتخلصنا من‬.‫ فلماذا ال نبني أفعالنا على هذا المبدأ الدائم‬,‫وطنا‬ ‫ سنتكمن‬,‫قيود الهوية الوطنية الوهمية الموضوعة علينا من قبل اإلستعماريين‬ ! ‫من بناء وطنا ً عربيا ً واحداً يجلب لنا الفخر و النصر و المجد‬

In our modern world, many of our fellow Arab brethren show a deep commitment to their national identities. Some see their country’s name as the core essence of their identity. “I’m Egyptian, and you’re Syrian” scream the two Arabs. However, have any of these Arabs ever wondered why their country’s names are so, or how their borders are drawn in such a way? Why do the people of “Syria” call themselves such a name? Why is it that two cousins, each born only miles apart, but separated by an imaginary line in the sand, are called by different country names, one being Saudi and the other Jordanian? In my personal opinion, this difference of countries is due to the desires of Imperialists, who have used the strategy “divide and conquer” flawlessly on our one Arab nation. Before Imperialists, there was no such thing as “Syria”; if it were not for Imperialists and their desire for a scattered and weak Arab nation, there would not be a Syria today, but in its place, one united, independent, and glorious Arab Ummah (nation). And now I ask my fellow Arab brethren, if Saudi were to be ruled by another than the family of Al Saud, or if the president of Egypt were to unify his country with that of the Syrians, would it not cause the existence of “Saudis” and “Egyptians” to cease? Why do we cling on to these temporal and artificial identities? What will be forever existent and filled with pride? Our innate Arabism is what will give us glory and hope. It is the essence of our national existence, and thus should be the basis of our identities. If we rid ourselves of the chains of the colonialist-imposed divides, we can build ourselves one unified and powerful nation which will bring us pride, victory, and glory!

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의궤의 귀향

KOREAN

by Jungyun Hur, Divinity School This article discusses the return of Uigwe, the set of Korean books describing royal rituals, which was taken by the French army during their 1866 invasion of Korea. This story explains how the remnants of imperialism still affect Korean cultural heritage. 종이 위에 펜이 부지런히 움직이는 소리, 랩탑의 자판 두드리는 소리, 책 장 넘어가는 소리. 침묵 은 부지런히 움직인다. 목요일. 몇 명 남지 않은 도서���. 텅빈 복도를 지나쳐 간다. 도서관 벽 책장에 빼곡히 꽂혀 있는 책들은 말이 없다. 2010년 아시아나 비행기를 타고 100여권의 의궤가 한국으로 도착하는 사진이 대부분의 일간지 일면에 실린다. 1866년에 이 책이 모국을 떠났으니 돌아오기까는 약 130년이 걸린 셈이다. 100여권 의 의궤 뒤에는 한 노인이 조심스럽게 뒤따른다. 이 분이 바로 의궤를 발견하고, 평생을 연구하고, 그 리고 마침내 모국에 돌아오게 만드신 의궤의 어머니 고 박병선 박사 이시다. 일제 강점기가 끝나고, 서울대 역사교육과에서 공부하셨던 박병선 박사는 1955년 프랑스 유학길 에 올라 우리 나라 최초의 프랑스 여자 유학생이 된다. 파리 7대학에서 박사학위를 받은 후, 프랑스 국립도서관의 요청으로 그 곳의 사서로 일하게 된 박병선 박사는 왠지 이 곳에서 일하게 된 것이 자 신의 운명임을 느꼈다고 한다. 유학을 떠나기 직전, 박병선 박사의 스승이었던, 역사학자 이병도 박 사는 “병인양요 때 프랑스 군이 빼앗아간 ‘의궤’ 가 프랑스 어딘가 있는데, 그것을 꼭 찾아야 한다.” 고 박병선 박사에게 당부하였고, 그녀는 그 말을 가슴 속에 새겼다. 박병선 박사는 프랑스 국립도서관에서 일하면서 기회가 될 때마다 의궤를 찾아보았지만, 의궤는 쉽게 모습을 보이지 않았다. 어느 날, 박병선 박사는 중국 서적을 모아 놓은 곳에서 한국서적으로 보 이는 것을 발견한다. 이것은 세계 최고 금속활자본인 ‘직지심체 요절’이었다. 직지를 발견한 박병선 박사는 그날 부터 직지에 대한 연구를 하였고, 직지의 존재를 세계에 알렸다. 이 직지는 구텐베르크 의 금속활자본보다 앞선 1377년에 만들어진 것으로, 세계 최초의 금속활자본이다. 이 일로 인해 프 랑스 국립도서관 측은 박병선 박사를 한국에서 온 스파이로 취급하며 그녀의 연구와 행동을 못바땅 하게 바라보기 시작한다. 20년이 흘렀고, 쉬지 않고 의궤를 찾아 중국서적 속에서 헤매이던 그녀는 어느 날, 동료 중 한 사 람으로부터 폐기될 중국 책들을 모아 두는 창고가 있다는 말을 듣는다. 박병선 박사는 그곳에서 20 년이 넘게 찾아왔던 의궤를 발견한다. 직지를 발견했을 때와 마찬가지로, 그녀는 의궤를 찾자마자, 한국에 연락을 취하고 연구를 시작하 지만, 그 때 프랑스 국립도서관은 그녀를 사서직에서 물러날 것을 권하였다. 박병선 박사는 이제 프 랑스 국립도서관 사서로서가 아니라 열람자로서 도서관에서 찾아가게 되었고, 하루에 한 권밖에 열 람하지 못하는 규정과 시간 제한 속에서 식사도 거르며 연구에 매진한다. 그리고 10년이 지난 후, 그녀의 의궤 연구는 마침내 한국에 알려지고, 이에 대한민국 측은 의궤 반 환 운동을 통하여 소유가 아닌 영구 대여 형식으로 의궤를 돌려받게 된다. 의궤가 반환되고 나서야 박병선 박사의 암 말기 판정이 세상에 알려지고, 투병 중에도 병인양요에 대한 연구에 매진했던 그녀 는 2011 년 가을 날, 세상을 떠났다. 박병선 박사는 돌아가시기 직전까지 그런 기도를 하셨다고 한다. 나처럼 내 조국을 사랑하는 사람 이 있으면 좋겠다고. 전세계에 흩뿌려지있는 문화재는 수도 없이 많다. 그 문화재들이 반드시 한국에 반환되어야 한다고 주장하는 것이 아니다. 단지, 누군가는 그 책 들 안에 살아 있는 목소리를 들어야 한다. 그리고 100 년 전 과거에도, 200 년 전 과거에도 나와 같은 사람이 살았다고, 나와 같은 눈물, 고난, 실패, 환희, 도전, 기쁨 과 슬픔을 느꼈다는 것을 들어야 한다. 그래서 그와 꼭 같은 눈물을 흘리 는 나를 위로할 수 있어야 한다. 이것이 바로 문화의 의의일 것이다. 단 한 문장의 기도에서 우리는 한 인생이 마음이 아프도록 간절하게 바랬던 꿈을 본다. 문화유산 에 빛을 비추는 것, 아무도 알지 못한 곳에 숨어있던 문장들을 살아있게 만드는 것. 이 아름다운 성실 함에 왜 우리는 숙연해 지는 것일까. 그것은 그녀의 인생이 제국주의에 대해서 남은 세대가 지불해야 하는 댓가였기 때문이다. 한 순 간, 누군가에게 주어진 절대 권력에 대해서 남은 자들은 평생을 지불해야 한다. 강화도라는 작은 섬, 한국의 왕실도서관에서 형형색깔 그림의 왕궁 행차도가 그려진 책을 보았을 때의 프랑스 군인은 아 마도 그들의 행동을 돌이키기 위해서 하나의 인생이, 셀 수도 없는 시간, 고독, 눈물, 타향살이 지불 되어야 했다는 것을 미처 생각하지 못했을 것이다. 그들은 단지 아름다운 책을 보았고, 그 책을 주인 의 허락없이 가져 갈 수 있는 힘을 가지고 있었다. 고 박병선 선생님의 성실하고 올곧은 인생은 1840년 부터 유럽, 러시아, 일본에 의한 제국주의를 극복하려는 피나는 노력이 무엇인지를 보여주셨다. 댓가 없는 일은 없다. 내게 가장 소중한 것을 내 어 놓지 않으면 어떤 것도 가치 있는 것을 얻을 수 없다. 그래서 근대 사회의 제국주의의 역사는 우 리에게 윤리의 법칙을 가르쳐준다. 내가 무심코 저지른 일에 대해서 누군가는 반드시 댓가를 치러 야 한다는 것을. 나는 다시 도서관으로 돌아온다. 작은 소리들이 크게 들린다. 가방을 챙기는 소리, 펜을 책상위에 놓는 소리, 이 곳은 한국도 프랑스도 아닌 미국이지만, 우리는 모른다. 결과를 예상하지 못한 누군가 의 행동이 우리를 이 곳으로 이끌었는지, 아니면 우리가 그 힘의 일원이 될지는.

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On March 13th, in 2011, almost every Korean newspaper printed an image of a red, yellow, and green royal parade illustration. The picture was from the Uigwe, a vast collection of books detailing the royal rituals and ceremonies of the Joseon Dynasty in Korea. The newspapers announced that this set of almost 75 books of Uigwe (among total 297 books) had been returned to its motherland from France after an absence of 150 years. In 1866, the French invaded Ganghwa Island in Korea, beginning a six-week military campaign in response to the execution of French Catholic priests by Korea’s Joseon Dynasty. On Ganghwa Island stood the Royal Library that safeguarded some of the nation’s most important books. It was from this library that the French took the Uigwe. The day that these thousands of recovered Korean books were carried from an airplane, arriving at Incheon Airport, an old woman with short white hair also descended the stairs, carefully, supported by two people. Her name was Byungsun Park, and she was the person who discovered those books, made them the focus of her lifelong study, and initiated their return to Korea. A history scholar, Dr. Park graduated from Seoul National University after the end of the Japanese occupation. In 1955, at the age of 35, she decided to go to France for further study, making her the first Korean female to do so. Just before her journey, when she visited her school to say goodbye, one of her professors made an earnest request: “Uigwe, the set of royal books, was taken during the French invasion in 1866. Please find these books.” Byungsun Park would not forget these words. Upon graduating from University of Paris with her Ph.D. in History in 1967, she started to work at the National Library of France, as a librarian for the East Asian collections. While working in the library, whenever she had the time, she searched through the shelves. But the books that she was looking for did not show up easily. One day, one of her colleagues told her that she had found a book from 1933 that she couldn’t read. Dr. Park quickly went to see the book with her colleague, and found the word “Jikji (直指)” on its cover. Dr. Park had not found Uigwe, but Jikji was a Korean treasure in its own right. It is Korea’s earliest large extant book printed with movable metal type, and it dates back to the Goryeo Dynasty. It was in 1372, during the reign of King Gongmin, that Jikji was written. Jikji was printed with movable metal type at the Hungdeok Temple in 1377, predating the Gutenberg Bible by over 70 years. Somehow, in 1950, a French art collector, Henri Vever, bought Jikji for 180 francs, and donated it to the National Library of France. In 1972, Jikji was presented in Paris through UNESCO’s International Book Year exhibition. Since then, Jikji has been proclaimed the world’s oldest book printed with movable metal type. After discovering Jikji, Dr. Park continued her search for Uigwe, as her professor had asked. After 13 years of mundane searching, a colleague told her about a room of Asian books that was soon to be emptied from the library. It was in that room that Park found the Uigwe. As she had done for Jikji, Park contacted the Korean embassy. At this point, the Library of France recommended she quit her library job, since she was suspiciously regarded as a “spy from Korea” eager to steal books from the collection. After leaving her position, Dr. Park, as a library patron, went to the library every day to conduct research on Uigwe. The regulations that Dr. Park faced as a library user did not stop her efforts. She was only allowed to study one book a day, and because of the daily time restraints, she often missed her meals to read. After ten years of silence, her research on Uigwe was recognized by the Korean government. After numerous attempts, Korea gained the rights to this national treasure on a permanent lease. It was only after the long-awaited arrival of Uigwe that Park discovered that she had an advanced case of cancer. When she was in the hospital in South Korea struggling with illness, she prayed for one thing: “After I leave, I hope there is at least one person who loves my motherland as I did.” Koreans who have only heard about military imperialism from their grandparents or through history books continue to deal with its effects. I am sure that the French soldiers would never have imagined that the beautiful books they took, covered with red, yellow and green figures in a royal parade, would only return to Korea after a woman’s tireless efforts over a lifetime of solitude, tears, and homesickness. Dr. Park’s life has shown us the challenges we still must overcome due to imperialism in pre-modern Korea. There is nothing one can gain without sacrifice. It is sacrifice that makes things valuable and precious. Imperialism in pre-modern history has taught us a valuable lesson in ethics. 23


ITALIAN

L’Impero Berlusconiano by Simone Paci, PC ’17 In 2014, Italian statesman Silvio Berlusconi celebrates the twentieth anniversary of his political career. In a sharp, aggressive analysis, Simone Paci briefly identifies the main features of Berlusconi’s political empire.

A

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“I will buy God, that is to say, I’ll buy myself!” – Benigni mocking Berlusconi 24

ncora oggi è nitido nella mia memoria il momento di quella che potremmo definire la nascita della mia coscienza politica. Avevo quattordici anni, era il 14 Aprile 2008, e il già tre volte Presidente del Consiglio della Repubblica Italiana Silvio Berlusconi, a capo del suo partito nuovo di fabbrica “Il Popolo delle Libertà”, vinceva le elezioni politiche Italiane e dava vita, pochi giorni dopo, al Governo Berlusconi IV. Non era la prima volta che gli schermi televisivi Italiani mostravano simili immagini; così era stato nel 1994, nel 2001, nel 2006 e infine nel 2008. Era la prima volta che io mi accorgevo di una realtà vecchia quanto me: la realtà dell’impero Berlusconiano. Gli stranieri sono soliti domandare, ma come è possibile che sia successo tutto ciò? E che continui a succedere? Come può un popolo, una democrazia, continuare a farsi prendere per il naso in tal maniera? E la risposta, come da tradizione a metà tra il cinico e il depresso, è “Ma lascia perdere, se non lo capiamo noi che siamo Italiani, cosa volete capire voi da fuori?”. La realtà è che il Berlusconismo ha radici storiche, sociali e politiche molto profonde e intricate. Nonostante ciò, è utile ed interessante delinearne alcuni tratti essenziali. Primo, l’impero Berlusconiano è mediatico. Come direbbero i più faziosi, Berlusconi controlla una metà dell’informazione Italiana, e possiede l’altra. A partire dalla fine anni ’70, Berlusconi ha fondato, o acquisito, tre emittenti televisive (la Fininvest – 1978), uno dei maggiori quotidiani Italiani (Il Giornale – 1979) la maggior casa editrice di libri e periodici Italiana (Mondadori – 1990), una casa cinematografica (la Medusa – 1994). Nel 1992 fu costretto da una legge sul conflitto di interssi a cedere il Giornale, che vendette perciò a suo fratello, Paolo Berlusconi. Secondo, l’impero Berlusconiano è culturale. Grazie al suo potere mediatico, Berlusconi ha avuto un’influenza enorme e fondamentale nella nascita della società Italiana contemporanea. Con il gruppo Fininvest, si è fatto pioniere del modello consumista Americano nella penisola. La televisione di Berlusconi ha però dato vita ad una cultura machista, qualunquista e fondata sul culto ignorante del successo e del denaro. In nome di un falso sogno liberale, Berlusconi ha stigmatizzato la sinistra Italiana come “i comunisti” mentre mobilitando i propri mezzi di informazione ha creato la cosiddetta “macchina del fango”, il famoso metodo


per eliminare avversari politici e personaggi scomodi. Terzo, l’impero Berlusconiano è personale. L’unico e solo obbiettivo ultimo del suo progetto politico è il profitto personale. È risaputo come l’ingresso in politica sia stata la migliore mossa della sua carriera imprenditoriale, che ha di fatto salvato le sue molte aziende, nel 1994, sull’orlo del fallimento. Ne consegue da questa caratteristica che tutti i suoi partiti abbiano sempre girato attorno alla sua persona e che tutti i suoi atti politici siano stati fatti nei suoi soli interessi. Sono prova di questo le molte defezioni (esempi sono Fini nel 2008, Alfano nel 2013): c’è e ci sarà sempre un solo capo, non ci saranno successioni, non ci saranno cambiamenti di rotta. Come tutti gli imperi però, anche quello di Berlusconi è in ultima analisi instabile. In primo luogo per la sua natura così prevalentemente personale, che concentra non solo il potere ma anche la responsabilità. In secondo luogo però, proprio per la sua qualità imperiale. Tutti gli imperi cadono, e tutti cadono sempre per la stessa ragione, perchè fanno il proverbiale ‘passo più lungo della gamba’. Così come gli imperi Europei persero lentamente controllo delle colonie, così l’impero Berlusconiano ora traballa a causa delle mille vicende giudiziarie, politiche e personali del leader.

To this very day, I can still clearly remember the moment representing the birth of my political conscience. I was fourteen, it was April 14th, 2008, and the already three-time Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, leader of his freshly formed party “The People of Freedom”, had won Italian general elections and was about to give life to the Berlusconi IV Cabinet. It wasn’t the first time that Italian television showed such images; it had occurred in 1994, in 2001, in 2006 and then again in 2008. But it was the first time I comprehended a reality in which I had been living since I had been born: the reality of Berlusconi’s Empire. Foreigners often ask us Italians how it was possible for this to happen. How could a single man trick an entire country in such a manner, an entire democracy? And the answer often is, as tradition wants, half cynical, half depressed. “How could you hope to understand from the outside, if we cannot from the inside?” The truth is that Berlusconism has very intricate and deep historical, social and political roots. Nonetheless, it is interesting and useful for a general understanding of the Italian situation to delineate a few of its essential features. First, Berlusconi’s empire is media-based. As the most partisan observer would comment, Berlusconi controls half of the country’s media, and owns the other half. Starting from the late 70s, Berlusconi has founded, or acquired, three television stations (the Fininvest group – 1978), one of Italy’s main newspapers (Il Giornale – 1979), Italy’s largest publishing house (Mondadori – 1990), and a film production company (la Medusa – 1994). In 1992, a new law forced him to give up his shares of Il Giornale, which he did sell…to his brother, Paolo Berlusconi. Second, Berlusconi’s empire is cultural. Thanks to his media power, Berlusconi was able to exert an incredible influence on the birth of Italian contemporary society. With the Fininvest group, he pioneered the American consumerist model in the peninsula. His television stations though, shaped a chauvinist, politically apathetic society founded on the ignorant cult of money and success. In the name of a false liberal dream, he stigmatized the Italian left as “the communists”. Furthermore, mobilizing his information media he created the so-called “mud-machine”, the infamous method of eliminating political adversaries and unwelcome public figures. Third, Berlusconi’s empire is personal. His political project’s only objective is personal gain. It is well known entering politics was indeed the best move of his entrepreneurial career, as it saved his many companies on the brink of bankruptcy in 1994. As a result of this, the parties he created have always revolved around his persona and all his political actions have been dictated by his interests. Symptoms of this are all the defections of his most famous political ‘partners’ (e.g. Gianfranco Fini in 2008, Angelino Alfano in 2013): there is and there will always be one leader, there will be no successions, no changes in direction. Like all empires though, even Berlusconi’s is ultimately unstable. On one hand, because of its prevalently personal quality, which concentrates the power but also the responsibility; on the other hand, because of its imperialness. All empires fall, and all do so when, as an Italian saying goes, they take a step longer than their leg. As the European empires more or less slowly lost control of their colonies when the costs of keeping them grew too high, so too does Berlusconi’s stagger because of the thousands of judiciary, political, and personal affairs of its leader. 25


CHINESE

向 中 国 磕 头 by Yifu Dong, BR ’17

Once an empire, alway historical anecdote sh modern problem.

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ys an empire: a heds light on a

你可能从来没有听说过乔治·马嘎尔尼 (George Macartney),他是十八世纪末英国国王 派往中国的使节。用当时中国清朝政府的话说,他 是贡使。但是,马嘎尔尼勋爵之所以有名,并不是 因为他是英国、也是西方国家向中国派出的第一个 使节,而是因为他与清朝官员就觐见中国皇帝跪拜 的礼节发生了巨大的争议。正是因为这个争论,中 国人才知道见皇帝竟然也可以不跪,或者说意识到 跪与不跪还是一个可以讨论的问题。 按照中国的礼仪,所有见到皇帝的人都必须跪 下磕头。可马嘎尔尼勋爵不干,认为这有辱人格和 国格。他认为,如果要他向中国的皇帝磕头,那么 与他相当级别的清朝官员也必须向英王像磕头。对 此,大清帝国的官员当然不干。最后乾隆皇帝还是 见了马嘎尔尼勋爵。他给皇帝带来了不少令人眼花 缭乱的近代科技产品,但是乾隆皇帝却不为所动。 不过,至于马嘎尔尼勋爵究竟向皇帝磕头与否,却 众说纷纭。而这样故意语焉不详的记载,却正是近 代以来中国历史文本的特点。 从一定意义上讲,乔治·马嘎尔尼之后的西 方国家派往中国的人,都可称作是他的后代。现 在,他的后代在没有皇帝的中国遇到的不是磕头的 问题,而是签证的问题。这里遇到签证问题的“后 代”,是指现在西方国家驻中国的记者们。在马嘎 尔尼勋爵的后代中,虽然真的有一位马嘎尔尼女士 是为英国报纸工作的驻中国记者,但也许是托其先 祖的福,最近,她本人并没有被列入遇到签证问题 的西方记者名单中。 清朝关于磕头的争论,是外国人来中国之后 该如何行为的问题。眼下中国的签证风波,则为是 否允许外国人来中国的问题。但是,实际上,这两 者是同一个问题,那就是如何向中国表达敬意。向 中国表达敬意,在清朝是向皇帝磕头,而在今天, 对那些作为马嘎尔尼勋爵后代的西方记者来说,则 是在他们的文章中说中国好话,或至少不说中国坏 话。 为什么向中国表达敬意很重要?这是因为中国 的统治者历来都把外来的敬意当作是自己统治成功 的一个标志,以及统治合法性的一个来源。中国有 句话叫做“万邦来朝”,说的就是中国统治者威仪 天下的境界。在中国,有人用这个词来形容2008年 奥运会时的景况。今年的亚太经合组织(APEC)会 议将在北京郊区召开。也许,届时这个词也许还会 被再次激活。 目前为止,西方记者驻中国的签证问题已经 部分得到了解决。可是,这个问题是怎样解决的, 也如清朝马嘎尔尼的磕头问题一样,是件说不清楚 的事。究竟是中国方面给了提出签证问题的拜登面 子,还是中国签证机关揣摩到了“圣意”而决定发 放签证,都是不得而知的事情。 据说,当年马嘎尔尼勋爵在见到清朝皇帝时, 曾经提出了与中国开展贸易的要求。然而,乾隆皇 帝把带着大批礼品的马嘎尔尼勋爵当成了英王乔治 三世的贡使——就像那些来中国进贡的其他众多藩 属国的贡使一样,托他给英王一信,内云:“且天 朝所管地方至为广远,凡外藩使臣到京,驿馆供 给,行止出入,俱有一定体制,从无听其自便之 例……加赐彩缎罗绮,文玩器具诸珍,另有清单, 王其祗受,悉朕眷怀……”传说乔治三世看到这封 信时,曾把假牙笑落在地毯上。当然,如果他戴的 是中国制造的假牙的话,也就不会那么尴尬了。 现在,从货物量上计算,中国已经成为世界第 一大贸易国家。对于中国而言,在全球经济一体化 的时代,可谓赶上了好时候,因为中国的统治者不 用遣人带着众多礼品去央求他国与中国进行贸易。 然而,对于那些步马嘎尔尼勋爵后尘来到中国的“ 后代”来说,好时候似乎仍然没有到来。

You may have never heard of Lord George Macartney, but he was the first British royal ambassador to China in 1792. In the view of the Chinese Qing Empire, however, he was a mere tributary. Lord Macartney was especially famous not only because he was a Western pioneer to China, but also because he disputed with the Chinese over the court etiquette of kowtow. Before the dispute, Chinese people had never realized that someone could actually refuse to kneel before the Emperor. According to Chinese etiquette, everyone must kneel and kowtow before the Emperor. However, Lord Macartney refused because he insisted on upholding the equal standings between the powerful British Empire and the giant Qing Empire. Lord Macartney suggested that if he agreed to kowtow, Chinese officials must also kowtow to the portrait of the King, but the Chinese ignored his request. Eventually, Lord Macartney met with Emperor Qianlong, who deemed him a representative from a tributary state. Lord Macartney presented him with many dazzlingly “hightech” gifts, but they failed to impress the Emperor. As for whether Lord Macartney kowtowed or not, accounts vary. Such ambiguity has been a characteristic of Chinese history texts in modern times. In some ways, all those Westerners who have followed Lord Macartney’s footsteps to China are his descendants. Today they do not face the kowtow problem in a China without that no longer has an emperor; instead, some of them have visa problems, especially Western journalists. Although a real descendant of Lord Macartney, a Ms. Macartney, is a China correspondent for a British newspaper; she, at the magic blessing of her forefather, is lucky to be free of recent visa troubles. Lord Macartney’s kowtow dispute debates how foreigners should behave in China, and now the visa problem discusses whether some foreigners should remain in China at all. In fact, the two problems share the same idea: foreigners should always try to please China. In the Qing Dynasty, foreigners should kowtow before the Emperor. Today, the descendants of Lord Macartney have to laud China’s achievements and avoid exposing its mishaps. Those who do not cooperate are clearly not welcomed. The Chinese authorities have longed for blandishment from foreigners because they have always seen the homage of exotic peoples as proof of the legitimacy and success of their rule. China, which has long deemed itself the Celestial Kingdom, dreams of enjoying what a Chinese idiom calls “a thousand states’ homage” (wàn bāng lái cháo). In China, many see the 2008 Olympics in Beijing as a realization of this desire, and this year during the APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) summit, which will be held in suburban Beijing, this idiom will again be active in people’s vocabulary. Now that the visa crisis that plagued Western journalists in China has largely been resolved, but the question of why some were granted beneficence while others were kept out—just like the mystery surrounding Lord Macartney’s kowtow—is still unclear. Is it because of Vice President Joe Biden’s pleading? Or is it because somebody realized that there was a hidden “royal order” to endow visas upon certain Western journalists? Back in 1792, Lord Macartney tried to negotiate trade agreements with Emperor Qianlong. However, the Emperor wrote a letter to King George III of Britain that included the following words: …our Celestial dynasty possesses vast territories, and tribute missions from the dependencies are provided for by the Department for Tributary States, which ministers to their wants and exercises strict control over their movements...I confer upon you, O King, valuable presents in excess of the number usually bestowed on such occasions, including silks and curios—a list of which is likewise enclosed. Legend has it that after reading the letter George III literally laughed his dentures off onto the carpet. But if his fake teeth had been made in China, he would have been less embarrassed. Today, China is the largest trading nation in terms of the quantity of goods. In a globalizing world economy China is benefitting, for it does not have to painfully negotiate trade agreements with Western tributary states. However, good times for Lord Macartney’s descendants have yet to come. 27


RUSSIAN

« На остановке » by Dalia Wolfson, JE ’17 Dalia Wolfson is writing about her encounter with a Russian man at a Jerusalem bus station who bemoaned the fall of the Soviet Union and yet continued to believe in its everlasting glory.

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феврале прошлого года в три часа дня я стою у остановки и жду 22-го автобуса в центре Иерусалима. Мимо меня шагают школьники, выпущенные на свободу из душных классов, с рюкзаками, которые доходят им до колен. Они бегают туда-сюда, корчат морды прохожим, прыгают на прямых костлявых границах тротуарных квадратов. Нас двое на остановке – я и филиппинка с большим букетом в руках - сидим на скамейке и покорно смотрим налево, ждем шумного ворчания знакомого автобуса. Пальцами правой руки я нащупываю в кармане легкие рельефы монет – ровно 6 шекелей и 60 агарот. Вдруг мы слышим какое-то шарканье. Вместо ржавой решетки и резиновых шин к станции на пластиковой тележке со скрипящими 28

Around three o’clock on a windy afternoon in mid-February I am standing at the bus stop, waiting for the 22 to take me to central Jerusalem. Schoolchildren, released early from windowless classrooms, trundle by with book bags that droop to their knees. They run to and fro, waggle their tongues at passersby, and jump on sidewalk cracks. At the bus stop we are two—next to me is a Filipino lady with a large rose bouquet—sitting on a worn bench, our necks permanently turned to the left, waiting for the low growl of the vehicle. I carefully trace the light reliefs of the coins for the 6.60 bus fare, 6 shekels and 60 agarot, in my pocket. Suddenly, we hear a dragging sound. Instead of a dusty bumper and rubber tires, an elderly man with a white beard and a plastic, scraping-wheel cart slowly veers into view. He parks


колесами медленно подъезжает старичок маленького роста с седой бородой. Паркуется у столба остановки, сморит на меня и спрашивает: «А что означает машан?» «Машан?» Я тупо повторяю, не понимая. Это второй раз в жизни, когда меня опознали как русско-говорящую, и первый, когда я слышу это слово. «Да, а что я вам сказал? Мальчик он поворачивается, чтоб указать мне на лингвистического хулигана, но тот уже убежал – «Мальчик, видите-ли, сказал мне это слово, а я ведь, понимаете, не выучил иврит.» Он глядит вниз, на асфальт. Полосатый пластик его тележки колышется на ветру. Я молчу, не знаю, как ответить. Вдруг он смотрит наверх, потом опять на меня: «Вы, наверно, рано переехали оттуда.» Сначала не понимаю, где именно находится «здесь», где «там». Я не совсем отвечаю на его вопрос: «Вообще-то, я родилась здесь, то есть, в Израиле.» «А Вы хорошо говорите...» «Стараюсь.» «Вас, наверно, родители научили.» «Да, ленинградцы.» «А у меня внук в 11-ом классе разговаривает на иврите чисто, а порусски часто переспрашивает, в основном технические термины. Но они и так поанглийски, поэтому это - не беда. Я здесь 12 лет, а ему был годик, когда мы сюда переехали.» Я киваю головой, молча. «Ведь Ленинград был самый культурный город. А у вас родители когда улетели?» «В 90-ые годы – в 90-ом или в 91-ом году» «Значит, они из грязного Ленинграда. Они наверно некультурные.» «Извините? Родители учились в Политехнике, а бабушка была заведуйшим лектором в Русском музее.» И тут я начинаю защищать свою семью, но старичок уже перешел к другой тем��. «Вот, кажется, Советский Союз падает, все рушится, ломается. Все хуже и хуже. А я возвращаюсь каждый год...Все крутится вот таким кругом» - и вдруг старичок начинает вращать руками, обрисовывая тонкими, горбатыми пальцами периферию глобуса. Я представляю, как в руках у него вертится этот воздушный мир, полон надежд, и исчезает в эфире. Внезапно у женщины на скамейки громко и навязчиво звонит телефон. Я оглядываюсь на нее, пока она роется в карманах, разыскивая этот громкий объект, и начинает отрывисто, короткими фразами, разговаривать по телефону. Я оборачиваюсь и смотрю налево: может быть наш автобус приехал, может быть старик еще здесь.. Вместо этого я вижу пустую дорогу. В нескольких шагах от меня, постепенно удаляясь, на меня смотрит старичок, все быстрее отступая в даль. Я не слышу, не могу никак разобрать, хотя все время вспоминаю – обвиняет ли он меня или себя. Я вижу, как он машет ручкой, скрипит ржавыми колесами и бормочет: “забыла.. забыл-а!...»

himself at the station’s left column, turns to me, and says: “What, exactly, is a mashan?” “Mashan?” I parrot dumbly, not comprehending. This is the second time in my life that I have been identified as a Russian speaker, and the first time hearing this word. “Yes, what do you think I said? The boy, you see”—he turns to show me the verbose hooligan but the culprit has already fled, “that boy, yes, he told me this word. Now, you know, I didn’t learn Hebrew.” He looks down at the pavement. The striped plastic of his cart flaps in the wing. I am silent, unsure of the appropriate answer here. He looks up again, then at me: “You must have left there early.” At first I don’t understand where “there” is relative to “here.” I opt for an indefinite answer: “Actually, I was born here, in Israel.” “But you speak well…” “I try.” “Your parents must have taught you.” Once again I try to be vague without plunging into personal details, so I half-deflect: “Yes, they’re Leningrad natives.” “Well, you see, my grandson, he was a year old when they left— we spoke together in Russian. I’m here 12 years now, and he’s in 11th grade, speaks pure Hebrew; with Russian though, he needs to ask for some terms—technical ones, of course. They’re English words, anyway.” I nod without responding. He continues: “Leningrad was the most cosmopolitan city there was. When did your parents leave?” “In ’91.” Then I doubt my accuracy and am not so sure, and just in case I modify: “in 1990 or 1991.” “So they’re from dirty Leningrad. By then it was already sullied, black. They’re probably not so cultured themselves.” “Excuse me? My parents learned at the Polytechnic Institute, my grandmother was a major lecturer at the Russian museum, I don’t know how you can say that…” I am all equipped to launch into a speech defending my family’s honor, but I see that the old man has already passed on. “It seems like the Soviet Union is falling, collapsing, collapsing. Worse and worse. I go back every year…it all goes in this circle—” and all of a sudden the little old man begins to orbit his arms around an invisible center, hunchbacked fingers delicately tracing the periphery of a wildly turning globe. In his hands I begin to see a spinning, suspended world full of hopes, disappearing just as quickly into the ether. Suddenly my benchmate, the lady with the bouquet, receives a loud call with an intrusive electronic ringtone. I look in her direction as she scrambles for her phone and begins to speak in short, clipped sentences. I look back to my left—maybe the bus has finally arrived, perhaps the old man has finally taken a seat. Instead I see an empty road. A few steps away from me, walking farther and farther away, the old man is retreating, staring at me all the while. I do not hear—I can barely make out—what he says, I only hear it again and try to understand who he is blaming as he waves, scrapes rusty wheels and mumbles, “Forgotten…forgotten…”

‘’

«Вот, кажется, Советский Союз падает, все рушится, ломается. Все хуже и хуже. А я возвращаюсь каждый год...Все крутится вот таким кругом» - и вдруг старичок начинает вращать руками, обрисовывая тонкими, горбатыми пальцами периферию глобуса.

29


RUSSIAN

Что такое СССР?

by Daria Aven, MC ’16 What was USSR? Was it an empire in its traditional definition or a unique phenomenon of the 20th century? Daria Aven attempts to answer the following questions and gives her own view based on the stories of her relatives who are able to experience life before and after the fall of the Soviet Union.

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1991-ом году распался Советский Союз - государство, просуществовавшее 74 года. Все попытки удержать столь широкую территорию с множеством разных языков и религий не удались, и СССР закончил свое существование. Можно ли назвать СССР империей - это вопрос, на который однозначно ответить до сих пор невозможно. По классическим понятиям, безусловно нет. Большевики впервые построили государство на принципах, полностью отличавшихся от использованных ранее, например, англичанами во времена колонизаций. CCCР был построен на коммунистической идеологии и на сопутствовавшему ей мировоззрению – на утопической идеи, на основе которой правительство перестало заниматься экономикой и думать о человеке как об индивидууме, а не только как о факторе рабочей силы. В итоге это привело к закономерному крушению великой державы и полностью изменило курс истории Восточной Европы. Октябрьская революция 1917-ого года привела к радикальному повороту политического режима в России. Царь Николай Второй был застрелен большевиками вместе с семейным врачом и всеми членами королевской семьи, что означало конец монархии. К власти пришли коммунисты во главе с Ленином, которые продвигали жизнь по принципу равенства людей, пытаясь побудить граждан следовать универсальным ценностям. Под лозунгом «Пролетарии всех стран, объединяйтесь!», большевики создали страну, занявшую большую часть северной Азии и Восточной Европы. После победы в войне СССР можно охарактеризовать как «колосс на глиняных ногах,» империей – с территорией от Польши до Японии и на юг до Афганистана. В состав советского союза входили нынешние Украина, Белоруссия, Кавказские страны – Армения, Грузия, Азербайджан, Узбекистан и многие другие. В пределах СССР также находилось крупнейшее в мире Каспийское море и самое большое озеро Байкал. 30

In 1991 the Soviet Union, which had existed for 74 years, collapsed. All attempts to hold together such a vast territory with a mixture of different languages and religions had failed, and the Soviet Union ceased to exist. Whether USSR can be called an empire is a question that is still impossible to unequivocally answer. By the classical definitions, the USSR was certainly not an empire. For the first time the Bolsheviks were able to build an nation based on principles completely different from those employed previously, for example, those used by the British during colonization. The USSR was created based on communist ideology and its accompanying worldview—on utopian ideas based on which the government ceased to engage in economic reasoning or consider its people as individuals as opposed to factors of labor. The rise of the Soviet Union thus led to a natural collapse of a great power and completely changed the course of history of Eastern Europe. The October Revolution of 1917 led to a radical change of the political regime in Russia. Tsar Nicholas II was murdered by the Bolsheviks along with all members of the royal family and even the family doctor, spelling the end of monarchy. Headed by Lenin, communists came to power and promoted their ideas by emphasizing the equality of people and trying to encourage citizens to follow the universal values. Under the slogan “Proletariat of all countries, unite!” Bolsheviks created a country that occupied most of northern Asia and Eastern Europe. After its victory in the Second World War, the USSR was described as an empire with “feet of clay,” with territory that stretched from Poland to Japan and south to Afghanistan. The Soviet Union included territories of present-day Ukraine, Belarus, the Caucasus countries— Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, and many others. Within the boundaries of Soviet Union was also the Caspian Sea, which is the largest sea in the world, and the biggest lake, Lake Baikal. The USSR was a state in which the government tried to constantly affect and influence the beliefs and attitudes of its citizens. There was no


СССР было государством, в котором власть постоянно воздействовала на убеждения и взгляды людей. Не было ни свободы печати, ни свободы слова. Несмотря на это, многие люди были счастливы. Из рассказов родителей, бабушек и дедушек я понимаю, что в они жили хорошо. Не зная, как живут другие за пределами СССР, люди радовались и наслаждались жизнью в стране, которая на самом деле достигла огромных успехов. В 1961 именно русский космонавт Юрий Гагарин стал первым человеком, полетевшим в космос. Русский балет и цирк были лучшие в мире. В школах дети получали образование, которое, несмотря на свои недостатки и сфокусированное на формировании коммунистических взглядов и убеждений, занимало лидирующее положение по оценкам оппонентов СССР. Вернемся к вопросу об СССР как о империи. В 1946 году СССР производит атомную бомбу и начинает играть ключевую роль на мировой арене, представляя реальную опасность оппонентам, что становится признаком империи. Армии СССР были готовы к скоростной мобилизации и дальнейшим территориальным захватам, а Иосифа Сталина можно безусловно назвать императором по понятиям 20-ого столетия. Но все же СССР нельзя описать сугубо силовой империей – вера в идеологию и в равенство людей было звеном, объединявшим державу столь широкого масштаба. Как только люди потеряли веру в данную идеологию из-за резкого ухудшения уровня жизни, когда в магазинах нечего было купить, любые надежды удержать СССР исчезли, удержать такую часть Европы в не демократических рамках стало невозможно. СССР просуществовало всего какихто 74 года, что является очень маленьким отрезком времени для всемирной истории. Несмотря на это, существование империи СССР навсегда оставило след в мировой истории и огромное количество вопросов, на которые до сих пор четкого ответа найти невозможно. Сегодня существует страна Россия, попрежнему имеющая большую территорию и играющая важную роль в международных отношениях. Многое поменялось со времен СССР, что-то осталось без изменений. Но никто не может и не пытается забыть историю СССР – уникального феномена 20-ого века, который стал примером, где-то положительным, где-то не очень, объединения и удержания огромной территории, с людьми разных национальностей, языков и вероисповеданий, на основе общей идеологии.

‘’

USSR lasted only for some 74 years, which is a very short time period for the course of world history. Despite this, the existence of the Soviet state forever left a mark in the history of the world and many questions that still impossible to fully answer.

freedom of the press and no freedom of speech. Despite this, many people were happy. From the stories of my parents and grandparents, I understand that they lived well. Not knowing how others lived outside the Soviet Union, people were happy and enjoyed life in a country that actually had achieved tremendous success in certain areas. In 1961, it was the Russian cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin who became the first man to fly to space. Russian ballet and circus were among the best in world. In schools, children received education, which, despite its shortcomings and its focus on the formation of communist views and convictions, took the leading world position according to Soviet opponents. In 1946, the Soviet Union produced an atomic bomb and began to play a key role on the world arena, presenting a real danger to its opponents—a definite sign of the USSR becoming an empire. Soviet armies were always ready for rapid mobilization and further territorial expansion, and Joseph Stalin can certainly be called the emperor of the 20th century. Yet the USSR cannot be described as a purely power-empire; the belief in the socialist ideology and equality of all people were the real links uniting a government of such a wide scale. As soon as people lost faith in the ideology due to a sharp decline in the standard of living—there was nothing to buy in any store—any hopes in upholding the Soviet Union disappeared. It became impossible to retain such a large portion of Eurasia in a non-democratic framework. USSR lasted only for some 74 years, which is a very short time period for the course of world history. Despite this, the existence of the Soviet state forever left a mark in the history of the world and many questions that still impossible to fully answer. Today, there is Russia – a country that still includes a large territory and plays an important role in international relations. A lot has changed since the Soviet times but some things remain the same. However, no one can or ever attempts to forget the history of USSR—a unique phenomenon of the 20th century, which served as an example (somewhat positive, somewhat not), of uniting and upholding a territory of a great size with citizens of different nationalities, languages and religions – all based on the common ideology. 31


PORTUGUESE

Sob qual bandeira prospera um império? by Daniel Monteiro, CC ’14 Daniel Monteiro looks back on the history of empire in the Lusosphere to warn against imperialistic trends in the modern world.

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uando se fala em uma língua de um império de abrangência global hoje, normalmente o português não é a primeira que vem à mente. A opinião de muitos brasileiros costuma ser de que, se há um idioma internacional que pode ser útil praticamente em qualquer lugar do mundo, este idioma é o inglês. É claro que um idioma não existe fora de uma cultura específica, e o fato de o inglês se afirmar como uma língua franca para muitos está relacionado com a difusão da cultura anglófona, sobretudo no que diz respeito à onipresente cultura popular estadunidense ao redor do mundo. O português, por outro lado, é muitas vezes visto como uma língua bem mais restrita, que nem sequer pode ser utilizada em outros países da América Latina sem corrompê-la em um “portunhol” quase incompreensível. O inglês, porém, promete uma certa internacionalidade americanizada, que permite aos seus falantes se comunicarem em qualquer lugar. Diferentes setores da sociedade brasileira têm reações distintas ao papel inegável dos Estados Unidos na formação desta suposta cultura globalizada, cujo foco de irradiação se localiza inevitavelmente no território norte-americano. Para a direita brasileira, cuja voz se faz ouvir claramente em grande parte da mídia do país, os Estados Unidos devem ser vistos como aliados, ou mesmo como um modelo de uma nação jovem como o Brasil que conseguiu se impor em relação às potências europeias e hoje dita as regras do jogo. Para a esquerda marxista, entretanto, que se exprime principalmente através dos movimentos sindicais e estudantis de universidades públicas, os Estados Unidos são uma força imperialista dominadora que deve ser combatida a qualquer custo. Para alguns, marxistas ou não, a necessidade de se preservar a identidade brasileira pode até se refletir no purismo da língua, como a utilização de termos do tipo “entrega em domicílio” em vez de “delivery”. Os alarmistas afirmam até que a língua portuguesa, no Brasil, está sendo cada vez mais ameaçada pelos anglicismos e que corre risco de desaparecer. Quando se fala em império no Brasil, portanto, pensa-se primeiro no império americano pós-colonialista que se constrói atualmente e se impõe mesmo na língua, mas não em um possível império lusófono. Esquece-se frequentemente, contudo, que tanto Portugal como o Brasil já se pretenderam imperiais. Logo após sua independência em 1822, quando 32

When thinking of a language of a worldwide empire today, Portuguese is usually not the first one to come to mind. Brazilians tend to share the view that if there is an international language, this language is English. It is true that a language does not exist outside its specific culture, and the status English enjoys as a common language for many is linked with the spread of Anglophone culture throughout the world, especially in the form of the ubiquitous American popular culture. Portuguese, on the other hand, is often seen as much more restricted to Brazil, as it cannot be used anywhere else in Latin America without being corrupted into an almost unintelligible mixture of Portuguese and Spanish. The English language promises a certain Americanized internationality, allowing its speakers to communicate anywhere. Members of Brazilian society have varied reactions to the undeniable role of the United States in shaping this supposedly globalized culture, whose focal point is, inevitably, the United States. For the Brazilian right-wing, whose resounding voice dominates most of the country’s media, the United States should be seen as an ally, or even a model of a young nation that was able to stand up to the European powers and run the show. Conversely, for the Marxist left, whose views are mainly voiced by trade unions and student movements in public universities, the United States is an encroaching imperialistic force that must be fought at any cost. For some, the need to preserve the Brazilian identity extends to a belief in linguistic purism, such as the use of a native Portuguese expression for “home delivery” instead of the commonly accepted English term. Alarmists go as far as claiming that the Portuguese language is being increasingly threatened by Anglicisms, and is at risk of disappearing. When one talks about empires in Brazil, thus, the idea of the post-colonialist American empire comes to mind, but not of a potential Portuguese-speaking empire. We frequently forget that both Portugal and Brazil had imperial pretensions in the past. After gaining independence in 1822 from the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves, Brazil became the Empire of Brazil, which was sustained until 1889, when the Republic of the United States of Brazil was declared. The Portuguese empire reached even farther and lasted longer, only letting go of its colonies in Africa and Asia in the mid-1970s, and handing Macau over to China as late as 1999. The legacy of Portuguese culture around the world reflects the impact of the Age of Discovery, which reached its peak in the 16th century. Portuguese was the common language of the Society of Jesus, whose missionaries sailed to various parts of the globe, from Brazil to Japan, along with Portuguese merchants. Portuguese sailors had control of most trading routes, and memories of the Portuguese glory of this time have been preserved throughout the centuries, and are still taught in Brazilian schools today. The famous Portuguese


deixou de fazer parte do Reino Unido de Portugal, Brasil e Algarves, a antiga colônia portuguesa se tornou o Império do Brasil, o qual se manteve até 1889, quando foi proclamada a República dos Estados Unidos do Brasil. O império português se estendeu ainda mais longe e por mais tempo, só vindo a perder suas últimas colônias na África e na Ásia nos meados de 1970, com Macau sendo concedida à China apenas em 1999. O legado da cultura portuguesa ao redor mundo reflete o impacto das Grandes Navegações, que tiveram seu auge no século XVI. O português era a língua franca da Companhia de Jesus, cujos missionários navegaram a diversas partes do globo, do Brasil ao Japão, juntamente com os comerciantes portugueses. Os navegadores portugueses controlavam grande parte das rotas comerciais e memórias da glória portuguesa deste período preservam-se ao longo dos séculos, sendo ensinadas mesmo nas escolas brasileiras de hoje. Os famosos pastéis de nata portugueses continuam a ser vendidos com muito sucesso tanto no Brasil como na China, onde eles se espalharam a partir de Macau e são conhecidos como “tortinhas de ovos à portuguesa” (葡式蛋撻). Se a língua portuguesa já não representa mais pretensões imperialistas neste século, isto não significa que foi sempre desta forma ao longo da história mundial. Uma das questões que se levanta sobre um Brasil que se expande cada vez mais recentemente consiste justamente em que tipo de legado este país poderia deixar enquanto potência. Há aqueles que acreditam que o Brasil, e não a China, deve vir a substituir os Estados Unidos como referência mundial de progresso e poder político e financeiro. Uma potência imperial ou imperialista, porém, não se mantém apenas como uma política de boa vizinhança, mas com forças armadas robustas que não hesitam em colocar seus interesses em primeiro lugar. Vale lembrar que o império mercantil português não só difundia a sua cultura católica e tentava estabelecer rotas de troca, mas também invadia, escravizava e massacrava. A história de todas as colônias portuguesas, acredito, serve de testemunha ao legado colonial que mantém as gritantes desigualdades que se vê hoje no Brasil e nas outras antigas colônias portuguesas. A política externa estadunidense também não se serviu apenas do simpático Zé Carioca para manter alianças com um Brasil de muitas transições, mas apoiou um regime militar, infame por suas formas de tortura sistematizada, cujo interesse político se aproximava mais dos Estados Unidos. Não creio no espírito ufanista que anima aqueles que supõem que um imperialismo brasileiro seja melhor que o norte-americano e que clamam que o Brasil deve se tornar a potência do futuro. Parece-me que, se há alguma lição a ser tirada, esta é de que países como o Brasil e a China – cujas sociedades atuais ainda sentem os efeitos nefastos de políticas coloniais e imperialistas passadas – devem ser os primeiros a reconhecerem as falhas intrínsecas de um sistema de expansão incondicional, que visa somente ao crescimento de uma nação ao invés de uma política externa estável de benefício mútuo. Se o debate brasileiro sobre os Estados Unidos puder ser resolvido, que não se transforme nem em uma admiração cega de suas instituições de força nem em um ódio irracional de toda a sua sociedade, mas que se resolva como uma alternativa cultural distinta. Que o português não volte a ser a língua de um grande império – tampouco o chinês – mas que perpetue uma outra cultura, menos destrutiva e dominadora, e que vá além daquela que se homogeneíza pelo mundo sob a égide da bandeira americana.

pastry called pastel de nata, a sort of egg custard tart brûlée, still enjoys great popularity in Brazil as well as in China, where it spread from Macau, and is known as “Portuguese-style egg tart” (葡式蛋撻). Though the Portuguese language no longer stands for imperialistic pretensions, this was not always the case in world history. Today, the continuous economic expansion of Brazil raises the question of what kind of legacy this country could leave as a world power. There are those who believe that Brazil, and not China, should replace the United States as a reference for progress and political and economic power in the world. An imperialist power, however, does not sustain itself solely with the Good Neighbor policy, but rather with strong armed forces that do not hesitate to put their interests first. It is useful to recall that the Portuguese mercantile empire not only propagated its Catholic culture and tried to establish trade routes, but it also conquered, enslaved and slaughtered. I believe that the enormous disparities seen in Brazil and the other former Portuguese colonies today testify to the harm caused by the Portuguese imperial legacy. American foreign policy did not limit itself to exploring the diplomatic potential of the Disney character José Carioca in order to keep alliances with Brazil, whose political scenery was undergoing many changes. It also supported a right-wing military dictatorship, infamous for its institutionalized forms of torture, simply because its political interests were closer to those of the United States. I do not believe in the patriotic spirit that inspires those who suppose that a Brazilian form of imperialism would be better than the American one, and who argue that Brazil should become the new world power. It seems to me that, if there is any lesson to be taken from history, it is that countries like Brazil and China – whose current societies still suffer from the devastating effects of past colonial and imperial policies – ought to be the first to recognize the intrinsic flaws of a system of unconditional expansion, which aims only at the growth of a single nation instead of a stable foreign policy that can bring mutual benefits. If the Brazilian debate about the United States can ever be resolved, I hope that it will neither turn to a blind admiration of its institutions of power nor to an irrational hatred of its society as a whole, but rather that it will resolve a distinct cultural alternative. I hope that neither Portuguese nor Chinese will become the language of a great empire again, but rather that they perpetuate a different type of culture that is less destructive and controlling, and which goes beyond the one being homogenized under the aegis of the American flag.

‘’

O inglês, porém, promete uma certa internacionalidade americanizada, que permite aos seus falantes se comunicarem em qualquer lugar. 33


O Brasil e o império da ciência

by Bárbara Santiago, PC ’17 Bárbara Santiago describes the resistance she faced as a young Brazilian pursuing the sciences, an area of study she claims Brazil has undermined to its own detriment.

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or volta das 9 da noite, estou eu sentada no Bass Café fazendo meu problem set de álgebra linear quando eu vejo uma brasileira entrar por uma das portas. Alguns minutos depois, passa outro brasileiro perto de mim entrando na Bass Library carregando uma tonelada de livros. Nós brasileiros não somos em muitos por aqui, mas os poucos aqui presentes mostram que ao menos temos potencial. E isso foi o que eu sempre ouvi do meu país: que tínhamos este potencial e éramos o “país do futuro”. Entretanto, o que falta para deixarmos de ser o “país do futuro” e virarmos o “país do presente”? Desde os 12 anos, me imaginava virando uma engenheira aeronáutica formada numa das melhores universidades brasileiras. Eu sempre amei as ciências exatas, mas ninguém nunca me falou “por que você não estuda matemática na faculdade?” ou “já pensou em virar cientista?” Muito pelo contrário, a princípio era “nossa, como você se dá bem na escola, conseguiria passar em medicina” ou “se você gosta de exatas, pode fazer engenharia e ficar rica”. Mas eu me apaixonei pela física e era uma paixão desesperada. Chegou a um ponto em que eu não conseguia mais viver sem ela. Entretanto, no Brasil, você tem que escolher o curso para o qual você vai prestar vestibular antes de entrar na faculdade. Eu queria prestar física, mas minha cabeça me mandava prestar engenharia. Para entender o porquê de eu ter vindo para cá, vale a pena considerar a maneira como o Brasil trata seus cientistas. O CNPq, a principal instituição que financia pesquisa no Brasil, concedeu menos de 25 mil bolsas de iniciação científica em 2012. Porém, a Universidade de São Paulo sozinha tem mais de 40 mil alunos na graduação. No Brasil, além de poucas, as bolsas de iniciação científica são mal pagas. Por 15 horas de pesquisa por semana, um graduando ganha somente 400 reais por mês -pouco menos de 200 dólares. Uma pessoa fazendo Ph.D. no Brasil recebe 2200 reais por mês e, de acordo com um artigo da UOL de julho de 2013, este é o exato valor médio do aluguel de um apartamento na cidade de São Paulo. O Brasil deveria valorizar mais quem desenvolverá a tecnologia que lhe permitirá obter reconhecimento internacional, porém a carreira de pesquisador sequer é reconhecida pelo Ministério do Trabalho. Professores em universidades públicas no Brasil recebem somente pelo emprego de professor, mas seu rendimento é avaliado com base na pesquisa que eles conduzem. O teto máximo atingido por um professor na Universidade de São Paulo, a melhor universidade da América Latina, é inferior a 60% da média recebida por um professor de uma universidade pública norte-americana. Nos Estados Unidos, o fato de que eu estudo física impressiona as pessoas. Entretanto, no Brasil, quando eu falava que ia desistir do meu primeiro semestre de engenharia mecânica na Universidade de São Paulo, vir para os EUA e estudar física, cheguei a ouvir perguntas como “por que você vai fazer algo tão estúpido com a sua vida?”. Isso me entristece, pois amo o lugar de onde vim. Sem infraestrutura e mentalidade que promovam a pesquisa de base, não faço ideia de como um país pode deixar de ser um montador lotado de multinacionais com tecnologia estrangeira e se tornar uma potência mundial, seja econômica ou política. Assim, infelizmente, continuaremos sendo o “país do futuro” por um bom tempo...

I’m at Bass Café doing a linear algebra problem set when I see a Brazilian girl walk through one of the doors. A few minutes later, another Brazilian walks into the library carrying a ton of books. There aren’t many Brazilians at Yale, but the few who are here demonstrate our potential to get here – that was what I’ve always heard about my country: we had potential, we were the “land of the future.” So, what holds Brazil back from relinquishing the title “land of the future” to become the “land of the present?” Since age 12, I imagined myself becoming an aeronautical engineer, a graduate of one of the best Brazilian universities. I’ve always loved the exact sciences, but nobody ever said, “Why don’t you study math in college?” or “Have you ever thought of becoming an scientist?” On the contrary, people chimed in, “Wow, you’re doing really well in school, you could go to medschool” or “If you like the exact sciences, you can become an engineer -- become rich”. But I fell in love with physics and my passion for the subject was intense. I reached the point where I couldn’t live without it. In Brazil, you have to commit to a course of study before matriculating. I wanted to apply as a physics student, but I felt pressure to apply as an engineer. To understand this reluctance, it’s worth examining how exactly scientists and researchers are treated in Brazil. CNPq, the principal institution funding research in Brazil, awarded less than 25 thousand undergraduate research fellowships in 2012. There are over 40 thousand undergraduate students at the University of São Paulo alone. Undergraduate research fellowships are not only rare, but they are also poorly paid. For 15 hours of research per week, an undergrad earns only 400 Brazilian Reais per month – a little less than 200 US dollars. An individual pursuing his or her Ph.D. in Brazil earns 2,200 Reais per month, which, according to a UOL (a Brazilian news source) article from July 2013, is the average rent for an apartment in São Paulo. Brazil should value more highly those who develop the technologies that will bring Brazil international recognition. Yet, a career in research is not even recognized by the Brazilian Ministry of Labor. Professors at Brazilian public universities earn money based on their teaching alone, but their productivity is measured by their research. The maximum salary a professor can reach at the University of São Paulo, the best university in Latin America, is less than 60% of the average income of a professor at a public American university. In the United States, it impresses people that I study physics; however, in Brazil, when I said I would drop out after my first semester of mechanical engineering at the University of São Paulo and come to the United States to study physics, I was asked, “Why would you do something so stupid with your life?” This is especially heartbreaking for someone who loves her native country. Without the cultural and economic infrastructure to support basic research, I have no idea of how the country can transform from the manufacturer of foreign-designed technology and become a political or economical global power. Unfortunately, we might continue being the “land of the future” for a while.

‘’

O Brasil deveria valorizar mais quem desenvolverá a tecnologia que lhe permitirá obter reconhecimento internacional

34


SPANISH

Quínoa by Nathaly Aramayo, TD ’17 Nathaly explores the effects of industrial farming on modern Bolivia. She poignantly evokes how the fruits of the hard labor of native farmers are reaped by developed societies, leaving their tables clear and their stomachs empty.

Mi tierra está seca, Mi cuerpo cansado. Todo porque alguien necesita Lo que mis manos han plantado.

My land is dry. My body is tired. All because someone needs What my hands have planted.

Dijeron que iba ser La cosecha suprema, Que para astronautas podía Resolver todo problema.

They said it would be The mightiest crop, That for astronauts it could Resolve every problem.

Por varias cocinas, Escuché un nombre raro: “Superfood,” escrito En todo mercado.

Throughout many kitchens, I heard a strange name: “Superfood” written In every market.

Para ellos era Novedad de moda: Comerán hoy pero Mañana nueva soda.

For them it was A fashionable novelty: They’ll eat it today But tomorrow, a new soda.

No entienden que su gusto Para mi es gasto, Que lo que sostiene mi vida Es para mucho más que un rato.

They don’t understand their desire Has a price for me What sustains my life Is for much more than a moment.

Para mi la quínoa es Lo que la montaña ha producido Para nutrir a mi pueblo— Lo que siempre hemos comido.

For me quinoa What the mountain produced, To sustain my people; What we have always eaten.

Ahora no sé Si habrá suficiente Para todo el mundo Y mi pobre gente.

But now I don’t know If there will be enough For the whole world And my poor people.

Lo que cosecho No es para ti. Es para la familia, Que depende de mí.

What I harvested Is not for you. It’s for the family That depends on me.

Entonces ya no me robes, Mi quínoa no es tuya. Para mí no es moda, Es lo único que me ayuda.

So don’t rob me anymore, My quinoa is not yours. For me it is not a trend, It is the only thing that helps me. 35


SPANISH

Repensando el “imperio” by Lucía Baca, PC ’17 Lucía challenges her peers to rethink the concept of “empire” within the field of international relations, redefining it away from the contingent strengths of individual world powers and in favor of a global mentality.

Imaginate que tenés una campanilla. Cada vez que la tocás, se cumple uno de tus deseos. Pero, a la misma vez, se muere un chino mandarín que nunca conociste y que nunca habrías conocido. Su muerte va desapercibida; nadie sabe que falleció por consecuencia de tus acciones. Sólo sabés vos—se trata de tu propia responsabilidad moral. ¿Qué hacés?” Es un sábado a la noche y estamos cenando algunos miembros del club de argentinos (CASY) en John Davenport’s con Luis Moreno Ocampo, el ilustre abogado argentino que se desempeñó como fiscal de la Corte Penal Internacional entre 2003 y 2012. Al concluir su pregunta, Ocampo sonríe con astucia y se inclina hacia delante. Nos mira a cada uno de nosotros. Alguien responde del 36

“Imagine that you have a bell. Every time you ring that bell, one of your wishes comes true. But, at the same time, a Chinese man halfway around the world that you never knew and would have never known dies. His death slips by unnoticed; no one is aware that he died as a consequence of your actions. Only you know—it comes down to your own personal moral responsibility. What do you do?” It is a Saturday night and a few of us from the Club of Argentine Students (CASY) are dining at John Davenport’s with Luis Moreno Ocampo, the illustrious Argentine lawyer who served as the first Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court between 2003 and 2012. Upon finishing his question, Ocampo smirks and leans


otro lado de la mesa, comentando que la distancia im- forward, glancing at each and every one of us. Somepone límites sobre el poder de la empatía. Sin duda lo one from the other side of the table chimes in about the vemos en el fuerte contraste entre la angustia intensa y diminishing power of empathy with growing distance. personal que sentimos por la muerte de un ser querido Surely, it is evident in the striking disparity between the y la melancolía tenue y ambigua que experimentamos deep and personal anguish that we feel when a loved ante noticias sobre las víctimas de genocidio o desastres one passes and the detached and ambiguous melannaturales que ocurren en el otro lado del mundo. Así choly that we experience upon hearing of the victims sigue la conversación sobre el tintineo de tenedores y of genocides or natural disasters halfway around the cuchillos. world. The conversation thus continues over the clinkEl discutir la alegoría de la campanilla y la contin- ing of forks and knives. gencia de la empatía en el contexto de las relaciones inDiscussing the allegory of the bell and the continternacionales pone en perspectiva algo que desespera- gency of empathy in the context of international redamente buscan articular todos los acontecimientos de lations put something in perspective, which all of the la historia contemporánea si sólo alguien escuchara. Se events of contemporary history have desperately sought trata de la necesidad apremiante de repensar el “impe- to articulate—if only someone would listen. By this I rio,” es decir, de reconfigurar nuestros preconceptos so- am referring to the pressing need to rethink “empire,” bre el ejercicio del poder en el escenario internacional y that is, to reconfigure our preconceptions about powdeshacernos de todas esas manías unilaterales y belicis- er-wielding on the international stage and to do away tas que son tan inapropiadas para un mundo multipolar, with the unilateral, “war-hawk” manias which are so globalizado y nuclear. Cada inappropriate for a muldía el mundo está cambiando tipolar, globalized, and y debemos estar dispuestos a nuclear world. Every day cambiar con él. the world is changing and Hoy en día, la globalwe must be willing to ización y las innovaciones change with it. tecnológicas han producido In today’s world, gloun grado de interconexión sin balization and technologprecedente, intensificando la ical innovation have procausalidad y aumentando la duced an unprecedented Debemos darnos cuenta de que degree of interconnectpermeabilidad de las fronteras. Ningún país representa edness, intensifying cauel ciudadano de hoy es un un bastión hermético impensality and increasing the etrado por influencias exteof political ciudadano global y que el único permeability riores ya que la cultura, el boundaries. No country comercio y el crimen se han can be said to represent a imperio clamando internacionalizado. Lo vemos hermetic bastion impervien la re-comercialización de desesperadamente por nuestro ous to external influence, los “jodhpurs,” indumentaria as culture, commerce and amparo es el mundo mismo. tradicional masculina de la crime have become inIndia, como alternativa a los ternational phenomena. “skinny jeans” de mujeres We see it in Balenciaga’s por Balenciaga en Estados rebranding of “jodhpurs,” Unidos; en las operaciones traditional male garments en el extranjero de Microsoft, que ocasionaron el 93 from India, as an alternative for women’s skinny jeans por ciento de sus ingresos antes de impuestos en 2012; in the U.S.; in Microsoft’s foreign operations, which y en el estraperlo de heroína afgana, el líder mundial en raked in 93 percent of their pretax earnings in 2012; and la producción del opio, en Europa. Es irónico que en in the black market import of Afghan heroin into Euroun mundo tan reducido e intenso, donde la distancia se pean countries. It is terribly ironic that, even in such an supera con un mensaje de texto o una llamada telefóni- intensely compressed world, a world in which distance ca o una sesión de Skype, sigamos siendo tan miopes y is overcome by a simple text message or a phone call apáticos. Es irónico que la distancia continúe obstaculi- or a Skype session, we remain so myopic and apathetic. zando nuestra capacidad de empatizar. It is terribly ironic that distance continues to hinder our De hecho, como indicó Ocampo ese sábado a la ability to empathize. noche, los países del mundo deben ponerse de acuerdo Evidently, as indicated by Ocampo during that Saty presentar un frente unido en cuanto al cambio climáti- urday dinner, the countries of our world must reach an co, un ejemplo clásico de la tragedia de los comunes; agreement and put up a united front in grappling with las finanzas internacionales; el intercambio global; y el climate change, a classic example of the tragedy of the crimen transnacional. Sin embargo, para lograrlo, debe- commons; international finance; global trade; and transmos prevalecer sobre estas ironías, dejando a un lado national crime. However, in order to succeed, we must las nociones de un mundo dominado por los choques prevail over these ironies, sidestepping the ingrained entre los grandes imperios. Debemos darnos cuenta de notions of a world in the throes of a power struggle que el ciudadano de hoy es un ciudadano global y que el among empires. We must realize that today’s citizen is único imperio clamando desesperadamente por nuestro a global citizen and that the only empire desperately amparo es el mundo mismo. clamoring for our protection is the world itself.

‘’

37


ITALIAN

Cada, Filosofia! by Franklin Zhu, BR ’17 For most of history, philosophy has shaped human thought. Franklin Zhu argues that in the modern times, the empire of philosophy has come to an end, as new, more objective sciences are born.

S

iamo creature curiose. Cioè, abbiamo sempre delle domande. Perché il cielo è blu? Perché le stagioni cambiano? Perché Toads è chiuso il venerdì ed aperto la domenica? Alcune di queste domande sono state risolte. Ma le altre, soprattutto quelle esistenziali, rimangono nascoste nel mistero. Tante persone hanno provato a trovare le soluzioni di queste domande fondamentali. Perché agiamo così? Perché amiamo? Perché esistiamo? Queste domande ci danno una tale squisita confusione che siamo costretti a fronteggiarle. Così, per migliaia di anni, la ‘filosofia’ ha dominato la mente umana. È un impero che appartiene a tutti, in cui i filosofi sono gli imperatori. Ed è anche un impero meritocratico. Le idee buone guadagnano sostenitori: Aristotele, Cartesio, Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, e i molti altri che, possedendo un’intensa passione per l’atto di ‘filosofeggiar’, ci hanno lasciato tanti magnifici pensieri. Analizzando fino in fondo le loro esperienze umane, questi giganti ci hanno presentato i loro pensieri e le loro conclusioni. Noi studiamo convinti che queste persone siano dei grandi saggi che hanno già traversato il gran viaggio della vita. Leggiamo i loro libri, analizziamo le loro parole, e cerchiamo di incorporare le loro idee nelle nostre vite. Però, ad un certo punto, ci si rende conto che forse non c’è una sola risposta giusta a una qualsiasi di queste domande. Ci accorgiamo che, nonostante tutto il tempo dedicato dai nostri filosofi alle loro inesauribili cogitazioni, non si è ancora giunti a nessuna verità assoluta. Arrivati a questa conclusione, alcuni di noi si rimetterebbero alla ricerca di questa verità. Altri invece forse finalmente comprenderebbero che la filosofia non è nient’altro che un eterno processo di masturbazione 38

We are plagued with an irresistible desire to question everything. Why is the sky blue? Why do the seasons change? Why is Toad’s closed on Fridays? Some of these questions have been answered. But others, especially those existential ones, have remained shrouded in mystery. Many an intelligent person has tried to answer those fundamental questions. Why do we act as we do? Why do we love? Why do we exist? These questions are so deliciously confounding, and compel all of us to seek answers. Thus, for millennia, philosophy has dominated the human mind. It is an empire of which every one of us forms part, and the emperors are the philosophers. This empire, however, is completely meritocratic. Good ideas will gain followers. Aristotle, Descartes, Kierkegaard, Nietzsche, and others who possess an intense passion for philosophising, have left us with many great thoughts. They have analysed their respective human experiences to extremes, presenting the rest of us with their thoughts and conclusions. We deem these people wise, smart, and great humans who’ve gone through the journey of life and have much valuable advice to offer. We read their books, analyse their words, and try to apply their ideas to our lives. But after a while, we come to the conclusion that perhaps there is no ‘right answer’ to any of those questions. We realise that despite the amount of time that philosophers have put into their endless cogitations, none of them have arrived at any absolute truths. At this point, the spirited ones will pick up with torch of philosophy from previous philosophers and continue seeking absolute truth. Others may start to think that philosophy is naught but endless mental masturbation without climax—and stop thinking so much. But both of


senza zenit - e consequentemente, “taglierebbe” il filo di pensieri. D’altro canto, entrambi gli anzidetti percorsi presuppongono che la nostra logica sia imparziale ed obiettiva, e che sia possibile, seguendo la nostra logica, arrivare a conclusioni solide (anche, perfino, la conclusione che non esiste la Verità). Nella vita quotidiana, la logica non ci delude - quando proviamo a trovare la scorciatoia da TD a LC, o quando dobbiamo trovare il modo più rapido di partire da Saybrook quando s’è inondato, per l’ennesima volta. Ma quando le domande e i problemi diventano più complessi, la nostra sola logica interna inizia a fallire. La filosofia classica raramente considera i pregiudizi inconsci e gli errori sistematici che affliggono la nostra logica. Immaginatevi la situazione seguente: ecco, ci sono due scatole. La probabilità che una moneta d’oro apparisca dentro la prima scatola è 80%. La probabilità che la moneta si trovi nella seconda è 20%. Se aveste 10 tentativi di scegliere, come distribuiste i vostri tentativi? La logica interna, malignante e impulsivo, vi sussurrerebbe: scegliere la prima scatola 8 volte e la seconda 2 volte! Ma se spaccassimo la logica sul muso ed analizzassimo la situazione usando la statistica e la matematica, scopriremmo che è meglio scommettere sulla prima, tutte dieci le volte! Finiti sono i giorni in cui ‘la donna è mobile’; giunto è il tempo di renderci conto ciò ch’è mobile è la logica. Credo che nella ricerca della verità, sia necessario che siamo liberi dei nostri pregiudizi naturali, o almeno consapevoli dei modi in cui funzionano. Non possiamo essere come Cartesio, e soltanto promettere che proveremo ad essere imparziali. Neanche Cartesio, che delineò nel su libro Discorso sul metodo (1637) sul su metodo per ottenere la imparzialità, riuscì nel suo intento. Ricordatevi le sue idee assurde sul cervello umano in cui propose che la ghiandola pineale fosse la sede dell’anima. La sua ragionamento fu che “tutte le altre parti del nostro cervello sono doppie” all’infuori della ghiandola pineale. Così, la sua logica saltò alla conclusione che la ghiandola pineale era l’essenza della nostra umanità. Oggi sappiamo che questa ghiandola non fa null’altro che creare ormoni. Pensate che voi che questa sia un’eccezione? Ripensateci. Neppure i giudici sono totalmente imparziale. Uno studio condotto da Danziger e Levav nell’anno 2010 mostrò che c’era solo un fattore che correlato alle loro decisioni riguardanti la libertà condizionale: fame. Non basta volere essere obiettivo. Credo che la soluzione a questo problema di imparzialità sia la psicologia. Solo con la psicologia si ottiene un approccio scientifico alle domande filosofiche. Ogni affermazione ed ogni conclusione è basata su dati. Anche se la nostra mente può commettere errori, i numeri non mentono. Inoltre, la psicologia e la neuroscienza channo come oggetto di analisi la mente e il cervello umano - i mezzi stessi con i quali percepiamo. Ed infatti, come possiamo pretendere di capir quel che capiamo senza aver capito quelche ci permette di capire? Ovviamente, la filosofia rimane una facoltà nobile. Riunisce in sé l’arte, la poesia, la letteratura, e tante altre magnifiche produzioni umane; però non è una scienza. Come un galeone nobile ed obsoleto, è giunto il tuo crepuscolo, o Filosofia. Dalle tue ceneri, si alzi la psicologia!

the aforementioned paths are based on the assumption that our logic is clean, unbiased, and that we can, using our logic and thinking, arrive at solid conclusions (for instance, the conclusion that there is no ‘right answer’). Most of the time our natural logic is correct—in everyday life when we’re deciding which is the fastest way to get from TD to LC or trying to figure out how to get out of the building when Saybrook floods again. But when the questions get more complex, pure internal logic begins to crack. Classic philosophy rarely takes into consideration the unconscious biases and systematic errors in our minds and logic. For instance, consider the example below: You are presented with two boxes. Eighty percent of the time, gold will appear in the first box. The other twenty percent of the time, gold will appear in the second. If you have ten chances to bet on which box to choose, how will you distribute those ten chances? Our ‘intuitive’ logic malignantly whispers to us, telling us that we should choose the first box eight times and the second box two times. But if we analyse the situation statistically, we’ll realise that it’s better to choose the first box all ten times. Logic, you fickle thing. Had the statistics and numbers not told us otherwise, we may very easily have made the wrong choice. I believe that in the quest for truth, we must be free from our biases. But we cannot do that without external aid. We can’t just be like Descartes and just promise to try our very hardest to be objective. Descartes, despite many great contributions and ideas, was not able to completely free himself from the inherent flaws with human logic. Consider his famous claim of the pineal gland being the seat of the human soul because “it is the only solid part in the whole brain which is single, it must necessarily be the seat of the common sense, i.e., of thought, and consequently of the soul”. Today, we know that the pineal gland excretes hormones, not soul. Think that you’re unprejudiced? Take an online hidden bias test. You may be surprised. What about judges, who are supposed to be impartial? Check out Danziger and Levav’s paper “Extraneous factors in judicial decisions” (2010). The factor that correlated most strongly with judge’s parole decisions was their level of hunger. The desire to be objective, no matter how strong, is not enough. The solution? Psychology. Psychology takes all the important questions that we ask in philosophy and investigates them with the scientific method. Every claim that is made, every conclusion stated, is all based on hard data. While our minds may be flawed, numbers do not lie. Furthermore, psychology and neuroscience focus on the brain itself, the tool with which we perceive. Indeed, how can we understand anything without first understanding the tool with which we understand? Philosophy is a noble field. It is art, literature, poetry, fiction, and many other beautiful things—but it is not science. Like a noble, obsolete Spanish galleon, Philosophy, your time has come. From thine ashes, let there be Psychology!

‘’

Ovviamente, la filosofia rimane una facoltà nobile. Riuniscè in se l’arte, la poesia, la letteratura, e tante altre magnifiche produzioni umane; però non è una scienza. Come un galeone nobile ed obsoleto, è giunto il tuo crepuscolo, o Filosofia. Dalle tue ceneri, si alzi la psicologia!

39


KOREAN

지혜 혜, 옥소리 령

by Hye Ryeong Juli Cho, PC ’15 We are constantly influenced by memories and cultures from all times and places these days. This article explores what we lose because of it and what we gain in spite of it.

만으로 여덟 살 정도였던 것 같다. 학교 도서관에서 책 한 권을 집어 들었다. 지금은 제목도 내용도 기억나지 않지만, 표 지만 보고도 참 들떴던 것으로 기억한다. 곱게 땋은 검은 머 리에 누렇게 바랜 한복, 그리고 초가집. 절대 익숙해지지 못할 언어만이 하루 종일 들려오는 그 나라에서, 익숙한 그림은 그 책을 집어 들기에 충분한 이유였다. 1900년대 한국, 우리 나라가 우리의 것이 아니던 시 절에 관한 책이었다. 아이들은 우리네 언어를 잊어야 했고, 우 리네 이름은 낯설기만 한 글자들로 다시 쓰였으며, 우리네 딸 들이 시들어가던……. 한때는 정신대라고 불렀나 보다. 그 당시의 나는 성 착취 의 개념을 이해하기엔 턱없이 어린 나이였건만, 희한하게도 그 책을 읽는 내내 참 무서웠고 아팠고 괴로웠다. 책을 덮고 난 뒤에도 한참 동안 불안해 했던 것으로 기억한다. 여인이라 고 불리기도 너무 어리기만 했던 그 소녀들에게 무슨 일이 일 어난 건지는 그로부터 몇 년이 지난 후에야 깨달았다. 십 년 이 지난 지금도, 그 책의 내용은 기억나지 않을지언정 그 두 려움만은 생생하다. 내가 몇 살이 된들 그 두려움을 이해하지 는 못할 것 같다. 어느 언어든 문화를 알지 못하면 이해하지 못하는 단어들 이 있다. 한국에서는 “한”이 그런 단어가 아닐까 싶다. 기억과 시간과 삶 속에 깊이 뿌리 박힌 채 한 세대에서 그 다음 세대 로 전해져서, 되뇌면 되뇔수록 아려온다. 이제는 정신대 대신 위안부라는 단어를 사용하지만, 뭐라 불러도 한이다.

40

I think I was around eight. I picked up a book from the school library. I don’t remember what it was about or what it was called, but I remember getting excited by the cover – braided black hair, hanbok in faded yellow, and a thatched-roof house made of straw. In a country surrounded by a language that I will never be familiar with, a familiar book cover was reason enough for me to pick it up. The book was set in South Korea, in the 1900s, back in the days when my country had not been my country. When children were forced to forget my mother tongue, when our names were rewritten in a foreign language, when sons died in forced labor and daughters withered away… The book called them spirit girls. I was young, much too young to understand the concept of sexual exploitation, but I remember fear. Pain. Despair. They troubled me for a long time, even after I had finished the book. The book never explicitly described what was going on, so it was not until years after that I began to understand what happened to these girls who were still too young to be called women. Even now, a decade later – I may not remember the story, but I vividly remember the pain. When do we get old enough to understand what atrocities are? Are we ever able to understand? We call it han in my language. It’s a word that I will never be able to explain to someone who is not Korean –


군인들이 떠나면 숨죽여 울지는 않았을까. 그래서 땅에 떨어 진 그 눈물이 백 년 가까이 맴돌다 지구 반대편에 사는 외국인이 쓴 글자에 스며들어간 건 아닐까. 그렇게 한참 어리기만 했던 한 여덟 살 아이가 그 글자를 품게 된 것이 아닐까, 혼자 상상해본다. 요즘 들어 부쩍 내가 이곳에 오면서 포기한 것들에 대한 생각 을 많이 한다. 나는 분명 한국인인데, 내 나라의 법과 제도보다는 미국의 법과 제도에 훨씬 익숙하다. 일 년의 여덟 달은 미국에서, 네 달은 한국에서 살며 부모님은 영국에 사는 나에게 주소를 적 는 빈 칸은 어렵기만 하다. 새로운 누군가를 만날 때마다 나는 졸 업 뒤 찾아올 헤어짐을 준비하고 있다. 내 이름은 분명 조혜령인데, 이곳에서는 줄리이다. 2011년에 나는 페이스북에서의 내 이름을 꽤 여러 번 바꿨다. 조혜령에서 Hye Ryeong Juli Cho 로, 또 HyeRyeong Juli Cho에서 Juli HyeRyeong Cho로. 이곳에서는 혜령을 발음하지 못해서 줄리를 넣 었고, 나를 계속 “혜”라고 부르길래 띄어쓰기를 없앴으며, 결국에 는 편리하다는 이유로 줄리를 앞세웠다. 이곳에서 나는 줄리였다. 내 스스로를 줄리라고 부름으로써 나 자신의 일부를 포기한 것은 아닌가라는 생각이 들 때가 있다. 비록 일제강점기 때 내 조 상들이 그랬던 것처럼 빼앗긴 것은 아닐지언정, 매일 나는 내 언 어와 내 이름을 조금씩 잃어버리고 있다. 3학년이 되자 많은 사람들이 나에게 졸업 후에 어디에 살 생 각인지를 물어보고, 나는 상관없다고 대답한다. 마치 방랑자 같 다. 줄리로서든 혜령으로서든, 어느 나라에서는 결국에는 살아가 지 않을까싶다. 세상 전부가 내 집이고 세상 어디에도 내 집은 없 다. 어디에서든, 누구와 함께든, 무엇을 하든 간에, 나는 항상 무 언가를 그리워하고 있을 것이다. 나는 영어가 서툴던 시절 줄리라는 이름에 e가 들어간다는 것 을 몰라 Juli, 지혜 혜, 옥소리 령을 써서 혜령. 2013년 여름에 나는 열 네 살짜리 소년 Y를 만났다. Y는 소 말리아에서 온 난민으로, 한국에서는 처음으로 보호자 없이 홀로 난민을 신청한 미성년자였다. 나는 동사무소에 따라가 Y가 외국 인 등록 절차를 밟는 것을 지켜보았다. 그 후로 나는 해외에서 보 호자 없는 미성년의 난민 신청자를 어떻게 대하는지에 대한 조사 를 시작했다. 비록 시간이 걸리겠지만, Y는 찬찬히 난민 신청 절 차를 밟아 나가는 중이다. 속으로 나는 Y에게 물었다. 대체 왜 여기에 있는 거지? 전쟁 고아이자 소말리아에서는 길바닥에서 자는 구두닦이였던 네가, 생전 처음 들어봤을 법한 한국이라는 나라에 왔다. 네가 우리말 을 아무리 잘하게 될지라도 우리는 평생 네 피부색을 보고 놀랄 거고, 우리가 너를 받아들이려면 몇 년이 걸릴지 모른다. 너는 왜 그 비행기를 탄 걸까. 왜 하필이면 이 나라일까. 대체 넌 어떻게 나를 보고 고개를 숙여 ‘안녕하세요’라고 인사를 하게 된 걸까. Y는 말이 없다. 그 날 나는 소녀들의 눈물과 부모님과 함께 살 지 못한 세월과 내 영어 이름에서 잊혀진 ‘e’와 지혜와 옥소리 위 에 말 없는 Y의 대답을 얹는다.

‘’

I am Hye Ryeong Cho who goes by Juli. In the fall of 2011, I changed my Facebook name from Hye Ryeong Cho to Hye Ryeong Juli Cho to HyeRyeong Juli Cho to Juli HyeRyeong Cho.

it’s engrained in the culture, as well as the language. It’s a word of sorrow, deeply rooted in memory and time and life, buried in your soul and carried from one generation to the other. We no longer say spirit girls – we say comfort women instead – but regardless of how you frame it, han is han. I imagine the soft cries that drop to the ground as the soldiers leave, tears spreading through the abyss for almost a century until they became engrained in English words penned by an American writer… I carry those tears, an eight-year-old child from the motherland, too young to understand the depth of their han. Recently I have found myself thinking about what I have given up to be here. I am a Korean who knows far more about the U.S. criminal justice system than I do about my own. Forms that ask for my permanent address pain me– I spend eight months a year in New Haven and four months in Seoul, with parents who live in London. Whenever I meet and learn to care for someone, I am acutely aware that I may very well never live in the same country as they will after graduation, much less see them again. I am Hye Ryeong Cho who goes by Juli. In the fall of 2011, I changed my Facebook name from Hye Ryeong Cho to Hye Ryeong Juli Cho to HyeRyeong Juli Cho to Juli HyeRyeong Cho. I chose Juli, because no one could pronounce my name here. I changed the presentation to HyeRyeong, because everyone assumed that Hye was my full first name. Juli HyeRyeong Cho, because that is how people recognize me – it made sense. In case you wanted to know – I spell Juli without an e because I misspelled it in 2000, when I first came to the States; 혜령 means wisdom, the sound of a jade. I wonder whether I gave up a little bit of myself, when I decided to go by Juli here. It had not been wrenched from me, as it had been from my ancestors during the occupation – but nevertheless, I lose a little bit of my language and my name every day I am here. People ask me where I want to live when I graduate from Yale. I tell them, it doesn’t matter. I am a nomad. I see myself in Korea, the U.S., Spain, Argentina, India – Juli, Hye Ryeong, 혜령, 慧玲. I can find a home anywhere, because I do not have a home anywhere. Wherever I am, whomever I am with, and whatever I am doing, I will always be missing something. In the summer of 2013, I accompanied a 14-year-oldboy to the city hall in Seoul. He was to be registered as a foreigner residing in South Korea, which would enable him to be enrolled in school. As I watched him get in line in front of the counter, I began to realize just how much he stood out. He was a tall, lanky kid with glasses. He had curly black hair and dark skin. He barely spoke Korean – he came to this country from Somalia just over a month ago. He was a war orphan. He had once earned his living on the streets by shining shoes. He was now the first unaccompanied minor refugee to seek asylum in South Korea. I realized that I feel sorry for him. I saw the Koreans in that building constantly eye his skin color – we are still very much an ethnically homogenous country. Even I couldn’t help staring when he greeted me in my mother tongue. There is no guarantee that he will be granted asylum here. It may be years before we allow your presence, legally and culturally. Why did you board that plane? Why are you here, of all places? Do you feel the stares, the uncertainty, the discomfort? I feel sorry for you, because I think you have lost so much by coming here – but I can never speak for you. I carry his unspoken answers with me, as I carry the cries of the spirit girls, the years I never spent with my parents, the ‘e’ I dropped from my English name and wisdom the sound of a jade. 41


GERMAN

Ausimperialisiert? Was nun? by Nils Metter, ES ’17

This year the world is commemorating three events of historical importance: 100 years since the beginning of WWI, 75 years since the beginning of WWII, and 25 years since the fall of the Berlin Wall. How can having these three dates in one year matter?

1

914. 1939. 1989. Die Welt und Deutschland ins besondere hat dieses Jahr gleich mehrere Daten tiefrot im Kalender angestrichen. 100 Jahre Beginn des Ersten und 75 Jahre des Zweiten Weltkriegs, sowie 25 Jahre Mauerfall gilt es zu gedenken. In den heimischen Feuilletons ist bereits allerhand zu lesen: vom Auseinanderzupfen der aktuellen Bücherflut über die Ursachen des Ersten Weltkriegs, zu Versuchen den abgeflauten Historikerstreit um Schuld am Holocaust wieder aufzuwärmen, bis hin zu ironisch wirkenden Apellen in diesem bedeutungsschwangerem Jahr nicht die Helden im Jahrhundert des Massenmordes zu vergessen. Ob man diese drei – sie haben wohl eher willkürlich so schön runde Gedenkdatumsreife in 2014 erlangt – Ereignisse unbedingt in direktem Zusammenhang bringen kann, bezweifle ich. Auch wenn sicherlich ein dicker, roter Kontinuitätsfaden von 1914 zu 1939 verläuft, so stehen Mauerfall und Weltkriegsgemetzel kaum in einem kausalen Verhältnis. 42


Nichtsdestotrotz findet sich zumindest eine Gemeinsamkeit. Alle drei Einschnitte in den Verlauf des letzten Jahrhunderts stellen gleichzeitig bedeutsame Wendepunkte in der Geschichte der Imperien dar und haben vor allem eines bestätigt, nämlich die Flüchtigkeit dergleichen. Als Beispiele können wir seit dem Post-WWII Zeitraum die europäischen Imperien der Briten, Franzosen und Deutschen einer bereits langen Liste untergegangener Weltreiche hinzufügen. Mit dem Mauerfall läutete das Jahr 1989 daraufhin den Zerfall des letzten verbliebenen „Imperiums“ ein. Trotz manch neostalinistischer Tendenzen in Russland kann mit gutem Gewissen angenommen werden, dass ein neues Sowjetreich nicht in Sicht ist. Die Lehre, dass Weltreichen Nachhaltigkeit fehlt, mag vielleicht eine wenig kontroverse sein. Um die exakten Kausalitäten der Weltkriege und Ostrerevolutionen wird jedoch noch heute heftig gestritten. Die breite Frage, welche Relevanz der diesjährige weite Blick zurück für Heute und Morgen hat, bleibt genauso schwierig zu beantworten. Dass uns zahlreiche, freilich berechtigte, Gedenkveranstaltungen mit Reden und medialem Echo dabei besonders weiterhelfen werden, darf bezweifelt werden. Die letzten 100 Jahre haben in der Geschichtswissenschaft wenig unumstrittene Wahrheiten über die gleichen 100 Jahre gebracht. Daher möchte ich hier nicht in wenigen hundert Wörtern eine zwangsläufig zum Scheitern verurteilte Analyse oder Vorhersage wagen. Wichtiger erscheint mir aufzurufen die Gelegenheit ganz persönlich beim Schopf zu packen. Mag es noch so trivial erscheinen, dieses Jahr bietet doch eine Chance. Es wäre eine Tragödie, wenn unzählige Gedenkveranstaltungen, Podiumsdiskussionen, Buchveröffentlichungen, Reden darin enden, dass wir dieses Jahr eben doch nur besonders viele – für die meisten von uns imaginäre – Kränze niederlegen. Was ich damit meine ist nicht primär, dass wir dieses Jahr schlicht als eine große Geschichtsstunde begreifen sollen. Vielmehr bieten die zahlreichen Gedenkdaten auch einen normativen Rahmen, der genutzt werden will. Was bedeutet Deutschlands post-WWII Paradigma „Nie wieder Ausschwitz, nie wieder Krieg“ im 21. Jahrhundert? Was kann und soll gegen dokumentierte Straflager in Nordkorea getan werden, in denen an die 200.000 Gefangene vegetieren und krepieren? Wie verhindern wir, dass ein aufstrebendes China ähnliche Ängste und Mechanismen verursacht, die vor einhundert Jahren in die Urkatastrophe des Jahrhunderts mündeten? Diese und andere Fragen sind in ihrer Relevanz und Beantwortung keinesfalls von einem Jahr 2014 abhängig. Allerdings ist Aufmerksamkeit ein volatiles Gut. Dass sich Nationen über ein ganzes Jahr hinweg derartig regelmäßig und intensiv mit weit zurückliegenden welthistorischen Geschehnissen beschäftigen müssen und dürfen ist sowohl Privileg, als auch Obligation dieser untoten Vergangenheit aktuelle Problemstellungen entgegenzusetzen. Dafür benötigt es nicht nur Würdenträger und Medien, sondern auch die aktive rege Wortmeldung kritischer Bürger. Ich hoffe, dass Yale eine aktive Rolle darin spielen wird, diesen Diskurs zu formen. An Meinungen und Wissen mangelt es hier auf jeden Fall nicht.

1914. 1939. 1989. The world and Germany in particular, has quite a few dates of historical importance to mark in the 2014 calendar. 2014 marks 100 years since the beginning of the First World War, 75 years since the beginning of the Second World War, and 25 years since the fall of the Berlin Wall. In Germany’s major newspapers, one can already read all kinds of analysis, from the interesting to the absurd. Attempts to analyze the dozens of books recently released pertaining to WWI, attempts to start the so-called Historikerstreit (“historians quarrel”) about the placement of blame for the Holocaust, appeals to readers to not forget the heroes of the century of mass slaughter in the wake of these anniversaries. Generally, I am skeptical about analyzing these three events altogether. Certainly, there is a strong causal relationship between 1914 and 1939, but relating fall of the Berlin Wall to these two events is a much larger leap to make. Nevertheless, these three events are similar in that they all heralded the fall of European empires and world powers. These anniversaries are not the time to reinvent the historical analyses of the 20th century. Scholars have been investigating these questions for a century, and will likely continue for many more. It is doubtful that the countless events, speeches and media attention about these anniversaries in 2014 will bring us any more clarity about these questions. Rather, it appears much more important to me to call upon you to seize the chances this year offers to engage in public discourse about the challenges we face today and what the memory of previous events can teach us. However trivial that may sound at first, it would be a tragedy if the inevitably numerous commemorations end in simply more wreaths laid at the feet of history. I do not want to say that we should take this year as one giant history lecture about what happened last century. But the coincidence of three major world historical anniversaries provides a normative frame and global media attention that is ready to be engaged with. What does Germany’s post-WWII paradigm “never again Auschwitz, never again war” mean in the 21st century? What can and should be done about documented prison camps in North Korea, in which around 200,000 mostly political detainees suffer and die in unimaginable circumstances? How can we prevent a rising China from causing similar fears and mechanisms that led to the great seminal catastrophe one hundred years ago? Assessing the relevance of answering these and other questions does certainly not depend on the particular year of 2014. However, attention is a scarce resource. To regularly and institutionally deal with particular world historic events for the span of a year is a privilege and obligation to connect the undead past with the living present. In order to do that in any meaningful way, more than dignitaries’ speeches and media headlines are needed. I hope the Yale community can contribute to shaping this discourse through critical input. There is certainly no lack of opinions and knowledge on campus. Take the time!

‘’

Nichtsdestotrotz findet sich zumindest eine Gemeinsamkeit. Alle drei Einschnitte in den Verlauf des letzten Jahrhunderts stellen gleichzeitig bedeutsame Wendepunkte in der Geschichte der Imperien dar und haben vor allem eines bestätigt, nämlich die Flüchtigkeit dergleichen.

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GERMAN

Deutschen in den Tropen by Omegar Chavolla-Zacarias, BR ’16 In his article, Omegar explores the influence that German industrial interests have had on Mexican society.

Z

wei Stunden südlich der mexikanischen Hauptstadt liegt eine Kolonialstadt: Puebla. Touristen, die Puebla besuchen, können Fotos von bunten Kirchen und Plätze machen, gebaut von spanische Kolonisten und Missionaren, oder auch mole poblano probieren, ein traditionelles Gericht mit würziger Schokoladensoße. Was Touristen vielleicht nicht wissen ist jedoch, dass Puebla der Standort der größten Autofabrik Amerikas ist: Volkswagen Mexiko. Im Gegensatz zu seinen europäischen Nachbarn hat sich Deutschland nie Kolonien in der westlichen Hemisphäre angeeignet. Man braucht aber keine Kolonien, um Einfluss zu haben. Einfluss ist eher von Beziehungen abhängig – Investition, Kulturaustäusche und Diplomatie zum Beispiel – und die Beziehungen zwischen den zwei Ländern sind geschichtlich weitreichend. Wenn man an die deutschsprachigen Persönlichkeiten in der mexikanischen Geschichte denkt, kommen einem der Habsburger Kaiser Maximilian I in den Sinn, der Mexiko während der 1860-er Jahre regiert hat, oder auch Mexikos Vertreter bei den sechs letzten Olympische Winterspielen, Prinz Hubertus von Hohenlohe. Sogar Präsident Vicente Fox, dessen Wahlerfolg in 2000 die 71-jahrige 44

Two hours south of the Mexican capital lies the colonial city of Puebla. Tourists who visit may expect to take pictures of churches and plazas featuring colorful architecture left over by Spanish colonists and missionaries. They’ll also taste mole poblano, a traditional dish featuring a spicy chocolate sauce. What they might not know, however, is that Puebla is also home to the largest automobile factory in the Americas: Volkswagen Mexico. Unlike some of its European counterparts, Germany never had colonies in the Western Hemisphere. But Germany didn’t need colonies to have influence, as the historical and economic ties between the two nations remain deep and far-reaching. When one thinks of Germans and German-speakers in Mexico, one might consider such people as Emperor Maximilian I, a Hapsburg who ruled Mexico in the 1860s, and Prince Hubertus von Hohenlohe, who has represented the Latin American nation in six winter Olympics. Even President Vicente Fox, whose election in 2000 put an end to the 71-year rule of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), is of German descent. Germans, however, have been present in Mexico since before it even gained its independence from


Herrschaft der Institutionellen Revolutionären Partei (PRI) beendet hat, hat deutsche Wurzeln. Deutsche waren bereits vor der Unabhängigkeit Mexikos im Land präsent. Einer der prominentesten Individuen besuchte das Territorium, welches heute Mexiko genannt wird, schon während der ersten Jahrzehnte des 19. Jahrhundert – noch vor der Gründung des deutschen Kaiserreichs. 1803 ist der preußische Geograf und Naturforscher Alexander von Humboldt in die damalige spanische Kolonie gekommen und bereiste ein ganzes Jahr die verschiedenen Regionen Mexikos. Von Humboldt, dessen Reise durch Latein Amerika die Grundlage für die Wissenschaft der physischen Geografie legte, ist die Staatsangehörigkeit ehrenhalber von Benito Juarez angetragen worden, einem der bekanntesten Präsidenten Mexikos. Heutzutage gibt es auch noch Straßen, Denkmäler und Schulen, die dem Forscher gewidmet sind – einschließlich der Colegio Alemán Alexander von Humboldt, der deutschen Schule in Mexikostadt, wo meine Mutter, Großmutter, Tanten und Onkel studiert haben. Tatsächlich kann ich in der Geschichte meiner Familie viele Bezüge mit Deutschland finden, obwohl ich selbst keine deutschen Wurzeln habe. Seit meiner Jugend haben wir den Countdown bis Weihnachten mit einem Adventskalender zelebriert. Durch die Wahl Deutsch in Yale zu lernen, wurde ich Teil der dritten deutschsprechenden Generation meiner Familie. Als ich letzten Sommer in Berlin studiert habe, besuchte ich meine Tante, die ihren deutschen Mann bei der Volkswagenfabrik in Puebla kennengelernt hatte. Außerdem habe ich mich mit meiner Kusine getroffen, die in der Nähe von Frankfurt geboren wurden und die doppelte Staatsangehörigkeit besitzt. Ohne Volkswagen Mexiko wäre es schwer möglich gewesen, dass meine mexikanische Tante und mein deutscher Onkel sich kennengelernt hätten. Als die Firma sich 1964 für Puebla als ihr Zentrum auf dem amerikanischen Kontinent entschieden hatte, löste sie meine neue Migrationswelle aus, eine Welle, die direkten Einfluss auf meine Familie hatte. Meine deutsch-mexikanischen Kusinen sind Ergebnisse dieser Welle, Ergebnisse der Zusammenarbeit zwischen Deutschland und Mexiko. Zwar ist Puebla keine Kolonialstadt mehr, aber sie hat unter anderem Volkswagen gewonnen, was sowohl die Wirtschaft, wie auch die Gesellschaft Mexikos änderte. Der Anteil der „Multikultis“ in der Bevölkerung wurde erhöht und hat Mexiko sehr bereichert.

‘’

Ohne Volkswagen Mexiko wäre es schwer möglich gewesen, dass meine mexikanische Tante und mein deutscher Onkel sich kennengelernt hätten. Spain. One of the most prominent German-speaking individuals to visit what is today Mexico did so in the first decade of the 19th century, before Germany itself had been formed. In 1803, the Prussian geographer and naturalist Alexander von Humboldt arrived in the then-Spanish colony of New Spain, spending a year traveling throughout its various regions. Von Humboldt—whose voyage through Latin America helped lay the foundation for the science of physical geography—was granted honorary Mexican citizenship by Benito Juarez, one of the nation’s bestknown presidents, and there are still haciendas, streets, monuments and schools dedicated to the explorer, including the Colegio Alemán Alexander von Humboldt, the German international school in Mexico City where my grandmother, aunts, uncle, and mother were educated. When looking at my own family history I can easily find many links to what is now Europe’s leading economy despite having no ethnic ties to Germany. Since I was young, we would count down to Christmas with an Adventskalendar. When I started learning German at Yale, I joined my family’s third generation of German speakers. When I studied abroad last summer in Berlin, I visited my aunt, who met her German husband while working at the Volkswagen plant in Puebla, and my cousins, who were born near Frankfurt and are citizens of both countries. If it were not for Volkswagen Mexico, it is likely that my aunt and uncle never would have met. When the firm chose Puebla to be its Western Hemisphere center of operations in 1964, it not only signaled greater collaboration between the two nations (sentiments that have only strengthened over the course of the past fifty years) but also ushered in a new wave of German immigration, one that would have a direct impact on my family. My German-Mexican cousins are the result of this wave, the result of a partnership between Germany and Mexico. Puebla is no longer a colonial city, but in opening its gates to Volkswagen, it opened itself to a changing economy in Mexico, to a higher proportion of multinationals, and, therefore, to the cultural enrichment of its society.

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HEBREW

‫האימפריה הגדולה בעולם‬ by Benjamin Meyer, JE ’16

In this article, Ben discusses the prevalence and tremendous influence of the corn industry, and how it can be thought of as an empire. Drawing on the crop’s versatile applications, this article raises questions regarding its unsustainable cultivation as well as some potential pitfalls of relying so heavily on this indispensable commodity.

46

It hides itself in plain sight, and yet it supports millions of people all over the world. Like other empires throughout history, it is an empire that protects those who rely on it: it gives life and prevents death. But, in a society with selective generosity in which only a few people are lucky enough to receive its benefits, despite their abundance, many communities across the globe remain without the basic necessities of life. To me and to you, it has been rewarding. Most of us grew up (and still depend) on this subtle empire. What could it be if not the empire of corn: one of the largest food empires that affects and influences almost everything that we consume daily. What is an empire? If I’m talking about corn as an empire, we need to first understand what makes an empire. If you look in the dictionary, you will probably find a definition speaking of political states, governments, and authority. I think that an empire encompasses three characteristics: indivisibility, infallibility, and irresistibility. Now, expand the concept of rule to inanimate objects. An empire is anything with the ability to influence society’s way of living on a macro level. We live in a world filled with empires that dictate how we go about our daily lives, from the economic decisions we make to the food that we eat. One could argue that empires are the building blocks of monopolies. The corn industry embodies these three characteristics that comprise a strong empire. You have probably eaten corn at least once today. In some way, shape, or form, you had corn. Corn is eaten raw, processed, cooked, and is even ingested as medicine. Biologically, we are designed to love sugars, carbohydrates—anything that can give us energy. When food was scarce, our bodies wanted all the energy they could find, and so we naturally tend to like foods that provide us with that energy. Corn is available, it is delicious and effective, and we are naturally inclined to want to eat it. Evolutionarily, we cannot resist it. When I was growing up in Minnesota—a land in which corn grows as much as it rains in New Haven—agriculture played an especially important role to communities and the lifestyle. Thus, I saw the influence that the industry of corn possessed. It had a presence in every part of our society, from our food to essential drugs. Without it, we cannot continue to develop our society. But, when does this influence that one item has on us become too much? Is the pace of agriculture increasing so that farmers and the land aren’t able to keep up? What will happen when what we need in order to continue with our quality of life is engineered to the point of introducing deleterious side effects to us and to the land? When will we learn how to export the surplus to places that truly need it for nourishment? All of these questions are important ones that must ultimately be answered due to the huge and significant influence of corn on every aspect of society’s functions.

‫ אך איש אינו זקוק‬,‫היא מסתירה את עצמה מעיני כל‬ ‫ היא תומכת במיליוני‬.‫למשקפיים על מנת להבחין בה‬ ,‫ כאימפריות אחרות בהיסטוריה‬.‫אנשים ברחבי העולם‬ ‫ מעניקה חיים ומונעת‬,‫היא מגנה על אלו שמאמינים בה‬ ‫ בעוד‬,‫ אך בחברה המבוססת על נדיבות סלקטיבית‬.‫מוות‬ ‫ קהילות רבות‬,‫מספר ברי מזל זוכים לקבל את תגמוליה‬ .‫בעולם נשארות ללא הצרכים הבסיסיים שהיא מספקת‬ ‫ ורובנו גדלנו וסמכנו‬,‫ היא הייתה טובה לצרכנו‬,‫אף על פי כן‬ ‫ מי היא יכולה להיות‬.‫על האימפריה המעודנת הזאת‬ .‫ אשר‬,‫ אחת מן ענקיות המזון‬:‫אם לא אימפריית התירס‬ ‫משפיעה על כל מוצרי המזון שאנו צורכים בחיי היומיום‬ ‫מה היא אימפריה? אם אנו דנים על תעשיית התירס‬ ‫ אנו צריכים להבין מה הופך אותה לאימפריה‬,‫כאימפריה‬ ‫ נוכל למצוא‬,‫ אם נביט במילון‬.‫ולא לסתם יצרנית מזון‬ ‫ אך אני‬,‫ ממשל ושלטון‬,‫הגדרה הקשורה לפוליטיקה‬ ‫ היא‬:‫מאמין שאימפריה מבוססת על שלושה מאפיינים‬ ‫ איש אינו‬,‫ היא אמינה ובנוסף‬,‫בלתי ניתנת לפירוק‬ ‫ היא מסוגלת להשפיע‬,‫ עקב כך‬.‫מסוגל לעמוד בפניה‬ ‫ ובמידה מסוימת אף‬,‫על חיי החברה ברמת המאקרו‬ ‫ אם נרחיב את‬.‫מהווה את אבן הבניין של המונופול‬ ‫ נוכל‬,‫המושג של שליטה חברתית לדברים דוממים‬ ‫להבין שתעשיית התירס מתארת בדיוק את שלושת‬ ‫ היא אחת‬.‫המאפיינים אשר בונים אימפריה חזקה‬ .‫ מן‬:‫מן האימפריות שמכתיבות את חיינו היומיומיים‬ ‫ההחלטות הכלכליות שאנו לוקחים ועד למזון שאנו צורכים‬ .‫ כולנו אוכלים תירס לפחות פעם ביום‬,‫בצורה כלשהי‬ ,‫ כאוכל מעובד או מבושל‬,‫תירס ניתן לצריכה כחומר גלם‬ ‫ בימים‬.‫והוא אף משמש כמרכיבן של מספר תרופות‬ ‫ גוף האדם‬,‫ כאשר לא היה קיים מזון מהונדס‬,‫עברו‬ ‫ וכך פיתח נטייה אינסטינקטיבית‬,‫צרך כל מזון זמין‬ ‫ליהנות ממאכלים שנותנים לו את האנרגיה שלה‬ ‫ תירס הוא מקור אנרגיה שאנו מתוכנתים‬.‫הוא זקוק‬ .‫ וגוף האדם‬,‫ הוא זמין וטעים‬.‫ביולוגית לאהוב‬ ‫ איננו מסוגלים להתנגד לו‬,‫אדם‬-‫ כבני‬.‫צמא לו באופן טבעי‬ ‫ ובו תירס גדל כמעט‬,‫ המקום בו גדלתי‬,‫במינסוטה‬ ‫ החקלאות משחקת תפקיד‬,‫כמו שגשם יורד בניו הייבן‬ ‫ שם נחשפתי לראשונה‬.‫אינטגרלי בקרב הקהילה‬ ‫ היא נמצאת בכל‬:‫להשפעה החזקה שיש לתעשיית התירס‬ ‫ מהמזון שאנו אוכלים ועד לתרופות שאנו‬,‫רבדי החברה‬ ‫ יהיה קשה לנטרל אותה מהתעשייה‬,‫ עקב כך‬.‫נוטלים‬ ‫ אך מתי ההשפעה שיש לתוצר אחד על חיינו‬.‫ומחיינו‬ ‫תעשה מוגזמת? האם קצב הרחבת החקלאות מהירה‬ ‫מדי לחקלאים ולאדמה? מה יקרה כאשר כל המוצרים‬ ‫ עד למצב שבו יגרמו‬,‫החיוניים לחיינו יהיו מהונדסים‬ ?‫לתופעות לוואי מזיקות לבריאותינו ולבריאות האדמה‬ ‫ומתי נלמד כיצד להשתמש בעודפי המזון בתבונה ולנתבם‬ ‫למקומות שבאמת זקוקים להם? בבוא הזמן נאלץ‬ . ‫ שעולות עקב‬,‫למצוא מענה לכל אותן שאלות מטרידות‬ ‫ההשפעה הדומיננטית שיש לתעשיית התירס על חיינו‬


‫השתחוו למלכה‬ by Claire Gottsegen, MC ’17

Sitting on her throne, Queen Bey has formed an empire of empowerment, elegance, and allure. We are hers, fully and completely. Here is the reason why.

‘’

‫אנשים היום‬ .‫חוששים משינוי‬ ‫אין זאת עמדה‬ .‫חדשה או מפתיעה‬ ‫החלקים הנוחים‬ ‫והמוכרים בחיינו‬ ‫מוצאים‬ .‫חן בעינינו‬

August, 2011: the people of Syria continue to rebel against their government. With each passing moment, there is another problem, another shock, another issue that demands the world’s attention. Nearby, in Egypt, the trial of Hosni Mubarak begins. Ten million plus people watch him sweat. There are riots in Britain. American soldiers are still in Afghanistan. Rebel forces advance in Libya. Big, frightening, important things are happening. Here is my question: Why, despite all of the emotional events that took place in August 2011, the topic that I hear most about is a particular pop concert at the MTV Music Awards? On the twenty eighth of August, the popular singer Beyoncé announced that she would have a child. The American people smiled, and cried, and celebrated. Truly, we are the children of her music and the messages within it, the children of her Great Empire. Beyoncé is an inspiration not only for the youthful audience that one would expect, but also to the old man who reminisces about emotional experiences from young adulthood, soccer moms who want to feel sexy again, and children who hope to be phenomenal. She speaks to the small part within the soul that whispers, “Try to be fantastic. I dare you.” Her empire started small. Beyoncé was born in Houston, Texas, and there she developed her voice and her passion for excellence. The year 1997 brought us Destiny’s Child. Shortly after, she launched her acting career. We watched in awe. She married and still served as a symbol of independence. She announced that she would have a child in that tumultuous August of 2011 and after nine months passed, she became a mother. She is a multi-faceted figure; this is the reason she now has a nation at her fingertips. People are scared of change. This is not a new or surprising fact. We like the parts of life that are easy, comfortable; the unexpected is the enemy. But we also know that change comes even when it is not wanted— so we turn to Beyoncé, the master of transformation. We sang along in 2008 when she dropped her new album, “I am… Sasha Fierce.” She called this new character her alter ego. Simply put, she did what the rest of us could not do without her guidance. The entire world stared as she changed herself. She gave us the power to do this for ourselves. And what is there to say about her surprise album from this past December? It is impossible to form expectations about Beyoncé, because she can so easily surpass them. The emotion that we feel towards her is not exactly jealousy. Rather, it is a combination of appreciation, fascination, and love—for her, and most importantly, for ourselves. This mixture is the recipe for her success and the basis for how we find meaning in her work. When the old man, the soccer moms, the children gaze upon Beyoncé, they stumble upon a mirror. In its reflection, the Great Empire stands: strong, certain, ready to be fantastic.

.‫ המרד הסורי נמשך‬:‫אוגוסט אלפיים ואחת עשרה‬ ‫ שריפה נוספת‬,‫עם כל רגע שעובר יש הלם נוסף‬ ,‫ במצרים‬,‫ בקרבת מקום‬.‫שהעולם צריך לכבות‬ ‫ מהומות פורצות‬.‫משפטו של חוסני מוברק מתחיל‬ .‫ חיילים אמריקאים מסתבכים באפגניסטן‬.‫בבריטניה‬ ‫ אלו הם אירועים‬.‫כוחות המורדים מתקדמים בלוב‬ ‫ מדוע מכל‬,‫ אך שואלת‬.‫משמעותיים לכל הדעות‬ ‫ הנושא‬,2011 ‫הארועים המרגשים של אוגוסט‬ ‫ששמעתי עליו יותר מכל הוא טקס פרסי המוזיקה‬ ?MTV ‫של‬ ‫בעשרים ושמונה באוגוסט הזמרת הפופולרית‬ ‫ האמריקאים‬.‫ביונסה הודיעה שהיא מצפה לילד‬ ‫ מפני שאנחנו ילדי המוזיקה של‬,‫ וחגגו‬,‫ בכו‬,‫חייכו‬ – ‫ בגלל שאנחנו – באמת‬.‫ביונסה והמסרים שלה‬ ‫ ביונסה מהווה השראה – לא‬.‫ילדי האימפריה שלה‬ ‫ אלא גם בשביל הזקן‬,‫רק בשביל הנער או הנערה‬ ‫ בשביל אמהות הכדורגל שרוצות‬,‫שנכסף לנעוריו‬ ‫ ובשביל הילדים שמקווים‬,‫להרגיש סקסיות שוב‬ ‫ המוזיקה של ביונסה היא החלק הקטן בתוך‬.‫להצטיין‬ !‫ נראה אותך‬,‫ נסה להיות פנטסטי‬:‫הנפש שלוחש‬ .‫ עם אדם אחד‬,‫האימפריה שלה התחילה בקטן‬ ‫ ושם היא פיתחה‬,‫ טקסס‬,‫ביונסה נולדה ביוסטון‬ ‫ שנת‬.‫את הקול שלה ואת התשוקה שלה למצוינות‬ ‫” זמן‬.‫ הביאה לנו את להקת “דסטני’ס צ’ילד‬1997 ‫ ביונסה התחילה את הקריירה שלה‬,‫קצר לאחר מכן‬ ‫ ואנו הבטנו ביראת‬,‫ היא כיכבה בסרטים‬.‫כשחקנית‬ .‫ אך עדיין נותרה סמל לעצמאות‬,‫ היא התחתנה‬.‫כבוד‬ – ‫כשהיא הודיעה שיהיה לה תינוק העולם השתגע‬ ‫ היא‬.‫ואחרי תשעה חודשים היא אכן הפכה לאמא‬ ‫ ולכן היא החלה כילדה‬,‫דמות עם הרבה שכבות‬ ‫ והיום העולם‬,‫קטנה מטקסס עם חלומות גדולים‬ .‫בקצות אצבעותיה‬ ‫ אין זאת עמדה חדשה‬.‫אנשים היום חוששים משינוי‬ ‫ החלקים הנוחים והמוכרים בחיינו‬.‫או מפתיעה‬ ‫ אף על פי כן‬.‫ שינוי נתפס כאויב‬.‫מוצאים חן בעינינו‬, ‫ גם אם אינו רצוי‬,‫אנחנו צופים כי שינוי יבוא בלאו הכי‬ .‫ אומנית הטרנפורמציה‬,‫ אנו פונים אל ביונסה‬,‫אז‬-‫או‬ ‫ כשהאלבום החדש‬,2008-‫שרנו ורקדו איתה ב‬ ‫ היא קראה לסשה‬.‫“ יצא‬I am… Sasha Fierce” ,‫ במילים פשוטות‬.‫אגו” שלה‬-‫פירס “האלטר‬ ‫היא עשתה מה שאנחנו לא יכולים לעשות ללא‬ ‫ והעולם כולו נותר‬,‫ היא עברה שינוי גמור‬.‫הדרכתה‬ .‫ היא נתנה לנו את הכוח להשתנות בעצמנו‬.‫בוהה‬ ‫ומה נאמר על אלבום ההפתעה שלה מדצמבר‬ ‫שעבר? דבר מלבד שבמקרה של ביונסה אסור‬ ‫ מכיוון שהיא תפתיע אותנו כל פעם‬,‫לפתח ציפיות‬ ,‫ הרגשות שלנו כלפיה אינן בדיוק קנאה‬.‫מחדש‬ ,‫ עניין ואהבה – אהבה אליה‬,‫אלא שילוב של אושר‬ ‫ ההרכב הזה הוא המתכון‬.‫ לעצמנו‬,‫אבל חשוב מכך‬ ‫ או אמהות הכדורגל‬,‫ הזקנים‬,‫ כשהנוער‬.‫להצלחתה‬ ‫ בהשתקפות‬.‫ הם רואים מראה‬,‫מסתכלים על ביונסה‬ .‫ פנטסטית‬,‫ בטוחה‬,‫ חזקה‬:‫עומדת האימפריה שלה‬ 47


FRENCH

2014 : l’Année de la Transition Energétique dans l’Empire Français? by Iwona Chałuś, JE ’16 English translation provided by Accent Iwona discusses current energy policy in France, and more specifically President Holland’s pursuit of a new economic model based on energy independence in four domains.

A

u moment où notre société fait face à l’instabilité économique causée par la dernière crise financière, l’empire français prend plusieurs mesures pour assurer son indépendance énergétique. Annoncée en fanfare en septembre 2012, la transition énergétique devait être une empreinte du mandat de François Hollande. Cependant même si les premiers trimestres de l’année 2013 ont été assez maigres en réforme, il est certain que le débat national a réveillé l’opinion publique et a posé les bases pour un nouveau modèle énergétique en France. En 2014, ce processus va continuer et même se développer, bien que confronté aux nouveaux enjeux économiques et environnementaux. Voici ce qu’il ne faut pas manquer en 2014! A partir de janvier, tous les produits énergétiques taxés Le budget 2014 intègre plusieurs mesures visant à embellir la fiscalité française. Une des décisions qui suscite le plus d’émotions est la contribution climat énergie (CCE). A partir de janvier, tous les produits énergétiques, les bioénergies incluses, seront taxés en fonction de leurs émissions de carburants. Il ne faut 48

After the applause of the election victory of September 2012, President Holland announced an energy transition, which was expected to mark his presidency. Although the first semesters of 2013 brought few reforms, it is certain that the national debate has laid the foundations for a new economic model in France. In 2014, confronted by new economic and environmental challenges, the process of developing new energy policy for the French empire is expected to continue and perhaps accelerate. Here is what energy investors can expect in 2014. New taxes for all energy products With the beginning of 2014 came several new French measures aiming to embellish the government’s budget. One of the most debated decisions relates to the energetic climate contribution CCE (contribution climat énergie). CCE taxes are applicable to all energy products, including bioenergy, and are calculated to reflect their level of fuel emissions. These taxes


pas oublier que la fameuse CCE s’ajoute à l’actuelle taxe intérieure de consommation sur les produits énergétiques (TICPE), pour un montant de 7€ par tonne en 2014, puis 14,5€ en 2015 et 22€ en 2016. Il n’est pas étonnant que cette décision déplaît fortement aux producteurs de biocarburants ainsi qu’à la majorité des Français. Résultat : le tarif de l’électricité augmentera de 5% cet été 2014. Une hausse similaire a eu lieu le 1er juillet 2013 et il est inévitable que la facture énergétique des ménages augmentera aussi en 2015 et en 2016. Un coût du nucléaire plus transparent en juin? Pendant sa campagne, François Hollande a promis de réduire la contribution actuelle du nucléaire de 78 % à 50 % en 2025. La reprise du nucléaire est une décision économique qui exige une enquête profonde des coûts et des risques. C’est pour cette raison que la commission de la filière nucléaire a débuté ses analyses des coûts absolus en janvier. On attend son rapport au plus tard le 10 juin 2014. « Il ne s’agit pas de réécrire ceux [rapports] qui ont déjà été écrits », dit François Brottes, coprésident du groupe Énergies de l’Assemblée nationale. «Il nous faut également prendre en compte la dimension européenne, c’est-à-dire la façon dont on aborde ces sujets en Allemagne, en Grande Bretagne et en Belgique notamment », observe-t-il. En mettant en perspective les faits et les alternatives, ce rapport paraît capable d’informer les Français qui s’intéressent à ce problème mais restent perplexes quant aux déclarations très contradictoires et quant aux chiffrages contestés. Le rapport leur permettra de forger leurs propres opinions sans se laisser influencer pas les voix de l’industrie. De plus, le rapport servira aussi de première étape à l’arrêt de la centrale nucléaire de Fessenheim, en Alsace, dont le chef d’Etat a annoncé la fermeture d’ici la fin de l’année 2016. Plusieurs experts du secteur nucléaire estiment qu’au moins cinq ans sont nécessaires pour mettre à l’arrêt définitif une centrale nucléaire de ce type, ce qui n’a jamais été effectué en France jusqu’à présent. Les énergies renouvelables en hausse Hollande est un des partisans du développement massif des énergies renouvelables et de la diversification de sources d’approvisionnement. Même si presque deux ans après les élections son bilan est maigre, le Président a affirmé devant les députés que 2014 éclairera le quotidien du secteur photovoltaïque. Pour faire face à la crise du photovoltaïque entre 2010 et 2012, un appel d’offre photovoltaïque est prévu pour début 2014. Très attendu ensuite, il va garantir au moins 800 MW jusqu’en 2017. Dans la même veine, le 3e appel d’offre éolien offshore a été promis pour le 2ème trimestre 2014. C’est un premier pas destiné à clarifier le calendrier de déploiement des énergies marines renouvelables en France. Le fil rouge : le vote de la loi de transition François Hollande a plaidé pour une réduction de la consommation d’énergie finale de 50% pour 2050 afin de respecter les engagements climatiques de la France et de lutter contre le réchauffement climatique. Même si la France a déjà adapté les premières mesures en faveur d’une plus grande efficacité des logements, l’événement qui marquera 2014 sera la présentation et le vote de la grande loi de programmation sur la transition énergétique. Les inventeurs et les acteurs de l’industrie attendent des réponses pour un nouveau système de soutien ou non aux énergies renouvelables, le calendrier de fermeture des centrales nucléaires pour parvenir au but de 50% d’électricité nucléaire, les modalités de financement et les retombées sociales de la transition. La loi de transition énergétique doit notamment déterminer comment la France réalisera les engagements énergie-climat adoptés par l’Union Européenne en décembre 2008.

add to the existing consumption tax on energy products TICPE (taxe intérieure de consommation sur les produits énergétiques) for an amount of 7€ per tonne in 2014, then 14,5€ in 2015 and 22€ in 2016. Consequently, the electricity tariff will increase by 5% during the summer of 2014. A similar increase took place on July 1st, 2013. In addition, it is inevitable that the energy bills increase again in 2015 and in 2016. It is thus not surprising that both the producers of biofuel and the majority of the French population strongly disapprove of the new tax. The real cost of nuclear energy During his electoral campaign, Francois Holland promised to reduce the share of nuclear power in the national energy mix from 78% to 50% by 2025. In terms of economics, turning away from nuclear power is a decision which requires a thoughtful cost and benefit analysis. This is why a special commission began an investigation of the nuclear industry in January 2014. Its report, aiming to inform the French population about the absolute cost of nuclear energy, is to be published on June 10th 2014. Francois Brottes, co-president of the energy group at the national assembly, assures that “this is not about rewriting those [reports] which have already been written.” He says that “We now also want to take into account the European dimension, which entails studying the way in which we approach those subjects in Germany, the UK and Hollande observe: «Il nous faut most notably in Belgium.” This reégalement prendre en compte la port will thus help the French forge dimension européenne, c’est-à-dire their own opinla façon dont on aborde ces sujets ions without being influenced by en Allemagne, en Grande Bretagne the voices coming from within the et en Belgique notamment.» industry. Moreover, the report will serve as the first step toward the closure of Fessenheim nuclear power station in Alsace, which was announced by the head of state to take place before the end of 2016. Many experts of the nuclear field estimate that at least five years are necessary to close a nuclear power station. This is only a prediction, however, because Fessenheim will be the first power station of its type to ever be closed in France. Renewable energies on rise Hollande is a supporter of mass development of renewable energy and diversification of supply sources. Even though the results remain meager two years after his election, the French president said in front of the deputies that “2014 will clarify the everyday life of the photovoltaic sector.” To face the challenges created by the photovoltaic crisis between 2010 and 2012, an invitation to tender has been announced for 2014. It will guarantee at least 800 MW until 2017. Similarly, the third offshore Aeolian invitation to tender has been promised for the second semester of 2014. It is a first step, which aims to clarify the calendar of the deployment of renewable marine energy in France. The ultimate step: the vote for the transition law François pleaded to reduce by 50% the consumption of final energy for 2050 in order for France to respect the European climate commitments and fight against global warming. Even though France has already adapted the first measures in favor of greater efficiency, the event, which will mark 2014 will be the presentation of and the vote on the future of the transition policy. The investors in the energy industry are still waiting for answers about potential new support for renewable energy, the calendar of the closure of nuclear power stations and its financing, and for the social consequences of the transition. The energetic transition law will also determine how France will realize the climate-energy project adopted by the European Union in December 2008.

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FRENCH

L’empire de la Mode ou la Mode de l’Empire?

by Lillan Crabb, SY ‘16

An exploration of the political influences on fashion during the French Empire under Napoleon.

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ême si on veut penser à la mode comme étant une expression purement esthétique, il est peut-être plus intéressant de reconnaitre aussi les problèmes culturels et historiques qui concernent les tendances de la mode. Par exemple, entre la fin du 18e siècle et le début du 19e, une époque qui a produit des robes extrêmement belles, la mode était liée avec la politique et l’histoire. Je veux parler en particulier du style « Empire », dont le nom exprime nettement un lien avec un régime politique. Aujourd’hui, le style Empire rappelle l’architecture et les meubles. Puis, si on précise qu’il s’agit de la mode, on pense aux robes à la taille très haute, appelée la taille Empire, qui est le seul vestige de cette époque qui tient encore sa place dans notre langage contemporain. Mais même si le style Empire a perdu sa place dans le goût moderne, ou bien à cause de cela, je crois qu’il vaut la peine d’examiner les problèmes qui étaient en jeu dans la mode de cette époque. Peut-être qu’en regardant les tendances de cette période, on comprendra mieux la complexité de la mode ancienne ainsi qu’actuelle. D’abord, l’empire auquel ce style fait référence est le premier empire français sous Napoléon Ier. C’est surtout un style de robes pour les femmes soi-disant aristocratiques. La première femme de Napoléon, Joséphine de Beauharnais, a joué un rôle important dans la popularisation du style. La robe typique du style Empire est d’une couleur pale, surtout blanche. Ce qui la caractérise est le corsage haut et ajusté qui se termine juste au-dessous de la poitrine, ainsi que la jupe longue, légère, et fluide. A la différence des robes avant l’Empire, ce genre de 50

We might like to think of fashion as a pure expression of aesthetics or personal taste, but a consideration of the cultural and historical issues that have always surrounded fashion trends may enhance our understanding. I want to speak in particular about the so-called “Empire” style of early 19th century France whose name expresses very plainly its connection with a particular political regime. Today, this style evokes little more than the style of dress with a very high waist, now called the Empire waist, which is just about the only vestige of this period that has made its way into current fashion parlance. Although the Empire style has fallen out of the general public’s imagination, or indeed because of this, it will be valuable to examine the issues that were at play in this era of fashion. Perhaps by studying the trends of this period, we will be able to better understand the complex factors regarding fashion, both past and present. First, the empire that this style refers to is the first French empire under Napoleon I. Above all, this is a style of dress for women, especially the aristocratic women of the time— Napoleon’s first wife Josephine was one of the main proponents of the style. The typical Empire gown is pale in color, most often white. It is easily identified by its small, fitted bodice and high waist just below the bust which separates the bodice from a light, flowing floor-length skirt. The Empire dresses discarded the elaborate cage crinolines and petticoats of the previous generations in favor of


robe s’est débarrassé de tous les jupons et crinolines qui avaient autrefois soutenu la partie jupe d’une robe. Le style a été inspiré en partie par le Néoclassicisme qui dominait sous le règne de Napoléon, en général mais surtout dans l’art et l’architecture. On peut aussi voir des traces de tuniques et robes Romaines dans le tissu blanc et fluide des robes Empire. Ce style de robe n’était pas une nouvelle idée au début des années 1800. En fait, dans les années 1780, la célèbre reine Marie Antoinette a essayé de porter quelque chose de très similaire à la robe de l’Empire. Elle se sentait très confinée dans tous ses vêtements traditionnels, et elle a voulu commencer une nouvelle tradition de vêtements plus légers et libres (voir images no. 1 et 2). Deux peintures de Marie Antoinette par la peintre Elisabeth Louise Vigée-Lebrun montrent la différence au cours de cinq années : la première est plus ou moins un portrait royal typique, où la reine porte des vêtements très formels et élaborés, tandis que la deuxième montre la reine, selon ses propres vœux, dans un habit très simple appelé une gaulle. Cette deuxième peinture a causé un grand scandale quand elle a été montrée en public, parce que la robe de la reine était trop décontractée et légère – on disait qu’elle avait l’air d’une chemise de nuit. Pourquoi alors est-ce que ce portrait à causé tant d’outrage quand un style pareil serait porté par l’empresse sans scandale vingt ans plus tard ? En fait, c’est qu’un des plus importants évènements de l’histoire du monde s’est déroulé entre les années de Marie Antoinette et le premier empire : la Révolution Française. A partir de 1789, tout a changé en France, en particulier les relations entre l’aristocratie et le reste du peuple. Bref, le pouvoir de l’aristocratie a été sérieusement défié pour la première fois. Après des années de chaos, quand le peuple a accepté le règne de l’empereur Napoléon malgré les idées de la Révolution, la nouvelle aristocratie était consciente que sa position était fragile. Il n’aurait pas été possible de rétablir un régime comme celui d’avant la Révolution. Cela se voit dans le style Empire, que je comprends comme une réaction à la Révolution. Le style de robe qui était scandaleux quand Marie Antoinette l’a porté en 1783 était de rigueur pour la noblesse du règne de Napoléon I. Un portrait de l’empresse Joséphine en 1805, l’année après le sacre de Napoléon, la montre dans une robe très légère et décolletée, qui me semble un peu scandaleuse même de nos jours, sans parler du temps de Marie Antoinette (voir image no. 3). Joséphine et les autres femmes de la nouvelle cour de Napoléon ne voulaient pas se lier avec les aristocrates qui venaient d’être décapités en masse. Alors, elles ont choisies de s’habiller d’une manière complètement contraire. Ce qui était scandaleux vingt ans avant est devenu sans prétention sous l’Empire, une ère où la prétention était un crime fatal si on n’avait pas le pouvoir de se défendre. Je ne veux dire rien de certain au sujet de la mode actuelle, mais je crois qu’il serait intéressant de regarder la mode de nos jours sous un angle historique, en particulier en considérant ce style Empire et la dynamique culturelle avec qui il était si fermement lié. Bien sûr, dans le monde de la mode on n’a pas souffert de changement extrême de régime politique depuis la deuxième guerre mondiale, mais je vous encourage de chercher l’équivalent moderne, et d’être attentifs aux raisons diverses pour chaque tendance de mode, parce qu’il y a plus en jeu que seulement l’expression esthétique.

a loose skirt that barely skimmed the body. The style was based on classical models and thus in accord with the Neoclassicism that dominated Napoleon’s reign; this is why Empire dresses bear such a resemblance to the white, flowing Roman tunics and robes of the post-classical imagination. However, this kind of loose, liberating dress was not a new idea when it became popular at the beginning of the 19th century. In fact, the notorious French queen Marie Antoinette had tried to adopt a similar style in the 1780s, feeling confined in the oppressive, cage-like gowns that were then traditional reserved for royalty (see images 1 and 2). Two paintings of Marie Antoinette done by her close friend Elisabeth Louise Vigée-Lebrun demonstrate the difference of five years in her life: the first is a more or less typical royal portrait, with the queen dressed in a formal and elaborate dress, whereas the second shows the queen, according to her own wish, in a loose, thin dress that was informal to an unheard-of degree. The skimpiness of the dress caused quite a scandal when the painting was displayed in public—the people confused it with a nightgown. Why, then, did this portrait cause such a scandal, considering that twenty years later the empress would be wearing something even less substantial without any objections regarding her propriety? The answer lies in the short but hugely significant period of time between Marie Antoinette and the first empire, namely the French Revolution and its aftermath. From 1789 on, everything changed in France, but especially the relationship between the aristocracy and the rest of the people. In short, the power of the aristocracy was challenged seriously for the first time. After years of chaos and violence, when the people accepted Napoleon’s empire in spite of the ideas of the Revolution, the new aristocracy was very aware of its fragile position. It would not have been possible to reinstitute a regime like the one before the Revolution without serious and probably fatal consequences. This is evident in the Empire style, which I read as a reaction to the Revolution. The style of dress that was scandalous when Marie Antoinette wore it in 1783 became de rigueur for the nobility under the rule of Napoleon I. A portrait of the Empress Josephine in 1805, the year after Napoleon’s coronation, shows her in a low-cut, almost sheer pale dress that seems scandalous even by modern standards, not the mention the standards of Marie Antoinette’s time (see image 3). Josephine and the other women in Napoleon’s court wanted to avoid at all costs aligning themselves with the aristocrats who had suffered mass-decapitation in the all-too-recent years of the Revolution. Instead, they chose to dress themselves as differently as possible from the traditional, early Marie-Antoinette style. What was scandalous twenty years before became unpretentious under the Empire, an era in which pretention was a fatal crime unless one had the power to defend oneself. My point is not to make statements about current fashion based on a historical comparison, but rather to suggest the value of looking at current fashion through a historical lens, specifically considering the Empire style and the cultural dynamics with which it was so closely tied. We may not be recovering from any political upheavals on the scale of the French Revolution, but I encourage you to look for any modern equivalents, and to be on the lookout for the diverse influences behind every fashion trend. 51


BABEL

The Real Yale-NUS by Daniel Silverman, Yale-NUS ’17 As a student of Yale-NUS, Daniel gives his perspective on how the two universities are distinct and separate.

Y

ale-NUS embodies many definitions. Words that come to mind include innovative, diverse, and revolutionary. But “satellite” is not one of them. Yale and NUS both contributed massive amounts of time and energy into setting up the college and, as the name indicates, it is a joint venture. Nevertheless, despite a similar name and the role that Yale fulfilled, Yale-NUS cannot be considered part of the “Yale Empire” despite many having recently described Yale’s recent ventures to expand itself in an increasingly global world in this way. Whether Yale is taking part in the recent race among American universities to establish overseas campuses is one point of concern skeptics have about Yale-NUS. After all, Yale has lent its name to a school outside the US. However, YaleNUS doesn’t have the same relationship to Yale as actual satellite campuses have with their “mother campuses.” Yes, Yale-NUS students do have access to privileges previously only available to Yale students, the most notable one being able to participate in various Yale summer programs around the world. Additionally, Yale-NUS students have the option to study as a transfer student at Yale for up to year or spend a summer in Yale’s Summer School, thus allowing us to experience the New Haven campus itself. Yale-NUS’ Governing Board even includes Yale representatives nominated by the Yale Corporation. These benefits to Yale-NUS help attract prospective students and expand the opportunities for students willing to study in Singapore, but in no sense does Yale-NUS exist as a “Yale in Asia.” Satellite campuses, like NYU Abu Dhabi or Georgetown University in Qatar, were built to recreate the conditions and environment of their mother campuses in their respective host countries. Those who planned Yale-NUS, however, never intended to establish a Yale in Asia. To mirror Yale and its relationship with New Haven in an area outside the US would be difficult if not outright impossible. Both the Yale Corporation and Singaporean government were aware of that, which is one of the reasons why Yale-NUS doesn’t issue Yale degrees. One should view Yale-Yale. We have our own faculty, our own unique curriculum, and we plan to create our own vision for how a liberal arts undergraduate education should work. However, Yale-NUS is not alone as it spreads its wings and takes its first flight into the world of education. There is a mother bird that continues to oversee and guide Yale-NUS, but thatmother bird is NUS rather than Yale. As expressed in the Yale-

NUS charter, Yale-NUS is not an independent institution, but rather a school that exists as an autonomous institution within NUS. As reflected by our student cards, our future degrees, and whom we pay tuition to, Yale-NUS lies within NUS. While being an autonomous school within NUS rather than a separate institution altogether does raise some questions as to Yale-NUS’ own identity and institutional independence, there are also invaluable benefits that arise from the deal which allow Yale-NUS students to greater enhance their education. For example, Yale-NUS students have the opportunity to enroll in NUS courses in addition to what is found at Yale-NUS. As Yale-NUS discovers its own identity as an institution, we can count on NUS to lend us its expertise, facilities, and guidance. Thus, Yalies’ worries about any limitations that Yale-NUS could inflict on the New Haven campus can be put to rest. Yale’s interests or ambitions won’t conflict with commitments to Yale-NUS, nor will Yale’s policies be affected by Yale-NUS graduates since Yale-NUS alumni can only participate as non-voting observers in Yale’s alumni body. While Yale-NUS has stronger ties to NUS than Yale, Yale will always have a special relationship with us compared to other universities. In addition to sharing a name, Yale provides a vital service to YaleNUS by allowing Yale College applicants to simultaneously apply for Yale-NUS. Yale-NUS significantly depends on this option, because without it the diverse and talented student body we have today may not exist in the future. That is, until Yale-NUS develops its own reputation in the world. At the end of the day, Yale-NUS is still a new project. Like an adolescent who has yet to discover his or her own interests or identity, people must treat Yale-NUS with patience and understanding. Eventually, Yale-NUS will develop into a fully-grown institution with its own traditions and culture. But whatever Yale-NUS becomes, one thing it will not transform into is a Yale clone. Yale, by nature of its collaboration with NUS, will always have an influence over Yale-NUS. That influence will never be as great as that of NUS, but wherever Yale-NUS goes, Yale will undoubtedly be watching close by. We at Yale-NUS will always appreciate any opportunity to work with Yale, but we must stress to both Yale and the world that we are not a branch campus. The greater question at hand isn’t whether Yale-NUS is a part of Yale, but how the relationship between Yale and Yale-NUS will develop in the future.

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However, Yale-NUS doesn’t have the same relationship to Yale as actual satellite campuses have with their “mother campuses.”

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Photo courtesy of Daniel Silverman

Yale-NUS College: A Landmark by Walter Yeo, Yale-NUS ’17 Walter explores both his roles as a pioneer student of Yale-NUS and the relationships between the two universities.

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henever someone mentions the word “empire”, I instinctively think of Star Wars: The Empire Strikes Back and almost never associate the word with universities. It is such a culturally significant term commonly associated with Roman or Han, but with branch campuses like New York University Abu Dhabi and University College London Australia springing up all over the globe, it might good to relook the definition of empires to include the universities of today. After all, their graduates exert a comparable degree of influence on the world and its processes. Therefore, it is meaningful to consider what constitutes the “Yale Empire”, if any. The immediate consideration is the inaugural Yale-NUS College established in Singapore which is often confused as yet another branch campus. If you recall, its birth caused much debate both on the home front and in New Haven. But with regards to our affiliation, the Yale College Undergraduate Admissions page is quick to dispel any myth saying that “Yale-NUS is a fully residential liberal arts college in Singapore that is the result of a landmark collaboration between Yale University and the National University of Singapore”. The question is, do we feel excluded or offended that we are not considered an extension of Yale University? The answer for most Yale-NUS students would be a resounding: “of course not!” Yale University is a wonderful and beautiful place to pursue all kinds of interests – the paragon of higher-level education. Needless to say, I thoroughly enjoyed my sum-

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A classmate, Jared Yeo and I, calculated that every student in Yale-NUS has a 0.65 percent stake in the college. That statistic is just mind-blowing; nowhere else in the world can a student influence school policy or decide the outcome of every decision but here. 53


mer at Yale especially the series by Charles Hill and John Gaddis, both of whose work I had the privilege of reading while in school. Many of us at Yale-NUS hold fond memories of Berkeley College and her rector, Dr. Marvin Chun. Not forgetting the many midnight adventures to Mamoun’s, but there is even more to look forward to in an entirely new college that is not a branch campus. We are pioneers who have been trusted with the rare opportunity to build a college culture from the ground up. A classmate, Jared Yeo and I, calculated that every student in Yale-NUS has a 0.65 percent stake in the college. That statistic is just mind-blowing; nowhere else in the world can a student influence school policy or decide the outcome of every decision but here. It has been a thrilling journey, forming new clubs with all sorts of truly Singaporean acronyms that compress incredibly long titles like the Yale International Relations and Political Association into YIRPA or CAMPOS which is the Committee for Appreciating and Meeting People On-Site. That is not to say, however, that we do not have our fair share of ups and downs. The most recent hurdle included a decision on which type of student government to adopt – the most popular choice currently on the table resembles a Hunger Games-style of selecting a senate to run the government, dubbed the Silverman Games. This is precisely the kind of freedom which would not have been possible in a branch campus. Make no mistake, we have the full academic rigor of any other prestigious liberal arts college, just check with our Dean of Faculty, Prof. Charles Bailyn who hails from Yale Uni-

versity. We are an independent college which hasincorporated many of the best practices from Yale University and the National University of Singapore to create a brand of education which is uniquely ours. Not to mention, the numerous working relations between similar organization like YIRPA and YIRA. In many ways, this sums up our affiliation with both these great universities. Another classmate of mine, Rohan Naidu quite accurately quipped – “while we feel a strong connection to Yale University, it is more like a relationship between parent and child. The parent births you and then sends you off to boarding school so there is no direct “parenting” involved but the more than occasional postcard and inherited genetics to remind you of your parentage”. The “Yale Empire” definitely exists in other forms, possibly through its brand of education and the strength of its alumni. No one can doubt that Yale University produces batch after batch of remarkably gifted individuals who go on to achieve great things and impact positive change. From Hadden to Bush, they have all left their mark on this world and that trend is unlikely to change. The university serves as a platform for others to build on their network of talent and further their causes but I can safely say that Yale-NUS College is not one of its “colonies”. I wholeheartedly agree with the Yale College Undergraduate Admissions page when they describe as ���a landmark” collaboration between Yale University and the National University of Singapore” since our establishment is certainly a turning point in history.

Photo courtesy of Walter Yeo

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THE ACCENT TEAM

About Accent

For information regarding submissions, advertisements, or to give us feedback, please contact the editor-in-chief at: omegar.chavolla-zacarias@yale.edu Disclaimer This magazine is published by Yale College students, and Yale University is not responsible for its content. The opinions expressed by the contributors to Accent do not necessarily reflect those of its staff or advertisers. The magazine is run by the undergraduate student organization accent. the undergraduate multilingual magazine at Yale. This publication is supported by the Center for Language Study, the Council on Latin American & Iberian Studies, the Council on Middle East Studies, the European Studies Council, the German Department, the French Department, the Hebrew Program, and the Undergraduate Organizations Committee.

Editor-in-Chief Omegar Chavolla-Zacarias, BR ’16 Managing Editors Miranda Melcher, BR ’16 and Isidora Stankovic, TD ’16 Language Editors Arabic: Mohammad Alshahrani, PC ’17 Chinese: Eleanor Sun, MC ’17 French: Naima Hebrail, BK ’15 and Cordelia de Brosses, CC ’16 German: Nils Metter, ES ’17 Hebrew: Dor Mizrahi, SM ’16 and Dan Nahum, SM ’16 Italian: Simone Paci, PC ’17 Korean: Sang Ik Han, SM ’16 Portuguese: Adam Mahler, TD ’17 Russian: Daria Aven, MC ’16 Spanish: Lucia Baca, PC ’17 The Babel: Scott Remer, PC ’16 English Editors Eleanor Michotte, MC ’15, Ida Tsutsumi Acuna, SY ’15, Clarissa Marzán, PC ’14, Kevin Hwang, BK ’17, Jane Smyth, BR ’16, Gowri Kalugotla, BR ’16 Layout Vincent Tanutama, TD ’16 Website Angie Hanawa, ES ’15 Senior Editor Igor Mitschka, SY ’15 55


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Accent - Empire