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Volume : 01, Issue : 05, June-2013 A Bilingual Monthly www.allrights.co.in

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cæÇ÷Ø´˜æ Øæ ÙÚUâ´ãUæÚ?

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ÖæÚUÌ-Âæ·¤ çÚUàÌð ¥õÚU ©È¤ÙÌæ ÚUæcÅþßæÎ

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Emergency: The other Side of The story


COVER STORY

Modi aur PM? Kabhi nahi... A Bilingual Monthly VOLUME : 01, ISSUE : 05, JUNE - 2013

Advani was destined to be the game changer because he had no option left and this was his masterstroke that alienated Modi in the first place and brought the whole right-wing politics virtually on its knees. 28

ãUˆØæ ·¤æ çâhUæ´Ì ¥æñÚU...

Editor : Gopal Chandra Agarwal Executive Editor : Pankaj Shukla Consulting Editor : Vivek Pathak Contributers : Atul Srivastava, Independent Journalist Shashi Shekhar, Independent Journalist Rangnath Singh, Independent Journalist Umesh Chaturvedi, Independent Journalist Mukesh, Kumar, Senior Journalist Abhishek Srivastava, Independent Journalist Shamsul Islam, Associate Professor, Dept of Political Science Delhi University Anil Karnawal, Advocate, Supreme Court of India Ajay Lele, Research Fellow at the IDSA Praveen Kumar & Salam Bijen Singh (Graphic Designer) Bureau Offices : Ahmedabad : House No-0/12, Payal Flat, Judge Bunglow Road, Near Goyal Plaza Bodakdev, Ahmedabad380015, Gujarat Mumbai : Flat No, 112, Sai Prasad Housing Cooperative Society, MIDC Road-7, Andheri East, Mumbai400093 Lucknow : Flat No- 404, A- Block, Laplas Colony, Shahnafaz Road, Lucknow-226001, Uttar Pradesh

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Kolkata : House No-3/11, Ghosh Bagan, Kolkata700002, West Bengal Patna : Sarojani Villa, Near Prafull Plaza Apartment, Makhania Kuan Road, Patna-800004, Bihar

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Bhopal : 33, 34 Sudama, KK Nagar, Near Fortune Enclave Sarvdharm Sector-D, Bhopal-462042, (M.P.) www.allrights.co.in, Write us at editorallrights@gmail.com Owner, Editor, Printer & Publisher : Gopal Chandra Agarwal

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»éÙæãUæð´ ·¤æ ÎðßÌæ ×Ù×æðãUÙ Of Education and Democracy in India

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Published At : 17, Maurya Complex B-28, Subhash Chowk, Laxmi Nagar Delhi-110092, Phone: 011-42147246, Printed At : Neeta Press, Shed No. 19, D.S.I.D.C. Indl. Complex Dakshinpuri, New Delhi- 110062

Lost Opportunity !

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Cyber Security Dilemma

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The views expressed by authors are personal and do not necessarily reflect views of All Rights. The magazine is protected under copyright laws, all Content, unless stated, is owned by All Rights and its content providers and may not be used in any form without prior consent. The jurisdiction for all disputes concerning sale, subscription and published matter will be settled in courts/forum/tribunals at Delhi. RNI NO. DELBIL/2013/48560 Postal Reg. No. DL(E)-20/5427/2013-15

¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁêÙ-2013

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LETTERS Sh. CK Mathew, Chief Secretary, Government of Rajasthan, Jaipur Dear Sir, This is in continuance of our telephonic conversation regarding provision of temporary housing to the 23 persons belonging to six families who have come to Jaipur in the last five months from Umerkot, in Sindh province of Pakistan due to deteriorating conditions of the minorities and their existence in fear there. Some came in January 2013 and others came in March. They all arrived in India via the Thar Express which they boarded from Mirpur and first came to Jodhpur before moving to Jaipur. They are mostly on visitors and pilgrimage Indian visas. At your behest the Secretary of the Jaipur Development Authority Mr. Bishnu Mallick even called us up and met us. However, there is no plan at the level of the JDA to provide for this category of refugees. There is a provision of giving a plot of land to those who get citizenship, as was given to 12 families who were granted citizenship in 2001 and 2005, last year in Govindpura JDA colony. However, the whole process of obtaining citizenship is so tedious that despite staying well beyond the minimum seven year period required for citizenship, there are thousands who are still waiting for a nationality. After obtaining citizenship the next step of obtaining a plot of land and other benefits take even longer time. Even today many of the Gobindpura families have not got possession of their piece of land. The minorities of Pakistan come with a lot of hope to India after ceasing all ties with their fellow beings including their homes, farms, fields and their home country. It is sad to see that till date the issue of their housing, work permits and leading a life with dignity in India has not been resolved at our end. We hold both the Government of India and Government of Rajasthan responsible for this as these families face a lot of harassment due to the arbitrary rules and regulations that we have in India. These refugees mostly end up in the dehumanised transit camps running in Jodhpur and around where 7000 Pak refugees are living there for years together, as their Indian Status has not been decided upon. A few end up like the above six with relatives in different parts of Rajasthan including Jaipur or in the State of Haryana where there are 300 families in just Sirsa or in Punjab. Please treat this letter as our plea is for this group of 23 who have has just arrived and want to live with dignity in India. ALL RIGHTS

¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â ÁêÙ-2013

With regards, Kavita Srivastava (General Secretary) PUCL, Rajasthan Dear All, My daughter Preeti died after she was attacked with acid in Mumbai. She was attacked in broad daylight at Bandra Station in Mumbai on 2nd May this year. Her eyes were damaged, her liver and kidneys got infected and she endured crucifying pain for almost a month. She put up a brave fight but eventually gave in to her injuries and infection. She left us after suffering a cardiac arrest on 1st June 2013. We still don’t know who attacked her. The efforts made by the Maharashtra Government to investigate my daughter’s case have failed. That’s why I am asking the Union Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde to order a CBI probe and find out who fatally attacked my daughter. Preeti left Delhi with the hope of starting a new life as a nurse in the Indian Navy. She worked very hard to get this job so that she could support us. But her excitement and enthusiasm was cut short due to an act of madness by a maniac. I lost my daughter Preeti to a ghastly acid attack. She was attacked in broad daylight at Bandra Station in Mumbai on 2nd May this year. She suffered severe injuries on her face and internal organs. Her eyes were damaged, her liver and kidneys got infected and she endured crucifying pain for almost a month. She put up a brave fight but eventually gave in to her injuries and infection. She left us after suffering a cardiac arrest on 1st June 2013. It has been a month since the attack and the culprit is still at large. Nobody knows who he is as his face was covered during the incident. The police has not made any headway yet. I demand justice for my daughter who suffered so much because of this criminal. After my daughter passed away, I met the home minister of Maharashtra, R.R.Patil, and demanded a CBI enquiry. He promised an enquiry but I have not been provided with any time frame for it. The enquiry has not even started yet. With every passing day, the chance of nabbing the culprit is getting bleaker. I have started this petition to ensure that the Home Minister keeps his promise and the enquiry is started as soon as possible. Preeti was about to start a new life as a nurse in the Indian Navy. She worked very hard to get this job so that she could support us. But her excitement and enthusiasm was cut short due to an act of madness by a maniac. Looking forward to your support, Amar Singh Rathi 04


EDITORIAL

The contest between secular and

Communal India By Seema Mustafa

T

he Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has finally subsumed the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). By installing Gujarat Chief Minister Mr Narendra Modi as the symbol of Hindutva, the RSS has done to death whatever little pretensions the BJP might have had of wooing the minorities, or, at least, presenting a more liberal, less communal face. In doing so, the RSS, in its limited wisdom, has decided to take the BJP back to the roots of its birth wherein it seeks to replace democratic, secular India with a ‘Hindu nation’. The last few days have revealed a great deal really. One, the obvious, that all is not well in the BJP, with party stalwart Mr LK Advani leading a revolt of sorts to prevent himself from being marginalised. His decision to resign had the RSS and BJP leaders running to make peace and, in the process, Mr Advani endorsed Mr Modi’s elevation in the party but also ensured that he was kept in the loop. It is no secret that Mr Advani was not being consulted by the RSS on matters of top urgency and the details of the current pact suggest that he will not be so totally sidelined now. Secondly, it is clear that the RSS now finds in Mr Modi all that it lost with the Babri Masjid and more. The demolition of the mosque had left the RSS and the BJP without an issue, and efforts to milk it over subsequent years had failed considerably as the mosque was no more. The disarray visible in the BJP over the last few years is a direct result of this absence of effective symbols and issues. Mr Modi symbolises all that the BJP had lost, in that he has the credentials that make him an effective symbol. He comes from a Hindutva background and demonstrated it in 2002, when hundreds of Muslims were killed under his watch in Gujarat: he gives the impression of being a ruthless administrator and a disciplinarian; and he has the personality and the support from the influential corporate and media sectors that place him ahead of all other competitors. Third, his apparent popularity, at least in some sections of society, have encouraged the 05

RSS to discard its no-one-individual rule to embrace the individual Mr Modi and allow him to breathe larger-than-life air into the balloon that is being created for national consumption. Four, the RSS trusts Mr Modi to take the hard right ideology forward to a point where a Hindu state at least does not appear as just a mirage in the distance, and begins to acquire some contours of reality. And five, in the RSS assessment, the BJP has a chance of winning the next elections only under Mr Modi, and no chance at all without him. The patience of yesteryear RSS leaders has been replaced by the impatient younger lot today, who have decided to ride roughshod over anyone (and this includes Mr Advani) who has reservations about Mr Modi and are determined to push the BJP to take a real shot at winning the elections. The general elections will thus be fought by the RSS as it strives to place its man in the seat of power. The RSS sees in Mr Modi the magic bullet that it hopes to turn the tide with; but there is still little indication that he is regarded as such by the Indian masses living outside Delhi. Except for one regional party, namely the AIADMK, that has praised Mr Modi, the others are all keeping a distance, with some like the Biju Janata Dal and the JD(U) trying to place themselves in a prepoll advantageous position to benefit from the counterreaction that is bound to follow Modi’s high-pitch campaign across the country. The RSS is thus playing for high stakes in the hope it will win what is little more than a gamble at this stage. It has thrust a highly divisive individual to lead the BJP in the general elections, to test the waters as it were. It is using the gambit of development and growth and good administration to hide an essentially Hindutva agenda, with the drum beating by the media and big industry creating the necessary smokescreen. The contest thus is not between a Modi and a Rahul (Gandhi), or between an Advani and a Modi; it is between secular India and communal India with the vote in 2104 determining the direction of the nation’s polity.n - Guest Editor ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁêÙ-2013

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·¤æ çãÌ Â„çßÌ-ÂéçcÂÌ ·ñ¤âð ãô â·¤Ìæ ãñ? âßæÜ Øã Öè ç·¤ ¥»ÚU §Ù ÁÙçßÚUôÏè çßÚUôÏè ÙèçÌØô´ ·Ô¤ çÜ° ×Ù×ôãÙ çâ´ã çÁ×ðÎæÚU ãñ´U, Ìô çȤÚU âôçÙØæ »æ´Ïè €UØô´ Ùãè´? àæèàæð ·¤è ÌÚUã âæȤ ãñ ç·¤ ©Ù·Ô¤ ÙðÌëˆß ßæÜè ÚUæCUþèØ âÜæã·¤æÚU ÂçÚUáÎ ãè âÚU·¤æÚU ·¤æ ×æ»üÎàæüÙ ·¤ÚUÌè ãñÐ ÁßæÕÎðãè çÁÌÙè ×Ù×ôãÙ çâ´ã ·¤è ãñ ©ÌÙè ãè âôçÙØæ »æ´Ïè ·¤è Öè ãñUÐ ¥æç¹ÚU ç·¤âè çâP¤ð ·¤æ °·¤ ãè ÂãÜê ¹ôÅUæ ·ñ¤âð ãô â·¤Ìæ ãñ? ×Ù×ôãÙ çâ´ã Îâ ÁÙÂÍ ·Ô¤ ÂýçÌ çÙDæßæÙ ãñ´Ð ¥ÂÙð ¥æ¿ÚU‡æÃØßãæÚU âð ·¤§ü ÕæÚU Âý×æç‡æÌ ·¤ÚU ¿é·Ô¤ ãñ´Ð °ðâð ×ð´ Øã ·¤ãÙæ ç·¤ âôçÙØæ »æ´Ïè ×ÙÚUð»æ ·¤æ×»æÚUô´ ·¤ô ‹ØêÙÌ× ßðÌÙ ÎðÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ° ÚUæÁè ãñ´ ¥õÚU ×Ù×ôãÙ çâ´ã §â·Ô¤ ç¹ÜæȤ ãñ´ çßEæâØô‚Ø Ùãè´ ãñÐ â´Öß ãè Ùãè´ ç·¤ âôçÙØæ »æ´Ïè ç·¤âè ØôÁÙæ ¥õÚU ÙèçÌ ×ð´ ¥ÂÙè çÎÜ¿SÂè çι水 ¥õÚU ×Ù×ôãÙ çâ´ã ©âð ¥×ÜèÁæ×æ Ù ÂãÙæ°´Ð â‘¿æ§ü Ìô Øã ãñ ç·¤ ×ÙÚU»ð æ âð Üð·¤ÚU âê¿Ùæ ¥çÏ·¤æÚU ·¤æÙêÙ âÖè ·¤ô Üæ»ê ·¤ÚUÙð ·¤æ çÙ‡æüØ âôçÙØæ »æ´Ïè ·¤è ¥ŠØÿæÌæ ßæÜè ÚUæCUþèØ ðâÜæã·¤æÚU ÂçÚUáÎ mæÚUæ çÜØæ »ØæÐ ×Ù×ôãÙ çâ´ã ¹éÎ ·¤§ü ÕæÚU §â·¤æ ŸæðØ âôçÙØæ »´æÏè ·¤ô Îð ¿é·Ô¤ ãñ´Ð °ðâð ×ð´ ¥L¤‡ææ ÚUæØ ·¤æ ×Ù×ôãÙ çâ´ã ·¤ô ÅUæÚU»ðÅU ·¤ÚU âôçÙØæ »æ´Ïè ·¤è ÌæÚUèȤô´ ·¤æ ÂéÜ Õæ´ÏÙæ °ðâæ ƒææÜ×ðÜÂê‡æü àæ»Ü ãñ çÁâ×ð´ â‘¿æ§ü ·Ô¤ ÕÁæ° °·¤ ¥Ü» ç·¤S× ·Ô¤ áÇØ´˜æ ·¤è Õê ¥æÌè ãñÐ Ü»Ìæ ãñ ·¤æ´»ýðâ §â ÙÌèÁð ÂÚU Âãé´¿ ¿é·¤è ãñ âÚU·¤æÚU ·¤è âæ¹ ç×^è ×ð´ ç×ÜÙð ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ ¥Õ ·¤æ´»ðýâ ¥ŠØÿæ âôçÙØæ »æ´Ïè ·¤è âæ¹ Õ¿æÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ° ×Ù×ôãÙ çâ´ã ·¤ô Ùæ·¤æÚUæ âæçÕÌ ·¤ÚUÙæ ÁM¤ÚUè ãñÐ àææØÎ §âè ÚU‡æÙèçÌ ·Ô¤ ÌãÌ âôçÙØæ »æ´Ïè ¥õÚU ×Ù×ôãÙ çâ´ã ·Ô¤ Õè¿ ÂýæØôçÁÌ ×ÌÖðÎ ·¤ô ãßæ Îè Áæ ÚUãè ãñÐ çâh ·¤ÚUÙð ·¤è ·¤ôçàæàæ ·¤è Áæ ÚUãè ãñ ç·¤ ØêÂè° âÚU·¤æÚU ·¤è Ùæ·¤æ×è ·Ô¤ çÜ° °·¤×æ˜æ Îôáè ×Ù×ôãÙ çâ´ã ãñ´, Ù ç·¤ âôçÙØæ »æ´ÏèÐ ¥ã× âßæÜ Øã ãñ ç·¤ ·¤æ´»ýðâ ×Ù×ôãÙ çâ´ã ·¤ô »éÙæãô´ ·¤æ ÎðßÌæ ÆãÚUæ·¤ÚU ©Ùâð ¥ÂÙæ ç嫂 ÀéǸæÙæ €UØô´ ¿æã ÚUãè ãñ, €UØæ ßð ÙÚUçâ´ãæ ÚUæß ·¤è ÌÚUã ·¤æ´»ýðâ ·Ô¤ çÜ° ÕôÛæ âæçÕÌ ãôÙð Ü»ð ãñ´ Øæ ·¤æ´»ýðâ ·¤ô ÇÚU âÌæ ÚUãæ ãñ ç·¤ ßð ØéßÚUæÁ ÚUæãéÜ »æ´Ïè ·Ô¤ çÜ° ¿éÙõÌè ÕÙ â·¤Ìð ãñ´Ð â¿ Áô Öè ãô, Üðç·¤Ù §ââð âã×Ì ãôÙæ ·¤çÆÙ ãñ ç·¤ ×Ù×ôãÙ


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ÏæÚU ÎðÙð ·Ô¤ çÜ° ·¤æ´»ýðâ ×Ù×ôãÙ ¥õÚU âôçÙØæ ·Ô¤ Õè¿ ×ÌÖðÎ ·¤è Ùè´ß ¹Ç¸æ ·¤ÚU ÚUãè ãñÐ ×Ù×ôãÙ çâ´ã ÂÚU ¥L¤‡ææ ÚUæØ ·Ô¤ ßæÚU ·¤ô §âè â´ÎÖü ×ð´ Îð¹æ ÁæÙæ ¿æçã°Ð ¥‹ØÍæ €UØæ ßÁã ãñ ç·¤ ¥L¤‡ææ ÚUæØ ·¤æ ·¤æØü·¤æÜ xv קü ·¤ô ÁÕ â×æ# ãô ÚUãæ Íæ ÌÕ Îô çÎÙ ÂãÜð ©‹ãð´ §SÌèȤæ ÎðÙð ¥õÚU ×Ù×ôãÙ çâ´ã ÂÚU ã×Üæ ÕôÜÙð °ß´ âôçÙØæ »æ´Ïè ·¤è ÌæÚUèȤ ·¤ÚUÙð ·¤è ÁM¤ÚUÌ ÂǸèÐ ¥»ÚU °ðâæ ·¤éÀ Ùãè´ Ìô çȤÚU €UØô´ Ùãè´ ·¤æ´»ðýâ ¥õÚU âÚU·¤æÚU ·Ô¤ Ùé×槴Îð °·¤ SßÚU ×ð´ ¥L¤‡ææ ÚUæØ ·Ô¤ ¥æÚUôÂô´ ·¤ô çÙÚUæÏæÚU ÕÌæ ©Ù·¤æ ÂýçÌ·¤æÚU ·¤ÚU ÚUãð ãñ´Ð âôçÙØæ »æ´Ïè €UØô´ ¿é ãñ´, ¥·Ô¤Üð ÂýÏæÙ×´˜æè ·¤ô €UØô´ âȤæ§ü ÎðÙè ÂǸ ÚUãè ãñ ç·¤ ©Ù·Ô¤ ¥õÚU ·¤æ´»ýðâ ¥ŠØÿæ ·Ô¤ Õè¿ ·¤ô§ü ×ÌÖðÎ Ùãè´ ãñ´Ð ÉðÚUô´ °ðâð Âý×æ‡æ ãñ´ Áô ÂéC ·¤ÚUÌð ãñ´ ç·¤ ·¤æ´»ýðâ ¥Õ ×Ù×ôãÙ çâ´ã ¥õÚU âôçÙØæ »æ´Ïè ·Ô¤ Õè¿ °·¤ ßñ¿æçÚU·¤ ÎêÚUè çιæÙæ ¿æãÌè ãñÐ ßã âæçÕÌ ·¤ÚUÙæ ¿æãÌè ãñ ç·¤ ÖýCæ¿æÚU ¥õÚU ƒæôÅUæÜô´ ·¤ô Üð·¤ÚU ÂýÏæÙ×´˜æè ÖÜð â´Áèλè Ù çιæÌð ãô´, Üðç·¤Ù âôçÙØæ »æ´Ïè â´ßðÎÙàæèÜ ãñ´Ð çÂÀÜð çÎÙô´ ·¤æÙêÙ ×´˜æè ¥õÚU ÚUÜ ð ×´˜æè ·Ô¤ §SÌèÈÔ¤ ·Ô¤ â´ÎÖü ×ð´ ß㠧⠹ðÜ ·¤ô ¹ðÜÌè Öè Îð¹è »ØèÐ âôçÙØæ »æ´Ïè ·¤è ÂýÏæÙ×´˜æè âð ×éÜæ·¤æÌ ·Ô¤ ÕæÎ ãè ÎôÙô´ ×´ç˜æØô´ ·¤æ §SÌèȤæ ãô »ØæÐ ØæÙè â´Îðàæ çÎØæ »Øæ ç·¤ ÂýÏæÙ×´˜æè ×´ç˜æØô´ ·¤æ Õ¿æß ·¤ÚU ÚUãð Íð, ÁÕç·¤ âôçÙØæ »æ´Ïè §âð ÕÎæüàÌ ·¤ÚUÙð ·¤ô ÌñØæÚU Ùãè´ Íè, ÂÚU ×õ´Áê âßæÜ Øã ãñ ç·¤ €UØæ áÇ÷Ø´˜æ ·¤è ÚUæã ·¤Ç¸·¤ÚU ·¤æ´»ýðâ ¥ÂÙð ç×àæÙ ×ð´ ·¤æ×ØæÕ ãô â·¤Ìè ãñÐ n

(Üð¹·¤ SßÌ´˜æ ˜淤æÚU ãñU´Ð)

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COVER STORY

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n the backdrop of Narendra Modi's political rise and hence the melodramatic resignation of BJP patriarch Lal Krishna Advani as well as divorce with 17-year old ally JD(U), whatever is being unfolded in the run-up to India's 2014 Lok Sabha elections may be termed as "the most significant episode of post-independence history of world's largest democracy". It would be very interesting to play an analogy with "the most significant play of 20th century", i.e. Samuel Beckett's absurdist play Waiting for Godot which depicts two characters, Vladimir and Estragon, wait endlessly and in vain for the arrival of someone named Godot , whom they only know by reputation. Here we have two characters named Advani and Modi, the Godot being the PM's chair. We have seen Advani's long wait and now it's tiime for Narendra Modi. Why? All Rights brings you a convincing explanation as to why Narendra Modi cannot become the Prime Minister of India.n

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Advani was destined to be the game changer because he had no option left and this was his masterstroke that alienated Modi in the first place and brought the whole right-wing politics virtually on its knees.

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t has been quite some time I am playing a gimmick during my journeys in the hinterland, the most interesting being my return journey from Darbhanga to Delhi in the first week of April by Gareebrath. It was a usual scene where some fellow travellers BY Abhishek Srivastava gathered close and started debating national politics. As the conversation heated up, I intervened and asked them to forget whatever they have suffered in the hands of Congress during last few years and just repeat the slogan after me, "Modi ko lana hai, desh ko bachana hai"! And lo and behold! Everyone was shocked with a pale face! One Jha ji (as they usually prefer to say in that part) responded with much indifference, "Naa... Modi gadbad hai bhaiji". I asked him to explain but he was not clear in his response. Although everyone present there nodded positively that Modi was not "good"! What shapes the public perception of a leader? Why Modi is not "good"? It is not a single instance of a single journey. Right from Kolkata and Jharkhand to Maharashtra via UP in the last few ALL RIGHTS

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months, what I have witnessed was a grim response whenever I tried to repeat my favorite facebook slogan in any informal public gathering. People seemed to blink their eyes in suspicion when I raised my thermometer. Obviously, seats are important, political equations and allies do play a role in deciding who would run the next government but as far as the race to 7, RCR is concerned, it's all about realpolitik. And the realpolitik lies in peoples' perception because that eventually plays an important role on the day they come out to vote. Take the case of a reporter going to interview a senior UPA minister last month. He asked about the role of Modi in Bihar politics and the minister replied, "When Modi will go to address an election rally in Bihar, voters will first ask which caste he comes from". That is another issue altogether, but proves a point. Just try to recall whatever has been said about Narendra Modi, the celebrated Gujarat CM, until date. Starting from a press conference of Uma Bharti last September where she referred to him as "Vinaash Purush" (terminator) and ending up with JDU's Shivanand Tiwari who said last Sun-


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day, "His body pores speak of his arrogancy(e)". Modi is polarising; Modi is a non-issue; Modi is "Bhasmasur"; Modi is fascist; Modi is a doubleedged sword; Modi is this and Modi is that! So, Narendra Modi is everything except BJP's prime ministerial candidate (BJP has not yet announced this and paid heavy price too!). It was a costly monsoon onset for BJP that has lost the credibility of a cementing figure like Lal Krishna Advani and 17-year-old political ally JDU at a single stroke. In fact, Modi was never so alien in the party as well as on national scenario before the high drama of Advani's resignation rolled in. It all started in Goa when on the last day of National Executive, team Rajnath Singh uninterestingly announced his anointment as the head of BJP's Poll Campaign Committee on the behest of Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh that infuriated Advani and he resigned the very next day. It was a day for Advani as it was a day for Modi the day before. Advani was destined to be the game changer because he had no option left and this was his masterstroke that alienated Modi in the first place and brought the whole right-wing politics virtually on its knees. If Advani had not 29

stepped back, it would be an entirely different scenario but he never resigned to do so. Rather a very calculated risk-taking that immediately catapulted him back to the waiting PM slot, albeit with a reduced credibility and on the other hand helped him frame a sustained perception among the traditional BJP voters and TV viewing urban middle class that Modi is not "good". The same mass perception was projected in JDU-BJP episode although anointment of Modi was the "internal matter of BJP" for JDU before Advani crisis. It may be a reporter's delight to talk of "comparatively secular" Advani and "comparatively communal" Modi in JDU's context, but people never see things in this light. Realpolitik always searches for the culprit, the one on which onus of all mishaps may be placed. There is no need to say that the onus of this twin debacle (if it may be termed so) of Advani and JDU lies with Narendra Modi and people are very clear about this. And this is the situation when Modi becomes more alien! Sonia Gandhi was technically alien for this country's polity, but she was an intrinsic part of Gandhi-Nehru family. That is why Sharad Pawar who had formed NCP on this issue is part of UPA government today. Advani used to be alien when the "all-encompassing" Atal Bihari Vajpayee was in scene but he has fought tooth and nail during the last decade to dilute his communal image and get himself lost in the crowd, although with no success and still waiting. Just imagine this: there is a "parivaar" and a "party" in Congress since times immemorial. This bipolar arrangement has been successful in sustaining many a governments at the center and creating facade wheneverrequired politically. Advani being the most experienced politician in this country as of now had already understood this formula a decade back when Manmohan Singh was made PM and one Mrs. Pratibha Devi Singh Patil was appointed the President of this largest democracy out of the blue. People never objected to this choice because they already knew that an individual is always insignificant in this diarchy. It may be an interesting analogy with age old Indian idiom, "Koi Nrip hoye hamein ka haani". But the idiom has an ulterior meaning too, that the king must not be a devil! "Whoever is the king" may accept the most vegetative individual but the devil. In the last decade or so, Advani has tried to create this individual-free diarchy in the right-wing too. Before the rise of Modi, Advani was just a senior most face in the crowd of a multi-leader party where Sushma Swaraj, Arun Jaitley, Yashwant Sinha, Jaswant Singh all seemed equally competitive and hence intrinsically interwined ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â ÁêÙ-2013

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COVER STORY tionship between RSS and BJP, almost like with the party-parivaar duo (parivaar is obviGandhi family and Congress. It is a coincidence ously Sangh). To say the least, Advani took leads that culmination of this process of homogeneity from Congress and had basically "congressified" in Indian politics and rise of Narendra Modi at the BJP in the years after Vajpayee's fall. Minus the national level had almost the same timing. It Modi, BJP is also just a "parivaar" and a "party". may be said that the Modi factor was juxtaposed Now, content was always the same. BJP when to a BJP-Congress culture (homogeneous political came to power showed that it was none other culture) that is synonymous to a communal force than Congress in terms of economic and developagainst a neo-secular combine. Here only Modi ment policy. It is easy to compare both in policycomes as an aberration, an exception! The "devil"making if we take into account the central that is by default excluded in the age old indian government run by UPA and states run by BJP. abstraction. Be it FDI or Indo-US nuclear deal, there has alThere have been many a popular icons in the ways been a consensus among both. It is not accipast who have challenged the dental that once FICCI invites claimed omnipotence of kings Narendra Modi to address its with a slight turn of wit. The stomeeting, its sister body ASries around these popular icons SOCHAM tracks Rahul Gandhi for were apocryphal but they rethe same. After all, who is so dumb minded that there is a power behead in this country to get lost in Narendra Modi must yond the relam of kings. One of the machination of treating two better understand that them was Hodja from the Turkish rival carrots with one stick? It is a known fact that the BJP and Conthe gravy of power is not lands of Asiawho laughed at wealth and authority. Acclaimed gress led governments are essenfor individual, it is for journalist MJ Akbar once recalled tially run by corporates, be it in the the finery that he wears. a story in one of his columns center or the states. It is a sorry situation for Indian communists who which I would like here to reiterTo dip his furcoat into have tried hard since many years ate. Hodja wasonce invited to dinthe bowl of Hindustani to convince people that there is no ner by a rich man in the city of potpourri, he needs to difference between Congress and Aksehir,and found no one paid atBJP in terms of policy and charactention to him because he was get rid of the human ter i.e. in terms of content but peoinhis normal clothes. He went skin overcoat, And that ple never responded with such a home, changed into finery, reovercoat is not essenconvinced mindset as has been the turnedand found he was offered case after AAP's (Aam Aadmi tially in his wardrobe. It the best food. He dippedthe botParty) recent revelations in the case tom of his fur coat into gravy and is in peoples' minds. of Gadkari and Mukesh Ambani. cried, “My dear coat,eat! This food The rise of urban middle class acis for you, not me.” tivism against overspilling corrupWhat is the morale of this story tion in recent years is a direct result here? It took twenty years after of sharpening contradictions beBabri for Advani to change his tween Congress and BJP that has clothes that befitted the Indian socome full circle now. Once the party with "differcial curry and transform BJP as well as himself ence" had lost its sheen way back in 2004 when into an acceptable entity. It will take another the national mandate belied all psephologists, twenty years or more for Narendra Modi to do so even Congress had not imagined its victory then. because the fabric of Indian society is changing But it was the precious voter who had rejected very fast due to information dissemination mediBJP because the said elements of "difference" reums and technology. Narendra Modi must better mained unfulfilled and the only difference beunderstand that the gravy of power is not for intween two largest parties of this parliamentary dividual, it is for the finery that he wears. To dip polity remained in their "form", not "content". his furcoat into the bowl of Hindustani potpourri, This was the vantage point for Advani. In a he needs to get rid of the human skin overcoat, complex process of love and hate relationship beAnd that overcoat is not essentially in his tween "party" and "parivaar", Advani achieved wardrobe. It is in peoples' minds. n two goals since 2004. First, he diluted his persona. Obviously he had no control over his wrinkling cheaks, but he had the ability to compromise his (Author is a noted independent journalist and political stature in the crowd of aspirant PM's in an avid traveller. He may be contacted at waiting. Secondly, he established a smooth relaguruabhishek@gmail.com) ALL RIGHTS

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Narendra Modi On Sardar Patel: Putting Goebbels To Shame Dead persons do not speak, and Sardar Patel cannot appear to put across the truth. However, contemporary documents show that Modi's and the Hindutva camp's love for Sardar Patel is based on lies. Sardar Patel hated Hindutva politics and was the person who imposed the first ban on the RSS. The February 4, 1948 communique issued by the Home Ministry headed by Sardar Patel banning the RSS was self-explanatory. BY Shamsul Islam

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ujarat Chief Minister and Hindutva icon Narendra Modi, while inaugurating an all-India conference on livestock and dairy development on June 11, 2013 in Gandhinagar, announced a nation-wide campaign to collect small pieces of iron from farmers and use them to build a ‘Statue of Unity’ in memory of Sardar ALL RIGHTS

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Vallabhbhai Patel, the first interior minister of independent India in Nehru’s cabinet. He announced, “On the day of Sardar Patel’s birth anniversary on October 31, 2013, we will launch a nation-wide campaign, covering more than five lakh villages throughout the country, to collect small pieces of iron of any tool used by farmers from each village, that will be used in the building of the statue.” This ‘Statue of Unity’ is to be the tallest statue on Earth: the 182 metres (392 feet) tall


statue of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel — the Iron Man — will be built opposite the Sardar Sarovar Dam over the Narmada river in south Gujarat. Modi lamented the fact that architect of modern India, “Sardar Patel brought the nation together. But gradually his memories are fading away” and went on to declare that “to reinvigorate his memory and as a fitting tribute to the Iron Man of India, we are building this statue, which will be double in height than the Statue of Liberty in New York.” He also reminded the audience that “Sardar Patel was also a farmer who was instrumental in bringing farmers into the freedom struggle.” This grandiose project of Gujarat Chief Minister, Narendra Modi, who is an RSS whole-timer, raises a few pertinent issues. He was inaugurating a national conference on livestock and dairying, both of which are passing through a very critical phase due to famine, corporatization of agricultural land and high costs. The well-being of livestock and dairying is essentially connected with the well-being of farmers. According to official data, in the last one decade, on an average, one Indian farmer committed suicide every 40 minutes due to debt, sub-standard seeds/manure, high costs and scarcity of water, to name only few of the endless problems. In the same decade millions of head of cattle have perished due to famine, shrinking pas-

ture lands and handing over fertile lands to business houses and builder mafias. Dairy products have become luxury items beyond the reach of common Indians. India leads the world in having the largest number of undernourished children and women. Shockingly, Modi had no comments on this worsening scenario. Modi’s love for Sardar Patel is intriguing for many reasons. Patel was a Congress leader who, inspired by Gandhi’s principle of non-violence, led a great and very powerful movement of farmers at Bardoli taluka in 1928. This is known as the Bardoli Satyagraha and the then pro-British English Press described it as “Bolshevism in Bardoli” and Patel as its “Lenin.” Patel was awarded the title 'Sardar' after this heroic struggle. This peasants’ movement started against the extortionate lagan imposed by the British rulers and landlords and selling of large tracts of agricultural land to moneybags of Bombay. Sardar Patel led the movement but he had devoted Congressmen/women workers, both Hindus & Muslims, like Imam Saheb Abdul Kadir, Uttamchand Deepchand Shah, Mohanlal Kameshwar Pandya, Bhaktiba Desai, Darbar Gopaldas Desai, Meethubehn Petit, Jugatrambhai Dave, Surajbehn Mehta, Umar Sobani and Phoolchand Kavi, who challenged the colonial masters and their henchmen at the ground level. One important fact to be noted is that the Hindu 35

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COVER STORY Mahasabha and the RSS, which existed during this period, kept aloof from this historical struggle. Modi’s co-option of Patel, who was a prominent Congress leader of the anti-British freedom struggle, is part of a ploy of the Hindutva camp to be seen as part of the freedom movement despite having betrayed it. This kind of co-option game is likely to succeed, as the Congress as a party has become indifferent to its anti-colonial legacy. Dead persons do not speak, and Sardar Patel cannot appear to put across the truth. However, contemporary documents show that Modi's and the Hindutva camp's love for Sardar Patel is based on lies. Sardar Patel hated Hindutva politics and was the person who imposed the first ban on the RSS. The February 4, 1948 communique issued by the Home Ministry headed by Sardar Patel banning the RSS was self-explanatory: “In their resolution of February 2, 1948 the Government of India declared their determination to root out the forces of hate and violence that are at work in our country and imperil the freedom of the Nation and darken her fair name. In pursuance of this policy the Government of India have decided to declare unlawful the RSS.” The communique went on to say that the ban on the RSS was imposed because “Undesirable and even dangerous activities have been carried on by members of the Sangh. It has been found that in several parts of the country individual members of the RSS have indulged in acts of violence involving arson, robbery, dacoity, and murder and have collected illicit arms and ammunition. They have been found circulating leaflets exhorting people to resort to terrorist methods, to collect firearms, to create disaffection against the government and suborn the police and the military.” It was Sardar Patel who, as Home Minister, did not hesitate in telling the then supremo of the RSS, Guru Golwalkar, that his organization was responsible for killing Gandhi and instigating violence. In a letter written to Golwalkar, dated 11 September 1948, Sardar Patel stated: “Organizing the Hindus and helping them is one thing but going in for revenge for its sufferings on innocent and helpless men, women and children is quite another thing… Apart from this, their opposition to the Congress, that too of such virulence, disregarding all considerations of personality, decency or decorum, created a kind of unrest among the people. All their speeches were full of communal poison. It was not necessary to spread poison in order to enthuse the Hindus and organize for their protection. As a final result of the poison, the country had to suffer the sacrifice of the invaluable life of Gandhiji. Even an iota of the sympathy of the Government, or of the people, no more remained for the RSS. In fact oppoALL RIGHTS

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sition grew. Opposition turned more severe, when the RSS men expressed joy and distributed sweets after Gandhiji’s death. Under these conditions it became inevitable for the Government to take action against the RSS… Since then, over six months have elapsed. We had hoped that after this lapse of time, with full and proper consideration the RSS persons would come to the right path. But from the reports that come to me, it is evident that attempts to put fresh life into their same old activities are afoot.” Sardar Patel continued hammering the fact that the Hindutva brigade collectively was responsible for the murder of Gandhi. In a letter to Nehru dated February 27, 1948, he wrote, “It was a fanatical wing of the Hindu Mahasabha directly under Savarkar that hatched the conspiracy and saw it through. It also appears that conspiracy was limited to some ten men… Of course, his [Gandhiji’s] assassination was welcomed by those of the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha who were strongly opposed to his way of thinking and to his policy.” Sardar Patel stressed the same fact in his letter to a prominent leader of the Hindu Mahasabha, Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, on July 18, 1948: “As regards the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha, the case relating to Gandhiji’s murder is sub-judice and I should not like to say anything about the participation of the two organizations, but our reports do confirm that, as a result of the activities of these two bodies, particularly the former, an atmosphere was created in the country in which such a ghastly tragedy became possible. There is no doubt in my mind that the extreme section of the Hindu Mahasabha was involved in the conspiracy. The activities of the RSS constituted a clear threat to the existence of Government and the State. Our reports show that those activities, despite the ban, have not died down. Indeed, as time has marched on, the RSS circles are becoming more defiant and are indulging in their subversive activities in an increasing measure.” Despite all these facts, Narendra Modi claims to love Sardar Patel. It only shows that Modi has no qualms about resorting to deceits for selfish gains. Sardar Patel is a ready-made heroic figure. Modi does not have to manufacture him. He and the RSS have only to hide the fact that the man was opposed to their organization and had acted against it, and then, by what can only be called theft, proceed to make him one of their own. This defiance of historical fact is characteristic of the strategy of the Hindutva camp. Goebbels is dead, long live Modi. n (Shamsul Islam is Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Satyawati College, University of Delhi.notoinjustice@gmail.com)


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Ishrat Jahan Case So at long last it would be Modi who would get the rarest of the rare punishment. This syllogism holds on the basis of the twists of events so far. That may not be just an individual affair of the ruler because several officers of IB are involved and hence the agency will have a new sobriquet of apparatus of rogues and thugs presided over by Modi.

Was Modi Involved ? F

inally it is out Modi was behind the fake encounter of Ishrat Jahan Calling IB as Intelligence Bureau of rogues and thugs and Modi playing in their hands may not go down well with the upstarts chanting NaMo for the post of the prime minister because he is worse than Pol Pot. The chief minister of Gujarat was a pal of Rajendra Kumar of IB whose brief he accepted and ordered the police to let Hindus take revenge on Muslims in 2002 and again got Ishrat Jahan killed in fake encounter in 2004. Haren Pandya’s murder would now be laid at the door of the chief minister. Under the ruse of democracy and ‘India First’ rather than avowal of secularism enshrined in the constitution he ruled the state as the enemy of the constitution. What is the differ37

ence between him sworn to uphold the constitution of India and Lt Col Prasad Pur0ohit sworn to uphold the same and yet secretly planning to rescind the constitution? Purohit’s secret alliance with the Israelis and Modi’s subscription to Apco makes them birds of the same feather. I have often called Modi as a real time avenger. He was in touch with Rajendra Kumar now a special director of IB but then joint director in 2004; during the real time fake encounter on June 15 2004 he had called and talked 40 times with Kumar. “If the job of the IB is just to pass information which they had done a month ago, why was Kumar constantly in touch with ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â ÁêÙ-2013

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COVER STORY the Chief Minister’s office[on the day of the fake encounter]?” What surely threatens to tighten the noose around Modi’s neck is : “There are witnesses to prove that he[Kumar] was with officers like DG Vanzara just few days before the encounter.” Vanzara was the closest senior police officer of the Home Minister Modi. Remember Kumar it was who had cajoled RB Sreekumar to accept the conspiracy theory that the accidental fire in Sabarmati Express was the work of ISI of Pakistan. IB’s intrusion in the administration of Gujarat was like the tail wagging the dog. We know physical motor action where a stimulus in the brain leads to an action like the hand lifting or fingers picking anything. The phone of the main public prosecutor was connected with the home department of the state government of Gujarat. The Home Minister of Gujarat is and was no other than the Chief Minister Narendra Modi. This was the case in the night of June 14, 2004 when Ishrat Jahan was killed. Her dead body with those of the others would be dumped at the fake encounter spot several hours later when it would be morning wee hours of June 15. As if this was not enough the phone of the main public prosecutor Sudhir Brahmbhatt had been in direct line of communication with the home ministry for days together. Thus this single instance of crime against humanity emanated from the home ministry of the state of Gujarat. The Crime Branch and the main public prosecutor were also inleague. Dur-

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ing the pendency of the case the branch wanted the case to be closed in unseemly hurry but the prosecution was lingering it with the excuse that the absconders in the case who helped Ishrat Jahan were not traceable. How could they when they were incarcerated in a Jammu and Kashmir jail. The police officers making investigation into the fake encounter were Dy SPs Narendra Amin, Tarun Barot, J G Parmar and police inspector Bharat Patel. They did not bother to take into custody the absconders who were very much available for prosecution in the jail in J&K. Furthermore the four were also not arranged accused. This is quid pro quo in which the consent of thehighest police officers like Commissioner of Police Kaushik and Modi was inevitable. Modi may be too sharp to go on record but then this give and take in such a serious matter cannot be done without his consent. If the arrangement was done through Amit Shah, junior minister in the home department then Modi’s confidence in him speaks of close connectivity of Modi in the crime. The spy network of Shivaji helped Modi to know instantly what was happening


around. He flaunted how he could see from his chair an octroi peon collecting toll. This watch may deter the peon but watching Haren Pandya was the last straw on the back of the camel. He must have been counseled by Rajendra Kumar to have Pandya liquidated. The widow of Pandya, Jagruty had not so far openly blamed Modi and used the means of her party BJP and its patriarch Advani to give justice to her. However her telling that Kumar had also generated false intelligence report that led o the killing of her husband confirms her father in law’s strong belief that it was after all a political murder. There can be no other rival as fatal as Modi. Modi did not spare Ahsan Jafri so would he spare Pandya? Ishrat Jahan led to

this new angle. Shooting through the testicle of Pandya could have been done by a sharp shooter and that was Tulsiram Prajapati. To wipe out Tulsiram the arrangement was made at the highest level between Amit Shah and Modi. So at long last it would be Modi who would get the rarest of the rare punishment. This syllogism holds on the basis of the twists of events so far. That may not be just an individual affair of the ruler because several officers of IB are involved and hence the agency will have a new sobriquet of apparatus of rogues and thugs presided over by Modi. Even then there is a catch: directly involved police officers alone will again shield the political bosses. So the need to vet: "We have got CDRs 39

(call data records) of cellphones of some of the police officers to show that they were involved in the plot until the last minute, although they may not have been physically present at the site of the fake encounter.” Modi was not present at the site but such an operation could not have been undertaken without his knowledge. If he is exempted so will have to be the Commissioner of Police Kaushik who knew in advance that the fake encounter was to take place. GL Singhal was to shoot Ishrat Jahan with AK 47 supplied by IB and Modi to shield him. n (This peice has been adopted from a chapter from a book called 'Ishrat Jahan, the girl sacrificed at the altar of a Hindutva Moloch' authored by Mustafa Khan) ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â ÁêÙ-2013

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Indira Gandhi made several informal pacts with JP. But the mutual distrust and personality traits, ego clashes failed these pacts and prevented Indira Gandhi and JP to come together.

Emergency

The other Side of

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OPINION BY Krupakar Manukonda

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ots of articles had been written on Emergency, and are still being written. But rarely any of them tells both sides of the story. True, Emergency was one of the darkest periods in our post Independence history. There were too many excesses. Civil rights were suspended, press was censored and their offices attacked. Even leaders were arrested. On the record, 1,10,000 people were detained under Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA) and even MISA was amended to extend the duration of detention from 6 months to 2 years. Like with any other story, there would always be two sides with one convenient side getting too much attention. Let us examine the events that led to the imposition of emergency. As noted historian Bipan Chandra gives an account: Responsible for the rising discontent and political unrest of the years 1973-1975 were several factors. Two-successive crop failures, economic recession, rising defence expenditure, growing unemployment, rampant inflation and scarcity of foodstuffs and other essential goods created a serious economic crisis. By 1973-74, the strikes, protests, gheraos and bandhs, bus burnings were quite common. The state governments failed to handle the situation properly and took recourse to police and paramilitary forces to deal with popular protests, sometimes calling out army to help. In 1973, Uttar Pradesh witnessed an unprecedented mutiny by an armed force of the state. Several units of the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) rebelled and clashed with the army leading to the death of over 35 constables and soldiers. Chief Minister, Kamalapati Tripati, was asked to resign and President’s rule was imposed. In 1974 and 1975, India witnessed extralegal agitation politics to remove duly constituted ministries and dissolve legislatures. The only factors that united the leaders were antiCongressism, persistent frustration and hunger for power. JP (Jai Prakash Narain) supported the students’ movement to dissolve Gujarat assembly, which had the support of 140 members in the house of 168! Protests turned violent, property looted, buses burnt and houses of leaders attacked. In a gruesome incident, a Congress leader was stripped naked and forced to walk from village to village. Lathi-charges and police firings resulted in death of more than 100 41

and injured 3000. At this time, Indira Gandhi surrendered to the twin fasts of Morarji Desai, one on to dissolve assembly and another to advance election. It was not clear as to why Morarji Desai couldn’t wait for another six months when elections were due in any case! After elections, unable to get majority, Morarji Desai took the support of Chimanbhai Patel, the very person against whom all this agitation was initiated.

Inspired by the success of Gujarat, similar agitation was started in Bihar. The demands were same: to dismiss a democratically elected government. Violence and looting were very common. At one point of time, JP even proclaimed that he could declare his own elections and run parallel governments. JP asked students to give up a year of their studies and participate in “Total Revolution” to “save democracy”. He also asked the government servants not to work and citizens not to pay taxes. Hindustan Times on 1st of April 1975 reported JP addressing students, “At an appropriate hour, I will give orders to army and police to revolt against the Congress rulers.” a statement which he “categorically” denied ever making (20 April, 1975 Everyman’s Published interview). Indira Gandhi made several informal pacts with JP. But the mutual distrust and personality traits, ego clashes failed these pacts and pre¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁêÙ-2013

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OPINION vented Indira Gandhi and JP to come together. On 1st November, in a final attempt to arrive at a mutual understanding, JP and Indira Gandhi decided to meet face to face. Though willing to discuss issues as electoral reforms and corruption and also to agree to the dismissal of the Bihar ministry and the suspension of Bihar assembly, if assured of no similar demand in other states, she was adamant about not dissolving the assembly. This was JP’s main operational demand and the talks failed. Indira Gandhi now decided to challenge and ruthlessly suppresses JP. While JP continued his agitation, addressing Kurukshetra audience, he said, “I want you to see to it that this Haryana Chief Minister and the regime headed by Smt. Indira Gandhi at the Centre is dislodged” The final blow for Indira Gandhi came in the form of court (Allahabad High Court) judgment which annulled her election and disqualified her from contesting for six years, with vacation Judge further complicating the judgment. Instead of resigning and waiting for the hearing in SC, she went by the advice of the Congressmen, who pledged their full support for her to continue in office in a resolution passed by Jagjivan Ram and endorsed by Y.B.Chavan. Thereafter, the government shifted into the hands of Sanjay Gandhi and even top bureaucrats began taking orders from him. Soon, there were sprees of arresting top leaders, forced sterilization (which reached 8.1 million at a time), slum demolitions, Income tax raids, and attacks on press. Arguably, it was the biggest repression after Independence. Ramchandra Guha has to say this in Sanjay Gandhi’s death: It is very important and interesting to note that in South India, where Sanjay Gandhi’s influence didn’t spread, people by and large endorsed emergency. Congress lost very few seats in the entire south India in the elections conducted just after emergency. Ramchandra Guha writes, While doing research on Indira Gandhi’s Emergency, I found

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a report by a senior New York Times journalist on those years spent by us Indians under that lady’s dictatorship. This reporter, J. Anthony Lukacs, found that the Emergency was widely hailed by the middle-class, who compared it favourably with the strife-torn decade that had preceded it: years that saw the Naxalite upsurge, the great railway strike, the Bihar and Gujarat movements, and Jayaprakash Narayan’s all-India campaign of civil disobedience. But now that strikes and dharnas had been outlawed, the crime rate had come down and the trains ran on time. A good monsoon in 1975 meant that prices also fell. Lukacs was told by an official in Delhi that it was only foreigners who cared for such things as the freedom of expression. ‘We are tired of being the workshop of failed democracy’, said the official: ‘The time has come to exchange some of our vaunted individual rights for some economic development’. Many columnists would like us to believe that Indira Gandhi was suffocated with protests during emergency. Far from truth,


OPINION even JP didn’t believe this. He, in fact, blamed the people for not acting enough. In his words: The past year has shown that the people are still ignorant of and unconcerned about their rights and duties as citizens of an Independent and democratic country … Had the people been conscious of their rights, in spite of the emergency there would have been countrywide protests and demonstrations… Perhaps there is something in out character of the Indian people that makes it easy for our rulers, even when they are democratically elected, to frighten us into submission. The supine manner in which people with few exceptions reacted to Mrs. Gandhi’s draconian measures of the 26th June 1975 and thereafter is a proof of this weakness in our character. The emergency movement also highlights how, JP, far from being a leader was very indecisive and a person without conviction. A person, who called for a total revolution, now goes for a diametrically opposite view. Look at excerpts from Prison Dairy: As I look at it, the primary role of an oppo-

sition in a parliamentary democracy is to endeavour to replace the ruling party through election process. Between elections the opposition works as an Opposition to the government in Parliament and through propaganda, constructive work, peaceful demonstrations and other useful democratic means of winning public support, on the one hand; and by putting public pressure on the Government, on the other, the opposition tries to enlarge its sphere of influence over the electorate as well as being relief to sections of the public who many have been adversely affected by administrative and legal action.”

In an interview to Swaraj, he said: I think I would not have gone as far as noncooperation, non-payment of land and other taxes, which I advocated, but would have paid more attention to elections and preparing for them… I did not realize that the result of my advocacy (of direct action) would be that the country would be saddled with dictatorship. This is extremely funny, had he realized this a year before, there would not have been any civil disobedience movements or the need to impose emergency. The events were well summarized by Rajni Kothari, here: This piece is just to give a background to Emergency. Note, I don’t intend to defend imposition of emergency by any means, but just to caution that there is another side of story and Indira Gandhi didn’t impose emergency on a country which was calmly busy watching IPL (an equivalent at that time) and she didn’t know what to do in a strategic time out, something which many columnists would like us to believe. Narendra Modi said in an interview to the Times of India, “Eternal Vigilance is the price of liberty.” Of course, he is right, but our vigilance should extend not only to ruling class but also to the forces who with their unlimited hunger for power tend to overthrow duly elected governments some times “In the name of democracy”, some times “In the name of religion”, and some times “In the name of Corruption”. n (Please Note: All the quotes and references in this article are from the book “In the name of Democracy JP Movement and the Emergency.) (Author is a Software Engineer and policy analyst at Takshashila Institution.)

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GOVERNANCE

Lost Opportunity ! The present bill pending before Parliament falls short of giving the CBI independent character. It looks that both major political parties, the Congress and the BJP, do not want the agency to have teeth. I do not know how far other parties want the agency to be independent. In any case, the CBI has lost the opportunity to become viable.

By Kuldeep Nayar

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elieve it or not, the Supreme Court gave the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) an opportunity to be independent in one of the matters before it, asking the agency why it was not independent. Yet the CBI failed to grab the chance with both hands. It had a foolproof case against Law Minister Ashwani Kumar when he amended the report on the coal blocks allotment scandal. The government’s blatant interference resulted in a “corrected draft,” exactly the way the Law Minister wanted the report to be. The Supreme Court said that the CBI had “shaken the system” and it expected the agency to give its independent verdict on the probe. But it did not beALL RIGHTS

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cause the agency realized that it would have meant opposing the government. Apparently, it was the failure of both the CBI and the government. They could have seen to it that the agency would have its own say. Now that it has lost the chance to be viable, the way out for the government is to make the CBI independent. The present bill pending before Parliament falls short of giving the CBI independent character. It looks that both major political parties, the Congress and the BJP, do not want the agency to have teeth. I do 44

not know how far other parties want the agency to be independent. In any case, the CBI has lost the opportunity to become viable. Corruption still gets most attention in Indian politics. The present government at the centre beats all records in scandals. Never before did the CBI have so many eyes riveted on it and what comes out again and again is the inadequacy of its powers. The reason, simply put, is that the CBI realizes the extent of independence it can exercise in the present set up. The law minister’s argument that he has not


GOVERNANCE committed any wrong by vetting the report as his ministry has been the authorized legal adviser of the agency sounds hollow. However, every time a scam tumbles out of the government’s cupboard, there is a familiar exercise that follows. The CBI is asked to conduct a probe. But when the agency remains a department of the government and part of the system, doubts about its functioning cannot be brushed aside. Several former director of the CBI have written articles and books to show how they were given instructions from above to decide a case in a particular way. In the entire scenario, it is difficult to say whether or not Prime Minister Manmohan Singh had been briefed. Because of his clean record in public life, we come to infer that he did not know. It is probable, if not possible, that such a situation did obtain and that Manmohan Singh knew what was happening under his nose. But then you expect some heads to roll when the scams come to light and particularly when you can spot out the officials in the loop. Why has no one been punished till today and why has nothing concrete emerged after practically every investigation? This doesn’t surprise me at all. The party has confronted with several such situations before and had weathered them all without much ado or damage to its existence. Yet what the Ashwani Kumar and, of late, Railway Minister Pawan Kumar Bansal, episodes have brought to the fore is that even before one controversy dies down, there is another one waiting to catch the administration on the wrong foot. No government since independence has been as badly batteredand shattered as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s has been. But there is a certain pattern to the CBI-law minister controversy. As was to be expected, the Congress first dismissed the accusation and then issued a perfunctory explanation before finally admitting that the law minister did go through the report and suggest some changes to it. But for the three-judge bench, which ordered CBI director Ranjit Sinha to file an affidavit, the actual behind-the-scene activities would not have come to light, although we know the agency always functioned under the influence of the government of the day. Hence, the confession by the CBI director before the Supreme Court that “the investigation agency does not exist in isolation” is no revelation. However, Sinha’s admission has let the cat out of the bag. We knew that institutions like the CBI have been devalued over a period of time. And it is the government which has its last word on a charge-sheet because of political power. Even 45

with the Supreme Court breathing down its neck, there have been several instances where the CBI’s investigations have remained questionable. In fact, political parties have their own views and positions on ways and means to improve the efficiency and accountability of the CBI. But no government has been ever willing to give up its administrative controversy over the agency. Take the case of the BJP, the main opposition party. It did create a ruckus in parliament over the issue, demanding the resignation of Ashwani Kumar. So did the other parties with their leaders baying for his blood. But we have not seen anybody making concrete proposals to insulate the CBI from government interference. In a way, it is good that the apex court is seized of the entire matter and is determined to liberate the agency from the clutches of the government. But it remains to be seen what structure it would recommend to give the CBI full freedom. Unfortunately, the government does not seem to be even sorry for what has happened to revive faith in governance. Some ministers try to explain things “in proper perspective.” Yet what the Manmohan Singh government does not realise is the yawning trust deficit: none of its claims is accepted, none of its explanation is considered credible and none of its action is taken seriously. It is thus the loss of faith which has put a question mark against every segment of the administration. n (Author is a veteran journalist.)

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EDUCATION

Linkages with Proposed Four Year Undergraudate Programme in Delhi University

Of Education and Democracy in India By Preeti Chauhan

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ow that the cat is out of the bag and finally the Four Year Undergraduate Programme (FYUP) is being criticised and thereby being discussed by some of the leading scholars of the country, one needs to also think of its relationship with the current state of democracy in India. The manner in which the FYUP is being pushed through in the Delhi University crushes the very idea of a university and with it the ideals and ideas of democracy. Even if one assumes and believes that the Academic Congress held last year in the university gave the go-ahead to change the existing Three Year Undergraduate Programme to the FYUP and frame courses accordingly, then also the way the university administration has functioned goes against the very values that the University of Delhi or for that matter any university is supposed to promote. It is being repeated ad nauseum not only by the Delhi University administration but now by the MHRD as well that wide consultations were carried out, all stakeholders were consulted and procedures were followed without answering the numerous questions so poignantly raised by some ALL RIGHTS

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of the best minds in education in India: why was the entry to the Academic Congress restricted, why were Staff Council resolutions and opinions not sought on this, why was no GBM on the FYUP held in all the departments? Why has no heed been paid to the resolutions sent by Staff Associations of around 32 colleges rejecting the FYUP? Can anybody answer: why did the VC not meet the agitating teachers when they sat on relay hunger strike for 53 days right in front of his office and why were letters sent off for deducting the salaries of teachers who sat on strike taking leaves or even on gazetted holidays? And now the VC has also reportedly told Principals to announce in their colleges (it was announced in the Staff Council meeting of the college I teach in) that no Staff Association can send their resolutions or opinions against what the university is deciding and if they do, action would be taken against the office-bearers and teachers who sign on these resolutions. What can one see in this? Is it not an open intimidation and coercion to say ‘yes’ or face the wrath? Does it not amount to threatening the teachers to be silent and let destruction be done? Nobody still knows how the ‘task force’ to frame the FYUP was constituted. This is how the consultations took place and consensus about the FYUP was gener-


ated, and it is with this thin base of ‘consultation’ and ‘consensus’ the FYUP is ready to be implemented in the coming session in the Delhi University, a university having 17 faculties, more than 80 departments and 77 affiliated colleges. It does not need special intelligence to conclude that a university this big in size and catering to lakhs of students from diverse backgrounds needs more than a year or two to think through the nature and content of academic reforms as well as the kind of courses being proposed. These cannot be made in a months’ time as has been done and on some nonverifiable grounds of future employability. What is important to underline here is that this kind of behaviour, of flagrant violation of procedures, of not engaging in dialogue and debate, of threatening the dissenters, is not new to our polity; the uniqueness of course is that it has even reached and penetrated the university. All these signs have been plaguing democracy in India for some years now where time and again policy decisions have been taken without consulting the people on whose name this democracy runs, where representatives of people behave as representatives of corporate houses promoting their interests, where Bills are passed in Parliament without discussions, where numbers have become 47

synonymous with democracy. But alas, democracy cannot be reduced to majority rule and therefore the argument that the Academic Council and the Executive Council have passed the FYUP cannot be a mark of its righteousness. The constitution of the AC and especially the EC calls for reforms as the EC is a nominated body except for two elected members from amongst the teaching community. And because no GBMs or Staff Council meetings have taken place on the FYUP, Heads of different Departments and Principals of colleges cannot claim to represent the consensus on the FYUP in the AC. Democracy demands that even a lone voice be heard and registered and when so many teachers and scholars are raising their concerns on the FYUP, the Delhi University needs to pause and debate seriously. People who are proposing the FYUP might have some arguments but these have barely been thrashed out in public with an open mind of persuasion and reason. Such far-reaching changes in any democratic set-up have to be brought about through wider consultations and dialogue between people holding diverse opinions. It is not only about the haste with which the FYUP is being pushed through but also about its usefulness in the Indian setting. The MHRD is put¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁêÙ-2013

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ting the cart before the horse by saying that objections are being raised only at the speed with which the FYUP is being implemented for one cannot predict the outcome of the debate and dialogue if at all the FYUP is reviewed. This is but setting the agenda in favour of the FYUP and presenting it as a fait accompli. The recent remarks by the MHRD that it is not in favour of intervention to halt the FYUP and thereby setting a wrong precedent of interference in an autonomous institution is an oxymoron for such a big change overhauling and digressing from the existing national policy on education and that too in one of the most reputed and biggest Central universities of India cannot but be with the active backing of the MHRD and Central Government. Concerns voiced ALL RIGHTS

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by well-meaning intellectuals and different sections of the teaching community range from the design of the FYUP to the procedural lapses in the constitution of the syllabi designing bodies and the course content being insensitive towards different strata of the society, including the differently abled. These point towards the surreptitious character of the change sought to be enforced. The stop-gap responses of the DU administration towards such suggestions as, for instance, dropping the nomenclature of the degrees to be awarded from Baccalaureate to Bachelors and Diploma further cements the perception that the change being proposed has not been well thought through and is muddled. There are scores of such instances which can be chronicled 48

and have been pointed out by many, the latest in the series being a one-day consultative meeting with the teachers on May 12 to fix the foundation courses. A day, and consultations and improvements in the foundation courses seem to be over! That on that very day around the same time a Delhi University Teachers’ Association (DUTA) GBM, held in the open in Ramjas College, after being denied permission to use its auditorium, rejected the FYUP has not cut any ice with anybody in the university administration or the government speaks volumes about the disregard for any consultation with people having an alternative view on the FYUP. This again confirms the ongoing trend of reducing the teachers, one of the most important link between students and education, to a voiceless agency made to carry out the ‘reforms’ being rolled out from above. It is also indicative of the larger environment of disdain towards trade union activism and their demands, which are mostly perceived as obstructionist than holding alternative notions of development and reforms. True, change is resisted and is being resisted in this case as well but equally true is the fact that change which takes us backward to destroy an established public educational institution like the Delhi University needs to be resisted. Democracy and democratic systems and institutions might also need some ‘yes men and women’ for their functioning but they start malfunctioning with only a cacophony of these voices around. In other words, democracy will die without debate, dissent and deliberations and so will the Delhi University.n (Preeti Chauhan is an Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Lakshmibai College, University of Delhi.)


ECONOMY

Keep the steroids, or else…

India has not created any exit policies for the stimulus packages it initiated during a crisis.

twenty years, meaning, we export far less than we import. Last year, we were short by $190 billion. , which is 19 followed by way too many zeroes. We make up some of this through the export of software and from foreign remittances. We are still left with a big hole, called the Current Account Deficit (CAD) – $90 billion last year (or 5 percent of our GDP). If this was the end of the story, we would see the rupee depreciate every single year, and that would eventually cause imports to drop and exports to rise and balance the equation. But it’s not the end of the story. Foreigners pump in money into our stocks and bonds, and that brings in dollars; the exchange rate remains the same. For ten years between 2002 and 2012 foreign investors invested in India, keeping the exchange rate between Rs 40 and Rs 48 to a US Dollar. This was our steroid. Instead of using the incoming foreign exchange in to make better stuff that other countries might want, or building infrastructure that would make local goods more competitive compared to importing them or even making the rupee

by Deepak Shenoy

W

e are addicted. We are on steroids. We are now going to face the music.A steroid reduces your immune response and thus the pain that it causes; the initial doses give you relief but after a while, your body forgets to protect itself and demands the drug instead. It reacts violently if you stop or forget a dose. Drugs like cocaine and even tobacco behave similarly – after some time, a single dose doesn’t feel great, but the lack of it causes serious withdrawal symptoms.In a lot of ways, our economic system has been on steroids. You have to keep getting the drug, or you’ll collapse. Case 1: The panic drop of the rupee India’s been a net importer for the last 49

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ECONOMY stronger as an international currency, we chose to fritter it all away and the import-export gap kept widening. The first sign of a break down was in the second half of 2011, when foreign investors began to exit in the wake of scams and the lack of any progress on reforms. Within a few months, the dollar had appreciated by more than 20 percent. Luckily Some worldwide panic happened alongside and The western economies too decided to print massive amounts of their currencies, some of which flowed to India and given the relative sizes, even that little was enough to bring the dollar back up. And then, 2013 happened. After a few months of massive inflows, the foreign investors stopped their buying. In a few days in the month of June, the rupee collapsed to an exchange rate of nearly Rs. 59. You didn’t need foreign investors to actually exit – you just needed them to stop investing further – that itself was enough to bring down

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the pack of cards. The foreign dollar investment inflow was our steroid. We should have used it to make ourselves more competitive. Instead we kept relying on labour arbitrage (textiles, diamonds, outsourcing) rather than on climbing up the value chain and building high quality brands the world would have wanted. We did not need to improve: if Indians abroad kept sending packets of money back home, if foreign investors kept investing, why bother innovating? And then, It wasn’t that foreign investors pulled out. It was just that they stopped investing for one month; effectively, stopping the drug that kept our exchange rate stable. Case 2: QE “Tapers” The world is on steroids as well. The US is printing a ludicrous amount of money – $85 billion per month – to ensure that their economy stays put. Japan is doing the equivalent of $75 billion, to somehow introduce inflation. Yet,

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all that they managed to do – the third time for the US and the second for Japan – was to make the world feel good for a few months. It became so crazy that Markets would rejoice on bad news – knowing that more money printing would happen, and slump on bad news. And recently, as the US Federal Reserve announces it might ‘taper’ its purchases, markets took it on the chin. The Japanese Nikkei hit a multi year high of 16,000 just a month back and it is down 20 percent. American bonds have rallied as they are losing a big player on the buy-side, the Fed. The fear is not that the money will stop coming – just that less of it will come every month.We have created a system so much on tenterhooks that even the slightest hint of taking that steroid away will trigger a panic collapse. Case 3: MNREGA The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act gives rural


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Instead of using the incoming foreign exchange in to make better stuff that other countries might want, or building infrastructure that would make local goods more competitive compared to importing them or even making the rupee stronger as an international currency, we chose to fritter it all away and the import-export gap kept widening. workers at least Rs. 100 per day for just reporting to work. They aren’t allowed to use machines, or any form of productivity improvement measure – since that means lesser people will be needed to do work. At first this was a good idea in that it provided employment for the rural unemployed. But after some time, the results of low productivity became evident, in that we get hardly anything in return for the money spent, other than inflation. The problem is: who will bell the cat? It is political suicide to stop the “free money”, and it can only be stopped by politicians. 51

Case 4: Tax Cuts Without An End Date While most tax cuts are expected to be permanent, many measures are taken temporarily to encourage an industry. You can invest in the stock market, and if you sell after a year, your gains are not taxed, a policy started about 10 years ago. Any attempt to reintroduce the equity capital gains tax will cause long term investors to liquidate before the tax begins to apply, which will lead to a stock market crash. Insurance payouts are not taxed, even for investment plans disguised as insurance policies; and any change in this policy will result in the industry losing customers in droves. Foreign investors from Mauritius don’t pay capital gains taxes, and in the few times that the ministry has made attempts to curb abuse of this law by investors not actually residing in Mauritius, the stock markets have tanked and forced a rethink. (Taxes with specific enddates work better, in that people are more informed and react early to the tax going away.) We have a number of other examples – unqualified reservation in educational institutions for “backward” classes, a “no-firing” labour policy, free rice or wheat offered by politicians, extreme subsidies for solar or wind energy and so on. The receivers of the benefit get addicted to the ‘stimulus’ and any attempt to reverse the measure precipitates a crisis. While we consider stimulus programs, we would do well to consider that at the end it will just be a steroid on which we become too dependent. The ‘exit’ policy of an action is quite as important, but at times of crisis when stimulus packages are created, the exit is thought of as unimportant. One problem with having very old people as our political bosses is that they don’t live long enough to see the consequences of their actions. It may be better for us to suffer a little today to make for a brighter tomorrow. n (Deepak Shenoy writes at capitalmind.in about the Indian Markets and Money, and is building a Financial “Big Data” Startup.) ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁêÙ-2013

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AGRICULTURE

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ncreasing access to agricultural credit in rural India is a major policy priority. This column examines whether farmers’ access to formal agricultural loans depends on their caste. It is found that while commercial banks do not discriminate against lower caste farmers in lending, cooperative banks do as they are BY Sunil Mitra Kumar prone to interest-group capture at the local level. Enhancing access to financial services such as credit, insurance and savings in rural areas is a major policy priority in India. In particular, agricultural credit has been an important focus of policymakers. The case of agricultural credit is particularly significant because of the crucial role that agriculture plays in the rural economy in terms of employment and income generation. The Reserve Bank of India (RBI), central and state governments therefore encourage bank lending to rural borrowers through a combination of lending targets for banks and softer terms for rural borrowers. However, rural India is characterised by the divisive features of an entrenched caste system. While the influence of caste on economic transactions might be declining due to the spread of better functioning markets, there is little doubt that caste still plays an important role in shaping both economic and social transactions. The Indian State recognises the regressive role of caste, and has progressively worked to design policies that reduce the disadvantage faced by lower castes. Several credit-related policy guidelines issued by the RBI also reflect these concerns. Against this backdrop, in a recent study that uses ALL RIGHTS

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national data1, we examine whether farmers' access to formal agricultural credit depends on their caste (Kumar 2013). Loans and caste If we look at all agricultural production loans irrespective of their source, the data shows that farmers who belong to the lowest caste-group, the Scheduled Castes (SC), receive fewer loans on average than Other Backward Castes (OBCs), who in turn receive fewer loans than higher castes. However, we find that these caste-based differences disappear once we take into account other characteristics of the borrowers, such as the amount of land they own, their wealth and education levels, and various household demographics. Indeed, in an ideal world, a lender such as a bank would evaluate the credit worthiness of a borrower using information that can predict future repayment ability, such as repayment histories and ownership of assets that can be used as security. Lower caste borrowers might well be poorer and have fewer assets, and hence receive loans less often. But if we take loan-relevant characteristics into account explicitly, then caste should not normally be relevant to the lender's decision. Bank type matters Since 95% of all formal agricultural loans come from cooperative and commercial banks, we examine whether caste influences access to loans from either or both types of bank. While commercial banks are large, centralised entities with multiple branches, rural cooperative banks are small, decentralised, relatively independent, and lack direct oversight from the RBI. We find weak evidence that commercial banks favour SC farmers in lending, in accordance with the RBI's recommendations. In other words, all else being equal, an SC farmer is somewhat more likely to receive an agricultural loan than his OBC or higher


AGRICULTURE caste counterpart.In th e case of cooperative banks however, we find lending patterns that suggest discrimination against SC farmers. Even after accounting for the various characteristics that determine access to credit, we find that SC farmers are only half as likely to have a loan compared to higher caste farmers (OBC farmers lie roughly in the middle). Field studies that have observed cooperative banks at close quarters generally corroborate these findings. Various government committees including that headed by Prof. A. Vaidyanathan (2005) point towards key weaknesses in the functioning of cooperative banks. In general, cooperative bank managements have been observed to function poorly, be corrupt, and be actively involved in politics Caste dominance In India, cooperative banks have a decentralised, three-tier structure spanning village, district and state levels. District entities are expected to oversee the activities of village entities, act as financial clearinghouses for them, and provide guidance on their functioning. The state entities in turn play the same role for district entities. The structure and observed functioning of cooperative banks suggest a possible explanation for the discrimination against lower caste borrowers. If cooperative bank managements are vulnerable to interest-group capture, then locally-dominant caste groups can shape lending in ways that leave lower caste farmers with reduced access to credit. To test this, we studied the relationship between castebased loan access and caste-dominance at the district level, where dominance is specified in terms of total land ownership2. We find that district-level caste dominance is an important part of the explanation for farmers' access to cooperative-bank credit. Inter-caste disparities in access are prominent only in districts where higher castes are dominant. The pattern visible in Figure 1, wherein higher caste farmers receive loans more often than SC and OBC farmers, is magnified for districts where higher castes are dominant. In such districts, higher castes are more than twice as likely to receive a loan compared to SCs, on average. But in districts where OBCs are dominant, there are few inter-caste disparities. In other words, the entire inter-caste differences in lending from cooperative banks (Figure 1) are due to inter-caste differences in higher caste-dominated districts (Figure 2)3. Concluding thoughts Our analysis suggests that certain cooperative banks discriminate against lower caste borrowers in the provision of agricultural credit. On average, these are cooperative banks located in districts where higher castes are dominant. This finding is indicative of interest-group capture at the level of cooperative bank managements -- locally dominant interests are able to influence, and possibly partially constitute, coopera53

Figure 1. Chances of receiving a cooperative bank loan, by caste and asset ownership.

Figure 2. Chances of having a cooperative bank loan, by caste and assets ownership, depending on dominant caste in the district.

tive bank managements. Meanwhile, our finding that commercial banks do not discriminate against lower caste borrowers and in fact show weak evidence of favouring lower caste borrowers, is consistent with government policy, and implies that large, centralised organisations can sometimes function better than decentralised ones. This is possibly because it is easier to maintain regulatory oversight of their functioning, and their managerial structures are less prone to local interference. To probe this issue in greater depth, at least two things are needed. First, household surveys, such as the one used here, need to ask questions about borrowers' experiences of obtaining credit, rather than only asking about actual loan outcomes, as is the case right now. This would help build more complete explanations for borrowers’ decisions to seek or not seek credit, and how they fare in terms of actually receiving it. Second, bank-level surveys could complement these household surveys by providing corroborative evidence. They might also help detail the explanation for why certain management structures perform better than others. n (Sunil Mitra Kumar has a Ph.D. in economics from the University of East Anglia, Norwich. He writes extensively of social initiatives and inclusion. He may be contacted at sunilmitrakumar@gmail.com. ) ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â ÁêÙ-2013

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YOUR RIGHTS

PROTECT YOUR CONSUMER RIGHTS E

very person is a consumer in one way or other. India is a country having potential for hundred of crore consumers. Inspite of being one of the largest consumer country in the World, there was no direct Act in India to protect the interest of the consumers till the year 1986. In 1986, India witby Anil Karnwal nessed a great development in the field of consumer protection, when Consumer Protection Act, 1986 was enacted and finally in the year 1987 it was notified, which led to new era of consumer protection in India.. However, it will be wrong to presume that till 1986, there were no laws in India to protect the interest of the consumers. A number of laws were passed during the British regime concerning consumer interests such as - the Indian Contract Act of 1872, the Sale of Goods Act of 1930, the Indian Penal Code of 1860, the Drugs and Cosmetics Act of 1940, the Usurious Loans Act of 1918, and the Agriculture Procedure (Grading and Marketing Act) of 1937. For a period of long years, the Sale of Goods Act of 1930 [SGA] was the exclusive source of consumer protection in India. After independence, the Indian Government further enacted a number of legislation towards the consumer protection, which includes - the Essential Commodities Act of 1955, the Prevention of Food Adulteration Act of 1954 and the Standard of Weights and Measures Act of 1976. However, the Indian consumer society experienced a revolution with the enactment of the Consumer Protection Act of 1986, which was specifically designed to protect consumer interests. The CPA was passed with avowed objectives. It is intended to provide justice which is “less formal, less paper work, less delay and less expense”. The CPA has received wide recognition in India as poor man’s legislation, ensuring ALL RIGHTS

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easy access to justice. The CPA simply gives a new dimension to rights that have been recognized and protected since the ancient period. Two and half decades of experience with the operation of the CPA shows its popular acceptance and the legal preference of injured consumers to enforce their rights under it. The CPA commands the consumer’s support because of its cost-effectiveness and user-friendliness. In fact, the CPA creates a sense of legal awareness among the public and at the same time, brings disinterest to approach traditional courts, especially on consumer matters. It has changed the legal mindset of the public and made them think first of their remedies


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The Consumer Protection Act is an alternative and cheapest remedy already available to the aggrieved persons/consumers by way of civil suit. In the complaint/appeal/petition submitted under the Act, a consumer is not required to pay any court fees or even process fee. under the CPA, regardless of the nature of their case. The way in which the consumer fora are flooded with cases and the mode in which these cases are being disposed off creates an impression of “judicial populism” in India in the arena of consumer justice. The greatness of the Consumer Protection Act lies in its flexible legal framework, wider jurisdiction and inexpensive justice. Any consumer can find in the CPA a mixture of principles of torts and contracts. Frankly speaking, the CPA liberalizes the strict traditional rule of standing and empowers consumers to proceed under the CPA. Consumer groups, the central or any state government are all empowered to lodge complaints under the CPA. This liberalization shows the care that has been taken to represent and fight for the cause of weak, indifferent and illiterate consumers. The novelty of the CPA is the inclusion of both goods and services within its ambit. The consumer can bring suit for defective products as well as for deficiency of services. In the event of any deficiency, all services, whether provided by the government or private companies, can be questioned under the CPA. The CPA also liberalized rigid procedural requirements and introduced simple and easy methods of access to justice. To proceed under the CPA, the consumer need only pay a nominal fee and need not send any legal or lawyer notices to the opposite party. A simple letter addressed to the consumer forum draws enough attention to initiate legal action. Another major procedural flexibility is the option the consumer 55

has to engage a lawyer. If the consumer prefers, he can represent himself. The simple measures of action drive consumers to avail themselves of the benefits of the CPA. The CPA initiated a legal revolution by ushering in the era of consumers and developing a new legal culture among the masses to take recourse under the CPA regardless of their grievance. A written complaint, as amended by Consumer Protection (Amendment) Act, 2002, can be filed before the District Consumer Forum (upto Rupees twenty lakhs), State Commission (upto Rupees One crore), National Commission ( above Rupees One crore) in relation to a product or in respect of a service, but does not include rendering of any service free of cost or under a contract of personal service. The service can be of any description, the illustrations given above are only indicative and not exhaustive. The Consumer Protection Act is an alternative and cheapest remedy already available to the aggrieved persons/consumers by way of civil suit. In the complaint/appeal/petition submitted under the Act, a consumer is not required to pay any court fees or even process fee. Proceedings are summary in nature and endeavour is made to grant relief to the parties in the quickest possible time keeping in mind the spirit of the Act, which provides for disposal of the cases within possible time schedule prescribed under the Act. If a consumer is not satisfied by the decision of the District Forum, he can challenge the same before the State Commission and against the order of the State Commission a consumer can come to the National Commission. Consumer protection is always a matter of great concern. With easy access to justice, the Consumer Protection Act of 1986 has brought a legal revolution to India as a result of its costeffective mechanisms and popular support. It is the result of this revolutionary legislation that as on day more than ten lakhs cases have been filed in different consumer courts across the country and lakhs of consumers have achieved success through consumer courts. Now every consumer is armed with a beneficiary legislation, therefore, it is the moral duty of each and every consumer to protect not only his/her interest, but to educate other consumers about their right and to teach a lesson to those who wants to exploite consumer. n (Author is a Lawyer in Supreme Court of India.)

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CYBER SECURITY

Cyber Security Dilemma

by Ajey Lele

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ohn Herz, an American scholar of international relations and law is credited for coining the term “security dilemma”. The dilemma expresses how both the strong and weak states can upset the balance of power that could eventually become a catalyst for war. The security dilemma could arise from the state’s accumulation of power due to fear and uncertainty about other states’ intentions. Post9/11, successive US administrations have mostly attempted to handle global disorder by accumulating more “power”. Not surprisingly, since 2007, the US has been collecting and analysing significant amount of data available in the cyber ALL RIGHTS

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space. Cyber security dilemma of the US was recently exposed by the US whistle-blower Edward Snowden, giving details about the US National Security Agency’s controversial Prism programme. The US, clearly has been monitoring the global e-traffic covertly and in the process checking on cyber activities on Google, You Tube, Skype, Facebook, etc. This has resulted in a huge amount of metadata (a data about data). The metadata describes how and when and by whom a particular set of data was collected, and how this data is formatted. A simple example could be, a state tracking the activities of the individuals, for example, which journalists or lawyers were in contact with whom (telephone/chat), for how 56

long and where, etc. Such data could be used to draw inferences. To put it simply, the US administration has been spoofing on the rest of the world. Not surprisingly, the US authorities are upset with Snowden, who is currently hiding in Hong Kong, and even accusing him of treason. Snowden’s disclosure has raised a major debate between security and privacy. In the 21st century, with the number of computer and internet users is increasing significantly, the cyber environment has almost become fundamental to a nation’s ‘existence’. Over the years Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) have become central to various sectors from social, economic, political to defence. The fillip side to it is that various unauthorised, illegal, criminal, anti-national and terrorist activities have also become rampant. Astonishing as it may sound, but the third most populous country after China and India is not any geographical entity but a ‘virtual state’ called facebook! The present nature of cyber technology is such that any activity undertaken in the cyber world would always leave a ‘track’ behind. It is but obvious that technologically superior state or even an individual having a requisite wherewithal would try to exploit this technology


CYBER SECURITY to their advantage. The recent discloser of the US cyber spying activities exposes the actual intentions of this so called conscience keeper of democracy! Interestingly, the Obama administration is not even apologetic about this revelation. The human rights activists and states who are under the US surveillance consider it an anti-democratic act that undermines the civil liberties and individual privacy. The absence of a globally accepted cyber regime and legal structure adds further to the commotion. The excessive dependence on cyber tools has given rise to various vulnerabilities. Recently the US National Security Agency chief Gen Keith Alexander, who also heads the US military's Cyber Command, has expressed concerns and is of the opinion that on a scale of 1 to 10, the US critical infrastructure's preparedness to withstand a destructive cyber attack is about 3, this in spite the US having established a major defence infrastructure to defend against foreign hackers and spies. This assessment would push the US to strengthen its defences further. However, since the nature of the threat is extremely dynamic it may not be possible to build any foolproof defensive mechanism. Any cyber architecture can be viewed as a doubled edged sword – either ignore it and be exposed or use it to one’s advantage. Cyber espionage is here to stay. Today, the US is upfront because of its technological superiority and ability to ‘manage’ the ICT industry and prevent few acts of terrorism from actually happening. More importantly, the data gathered

would have utility in other fields too. Snowden has clearly exposed the US but it is hard to imagine that the US would halt its cyber activities. As a leading power, the US is accustomed to international criticism, lawsuits and questioning and at the end of the day cyber spying and spoofing actually strengthens their intelligence gathering capability. It is important to note that cyber expertise offers significant amount of asymmetric advantage to the user. In the future, it is not only the US but many other states that are also likely to use this method (mostly covertly). Some of the states may already have the structures operational. It is unlikely that any state/intelligence agency could give-up such a beneficial tool. Given the cyber reality, ‘sensible’ powers should work towards a globally ac57

ceptable cyber regime to bring in a set of rules, build transparency and reduce vulnerabilities. States would support a cyber regime essentially because intelligence collection is not the sole purpose for possessing cyber assets. ITC also leads to empowerment and its importance for socioeconomic development s undisputed. In general, the norms of privacy in a cyber-era world would remain a constant subject of debate since the nature of technology presents a challenging task to catch the actual offender. Technologically superior power would always have an advantage. The time has come to recognize that in the future we would always be watched and mostly against our own wishes! n (Author is a Research Fellow at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses(IDSA). ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â ÁêÙ-2013

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BOOK REVIEW

Self-Righteous Republic

Righteous Republic by Ananya Vajpeyi Harvard Business Publishing (2012) Rs. 995 /by Rochelle Pinto

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doubt that Ananya Vajpeyi's Righteous Republic is the 'groundbreaking assessment of Indian political thought' that some scholars have claimed it is. The preface is a revisionist primer on Indian nationalism, written perhaps for a western audience entirely unfamiliar with any aspect of Indian political thought. The opening lines of this text resonate with tired normative phrases from the trite history textbooks students are prescribed year after year by the ALL RIGHTS

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Indian government - swaraj is self-rule - and all nationalist leaders were supposedly absorbed and united in this one endeavour. A few political theorists and several historians of national history have, over the last six decades, pulled themselves away from these formulaic enforced accounts of Indian history, pointing instead to the different and often contradictory approaches to political life in India and to colonialism. As a result, Indian political history and political theory is at the very least a contested ground. The preface reads like a panacea for the country's different elites who have the ground of Indian history restored to them by the brutish repetition of that schoolbook mantra - swaraj is 'self-rule'. Despite reams of political contestation that would make this assumption difficult for any honest writer, the preface assumes that anti-colonial movements began in 1885, incidentally the date of the formation of the Indian National Congress, the date that has effortlessly helped the Congress segue anti-colonial movements into their less glorious post-1947 futures seamlessly. It is difficult to tell which is more frightening - that these assumptions are reproduced out of ignorance - an impossible ignorance we would think for a PhD student from a prominent university in the US, for a book from Harvard 58

University Press - or that with their refusal to acknowledge anything that has ever been said or written to the contrary, the book works as a reassertion of the past and present of Indian elites. Let us not assume that this book is a covert pro-Congress publication. It coopts Alasdair Macintyre to state that the self (the swa of swaraj) can only be accessed through the crisis in 'the tradition which has formed the self'. This quote is used in an easy cynicism to draw the nationalist umbrella once again over those who had fought it off. All the great nationalist men had to rework tradition we are told. Even Ambedkar, who thought he could step outside it, find another route out of oppression, into another political formation, eventually had to remain within, to contend with tradition. This Preface, devoid of finesse or complexity of argument that others have brought to this debate, knows however how to teach the lessons of cultural fascism to those who dare to challenge the stony footfall of a singularized national tradition. It inaugurates the world of the neo-liberal Indian elite, is written simply, breathlessly, and is comfortably cliche-ridden. Why it is backed and reviewed by those very Indian political theorists whose work this book ignores and whose work challenges it, is not puzzling. If it's not one reason, it will be the other. The preface of this book may after all be the most complex and thought out piece of writing available in the text. Those anticipating that subsequent chapters may offer an interpretation of concepts as they appear through


BOOK REVIEW the textual tradition celebrated in the book may be disappointed. The chapter on Ambedkar for instance, tells us that Ambedkar distanced himself from Buddha's four noble truths, save for duhkha, which he interpreted in a manner that departs from Buddhist tradition, seeing it as socially experienced and constituted suffering instead of a foundational premise of life. This is one of the four reasons, the book suggests, that Ambedkar chose Buddhism as the religion of choice on which to base a political consolidation rather than Kabirpanthi. If Ambedkar's interpretation is a departure from tradition, at no point are we offered an interpretation of duhkha as a concept, or as a practice of the self or as a political principle through the history of Buddhism in any part of the world. The author limits herself to the Indian sub-continent by saying, in parenthesis at some point in the essay, that she cannot speak for Southeast Asia, though she appropriates it as evidence of the continuity of a singular tradition. It appears however, that she cannot speak for India either, for without any conceptual tradition laid out, it is impossible to gauge by reading the chapter alone, whether this translation of duhkha as social suffering has been taken directly from Ambedkar's text, or is a translation by the author, or is a translation that has been borrowed without a gloss from a secondary text, or is a translation that has been justified in the work of some of the scholars quoted, but never actually discussed in the chapter. At any rate, despite the author's dismissal of Ambedkar's attempts at reclaiming Buddhism as a 'failure of imagination' and a 'grave sundering from tradition', the sections which actually paraphrase his arguments and interpretations are the ones that have some promise, by virtue of being propositions and responses that have the potential to be explored, even if, as the text suggests, these explorations are incomplete and unavailable in the original writings. This chapter at no point clarifies how we are to understand religion - there is no engagement with writing that may offer conceptual readings based on a set of buddhist texts, or on their interpretations, or on the reactivation of some meanings and concepts in contemporary practice and theory. In fact, the repetitive appearance of the word tradition and continuity without a hint of explanation about how we are to understand these indi59

cates that the author distances herself from a consideration of religion as practice, as practice that combines concepts and action and belief systems. In fact, we have no idea what religion is supposed to constitute when it is used seamlessly for Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism etc., across ages, and across all kinds of belief systems and practice. This leads the author to ask disingenuous questions that a book with the pretensions to scholarship that this one has, should have considered in detail if not answered: 'Was Buddhism in fact "dead" in its original home, or had it somehow been absorbed into its rival philosophies and theologies to such an extent as to become indistinguishable as a separate system or set of systems? (I don't think these questions have been answered satisfactorily, even today.)' This text is premised on a conundrum that is never addressed and that poses a fundamental problem to its claims - it considers the constitution of an Indian political self entirely through a written textual 'tradition'. It at no point demonstrates any consciousness of the fact that a political self can only be partially be explained through a textual tradition, and even that part in the case of modern India, would have to be quite clearly demarcated. However even on its own terms, the absence of textual exegesis or conceptual history leaves us with discussions that often lack any of the methodological rigour that this kind of text demands. For though this is written simplistically, it does not present itself as a coffee table book or a popular history, both of which can be imaginatively and intelligently written and are often empirically sound. Since this text does not aim to produce empirical material or description, it unfortunately descends into declamations and opinions with a schoolroom fervour that could have been avoided had it had a more rigorous anonymous reader and editor. As a brief aside, since the text itself takes the liberty of judging Ambedkar’s sensitivity to language, here are some examples of avoidable writing that an editor's intervention would have helped: On Ambedkar: 'In converting to Buddhism, he wanted to pull into an empty spot in the parking lot of tradition.' On Kabir: 'Kabir by contrast was never personally invested in any kind of institutionalized belief. He was a breaker, not a maker.' On Hazariprasad Dwivedi's monograph on Kabir: 'But it also raised Kabir up as a shining ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁêÙ-2013

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BOOK REVIEW star in the firmament of India's poetic canon that stretched from Kalidasa to Rabindranath.' One would have thought this kind of ecstatic expression had grown rare once past the early Orientalists and Nationalists and perhaps was restricted to the writings of Sri Sri Ravi Shankar. Note the unexplained continuity between Kalidasa and Rabindranath. To continue with the discussion above, there is a gratuitous valorisation of the idea of renunciation, based on nothing more than the fact that it has been 'central' to 'Indic' thought - with little substantiation of this claim to continuity. Ambedkar's refusal to engage with it generates a lengthy if repetitive critique that is condescending and slightly presumptuous. Condescending, because the terms of judgment are familiar enough to upper caste and upper class Indian society and have been problematized often - that he does not contend with concepts that are venerated in this book as central to 'Indian metaphysics', a category that we are supposed to accept as self-evident and universally recognized - and that he doesn't read any of the epics valorised once again within a restricted and self-celebratory idea of Indian tradition 'poetically' enough. At one point, the author urges that older epics and texts cannot be read as historical accounts, nor can deductions about social oppression be read directly off these works. The point is well taken, but this book should have taken this statement, which is not new, as the beginning point of an exploration into the status of the texts and the protocols of reading, and perhaps tried to gauge what interpretive leaps were being attempted by Ambedkar, instead of assuming that the statement of a protocol of reading alone could stand in for a critique of his interpretation. The steady criticism of Ambedkar's interpretive capacity that the latter part of the chapter is preoccupied with, rests on this thin opposition and is presumptuous in its inability to account for the political resonance of these interpretations and their transformative capacity that would need to be read off other kinds of texts, not only the ones valorized by offshoots of very specific nineteenth century representations of Indian philosophy. The text also poses questions that it does not trouble itself to answer and that it closes off with conversational truisms that do not ALL RIGHTS

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sit well with the somewhat grandiose judgments and pronouncements: 'Ambedkar is adrift in precisely the kind of modernity where Buddhism loses some of the character of a religion and approaches the state of politics. He might have deemed this necessary, even urgent, but is it, in the end, a good thing? It's difficult to say. The answer turns on what work it is that we expect religion, or religious experience, to do for us, whether as individuals or as a society.' Surely the content of some of this text should have turned on the question of what it is that 'religion' in fact was to 'society' across the 2500 years that it announces repeatedly as the span of tradition. Some more examples of rhetorical questions and gratuitous polemical condemnation that are better suited to schoolroom debates or elocution competitions: 'He said he took the Buddha as his guru, and yet, in some fundamental way remained tone-deaf to the Buddha as well.' 'Did Ambedkar hear the poetry of Kabir? I doubt it, though I don't know for sure.' Why mention it in that case? Also, not just the author, but can anyone know for sure if someone heard the poetry of Kabir? An uneasy combination of a rhetorical question answered as though it were an empirical one. The author seems inconsolable with regard to Ambedkar's estrangement from tradition, and compensates for this with a trumpeting crescendo of comparisons between the favoured great men of Indian nationalism who engaged with tradition, and Ambedkar whom this work triumphantly disciplines and brings to order with monumentalizing blinding imagery that should have alerted the author, had she been remotely able to read poetry, of its alarming authoritarian cadence: 'At least he realized this much: no individual, no caste community, no religious group could flourish in India without constructing some kind of relationship to tradition, some narrative of selfhood compatible with India's quest for its proper self, some foothold in the past to stabilize its presence in the future. In recasting the Untouchables as Buddhists, Ambedkar was conceding that tradition remained the firmament that would slowly flood with light as the sun of modernity climbed to its zenith, much like the dhammacakra that dominated the sky of the once and future righteous republic.' n

60


TOTAL RECAP

Political Parties under RTI purview

Popular SPLIT (JDU-BJP)

A

17-year old JD (U)BJP alliance came to an end on June 16 after Bihar’s ruling party JD (U) severed its ties with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) citing “violation of basic principles of coalition” by the BJP. It is the responsibility of the bigger partner to take everybody along by working through a consensus," JD (U) chief Sharad Yadav told media persons. The split came days after elevation of BJP’s most popular leader and Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi as party’s campaign chief for 2014 general elections. JDU has been vociferous against Modi’s projection as NDA’s Prime Ministerial candidate, the sole reason for its partying ways with the BJP. However, BJP patriarch LK Advani’s resignation from the three key posts of the BJP in the aftermath of Modi’s elevation was the main trigger behind the alliance break-up.Soon after Advani’s resignation, JD (U) started signaling pullout from the NDA.He (Advani) has been sidelined within the party," Yadav said expressing pain for the veteran BJP leader, adding that the JD (U) can consider rejoining the alliance if Advani returns at the helm of affairs in the BJP. n

I

n a bid to give teeth to Right to Information Act (RTI) and to makefunctioning of political parties more transparent, Central Information Commission (CIC) has ruled that the registered political parties are public authorities and they need to reply RTI queries within six weeks. The ruling may lift the cloak of secrecy from the sources of funding and expenditure of political parties. "In view of the nature of public functions performed by political parties...we conclude that political parties in question are public authorities under section 2(h) of the RTI Act," the Bench, comprising Chief Information Commissioner Satyanand Mishra and InformationCommissioners Annapurna Dixit and M L Sharma, said The commission held political parties have the character as public authorities and "we hold INC, BJP, CPIM, CPI, NCP and BSP have been substantially financed by the central government under section 2(h)(ii) of the RTI Act". “It is not acceptable. We totally disagree with it. Such adventurist approach will create a lot of harm and damage to democratic institutions,” AICC General Secretary Janardan Dwivedi told reporters in New Delhi. BJP, however, felt nothing wrong in the CIC order. "BJP is not against anything that brings transparency and accountability which is equally applicable to all. We will follow the law," said BJP spokesman Capt Abhimanyu. Political parties such as CPI (M), JD(U) also opposed the move. "The CIC has acted outside its jurisdiction. The government should step in. CIC doesn't understand the politics of this country," JD(U) chief Sharad Yadav said.n

Cabinet rejig I

n a last cabinet reshuffle before the 2014 general elections, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh inducted eight new faces in his council ofministers. The reshuffle was contrary to the expectations that more young leaders would be included in the UPA government. Four cabinet ministers and four ministers of state who were inducted took 61

their oath at the Rashtrapati Bhavan. Gandhi loyalist Oscar Fernandes from Karnataka returned to the cabinet after four years. He has been given the portfolio of roadways and highways. Labour minister Mallikarjuna Kharge was shifted to the railways ministry, following the resignation of Pawan Kumar Bansal. n ¥æòÜ ÚUæ§ÅU÷â UÁêÙ-2013

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TOTAL RECAP Cabinet Ministers nOscar

Fernandes,72 Roads and Highways Ministry

nGirija

Vyas, 67 - Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation Minister

nSis

Ram Ola, 86 - Labour and Employment Minister

nKavuri

Sambasiva Rao, 69 - Textiles Ministry

Ministers of State nEMS

Sudarsana Natchiyappan, 65 - MoS commerce and industry

nJesu

Das Seelam, 60 MoS Finance

nManikrao

Gavit, 79 - Social Justice and Empowerment

nSantosh Chowdhury, 69 -

Health and Family Welfare.

I

Change of Guards in Iran

ranian elects centrist candidate Hassan Rouhani country’s newPresident. Hassan Rouhani was victorious, elected in the first roundof voting with 50.71% of the vote. Incumbent President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad did not run for re-electionas he was limited to two terms or 8 years in office under the Iranian constitution. Supported by some moderates and reformist parties such as Moderation and Development Party and Islamic Iran Participation Front as well as Iranian reform movement, Rouhani's motto in the election was "E'tedal"which is translated to "Moderation" and he is described as a moderate politician by some western sources. He takes the helm at a time when Iran is reeling under sharp economicsanctions tied to international concern about its nuclear program. Iran has started a new chapter of moderation," Rouhani said. "Your government will follow up national goals in the path of saving the country's economy; revive ethics and constructive interaction with the world through moderation." Taking a swipe at the presidency of Ahmadinejad, Rouhani said that the "era of sadness" had been brought to an end. He also said that he would seek to revive Iran's constructive interaction with the rest of the world, most particularly on the issue of Iran's controversial nuclear program. n

Sharif's Pakistan

N

awaz Sharif took oath as Pakistan’s 27th Prime Minister as he swept May 11 parliamentary elections with huge margin becoming the first person to be elected to the office of prime minister for a third time. President Asif Ali Zardari administered the oath of the PM's office to Nawaz Sharif at an impressive ceremony at President's House. Nawaz Sharif secured 244 votes secured 244 votes out of total house membership of 342. Earlier his party, Pakistan Muslim LeagueNawaz(PML-N) riding on the slogan of “Strong Economy –Strong Pakistan” emerged as the single largest party, bagging 123 seats out of 254 National Assembly seats. The first runner up is Pakistan Peoples Party with 31 seats, while Imran Khan`s PakALL RIGHTS

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istan Tehreek-e-Insaf secured 26 seats. The immediate challenges before Sharif will be to tackle power crisis in Pakistan and bringing ailing economy back to normal. Indian External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid has been quick to congratulate him on his victory saying that he hoped that IndiaPakistan ties would improve if Nawaz comes to power in Pakistan. Sharif said in his campaigns that he would look forward to recovering the good relations with India if voted to power. He was heard reminiscing good memories from 1999 with Atal Bihari Vajpayee in his election campaigns and he has also vowed to "pick up the threads where we left off in 1999 before Musharraf derailed it". n


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