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Al-Hawiyya Issue 1 History, Nation, Occupation, Struggle, Identity and Power

Kanafani, Al-Ali, Darwish, and Tattoos of Resistance

»‫«غزة يف قلب الجامعة‬


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MISSION STATEMENT Al-Hawiyya team

Al-Hawiyya offers current perspectives on the history, culture, and conscience of Palestine and the Diaspora, documenting through student voice the past and present struggle for Palestine and our imagined trajectories of return.

PEOPLE

EDITOR IN CHIEF Nadia Younes CONTRIBUTING AUTHORS Samer Bu Jawde Kareem Elzein Ziad Farran Belén Fernández Aliya Kalla Hadi Mourad Yara Nagi Thurayya Zreik LAYOUT Lotfi Al Salah Maha Haider Nour Shtayyeh l’Hawiyeh is a publication by the Palestinian Cultural Club at the American University of Beirut (PCC AUB), supported by First National Bank.

CONTACT US

Interested in contributing to writing, editing, photography, drawing, layout, or your suggested field? Anything to tell us about Al-Hawiyya? Please drop us a line at pcc.alhawiyya@gmail.com

‫بيان ال ّرسالة‬

‫فريق الهوية‬ ‫طل ّيب ال ّنضال املايض والحارض من أجل‬ ّ‫ وتوث ّق بصوت ا‬،‫تقدّم الهوية تطلّعات حاليّة عىل تاريخ وثقافة وضمري فلسطني والشّ تات‬ .‫فلسطني وتص ّوراتنا ملسارات العودة‬

‫ال ّناس‬

‫رئيسة التّحرير ناديا يونس‬ ‫الكتّاب املساهمون سامر أبو جودة كريم ال ّزين ثريّة زريق زياد ف ّران بيلني فرينانديز علية كلة‬ ‫هادي مراد يارا ناجي‬ ‫الصالح مها حيدر نور شت ّية‬ ّ ‫تصميم لطفي‬

.‫ برعاية فريست ناشونال بانك‬،‫الفلسطيني يف الجامعة األمريكيّة يف بريوت‬ ‫تصدر الهوية عن ال ّنادي الثّقا ّيف‬ ّ

‫اتّصلوا بنا‬

‫ي‬/‫ين قول يشء عن الهوية؟ اتّصل‬/‫ينه؟ تريد‬/‫ين املساهمة يف الكتابة أو التحرير أو التصوير أو التصميم أو يشء تقرتحه‬/‫تريد‬ pcc.alhawiyya@gmail.com ‫بنا عىل‬


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THE RETURN OF ALHAWIYYA Nadia Younes

Al-Hawiyya was first produced in 2004 by a committed group of individuals dedicated to voicing the political and societal aspirations of Palestinian youth at AUB. In its own right, it succeeded in its mission for over three years, when its last volume appeared in spring of 2007. The Palestinian Cultural Club has decided to bring back Al-Hawiyya because today more than ever it is important that we as supporters of the Palestinian cause affirm our presence as a unified and determined voice in AUB’s student body. Over 64 years ago, foreign settlers declared the ‘state of Israel’ on the lands of Palestine, an occupation that has deprived indigenous Palestinians their basic human rights. In the intervening time, the Zionist interlocutors have committed countless crimes against humanity, systematically ‘cleansing’ the land of those not conforming to their racist ideology, Zionism, which forms the ideological basis of the state. When Al-Hawiyya was first published it shed light on our cause, culture, people and history—in short, our identity. We are hoping the re-launch of our newsletter will not just play a role as discourse, but also serve as a tool for mobilization and for bringing the AUB community closer to Palestine and her children. We are offering you, as students at the American University of Beirut, as read-

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ers, as youth present in Lebanon, current perspectives on the history, culture, and conscience of Palestine and the diaspora; documenting through student voice the past and present struggle for Palestine and our imagined trajectories of return. It is time for us all to take a step back and re-examine our identity: what it means to be Palestinian, Lebanese, Arab, not born in a place where our parents or our grandparents are from, born in a context that is completely foreign and sometimes hostile towards us, and attending a university with such a rich and revolutionary past; who are you, what do you call your identity, what do you have to say? “To never forget your own insignificance. To never get used to the unspeakable violence and the vulgar disparity of life around you. To never simplify what is complicated or complicate what is simple. To respect strength, never power. Above all, to watch.To try and understand. To never look away. And never, never, to forget. ...Either way, change will come. It could be bloody, or it could be beautiful. It depends on us.” -Arundhati Roy

‫عودة الهوية‬

‫سومر كيش‬

‫من نحن وملاذا أمتنا أقرب إىل املوت عوضً ا عن الحياة وكيف‬ ‫علينا نحن الجيل الجديد مواجهة الصعوبات السياسية‬


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‫ هذا هو اسم‬.»‫ »الهوية‬.‫واإلقتصادية واإلجتامعية وغريها‬ ‫جريدتنا وهذه هي املسائل التي نطرحها يف زمن الفوىض‬ ‫ فمن منا مل يبحث يف أعامقه وضمن مجتمعه عن‬.‫والضياع‬ .‫الهوية الفردية املبدعة وإرتباطها بالهوية الجامعية املوحدة‬ ‫إذا ك ّنا يف زمان يكون هذا البحث فيه مهددًا بسلبيات العوملة‬ ‫ نعود إليكم‬،‫واملطامع الدولية والطائفية واملصالح الفردية‬ ‫ليكون لنا نحن الجيل الصاعد مساحة للتعبري عن مخاوفنا‬ ‫وأفكارنا وطموحاتنا السيام اليوم بعد األحداث الجارية يف‬ ‫فلسطني التي يف الحقيقة زادت التساؤالت عن الهوية بدالً عن‬ ‫ وكون اللغة عنرص من عنارص الهوية األساسية ال بد‬.‫توضيحها‬ ‫ هذا ال يعني اإلبتعاد‬.‫لجريدتنا أن تعرب عن نفسها باللغة األم‬ ‫عن لغات وأساليب أخرى خاصة عندما أصبح الرصاع رصا ًعا يف‬ ‫كافة املجاالت يتوجب علينا فيها مواجهة الفكر بالفكر والعلم‬ ‫ لذا‬.‫بالعلم والسالح بالسالح لنرش والدفاع عن قضيتنا وأرضنا‬ ‫تأيت جريدتنا لتؤكد أن جميع وسائل املقاومة أساسية ومهمة‬ ‫ لذا ندعو الجميع للتسلح‬.‫وال يجب تفضيل واحدة عىل آخرى‬ ‫ لذلك‬.‫بالعلم واملعرفة ونشدد عىل أن لكل فر ٍد دو ًرا يف الرصاع‬ ‫نحن نتمنى منكم جمي ًعا التواصل معنا واملشاركة يف جريدتكم‬ .‫وجريدتنا‬ ‫يف عددها األول تبدأ «الهوية» بحثها عن نفسها يف مواضيع‬ ‫ سنستمع مع الزميلة يارا إىل عدد من الطالب‬،ً‫ مثال‬.‫متنوعة‬ ‫ ثم ننتقل مع زميلني‬.‫ملعرفة كيف يتعايشون مع هويتهم‬ ‫آخرين لنطّلع عىل تجربتهام الشخصية مع الكوفية والحياة‬ ‫ أما زميلتنا ثريا ستلقي الضوء عىل العالقة بني الفن‬.‫الجامعية‬ ‫وخصيصا إىل حياة شهداء‬ ‫ سنعود أيضً ا إىل التاريخ‬.‫والهوية‬ ً ‫النضال يك نطلع م ًعا كيف إستطاع هؤالء يف س ٍّن مبكر جدًا‬ .‫اإلجابة عن هذه األسئلة التي تربكنا وتحرينا حتى اليوم‬ .‫و شك ًرا لكم‬

IDENTITY AND POWER Yara Nagi

Modern political thinkers have struggled to establish a universal definition of national identity, one that fits all nations and peoples. Identification cards, bold borders, and educational systems are some markers and mecha-

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nisms that have come to define the identity of a geography. But identity is more difficult to grasp as it represents an ongoing process and an accumulation of occurrences that take place in a country’s ongoing history. This is foundational for identity, as is the very personal experiences shared between individuals and the larger narratives of their nation. Palestinian identity is an exceptional example of this historical buildup. From the early 19th century, the citizens of Palestine experienced a rollercoaster of ruling powers, from the Ottomans to the British and later the Zionists. Each regime came with certain forms of oppression and methods of control, incursions that were frequently met with resistance from local peoples. From this dialectic of struggle spanning the Arab Revolts to 1948 and the Six Day War, three main concepts of identity solidified among Palestinians: a connection to our land, feelings of collective struggle, and a sense of an imposing “other”. The people’s indignation led not only to a political resistance, but also a robust literary one. During the1960s, Palestinian groups assembled and founded the roots of a national politics. Literature and art also took a vital role in galvanizing Palestinians around the struggle for justice, especially among diaspora communities seeded across the globe. Many topics permeated this artistic tradition, but identification with the land of Palestine took on a heightened emotional meaning through the works of writers such as Mahmoud Darwish, Mourid Barghouti,


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Cartoon of Handala by Naji Al-Ali

and Ghassan Kanafani. “…To our land, and it is the one surrounded with torn hills, the ambush of a new past To our land, and it is a prize of war, the freedom to die from longing and burning and our land, in its bloodied night, is a jewel that glimmers for the far upon the far…” -Excerpt from “To Our Land” by Mahmoud Darwish Darwish’s portrayal of a suffering land brings the pain of forced exodus into our present; his refrain of “our land” embod-

ies our collective struggle; and with subtle but telling signs—”a prize of war” and the “ambush of a new past”—we grieve the physical and cultural occupation of our nation. The oppressiveness of this occupation has transcended the borders of our land and touched the lives of each Palestinian, as we have experienced this estrangement from our land and our nation first hand. To this day, many foreigners do not know of Palestine, but they know and normalize Israel; and when they do acknowledge our existence as Palestinians, it is generally in a negative light. To them, we are regarded as somewhere between savage and hopeless cause,


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incapable of overcoming our own debasement or that of our leaders. In many contexts, Palestinians face other forms of discrimination and impoverishment. This country, Lebanon, has cordoned off dense underserved camps for Palestinian refugee. These places lack the simplest necessities of infrastructure, education, employment, and decent medical care. With this struggle 64 years long, the importance of Palestinian identity continues to lie in its service to our people’s just claim to Palestine as our land and nation. To this end, the simple act of saying “I am a Palestinian” is a weapon in itself; for what will happen if we continue to adopt other identities? Who will defend our presence if we refuse to? Our holding to our Palestinian identity is the one of the strongest guarantees we have that future generations will continue this struggle. Thus, our identity is not only our historic struggles, but those of the present and future—in the words of Ghassan Kanafani, our “will to join the masses’ unceasing struggle to defeat all kinds of national and class exploitation.”

PALESTINE ON ME FOREVER: TATTOOS OF RESISTANCE Thurayya Zreik Resistance culture takes on many forms, but one outlet through which it is always expressed is the arts. From poets and writers such as Mahmoud

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Darwish and Pablo Neruda, to graffiti artists like Bansky, the use of art as a medium of resistance transcends borders. Perhaps one of the less heralded but still quite common forms of resistance is found within tattoo culture. Tattoos have long been considered a symbol of rebelliousness, of resistance to oppressive social pressures and structures. Resistance tattoos are at once so personal and permanent that they not only symbolize an individual’s commitment to struggle, but ultimately shape and are shaped by the identity of the bearers. When I first set out to write this article, I planned for a light piece about the artistic value of tattoos as symbolic resistance in the Palestinian struggle. However, the personal testimonies I received pointed toward other insights into the practice; specifically, it’s relation to concepts of justice, identity, and resistance. These testimonies highlight the Palestinian cause as not only an indigenous one, but one that should be shared by all people. Resistance tattoos take on many shapes and forms, the most common being the map of Palestine and the key, which has historically symbolized the right of return. The word Al-`Awda, Arabic for ‘the Return,’ is also a common choice. Yet variations and personal touches make every tattoo as unique as its bearer. Hana Chamoun has an outline of the map of Palestine tucked behind her left ear. “I chose the complete borders because they symbolize the original land—all the land, all of Palestine.


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No ’48, ’67, just Palestine.” Hana, who is half-Palestinian, says her choice reflects her complete affinity to her Palestinian side. “It’s so personal to me. It’s not just an expression of how much I love my country, it’s part of my identity... I got this tattoo because it’s Palestine, and I want

Sajjil ana arabiya wa ismi Haneen, based on a quote from Mahmoud Darwich’s “Identity Card” http://joshberer.wordpress.com/

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Palestine to be on me forever.” Tamara Qiblawi describes herself as a third-generation Lebanese of Palestinian origin. She has the word `Aidoon (‘returning’) tattooed in the shape of a key, both references to the rightful return to Palestine. “My tattoo cements my bond with Palestine, and more importantly, with a promise to hold on to the right of return,” she explains. Many people who ask about her tattoo find her commitment to Palestine hard to understand. “Since we were forced to lose physical touch with the home of our grandfathers, then remembering and insisting on reestablishing contact is a crucial form of defiance; it’s an insistence on justice, a bulwark against those who think that they can get away with crimes just by stalling, hoping for everything to normalize.” For Tamara preserving the memory of Palestine generation after generation is a form of resistance in and of itself. In her case, a tattoo serves to establish that resistance boldly and effectively. The tattoo also taps deep into Tamara’s personal identity. Describing Palestine as the “core” of her being, the tattoo ensures that an essential part of her identity remains relevant in her life. “If for whatever reason it were to slip from my thoughts,” she says, “I would spiritually die!” Taha Sammour has been tattooing for almost three years. A Palestinian himself, he discusses his own symbolic commitment to the cause. “My first two tattoos were about Palestine,” he says, “And then another was a tribute to Ghassan Kanafani, Naji el Ali and Mahmoud


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Darwish.” Sammour is known by his customers as a resistance artist. He works with each one to design a tattoo matching their individual ideas of resistance, resulting in a unique incorporation of symbols, images, and even poetry verses in their tattoos. Nadia Younes, Vice President of the Palestinian Cultural Club at AUB, worked meticulously with Sammour on her design so that it would reflect her personal relationship with Palestine and the struggle. “A map of Palestine would not say anything against colonialism and borders in general... I wanted something that would symbolize why Palestine is important to me.” The map is outlined by barbed wire and the words

»‫«كل قلوب الناس جنسيتي فلتسقطوا عني جواز السفر‬

(“All the hearts of the people are my identity... So rid me of this passport!”), which spoke to Nadia’s complex identity as part Puerto Rican and part Lebanese from the south. The barbed wire is decorated with symbols from Naji el Ali’s cartoons that are drawn breaking the borders of Palestine: a flower representing peace, a stalk of wheat representing hope, the key representing the right of return, a tree branch representing re-growth, and a pen in the shape of a sword which represents the powerful role words can play in revolution. These tattoos are symbolic of a common ideology that transcends borders and unites people in a common struggle for liberation and justice. “Your body is your sole property in life, and using it to express such ideas helps in showing the importance of these issues,” says

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Sammour of the significance of tattoos as a form of resistance. “I do not think the Palestinian cause should be carried only on the shoulders of Palestinians,” says Nadia, “But all of us as people, as human beings should consider it as our cause.”

INTERVIEWS Yara Nagi

As part of Al-Hawiyya’s ongoing coverage of Palestinian issues via AUB’s student body, every month we’re publishing your views, your words on a question of our choosing. For our first offering, Yara Nagi asks a number of students with Palestinian roots… “What sometimes prevents you from identifying yourself as a Palestinian?”

Deema Dabbagh Environmental Health Senior “It depends on who I am talking to. With Palestinians, my first instinct is to tell


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them I’m Palestinian. It’s not necessarily a preference as to what I identify with more. It’s just that a Palestinian would be familiar with my last name and the city of Yafa, whereas a non-Palestinian wouldn’t. “

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Palestinians.”

Ilija Trojanovic Business Senior

Omar Khodr Majorless Sophmore “I feel like in Lebanon, there is no room for conversation when you bring up you’re Palestinian. A lot of people here frown upon that. Many people are not informed about Palestine. A lot of my friends were taught negative stereotypes about Palestinians, so explaining myself feels like a difficult process.”

“I didn’t always say that I am Palestinian because I’m Christian. Palestinian Christians in Lebanon aren’t as proud to say where they are originally from. However, after I started learning more, I realized the importance of where I’m from. I don’t know if my kids will be able to identify themselves as Palestinian, or Serbian, where I am also from. So, now I hold onto those identities.”

Raghad Adas Business Senior “Usually I do identify myself as Palestinian, but when I first moved to this country, I sometimes didn’t. I didn’t know what to expect, so I would just say I’m Jordanian due to my passport. It was situational because of the ill feelings and bias people here tend to harbor towards

Farah Kasih Business Sophmore “I have never been there, but my grand-


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father used to tell me stories. The only thing about me which involves Palestine is the way I speak and the food I eat at home. My grandparents both immigrated to Jordan, so there is nothing tangible about the country I can relate to.”

PERSONAL NARRATIVE

‫قصة‬ ّ ‫ذات ّية‬

AMERICAN KAFFIYEH Kareem Elzein

Omar and I walked down the main road winding through the faded buildings of Sabra and Shatila. It had rained just hours before and the path leading to the flea market was still slick with a foul smelling sludge. We made our way through the commotion of buyers and sellers to a walled-in clearing that was quiet and dim under the high tree cover. At the entrance two beggars sat below a mural of green, black, red, and white, their hands outstretched. Omar stopped at a banner spanning one of the inner walls. He gestured at each Arabic word on the vinyl canvass, pausing at ‘massacre,’ ‘Israel,’ and ‘Sharon.’ I added a few sad phrases before we left. Now deep in conversation the beggars ignored us as we plodded back up the hill. The smell of urine drifted through the air as we passed a middle-aged man indifferently shaking his pant leg. ---

We met again in Spring at the main campus of Beirut-Arab University. The day was perfect. High clouds rolled and the sky was blue-eye-blue. It became routine that security stopped visitors after seven students were killed during a riot several years ago. I muttered a greeting and flashed my ID card. The middleaged guard motioned me through without lifting his gaze. The concrete path opened into a large grassy field surrounded by tens of tents and thousands of people. Each stand represented a country and was decorated with a national flag and other symbolic items. I quickly scanned the area but couldn’t find a flag for America. Students waited at each stand chatting with friends and beckoning others to join them for food and activity. I stopped at the first stand decorated in green, black, red, and white. Hundreds mingled while tasting traditional sweets


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served on plastic plates. I forced my way through a forest of people before reaching several recognizable faces. I waved and they smiled back pleasantly but seemed too busy to stop. Before long Omar found me and motioned to a nearby table. He grabbed a black and white checkered cloth he had saved for me and draped it around my neck. He seemed proud of his gift and I guess I was proud to receive his gift. His arm around my shoulder, he said this is ‘your kaffiyeh.’ Twenty minutes later an audience of two hundred listened to Omar’s nervous oration. I stood at the back wolfing a plate of food labeled ‘Iraqi’ that tasted ‘Irani.’ I didn’t understand the cuisine or a thing Omar had said, but later enjoyed a traditional Palestinian dance performed at center stage.

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edy. After a while a group of us found one another, wandered back to our bus, and waited. At that moment finally feeling safety I remembered you, Omar. I searched Maroun al Ras but couldn’t find you. I wanted to show you that I wore ‘your kaffiyeh.’ The next day I watched news coverage of caskets draped in green, black, red, and white and loved ones sobbing. I can’t quite explain it, but I haven’t thought to wear ‘your kaffiyeh’ since that day.

»‫«فلستيني‬ ‫فالن الفالين‬

‫بعد عوديت إىل مقاعد الدراسة هذه السنة بعد فرتة طويلة من‬ ‫ استذكر ثالث سنوات قضيتها يف الجامعة اليسوعية‬،‫العمل‬ ‫ وهي من الجامعات القدمية والعريقة واملهمة من‬،‫يف بريوت‬ ‫ وبالتايل يعترب كل من‬،‫حيث مستواها التعليمي واألكادميي‬ --‫يرتادها «محظوظًا» ألن فرص التوظيف تفرش أمامه كالسجاد‬ .‫األحمر ملجرد ورود اسم هذه الجامعة يف سريته الذاتية‬ May 15 that same year — Seventy thousand people made their way to the grassy knoll of Maroun al Ras. Me and a group of friends followed the crowd washing across the hill. A stream of us passed downward toward an even larger grassy plane contained by a distant fence marking the beginning of occupied land. Tanks and soldiers were posted ahead and as we descended, rifle blanks popped in the air. The mass responded like a seeping balloon, imploding up the hill with a squeal. Minutes later, another file of people shot down toward the fence. From above we could hear automatic rifle fire. Thousands scattered near the grassy border as we shot worried looks at the unfolding trag-

‫غري أن ذلك ليس كل ما يرد اىل األذهان لدى سامع اسم هذه‬ ‫ تعترب «اليسوعية» وبغض النظر اىل أنها أنشأت عىل‬.‫الجامعة‬ ‫ جامعة‬،‫يد إرسالية الرهبان اليسوعيني الفرنسيني يف لبنان‬ ‫تسيطر فيها األحزاب اليمينية «املسيحية» املعروفة مبعاداتها‬ ‫بشكل أو بآخر للفلسطينيني منذ ما قبل الحرب األهلية‬ .‫وأخطائها ومجازرها‬ ‫وهكذا يربز الوضع الغريب والصعب ألي فلسطيني قد‬ ‫ وكوين كنت هذا‬...‫يرتاد هذه الجامعة رغم ندرة هذا األمر‬ ‫الفلسطيني بدأت دراستي عاز ًما عىل أال يؤثر الجو العام‬ ‫للجامعة عىل رغبتي يف الدراسة والتعلم رغم الضغط النفيس‬ ‫ ففي هذه الجامعة من يعتقد‬.‫الذي كنت قد بدأت أحس به‬ ‫أن «الفلسطينيني» وليس الشعب الفلسطيني هم أساس‬ ‫ ومن يظن أن «الفلسطينيني» هم‬.‫وجوهر مشكلة لبنان‬ ‫زمرة مسلحني خارجني عن القانون ال يفقهون شيئًا عن العلم‬ .‫والحضارة والثقافة‬


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‫وبدأت عملية التعارف يف األسبوع األول؛ وبدأت تظهر ما‬ ‫ وتجدر اإلشارة أنني قد قررت عدم إشهار‬...‫تضمره األيام املقبلة‬ ‫كوين فلسطين ًيا وذلك حفاظًا عىل سالمتي املعنوية والشخصية‬ ‫ فأنا يف هذه الجامعة‬.‫وتجن ًبا ألي مضايقات قد أتعرض لها‬ ‫ وتجدر اإلشارة‬.»‫ألتعلم ثم أقوم مبا أريد بهذه الشهادة «املهمة‬ ‫ وطب ًعا‬.‫اىل أنني ال أحمل أي أوراق ثبوتية تثبت أين فلسطيني‬ ‫ضمن األحاديث «الشيقة» التي تتناقلها الفتيات عن املشاهري‬ ‫ «ليكو كيف نحنا قاعدين وغراضنا‬:‫وتوابعها تسمعني جملة‬ ‫مكركبة متل املهجرين الفلستينيي!!!»(الفلسطيني يف لبنان‬ ‫ وغري ذلك من‬.‫هو «فلستيني») ويتلو ذلك قهقهة جامعية‬ .‫التعليقات الشبيهة الشبه اليومية‬

titioned Palestine and granted 53% of the land to one-third of the population, a demographically Jewish minority, and granted 47% of the land to the remainder two-thirds of the population; hereafter referred to as “us”, “you”, and “me”. And you are free to identify with this majority wherever you hail from, as long as you are angry about a great injustice that took place that day, on November 29th 1947.

‫ولكن األحداث التي رضبت مخيم نهر البارد يف الشامل سنة‬ ‫ زادت من حدّة هذه التعليقات وأظهرت بوضوح طابعها‬2007 ‫ وأذكر هنا كيف أن الفتاة التي كانت تبتسم يل‬...‫العنرصي‬ :‫وتحاول لفت إنتباهي (كوين الشاب الوحيد يف الصف) تقول‬ ‫ال أفهم ملاذا تدافع عن الفلسطينيني!!!» بعد تعليقي الحاد‬ ‫والغاضب عىل ما قالته عن وجوب قصف املخيم مبن فيه من‬ .‫سكان للقضاء عىل منظمة فتح اإلسالم‬

In order to make my point, I am supposed to give you statistics showing illegal Israeli land appropriations over the last 65 years and quoted passages of UN condemnation of Israel’s settlements, use of excessive force, collective punishment, racial segregation, and calculated oppression. This should adhere to a calm and rational method of discussion appealing to your logic, and not your emotions; because any nostalgia for the old forms of resistance demanding Return, Freedom, Justice and the usual Palestinian Concerns might inspire great sensitivities among liberal audiences. But the events of November 29th 2012 were pure theater and can only be met with nonsensical response. So it is with great risk of offending the universe that I will proceed with my irrational nationalism. Anyways, this is just ink on paper, and not a gun in hand. Just like this “State of Palestine” resolution.

‫لألسف يشعر الفلسطيني يف لبنان أنه يواجه من يظن نفسه‬ ‫ إال أن هذا‬.‫عد ًوا له أو باألحرى من يريد لنفسه أن يكون عدوه‬ .‫الشعور ليس شعور جميع اللبنانيني لحسن الحظ‬ ‫مع تحيايت‬

OPINION WAS I SUPPOSED TO CLAP? We are supposed to believe that on November 29th 2012 an historic event took place. This historic event is the elevation of the Palestinian Authority to the position of Non-Member Observer Status in the United Nations. We are also supposed to believe that this historic event is to erase or replace the damage of the historic event that took place on November 29th 1947, when a resolution from the UN effectively par-

In his speech to the assembly, illegitimate leader of the illegitimate Palestinian Authority of the undefined and occupied borders of Palestine spoke on behalf of the undefined Palestinian population and read semi-poetry to re-


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AFP - Stan Honda

quest….absolutely nothing...and everyone clapped. He audaciously uttered the word mukhayyamat (‘camps’) in his speech when no other Palestinian ‘leader’ has done more to bury the refugees. And everyone clapped. Did you expect anything else? This same UN provided the backdrop of 1948, the moment the refugee was born. This UN then guaranteed the Right of Return to the refugee. Surely everyone was going to clap. If everyone was silent, the sound of human guilt would have filled that room and suffocated them faster than Israel rushed to ridicule Mahmoud Abbas’s request right after his speech.

The most significant items in the Israeli ambassador’s speech were his wondering aloud how Mahmoud Abbas would govern a nation of which 22% he does not control. The second more insulting item was his wonderings about how Mahmoud Abbas could make such a request when this Palestine had not done anything to ensure Israel’s security and admit it as the historic land of Jewish identity and heritage. And everyone clapped. I do not believe that the so-called international community was the intended audience of this theater. Rather, you and


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I were. On November 29th 2012, you and I were ordered to finally understand what they have been trying to tell us for 22 years. The two-state solution is a reality, and we are not part of the new Palestine. The other audience, Gaza, was told to stop crying for a moment over the people who died and homes that fell not three weeks ago. Actually, one wonders who really is included in this new and improved Palestine of the Palestinian Authority. If the refugees, their children, Gaza, and almost 12% of occupied West Bank are excluded, perhaps this new Palestine is a building somewhere in Ramallah. To this, you and I respond. We tell this illegitimate non-representative of ours that he and his defunct and penniless institution do not represent us. We tell the older generation of martyrs and those who loved Palestine as much as you and I do today—who died for us to receive a cause that was still alive—that ‘no, we too will not settle for 10% of 22% of 47% of Palestine.’ That we are not unaware of the politics of this theater, and, furthermore, we respond to those of us who have the story all wrong, those calling this theater a “first step”. I will keep my response to those short: Being a non-member observer state is not being “in” the UN. It is foolish to believe that the US and Israel would ever allow Palestine to be “in” the UN. Your ambition is admirable. I am almost tempted to dream that one day Palestine could veto U.S. and Israeli requests on an international stage. But you are mistaken that this new status allows ac-

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cess to several UN agencies and to the International Criminal Court. Had there been any prospect of Palestinians filing cases against Israeli war criminals, Ehud Olmert would not have publicly praised Mahmoud Abbas’ efforts; Olmert himself being at risk of persecution. To use Ali Abu Nima’s - of the Electronic Intifada - lament: the only agency of the UN that Palestinians have long had access to and made good use of is the UNRWA. Too long, that is. When the resolution passed on November 29th 2012, the whole world clapped. But you and I did not because we understand this problem in its historical, social, and political continuity. And for us history did not begin last week. We understand that on that day, we were categorically re-displaced after our physical displacement 65 years ago. And for ‘all of Palestine’ we will not clap for the illegitimate joker that has eliminated you and me. -Solidarity

ADOPTING PALESTINE Belén Fernández

Following the 2010 Israeli massacre of nine Turks on board the Gazabound humanitarian aid ship the Mavi Marmara, the Turkish slogan Hepimiz Filistinliyiz—“We are all Palestinian”—was a common refrain at rallies condemning Israel’s behavior and at the funerals of the activists. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan-


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weighed in critically on the slaughter, accusing the Jewish state of “inhumane state terrorism” and of being less ethical than pirates. Erdogan had offered a similarly harsh response to previous manifestations of Israel’s homicidal disposition, informing Israeli president Shimon Peres in 2009: “When it comes to killing, you know well how to kill.” Occurring in the aftermath of Operation Cast Lead in Gaza, this pronouncement helped elevate the Turkish leader to the rank of hero of the Palestinian cause, a service that would lead to—among other honors—the appearance of Gazan babies named Recep Erdogan. Indeed, the Turks have deployed more confrontational rhetoric vis-à-vis the Israelis than many of the servile Arab governments. However, some glaring contradictions underscore the dangers of lionizing the Turkish regime in the context of the Palestinian struggle. For one thing, Turkish-Israeli military cooperation continued even after Erdogan had called attention to the IDF’s superior killing skills, skills that incidentally benefited none other than the Erdogan administration itself in the form of Israeli armaments acquired for use against Turkey’s domestic Kurdish population. Needless to say, the recent legacy of repression of Kurds—which comprises events such as the December 2011 massacre of 35 civilians by the Turkish air force in concert with US and Israeli drones—should constitute a fairly clear indication of the selective and self-

15

righteous nature of Erdogan’s indignation over civilian slaughter. The Turkish Republic, it would seem, is hardly qualified to represent oppressed populations seeking state recognition from triggerhappy masters. Proponents of an image of Turkey as staunch defender of Palestinian rights should meanwhile be wary of Turkish complicity in the Palestinian Authority’s apparent ambitions to convert Palestine into an oasis of neoliberal enclaves. In September of this year, journalist Charlotte Silver reported on the PA’s efforts to establish an industrial zone around Jenin, to be presided over by a Turkish firm: “The concession agreement between Turkish foreign developers and the PA’s Palestinian Industrial Estate and Free Zone Authority, leaked exclusively to The Electronic Intifada, reveals that the industrial zone in Jenin will come under the full control of the foreign power funding the project. If the plan goes forward, this agreement may well set a dangerous precedent for predatory industrialists and multinational companies in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip.” Silver makes a significant observation regarding area residents whose displacement is a prerequisite to the neoliberal undertaking: “Like many Palestinians, farmers in the Marj Ibn Amer Valley have lost their land before — but until now, it has always been to Israel.” That forthcoming land losses will also function on behalf of Israel is nonetheless self-evident: Zionist ideology is the ulti-


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mate beneficiary of the shameless trampling of human rights and piecemeal abdication of Palestinian sovereignty in favor of elite transnational economic interests. The post-Mavi Marmara period has seen a breakdown in Turkish-Israeli diplomatic relations—already tense thanks to Erdogan’s criticism of Cast Lead and Israel’s petty humiliation of the Turkish ambassador to Israel in early 2010, when he was summoned to a meeting at the Foreign Ministry and given a shorter chair than his Israeli interlocutors. However, none of this translates into security or gains for the Palestinian people. In fact, given the clear subordination of Palestinian self-determination to Turkish politico-economic designs, Turkey’s adoption of the Palestinian nationality and official self-promotion under the Hepimiz Filistinliyiz banner represents not solidarity or empowerment but rather the whittling down of Palestinian identity that is already embattled on all sides.

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zations against Israel is both unprecedented and perhaps their greatest military success in decades. Resistance rockets streaked through the air landing in Tel Aviv, Ashod, and other Israeli cities previously thought as untouchable. This possibility was realized by the widely reported transfer of Fajr-5 rocket technology from the Islamic Republic of Iran to Hamas. Ambulances and bomb sirens screamed in Jewish suburbs and a bomb blast struck close to the Israeli War Ministry building in Tel Aviv. These developments weighed with mounting pressure from Egypt’s President Morsi were enough to force Israel’s top politicians to seriously consider an immediate ceasefire.

Kareem Elzein

But this latest unfolding has other angles that we as supporters of the Palestinian cause must consider before waving our kaffiyehs in victory. As Israel ramped up for another unprovoked attack on Gaza in early November, their government was likely thinking not of today but for January 22nd, when Israelis are expected to go to the polls and elect new leaders. And with resistance rockets striking deeper into the heart of the enemy, Netanyahu’s administration likely got what they wanted: three polls of Israeli public opinion found overwhelming support (between 84% and 91%) for the air onslaught of the Gaza Strip. The sound of sirens in Tel Aviv will likely haunt many Israelis, not only through the night but up until election day when they cast their ballots.

This latest retaliation by Hamas and other Palestinian resistance organi-

These signs must temper our excitement over the resistance victory with

Belén Fernández is the author of The Imperial Messenger: Thomas Friedman at Work, published by Verso in 2011. She is a contributing editor at Jacobin magazine.

REFLECTIONS ON GAZA


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caution as we witness intensifying conservatism and fanaticism within Israel. One state, two states, neither is possible with Israeli governments led by Zionists like Benyamin Netanyahu. It is essential that the happenings within Israel are seriously considered when we make our analysis. Once again Israel was able to manufacture an unnecessary war against Palestinians. November 8 marked a significant escalation when Israeli troops fired into Gaza killing 13-year-old Ahmed Abu Daqa who was playing football at the time. In an unsurprising turn of events, Israeli military officials denied any culpability, stating on CNN that initial investigation “did not indicate the Israeli military had any connection to the shooting.” This communicative-political-policing complex is indicative of a growing tendency toward fascism that will make any resistance to the state more and more difficult for Arabs and Jews living within Israel. The sheer disproportionality of violence meted out against Gazans should dispel any arguments of Israel’s self-defense. F-16’s versus Fajr-5? There is no debate which inspires more terror. In most judicial proceedings, the initiator of a violent confrontation is usually found at fault, especially when the initiator also beats the victim to a pulp. But this narrative and logic of the victim is all but lost in the Israeli press and court of public opinion. Palestinians have an unquestionable right to retaliate against unprovoked violence and ongoing oppression. They also have an unquestionable right to

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struggle to regain or receive reparations for their stolen land. But erstwhile we must remain realistic, weigh the good with the bad and actions with their repercussions. It is possible for us to be excited, determined, and realistic about resistance all at once. We as natives have time on our side. Our memories will not erase, nor will our scars disappear—if we refuse to let them. Time is on our side and liberation is inevitable.

AUB SIT-IN FOR GAZA Thurayya Zreik

It was noontime Monday November 19th, 2012 and the sun shone over the AUB campus. Students gathered around the stairs of Main Gate donning keffiyeh scarves and holding banners and signs bearing their passionate, handwritten words. They gathered as individuals of different clubs and political affiliations but stood together in solidarity with the people of Gaza. Over the past few weeks, demonstrations have been held across the world— in Dublin, Canada, Korea, Macedonia, Cuba, and elsewhere—protesting deadly airstrikes by Israeli occupation forces further devastating the lives of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. It seems only natural for AUB to join this wave of protest against such violent infringements on human rights. The aggressive attacks on Gaza have resulted in the deaths of scores of civilians, men, women, children, the elderly, and journalists.


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Images of the death and destruction that continue to plague Gaza and its residents have been furiously circulating in both traditional and social media, mobilizing youth everywhere to take a stance. But despite Lebanon’s proximity and close relationship with Palestine, many AUB students refused to attend the sit-in. “It won’t change anything,” they say, shrugging apologetically. “Israel will still be there no matter how long we stand or how loud we shout.” It is this despondent attitude that inflicts the worst harm on the struggle for liberation. Silence and acceptance of defeat only consolidates the Israeli occupation

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forces as a normal power in our reality, which it is not. Protest actions are an act of resistance, and this sit-in was no exception. It served as a political statement and an act of solidarity, a public rejection of Israel’s war crimes against the people of Gaza. More importantly, it served as an attempt to raise awareness among AUB students of the events taking place in nearby Palestine. Students in the middle of the gathering held pieces of cardboard that when viewed from above formed a giant Palestinian flag. The earnest melody of the Palestinian national anthem rippled across the crowd of people who proudly sung the ballad. The organizers then issued a brief moment of silence followed

Joey Ayoub


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by several traditional songs of resistance. Resistance is not only physical—it is also a movement generated by the public denouncement of an oppressor, a global solidarity movement, a refusal to normalize with an aggressive occupational force . One does not have to take up arms in order to contribute to the resistance. As young people with the privilege to an education, a nationality and basic human rights, using our voice to speak for those who do not have one is an act of resistance. A sense of detachment might stifle this feeling of obligation to stand up and speak out. “We have our own problems, we can’t deal with the Palestinians’ too!” is an often spoken statement of Lebanese and Arab people. But the relationship between Lebanon and Palestine transcends the issue of nationality, and the problems faced by either country do not stop at their respective borders. History as well as geography has bound our fate to that of the Palestinian people. We face a common aggressor and shared future. Also recognizing the interconnectedness of human fates, foreigners of all nations have supported the cause of justice in Palestine. Many regional and international commentators of the conflict are critical of Israeli violence and discriminatory policies, terming Gaza Strip an open air prison. Since 2006, the Israeli occupation initiated a land and naval blockade restricting imports of food, water, construction materials,

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electricity, medical supplies, and other necessities. Capturing the blasé attitude of Israeli officials toward this heinous policy, Dov Weisglass, a senior advisor of Ehud Olmert, said “The idea is to put the Palestinians on a diet, but not to make them die of hunger.” It is against this shameful disregard for human life that AUB students demonstrated. Their calls demanded justice for Gaza and resistance against the colonialist and imperialist forces that have prompted many conflicts in Lebanon and the region. And importantly these chants rebelled against that silence which often pervades atrocities and war-crimes plaguing the world. The plight of the Palestinian people is not an issue that is fated to be the burden of Palestinians alone. It is a human issue that transcends borders, religions, and nationalities. It is important for AUB students, open-minded and globallyconscious, to add their voices to the global choir already demanding an end to injustice and oppression.

»‫«غزة يف قلب الجامعة‬ ‫هادي مراد‬

‫ألقيت القصيدة «غزة يف قلب الجامعة» يف اعتصام الجامعة‬ .٢٠١٢-١١-١٩ ...‫األمريكية يف بريوت‬ .‫قصة حرب وثورة نار‬-------------------‫بيني وبينك يا إنسان‬ .‫والقتل مكلل بالغار‬--------------------‫غزة ويافا يا لبنان‬ .‫لح نرجع بكرا أحرار‬------------------‫ورب البحر ورسو البان‬ .‫يولد فرحة من ثوار‬-------------------‫بجامعتي رحم األحزان‬ .‫لألطفال بقلبي دار‬---------------------‫يا طُاليب و يا أخوان‬


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.‫تندمر شعب امل ُختار‬-----------------‫من أقىص وأدىن البلدان‬ .‫نحن ضد اإلستعامر‬-------------------‫وتنقول برصخة وإعالن‬ .‫مرنجع عدل األخيار‬---------------------‫ونح َن بسالح امليزان‬ .‫كرس تل املش منهار‬-------------------‫كرس صمتك يا رضغام‬ َ .‫و أناشيد و إستنفار‬-------------------‫ودروبك يا أقىص غنان‬ .‫بفلسطني رمينا حجار‬------------------‫تذكر يا طفل األوطان‬ .‫نحن منقصف أرض العار‬--------------‫من سجيل ومن بركان‬ .‫و صفارة كال إنذار‬-----------------‫و صاروخ بقوة إميان‬ .‫وإيدك بتقصا املنشار‬------------------‫يا ُمستعمر لح تندان‬ .‫شجرتنا جذورا إعامر‬------------------‫طول بالك عاألغصان‬ .‫وكنايسنا اإلنتصار‬--------------------‫ومسجدنا جرس وآدان‬ .‫غزة ملتال ما بينهار‬-------------------‫ومهام لعبتا يا فتان‬ .‫حدا الجنة و حدك نار‬----------------‫وغزة يا عابد أوثان‬ .‫بقيودك فجر إعصار‬-----------------‫قوم تحرر يا إنسان‬ .‫برا الحرب وفيها صغار‬----------------‫إرفع صوتك ال تنهان‬ .‫قوم تحرك ال تحتار‬----------------‫وفيها الرش وإنس وجان‬ .‫قيل إنت شو بتختار‬------------------‫بني الذل و بني ْهوان‬ .‫صوت وكفية وإشعار‬----------------‫من هيدي الساحة أعالم‬ .‫لنوحد صوت األحرار‬------------------‫وجمعنا نجيل و قرآن‬ .‫وغزة عزفك عاألوتار‬-----------------‫وبالصوت نناشد ألحان‬ .‫حامل قلبي وكل ارسار‬------------------‫جيتك يا أحىل إنسان‬ .‫قرب صويب يا جبار‬-------------------‫وقلبي صغري ما بينضام‬ .‫ولغزة نكون الشعار‬------------------‫قرب تنكون العنوان‬ .‫وعدين من هون التيار‬----------------‫هديتك روحي والسالم‬ .‫وبجامعتي نكون كبار‬-----------------‫وعدين يا رفيقي بلبنان‬ .‫أسمى من كل اليل صار‬----------------‫لرنجع غزة وال كان‬ .‫بدنا غزة اإلنتصار‬--------------------‫و تنقول بكل األديان‬

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beyond the marsh of reality. Sea is addled with Palestine Diaspora and solidarity politics that screams at injustice while presenting little that is useful to the struggle for Palestine. In brief, the story is a cinematic fantasy of a Brooklyn Palestinian returning to Palestine. After several short starts, the main protagonist Surayya’s adventure begins with a bank robbery in Ramallah that forces her to flea into Israel with her friend Imad, a quiet but defiant West Bank man. Together they loudly tramp across occupied ‘48; in step, Surayya confronts a second generation Israeli occupying her grandfather’s home as well as anyone else who offends her sense of identity.

SALT OF THIS SEA

As you might predict, their risky journey ends in tragedy. In a routine exercise of discriminatory policing, Israeli officers stop Imad for looking poor and Arab, arresting him as an illegal ‘infiltrator.’ Surayya is caught up in the fray and taken to Ben Gurion airport where security readies her for deportation. In the film’s final moments, the narrative focuses almost singly on Surayya and her maltreatment by the Israeli state, only giving passing thought to Imad’s more serious troubles—likely months or years in an Israeli prison. But poor Surayya must return to New York.

Annemarie Jacir’s film Salt of This Sea (2008) is worthy of praise for its cinematic and narrative merits. Yet as an exploration of Palestine politics, it fails as most do, to offer possibility

In fact, this movie is a perfect parallel for Palestine solidarity politics: all growl, little reality, no bite. We’ve known of this occupation for decades and critiques of colonialism precede it by centuries. If we are to take the advice of Salt of This Sea

FILM REVIEW

‫نقد‬ ‫فيلم‬

Kareem Elzein


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as phrased by Imad, we only need “hold our heads up” during our subjugation. But if we want to be honest ourselves, we should admit that defiant submission to oppression is a self-defeating strategy. Surayya is the vibrant, beautiful, intelligent, and resilient feminine: a woman that all women of the Palestinian Diaspora will necessarily relate to and idolize. She says what the many say; she does what the many wish to; she keeps her chin up, taking the oppressor’s best shot square. But if we scrutinize her actions, we realize she failed to change anything and failed to realize why she failed. Her actions were not those of resistance, but individualistic opportunism; and her opportunism had lasting consequences that were delicately ignored by the narration. If I were to reimage Salt of This Sea, my Surayya would not act so recklessly.

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She would remain in Palestine for the long haul instead of forcing her own deportation. My Surayya would relish in preparation and look to build sustainable resistance. She would fight, not in ways already known to fail, but in pursuit of routes unexplored and armed with the lessons of past struggles. My Surayya through her leadership and foresight might lead us from New York to Palestine. “Critique has become vain. Critique has become vain because it amounts to an absence... Rather than new critiques, new cartographies are what we need. Cartographies not for Empire, but for lines of flight out of it. How is it to be done? We need maps. Not maps of what is off the map. We need navigation maps... That don’t try to say or represent what is within different archipelagos of desertion, but show us how to meet up with them.” - tiqqun


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‫الشهداء األبطال من اليمني إىل اليسار‪ :‬ياسني موىس املوزاين وأحمد الشيخ محمود ومنري املغريب‪.‬‬

‫مختبئة وراء التسميات اإلقليمية التي أوجدها اإلستعامر‪ ..‬ترى ونهاية ألعدائه‪ ..‬أحبايئ يف الوطن الكبري‪..‬‬ ‫من خاللها نافذة تخرج منها لتصافح األعداء‪..‬‬ ‫اقتلوا املؤامرة‪ ،‬كونوا در ًعا للثورة العربية‪ .‬ففلسطني وثورتها‬ ‫جزء منكم‪ ،‬ضعوها يف حبات عيونكم وال تنسوا أن التفريط بها‬ ‫من هي فلسطني؟‪..‬‬ ‫يعني التفريط بكل القيم العربية وبكل جامهرينا‪.‬‬ ‫من هم الفلسطينيون؟‪..‬‬ ‫من هي سوريا؟!‬ ‫ليمتزج الدم العريب يف كل مكان‪ ،‬معل ًنا الوحدة والتضامن ضد‬ ‫من هم السوريون؟!‪..‬‬ ‫ومن هم أولئك الذين يعيشون تحت أسامء مختلفة‪ ..‬يف عموم أعداء هذه األمة‪ ،‬حيث أن الفصل بني القضايا الوطنية هو ما‬ ‫يريده األعداء‪ ..‬ولنفوت عىل األعداء ما يريدون‪..‬‬ ‫األرض العربية؟!‪..‬‬ ‫لقد قتلتنا التجزئة‪ ..‬ذبحت أعناقنا‪..‬‬ ‫أميض أمامكم‪ ،‬وأنا واثق من أنكم ستتبعونني‪ ،‬فال ميكن الفصل‬ ‫هل املشكلة الفلسطينية تنفصل عن قضيتنا؟‪..‬‬ ‫بني نضالنا يف سوريا ونضال فلسطني‪..‬‬ ‫هل حرية فلسطني تنفصل عن حريتنا؟‪..‬‬ ‫حزيران مل يثبت ذلك‪ ،‬وترشين أيضً ا‪ ،‬وكل ما يدور ال ميكن أن‬ ‫يفصل بني عريب وعريب‪ .‬ألجل عيون الوطن املوحد‪ ،‬وليك ال تكرب‬ ‫املأساة‪ ،‬ولتسقط أحالم األعداء يف تجزئة بالدنا‪ ،‬نقاتل ونضحي‪.‬‬ ‫مؤمتر «السالم» و«الدويلة الفلسطينية» وطاوالت املفاوضات‪،‬‬ ‫كل ذلك تكريس للهزمية‪ ،‬تكريس للواقع اليسء‪.‬‬

‫لنأخذ من الثوريني يف العامل عربة لنا‪ .‬فالرفاق اليابانيون الذين‬ ‫استشهدوا يف سبيل هدفهم سجلوا بذلك مأثرة ال تنىس‪..‬‬ ‫كام أن الرتابط يف النضال الثوري العاملي يف سبيل دحر أعداء‬ ‫الشعوب دفع بهم للنضال إىل جانبنا‪ ،‬فكيف بنا نحن أبناء‬ ‫القضية‪ ،‬نحن العرب‪..‬‬

‫أميض اآلن‪ ،‬ولن أعود‪ .‬أعرف ذلك‪ ،‬وأعرف أن املاليني من‬ ‫بعد ساعات سأميض يف طريقي‪ ،‬طريق الشهادة‪ ..‬الطريق إىل الثوريني سوف يتابعون الطريق يف نضالهم ضد األعداء‪.‬‬ ‫طويل‪،‬‬ ‫حياة جديدة تحتضن طموحي يف وطن محرر‪ ..‬الحرية التي ال أهال بك أيها املوت‪ .‬إنك متنحني الحياة‪ .‬فالطريق ال يزال اً‬ ‫وال زلنا يف بدايته‪ .‬وليعلم اآلخرون كيف يفتدى الوطن‪».‬‬ ‫ميكن أن تأيت من دون تضحية‪.‬‬ ‫أميض اآلن يف الطريق الذي اخرتته بكل فخر وسعادة‪ ،‬ألنني‬ ‫من خالله‪ ،‬سأحقق أمنيايت‪ ..‬ليس املوت هو النهاية أبدًا‪ ..‬إنه إختارت جريدتنا «الهوية» هذه املعلومات من سلسلة عمليات‬ ‫البداية‪ ،‬بداية لحياة جديدة‪ ،‬زاخرة بالسعادة لكل شعبي‪ ،‬نوعية العدد رقم واحد‪.‬‬


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‫‪HISTORICAL‬‬ ‫‪EVENT‬‬

‫يا رفيقي‪ ...‬إعرف تاريخك‬ ‫عملية الخالصة اإلستشهادية‬ ‫سومر كيش‬ ‫يف املقدمة‪:‬‬ ‫من واجب األحياء أن يخلدوا ذكرى من غاب‪ .‬فكيف إذا‬ ‫كان من غاب بطالً حمل قضية أخالقية وعادلة‪ ،‬آمن بها‬ ‫وافتدى نفسه بها‪ ...‬يف هذه الحال يغدو التخليد ليس عمالً‬ ‫فرديًا وتكر ًميا شخص ًيا لألبطال‪ ،‬بل يصبح حفظًا للتاريخ ومنارة‬ ‫لألجيال‪...‬‬ ‫العملية‪ :‬عملية الخالصة‬ ‫الزمان‪ ١١ :‬نيسان ‪١٩٧٤‬‬ ‫املكان‪ :‬مستعمرة كريات شمونة‪ ،‬الخالصة‪ ،‬التي تقع يف شامل‬ ‫فلسطني املحتلة‬ ‫املنفذون‪ :‬الشهيد البطل منري املغريب (ولد يف دمشق)‬ ‫الشهيد البطل أحمد الشيخ محمود (ولد يف حلب)‬ ‫الشهيد البطل ياسني موىس املوزاين (من مواليد واسط ـ‪-‬جنوب‬ ‫العراق)‬ ‫بعض املعلومات عن العملية‪:‬‬

‫ ‪AL-HAWIYYA | ISSUE 1‬‬

‫يحتجز فيه الرهائن‪ .‬وجرت معركة عنيفة بني مقاتيل الوحدة‬ ‫االنتحارية وقوات العدو‪ .‬وقد نف ّذ الفدائيون إنذارهم وقاموا‬ ‫بتفجري املبنى بعد أن زرعوا العبوات الناسفة يف أماكن مختلفة‬ ‫منه‪.‬‬ ‫أسفرت العملية عن استشهاد الفدائيني الثالثة ومقتل ‪-18-‬‬ ‫إرسائيل ًيا وجرح ‪ -15-‬آخرين إضافة إىل الخسائر املادية‪.‬‬ ‫الجدير بالذكر أن األبطال الثالثة وزعوا خالل هجومهم‬ ‫منشورات ‏باللغة العربية والعربية بني املستعمرين الصهاينة‬ ‫يف كريات شمونة‪ .‬‏وجاء يف املنشور األول‪« :‬ال ميكن لنا أبدًا‬ ‫أن نقبل بتواجدكم ‏االستعامري االستيطاين‪ ..‬وإننا نحب‬ ‫السالم‪ ،‬ونحارب من أجله‪ ..‬‏أمامكم أيها الصهاينة خيارين‪ :‬إما‬ ‫الرحيل‪ ،‬وإما املوت‪ ..‬فارحلوا ‏لنعش بسالم‪ ..‬وأنبذوا قيادتكم‬ ‫التي اختارت لكم املوت خدم ًة ‏ألهدافها‪ ».‬‏أما البيان العربي‬ ‫فقد جاء فيه‪« :‬إن الهدف املركزي لنضاالتنا ‏هو إقامة دولة‬ ‫فلسطينية دميقراطية عىل كل الرتاب الفلسطيني‪».‬‬ ‫وصية البطل أحمد الشيخ محمود‬ ‫نختار يف عددنا األول مشاركتكم وصية البطل أحمد الشيخ‬ ‫محمود ‪:‬‬ ‫«من مواليد منطقة إعزاز ـ حلب عام ‪ .١٩٥٤‬سوري الجنسية‪...‬‬ ‫درست املرحلة اإلبتدائية يف مدرسة ميسلون‪ ،‬ثم يف مدرسة‬ ‫ناظم الطبقجيل يف القامشيل‪.‬‬ ‫أكملت املرحلة اإلعدادية يف مدرسة إبن رشد يف حلب‪،‬‬ ‫وانضممت إىل صفوف الفدائيني عام ‪ ١٩٧٢‬وكنت األول يف‬ ‫دوريت‪.‬‬

‫يف ‪ 1974-4-11‬اقتحمت مجموعة من املقاتلني الشجعان قبل أن أبدأ خطواطي باتجاه الهدف‪ ،‬ويف اللحظات التي أبدأ‬ ‫مستعمرة كريات شمونة شاميل فلسطني‪ ،‬وسيطرت عىل فيها الرحيل نحو املجد‪ ،‬فإن عيل أن أخاطبكم جمي ًعا يف كل‬ ‫مدرسة وبناية تتكون من ‪ -15-‬شقة واحتجزت عددًا من مكان‪.‬‬ ‫الرهائن اإلرسائيليني بعد معركة مع قوة إرسائيلية‪.‬‬ ‫لقد امتزج طموحي بطعم الحرية‪ ،‬وغنيت منذ طفولتي للثورة‪.‬‬ ‫تقدم الفدائيون بطلب اإلفراج عن مائة من األرسى الفدائيني قرأت التاريخ‪ ،‬وحلمت بوطن عريب كبري موحد‪.‬‬ ‫املعتقلني يف السجون اإلرسائيلية حسب قدمهم يف األرس منذ‬ ‫‪ ،1966‬ومن بينهم الفدايئ الياباين كوزو اوكاموتو املحكوم عليه تأملت عندما فتحت عيوين عىل أقطار وبلدان وحكومات‬ ‫مجزأة‪ ،‬ووطن تنهشه الكالب‪.‬‬ ‫بالسجن املؤبد واملشارك يف عملية مطار اللد عام ‪.1972‬‬ ‫رفضت سلطات االحتالل اإلرسائيلية مطالب الفدائيني‪ ،‬وعززت عرفت جيدا ما هي «سايكس بيكو»‪ ،‬وملاذا الصهاينة يف قلب‬ ‫قواتها يف املستعمرة‪ ،‬ثم ش ّنت هجو ًما عىل املبنى الذي وطني‪ ..‬تأملت جدًا حيث اإلضطهاد ميارس عىل شعبي واألنظمة‬


Issue One - December 2012  

Offers current perspectives on the history, culture, and conscience of Palestine and the diaspora; documenting through student voice the pas...