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Ad Astra

Colophon Ad Astra Issue 2, June 2008

Editorial Board Veerle Heijne, B.Sc. Nadia Khawalid Susan Nysingh Harry van der Weijde, B.A. Dr. Willem van den Broeke Prof. Dr. Henk Meijer Gonny Pasaribu, M.A. Junior Board Isabelle van der Bom Copy Editor Gonny Pasaribu Typesetting and Design Lianne van Klinken, ProGrafici, Goes Karelien van IJsseldijk, De Drvkkery, Middelburg (cover) Photography Tim van Eenennaam, De Drvkkery, Middelburg (cover) Nadia Khawalid Ian Parker Printed by Pitman, Goes Ad Astra is published once a year by Roosevelt Academy. For submission procedures, please consult our webpage: Postal Address Roosevelt Academy Ad Astra P.O. Box 94 NL-4330 AB Middelburg The Netherlands

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To the Stars! … and beyond! Before you lies the second edition of Ad Astra. We are very proud to present this edition to you; a work that entails a lot of blood, sweat, and tears. As with the first edition, the excellence of the papers was maintained. We have made sure the diversity of the Roosevelt Academy student body is portrayed within the selection of papers.

representatives of RA: seeking for academic challenge in a wide variety of fields. We hope this edition of Ad Astra provides all students at Roosevelt Academy with inspiration for future academic writings. All other readers will get an insight into the academic work done by Roosevelt Academy students. We hope you will enjoy reading this academic journal with as much pleasure as it is for us to present it to you.

It must be emphasized that this edition of Ad Astra could not have been published without the help of many people. We have to thank the previous board for their achievement of such a high-quality journal, encouraging many students to send us their papers. We are grateful to those who submitted their work to Ad Astra, to the referees who checked the papers’ content, to the reviser who worked on the style, grammar and punctuation of the papers, to the people that worked on the layout, and of course to the writers of the papers who spent much time perfecting their work.

The Editorial Board, Veerle Heijne, Chair Nadia Khawalid, Secretary Susan Nysingh Harry van der Weijde Gonny Pasaribu Willem van den Broeke Henk Meijer

The second edition of Ad Astra reflects yet again the academic diversity within RA. All departments of Roosevelt Academy are represented in this issue; its topics ranging from UV radiation to the Middelburg bombing, from language variation to realism theories in international relations and from the Middelburgs Muziekkorps to explaining the resource curse. With this interesting blend of papers, the Roosevelt Academy students present themselves as true 3

Contents 7 Witnesses of a Burning Town Laurens Hemminga On May 17, 1940, the old inner city of Middelburg suffered extensive damage from fires caused by military violence. The character of the attack is a contested issue. The main question that divides authors on the subject is whether the attack was a terror operation or a tactical attack.

21 Explaining Language Variation: Should We Focus on Sex, Gender or Sexuality? Ellie van Setten The linguistic variation that exists between men and women has been attributed to several variables such as sex, gender and sexuality. However, to what extent are these variables successful in explaining the linguistic variation?

35 Explaining the Curse of Resource Abundance – An Exploration in the Political Economy of Growth Jochem de Bresser The resource curse refers to the paradoxical observation that resource-abundant economies grow more slowly than those less well-endowed with natural capital. This paper analyzes the institutional channel of causation that has been proposed to underlie the curse.

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55 The Middelburgs Muziekkorps and Its Music Library Sanderine van Odijk and Veerle Heijne The Middelburgs Muziekkorps, founded in 1815, has fulfilled an important musical role in the history of Middelburg. One if its directors, Jan Morks (1865– 1926), was also a highly established composer and arranger. In the Second World War, most of his compositions were lost. The research as described in this article was aimed at retrieving the surviving compositions.

69 Unrealistic Realism: World City Theory and the Reconfiguration of Power Relations Martijn Mos This paper explores the relevance of realist theories of International Relations in the face of processes of globalization and the local impacts they have. More concretely, it sets out to answer the question to what extent world city theory can be interpreted as a critique of the theoretical assumptions that underlie realism.

83 UV Radiation and Its Effects on the Skin Johanna Gröne and Tania van Westering UVR damages the skin by changing the DNA in cells and producing free radicals. These free radicals themselves can also break the backbone of the DNA causing gene abnormalities, which can result in skin cancer.

91 Biographies of the Authors 93 Biographies of the Editorial Board Members

The Middelburg City Hall after the bombardment of May 17, 1940, by Reimond Kimpe (Middelburg City Hall Collection, picture bij Ivo Wennekes).

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Witnesses of a Burning Town Laurens Hemminga | Roosevelt Academy In partial fulfillment of the requirements for A&H 375 The Voice of the Past, taught by Dr. Willem van den Broeke (Fall 2007). Abstract This paper originally was the report of a primary research project conducted for A&H 375 Voice of the Past. This modified version describes the German bombardment of Middelburg during the Second World War, based on eyewitness accounts. To put the event in a proper historical context, an account of the first days of the Second World War in the Netherlands is given, from the international situation before the war to the day Middelburg was bombed. The description of the bombardment itself is entirely based on the stories of eyewitnesses, one of whom was still alive and interviewed for this paper. Introduction On May 17, 1940, the old inner city of Middelburg suffered extensive damage from fires caused by military violence. The old Town Hall burned down, as well as the abbey and adjoining church with its tower. Furthermore, many old buildings in the center were destroyed by the fire. The death toll was relatively low (only 22 died), because the civilian population had largely been evacuated to the surrounding countryside. These were, in very brief summary, the undeniable effects of the attack on Middelburg. However, the character of the attack itself is a contested issue. The main question that divides authors on the subject is whether the attack was a terror operation or a tactical attack. To put it more specifically: was the attack comparable to the bombardment of Rotterdam (i.e., random 1

destruction) or was it an attack directed against specific targets for an assumed military utility? This is the question that will be discussed in this paper. The aim of the paper is to present some clues, mainly from oral history, that can serve as a contribution to the discussion surrounding the bombardment. The original sources used will be eyewitness accounts, in written or audio form, from the Zeeuws Documentatiecentrum in Middelburg. One of the eyewitnesses, Jan Sies, was also interviewed for this paper. The structure of this paper is as follows. This introduction is followed by two sections with a brief description of the fighting in the Netherlands and in Zuid-Beveland until the German forces reached the Sloedam1, and Middelburg was bombed. After an overview

The Sloedam crossed the narrow stretch of sea between Walcheren and Zuid-Beveland. Today, this water has been

converted into land and the Sloedam does not exist anymore. It used to be near the village of Arnemuiden, approximately on the same place where there is still the adjacent highway and railroad tracks just outside the village. 7

Laurens Hemminga Witnesses of a Burning Town

of the opinions of four authors on the bombardment, focusing on whether they considered the bombardment to be a terror bombardment or a tactical bombardment, the next section recounts the bombardment of Middelburg, focusing on information provided by the sources. In the final sections some other factors that could indicate what type of bombardment this was will be discussed, followed by a conclusion.

the army, navy and air force altogether, but the anti-militaristic mood was still influential, and during most of the period between the World Wars, military spending was quite unpopular. In the early thirties, therefore, the Dutch military was far from sufficiently strong. It was too small, poorly trained, and poorly equipped, with a lot of equipment dating from the late nineteenth century. Meanwhile, in Germany, the political scene had changed drastically. Adolf Hitler seized power in 1933 and violently removed almost all internal opponents to his rule in 1934, in what came to be known as the Night of the Long Knives. After its defeat in the First World War, Germany was held artificially weak by the victors France and Britain. The size of its army was drastically reduced and it had to pay huge reparations to the victors, holding it economically weak. Hitler and the Nazis wanted to get rid of these restrictions, and an important part of this was by rebuilding the army. In the thirties, the German military thus underwent a huge build-up. This did not go unnoticed internationally, and other European nations started building up their militaries as well. The Dutch government was late in preparing the military for the danger of war. As early as in 1935, General Reijnders of the Dutch army warned the government that a European war in the near future “should be seen as very likely.”2 Serious attempts at enlarging and rearming the military started the same year, but did not yield significant results. Two years later, in 1937, Reijnders informed the government of what was still urgently needed: artillery, aircraft and anti-aircraft guns, tanks and anti-tank guns, and armored

The Road to War and the Blitzkrieg in the Netherlands, May 1940 The Second World War began for the Netherlands when Nazi Germany invaded the country in the early morning of May 10, 1940. The Dutch armed forces were poorly prepared to face the Third Reich and so defeat came on May 14, just five days later. How did it come to this? Up until 1940, the Netherlands had maintained a neutrality policy. The idea behind this was that in case of a war between the major powers of Europe, the Netherlands should remain neutral because it was so small that war with a major power could only bring disaster to this country. It should also maintain a sufficiently strong army to deter other powers from invading and in this way maintain its neutrality. However, the Great Depression of 1929 had hit the Dutch economy hard, and the government had reacted by making budget cuts, especially in the armed forces. Also, following the horrors of the First World War, many people and politicians were anti-militaristic, meaning that they opposed maintaining armed forces altogether. Dutch governments had never been so radically anti-militaristic that they wanted to disband 2

Original quote: “als zeer reëel moet worden beschouwd”, as quoted in Amersfoort & Kamphuis, p. 63. 8

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vehicles. However, as a result of the weapons scarcity on the international market (since all nations were rearming themselves), few weapons could actually be purchased. The situation in Europe became more and more uncertain as the years passed. Nazi Germany was showing clearly expansionist behavior. In 1938, Hitler wanted to annex a part of Czechoslovakia. In reaction to this, the Dutch government prepared to mobilize the army. In August 1939, tensions between Germany and Poland rose, and Poland seemed to be the next target of German expansion. Britain and France made an agreement with Poland that they would declare war on the Germans if Poland was invaded. War in Europe seemed inevitable. On August 28, the Dutch government mobilized the army. Four days later, Germany invaded Poland, and defeated it in little over a month. Britain and France declared war, but could do little. Signs were not good for the Netherlands. Following the defeat of Poland, and also Denmark and Norway, Germany seemed to turn its attention westward. On April 26, 1940, a Dutch intelligence report writes: “The position of German troops is such that an attack westward may be started at any moment(…).”3 By now, the Dutch army was ready to fight, or at least as ready as it could be with the limited means at its disposal. At the start of May, tension rose further. On May 6, Dutch army command received a warning of a possible German invasion on May 8. On May 8, German troop movements were spotted close to the Dutch 3

border. The Dutch army command now believed that war was very near. On May 9, at 9 p.m., Dutch commanders received a message that read: “Highly disturbing signs are coming from the [German] border. Be very alert.”4 This message was sent to all positions of the Dutch army in the field. Now, as the Sun set on May 9, Dutch soldiers stood poised behind their outdated guns, waiting nervously for the war to start. It started at four the following night, when German air force and army units crossed the border. The Dutch plan for a German invasion was to concentrate on defending the highly urbanized western part of the country. It would do so by using defensive lines aimed at the east. However, against the German Blitzkrieg tactic, which focuses on swift, combined attacks with tanks, infantry and aircraft, such a defensive tactic proved unsuitable. Dutch defensive lines in the east of the country fell quickly before the German advance. At the end of the first day of war, the Germans had advanced a good distance into the country. Surprise air strikes against Dutch air force bases had destroyed nearly the entire Dutch air force on the ground. During the following days of the war, it soon became obvious that the Dutch army was far too weak to resist the Germans. Only one significant Dutch victory can be counted during these days: a German paratrooper attack on airfields near The Hague was repelled, involving the destruction of many German transport aircraft. However, on the whole the German advance was nearly

Original quote: “De opstelling der Duitsche troepen is zoodanig, dat op elk gewild oogenblik overgegaan kan worden

kan worden tot een aanval naar het Westen (…).” Quoted in Amersfoort & Kamphuis, p. 83. 4

Original text: “Van de grens komen zeer verontrustende berichten binnen. Wees dus zeer op uw hoede.” Quoted in

Amersfoort & Kamphuis, p. 83. 9

Laurens Hemminga Witnesses of a Burning Town

unstoppable. As the Dutch air force was destroyed, and because munitions stocks for anti-aircraft batteries began to run out after a few days, German aircraft could increasingly move and attack wherever they wished. On May 14, the German air force, the Luftwaffe, carried out a heavy bombardment on Rotterdam, destroying most of the city. They did so in response to continued, stubborn defense of the city by Dutch troops. The Germans informed the Dutch that they would bomb Utrecht as well if attempts were made to defend that city. Dutch high command realized that they would not be able to stop the Luftwaffe from doing so. Through this method, demanding surrender at the threat of bombardment, the Germans would be able to conquer every major city, unless the Dutch were prepared to face the destruction of every major city. It was now that the Dutch commanders decided that further resistance was useless. They informed the Germans that they were prepared to surrender.

of the German war machine. In addition, paranoid fear of the ‘Fifth Collumn’ of Dutch traitors and German spies paralyzed the mental resistance of Dutch troops. In Zuid-Beveland, there were two rather weak defensive lines: the Zanddijkline near Yerseke and the Bathline between Rilland and Bergen op Zoom. Bergen op Zoom had already been conquered by the Germans. On May 14, they conducted a limited artillery bombardment on the Bathline. The southern part of this line was then completely abandoned and, a few hours later, the northern part as well. On the next day, a battalion of SS soldiers took the Bathline without resistance and moved on to the second line, which was the Zanddijkline. By this time, news of the surrender of the rest of the Netherlands was known throughout Zeeland, and the defenders of the Zanddijkline had heard it too, making morale even lower than it already was. When the Luftwaffe carried out some air strikes against the line, using bombs and machinegun fire, much of this line was abandoned as well. When the SS troops reached the line, they were met with stubborn resistance on certain places, but most of the line was unmanned, and the resistance that was being offered was soon broken by more air strikes. The SS did suffer some casualties due to the many landmines that were lain as part of the defenses of the Zanddijkline. A last-ditch effort to defend Zuid-Beveland was made when the Dutch blew up bridges over the channel that crosses Zuid-Beveland. The French improvised some simple defenses on the other side of the channel. However, the Germans managed to reach the other

Zeeland as a Separate Case: Continued Resistance On May 14, the Dutch army surrendered, with the exception of troops in Zeeland. This exception was made because French troops had come to aid the Dutch defense following the German invasion. These troops had to be given a few days to retreat so they would be able to continue the war. The German army started its assault on Zeeland on May 15.5 The morale of Dutch troops in Zeeland was very low. Dutch soldiers who were driven out of other parts of the country had fled to Zeeland and spread tales of the irresistible power 5

The German air force had already attacked targets in Zeeland from the beginning of the invasion. 10

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shore, and the French and remaining Dutch troops fled in panic, largely to Walcheren. The rest of Zuid-Beveland was conquered by the Germans without resistance. On the morning of May 17, SS troops had reached the Sloedam. French troops defended the other side of the dam and, aided by some French and English warships on the sea, repelled the first German attack on it. It was in the afternoon of this day that the Germans bombed Middelburg. Walcheren was conquered the same day, as the last French resistance near the Sloedam and in Arnemuiden was broken in the afternoon. Following the bombardment of Middelburg, Dutch troops on Walcheren had surrendered, although at this time they had in fact already ceased fighting.

There is no positive identification of the aircraft that were seen above the city, but Van der Weel leaves little doubt that they were German: “That they were German aircraft, furthermore, is logical, because the British did not have aircraft in the area and it has never been made to seem plausible that French aircraft had been in action over the town. Whatever would the French or British accomplish with such an action at a moment when the town had not yet fallen in German hands?”6 (pp. 155-156; this and other translations are mine) Given that most of the artillery and all of the aircraft that attacked Middelburg were German, he then goes on to define “terror bombardment”. His definition consists of the following elements: a bombardment (by artillery of aircrafts) is a terror bombardment if it is a bombardment on (1) a city of the opposing party which (2) does not have the aim of attacking one or more military targets but instead (3) has the aim of forcing the opponent to surrender or intimidating them, making it (4) a violation of humanitarian laws. He then argues that the bombardment of Middelburg fits this description for the following reasons. First, he argues that there were few military targets in Middelburg. There were barracks and the Commando Zeeland, the Dutch command center. Also, there was the old East-Indian House, behind which there were some storage houses which

A Tactical Bombardment or a Terror Bombardment? The following authors have presented an opinion on the bombardment: J.J. van der Weel, L.W. de Bree, J.N. Houterman, and L. de Jong. Van der Weel (2004) is quite clear on the nature of the bombardment, saying it was clearly meant to instill terror. As a young boy living in Middelburg, he was personally affected by the bombardment, and he later wrote a book about his experiences during the war, paying special attention to the bombardment. He describes how artillery shells hit the town as well as bombs from aircrafts. The artillery grenades were definitely German, although he recognizes that there might have been an inaccurate French grenade among them. 6

Original text: “Dat het Duitse vliegtuigen waren ligt verder voor de hand, want de Britten hadden geen vliegtuigen in

de buurt en het is nooit aannemelijk gemaakt dat Franse bommenwerpers boven de stad in actie zijn geweest. Wat zouden trouwens de Britten en de Fransen met een dergelijke activiteit hebben willen bereiken, op een moment dat de stad nog niet in Duitse handen was?” 11

Laurens Hemminga Witnesses of a Burning Town

“…the Germans started the almost systematic destruction of the core of the town using aircraft bombs and artillery shells.”8 (p. 143)

contained grain and (according to some sources) stocks of war necessities. Outside the inner city there were the station and the railroad, the road to Goes and some houses where, according to some sources, a certain amount of ammunition was stored. However, of these possible targets, only the East-Indian House was destroyed. The target thus seems to a have been the inner city itself, not military targets in Middelburg. Second, it was a known German tactic to force the opponent to surrender by applying or threatening to apply violence against civilians: this had been seen before in Rotterdam and Helmond (in the latter case the Germans had threatened with violence). The bombardment of Middelburg fits this picture. The conclusion of the author is thus that Middelburg was bombed not for strategic advantage but to coerce remaining Dutch and French troops to cease resistance. De Bree was charged by the provincial government of Zeeland to write a comprehensive work (1979) on Zeeland in the Second World War. In this work, he does not explicitly judge the bombardment to be either a terror bombardment or a strategic bombardment, but when reading the section on the bombardment, it becomes clear which of the two options he would agree with. As he writes:

Further down, he calls the bombardment a “barbaric event”, and an “act of terror”. Clearly, the view that De Bree expresses agrees with that of Van der Weel. He considered the bombardment a terror bombardment, especially given the comparison to the bombardment of Rotterdam. Interestingly, he also notes how “the greater part” of the fires occurred; shards of grenades, glowing red from heat, penetrated into attics of homes where dry, combustible objects were stored. J.N. Houterman (1991) disagreed with the previous two writers. First of all, he doubts whether there was a deployment of Luftwaffe aircraft on any significant scale over Walcheren on the day of the bombardment. Sources from the Luftwaffe do not mention the deployment of larger numbers of bombers. Moreover, Luftwaffe sources do mention several reconnaissance flights and air strikes against military targets outside Middelburg, but no mention is made of air strikes against Middelburg. Houterman concludes that there would have been evidence if a group of bombers had attacked Middelburg, as there was substantial evidence for the attack on Rotterdam. He concludes that artillery attacked Middelburg, supported by some armed reconnaissance aircraft which probably dropped bombs on a limited

“Apparently, the Germans wanted to force the conquest of Walcheren through intimidation and brute force- a method which they had applied to Rotterdam three days before.”7 (p. 143) 7

Original text: “Klaarblijkelijk wilden de Duitsers de verovering van Walcheren door intimidatie met grof geweld forceren

– een methode die zij drie dagen tevoren op Rotterdam hadden toegepast.” 8

Original text: “…gingen de Duitsers over tot een bijna systematische verwoesting van de stadskern met

vliegtuigbommen en artilleriegranaten.” 12

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scale. The most damage, however, was done by artillery. As a reason for the attack, he puts forward a tactical motivation: “It was probably still assumed [by the Germans] that Middelburg was the military headquarters of Walcheren”.9 (p. 86) L. de Jong wrote an authoritative work on the Netherlands during the Second World War. He also touches upon the bombardment of Middelburg. He starts by saying that because the French initially held the Sloedam, the Germans expected difficulty in capturing Walcheren. They would thus resort to threatening Walcheren with great destruction, and so “…Middelburg was bombed by the Luftwaffe as had happened to Rotterdam three days before.”10 (p. 474) He goes on to say that German aircraft appeared early in the afternoon and dropped high explosive bombs. De Jong does not go into much detail about the bombardment, but he definitely appears to see it as a method to blackmail the French and the Dutch on Walcheren into surrender; in other words, as a terror bombardment.

Middelburg had already sounded a number of times. Even before the mayor’s advice was given, some people had already left for the countryside. Nevertheless, on the day of the bombardment, some people were still in Middelburg. The fire brigade was there, ready for action. The city council was also still in town, and some civilians, especially old people, who had refused to leave their house. It was a beautiful, sunny day, but very windy. Not far outside Middelburg, the SS had reached the Sloedam. They had tried to cross it during the night, but were repelled by the French defenders. German artillery had carried out bombardments on the western side of the dam to drive the French away, while a French and an English naval ship had fired their guns on the Germans in response. Wim Kieviet was 15 years old at the time, and lived right outside the town center. His father was a fireman, and when he had turned 15, his father allowed him to serve as a kind of junior assistant to the fire brigade. Kieviet reports that the sirens had gone off at 4 a.m., probably because of the artillery bombardments near the Sloedam. The sound of war had thus already been heard in Middelburg during the night. During the morning, after sunrise, some artillery shells landed in Middelburg. Eyewitness Lau Cornelisse counted four explosions in the town. Cornelisse was 20 years old and he was cycling around the time during the bombardment. He had not been enlisted in the army because of poor eyessight. The four explosions he counted were not part of

May 17, 1940: The Destruction of Middelburg On May 17, Middelburg was almost deserted. The mayor had advised people to evacuate and most had taken this advice seriously. Already from the beginning on May 10, targets in Vlissingen had been regularly attacked by the Luftwaffe. The air war had thus been alarmingly close for several days, and air raid sirens in


Original text: “Er werd waarschijnlijk nog steeds van uitgegaan [door de Duitsers] dat Middelburg het militaire

hoofdkwartier van Walcheren was.” 10

Original text: “…werd Middelburg door de Luftwaffe gebombardeerd zoals drie dagen tevoren met Rotterdam geschied was.” 13

Laurens Hemminga Witnesses of a Burning Town

He saw an artillery grenade hit the Roman Catholic church in the Lange Noordstraat.14 Cornelisse writes that “later” (i.e. after the start of the aerial bombardment) shells hit Middelburg “on a sustained basis”.15 It will hereafter be assumed that the artillery bombardment started later in the afternoon, so agreeing with De Jong. This decision is made because the only primary source for this paper that clearly mentions when the artillery started agrees with De Jong, and this paper is too short to investigate and discuss two contradicting views on this bombardment. In any case, fires occurred in various places. Jan Sies was 10 years old on the day of the bombardment. He and his family had left Middelburg and stayed with family in St. Laurens, a small village north of Middelburg, but quite close to it. He was watching the bombardment from the backyard of the house where they stayed. Sies relates that the first fire occurred in the Oostindisch Huis on the ‘Kaaien’, near the canal through Walcheren. On the bombers and bombs themselves, the sources contain some clues, although together these do not make up a nice, coherent picture. Cornelisse writes that he saw four subsequent (not simultaneous) formations of three bombers flying over town, dropping their bombs “at random”.16 Jan Sies had a good view of the bombardment from a distance. In

a sustained bombardment, however, so it is probable these were shells from German artillery or the allied naval vessels which had simply been fired in the wrong direction. The real bombardment started early in the afternoon. Kieviet says: “In the afternoon, at one or half past one, that is when the big bombardment actually started, with high explosive bombs, and incendiary bombs (…).”11 Mrs. Bolle (57 years old at the time) was talking to a man she knew in the St. Pieterstraat when the “first bomb” fell “… right behind us, we were terribly shocked.” The interviewer, Mr. De Bruijn (himself an eyewitness, 17 years old in 1940), adds “That was half past one, two o’clock, that’s when the first squadron flew over, I still remember that.” Naturally, those people that had remained in Middelburg without having a specific task, such as providing medical service or fire fighting, now fled the town quickly. De Bruijn: “…what happened then was a wholesale flight out of the town.”12 There was artillery, too. De Jong wrote that Middelburg was being shelled from approximately 3 p.m. Curiously, however, De Bree writes that the artillery started to fire at 1 p.m., so at approximately the same time as the air strikes started. The only one of the primary sources consulted for this paper that explicitly mentions the time at which the artillery started to fire is De Bruijn. He reports that it started “at about 4 p.m.”13 11

Original qoute (not in text, but on audio file): “’s Middags één uur, half twee, is eigenlijk het grote bombardement pas

begonnen, met brisantbommen, en brandbommen(…).” 12

Original quote: Mrs. Bolle: “...pal achter ons, we schrokken ons een ongeluk.” De Bruijn: “Dat was half twee

’s middags, twee uur, toen kwam het eerste squadron over, dat herinner ik me nog.” 13

Original quote: “Om een uur of vier..”


The Catholic church was not rebuilt. Nowadays, the post office in the Lange Noordstraat is located there.


Original quote: “…met grote regelmaat”.


Original quote: “lukraak”. 14

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the interview conducted for this paper he said that he saw not too many (something like five or six, although he did not recall exact numbers) aircraft throwing bombs. The aircraft, he further said, were ‘small’, although he could not describe what they looked like in too much detail, and they were flying quite low over the town. De Bruijn, who was in Middelburg, describes the bombs that were dropped as “…of not too large calibre, incendiary bombs, really, the town started to burn (…).”17 During the bombardment, large sections of the center of Middelburg caught fire (although it is debatable whether each fire can be attributed directly to German projectiles; see below and in the next section), and the fire brigade could not control the fire. Kieviet, who was helping the fire fighters, says that they were experiencing difficulties from the heavy winds. Also, he states that smouldering particles may have been spread by the wind, causing more fires. The fire brigade was, of course, also hindered by the bombardment itself, and had to take cover often. Finally, there was a power failure which, according to Schorer (then 31 years old), caused problems for the fire brigade, and several water pipes had broken, preventing transportation of water through the town. Immediately after the bombardment, all fire brigades on Walcheren were called to Middelburg, but as Kieviet relates, they only arrived the next day. The bombardment itself, by aircraft and later artillery, lasted the entire afternoon. De Bree writes that the attacks stopped at about half past six. MahieuPlazier was five years old, and she and her

family lived in the Lange Noordstraat. When the bombardment started, they took cover in the basement. They came out of their basement when her parents thought all was quiet; this was at about six in the afternoon. Kieviet recounts how the first German soldiers entered Middelburg at about seven. While the bombardment had been going on, they had driven the French from the Sloedam and from Arnemuiden, and later in the evening they would firmly control all of Walcheren. The bombardment and the ensuing fires had destroyed 573 houses and 18 public buildings.18 The Town Hall, the old abbey and the church with the high tower (‘Lange Jan’) were the most important monuments to be destroyed. The death toll was relatively low at 22, because most people had been evacuated.

Clues from Weaponry and Damage to Middelburg In the previous section, all the technical details regarding the aircraft and bombs mentioned in the sources are given. Unfortunately, there were not that many of such details, and the two most specific sources, Cornelisse and Sies, contradict one another: Cornelisse counted four times three bombers, whereas Sies said there were five or six, or a small number in any case. On the whole, it is clear that the sources contain too little information to make an informed judgment about the bombardment. The research question, i.e. was the bombardment a terror bombardment or a tactical bombardment, will therefore not be answered here. Nevertheless, there are other factors


Original quote: “…niet eens van die zware kalibers, brandbommen, eigenlijk, de stad ging branden (…).”


De Bree, p. 149. 15

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we might consider in trying to determine the nature of the bombardment. For one thing, we can look at the type of weaponry used to attack Middelburg. The town was bombarded by both artillery and aircraft. The artillery was positioned near Lewedorp, not far from the Sloedam, on Zuid-Beveland. The use of artillery could be an indication that the bombardment was a terror bombardment, depending on the accuracy of the artillery. Nowadays, modern artillery is very accurate, because computers calculate where shells will land. In 1940, however, much more simple aiming methods were used, and because of this perhaps artillery would not be suitable for a strategic bombardment, unless of course the attacker only cares if his targets are hit and is indifferent to damage caused to other buildings. An enquiry into the role of the artillery in the bombardment may prove quite useful in determining the nature of the attack. First, the type of gun used at Lewedorp would have to be determined, and then the technical characteristics of this gun would have to be investigated. Specifically, it would be important to know how well one could aim with such a gun. It should then be remembered that information on the targets would have been provided by aircraft flying over the town, which perhaps would make it less accurate as, of course, planes have a high speed and getting a good look at targets on the ground would be difficult. In short, an investigation into the role of artillery would have to go into technical military matters. As for the aircraft involved, knowing the type of aircraft that was used in the attack would be a step forward. Recall that Jan Sies remembered seeing small aircraft. This could mean that he saw Ju 87s, also known as Stukas. However, it

is not wise to rely too much on the story of one eyewitness. Van der Weel wrote that the Germans deployed the Heinkel He-111 over Middelburg. This contradicts Sies’ memory, as the Heinkel could hardly be called a small aircraft. It has been one of the aims of this research to find eyewitness reports on the aircraft type (or types) used, but unfortunately the only report that was found was Jan Sies’. Nevertheless, it would be very helpful to find enough evidence on the aircraft type. If Stukas flew over Middelburg, this would make a tactical bombardment seem most likely, as the Stuka was a dive bomber usually used to strike specific targets. The Heinkel was a heavier bomber, which could drop a larger payload but was far less accurate. If this aircraft had been used to bomb Middelburg, then the bombardment was more likely to be a terror bombardment. Other types of aircraft could very well have been used, too, but in 1940 the Heinkel and Stuka were simply the most used German bombers, so it stands to reason it was one of these types. Heinkels also carried out the bombardment on Rotterdam. German sources found by Houterman indicate that a number of Heinkels and Stukas were in the Zeeland area at the time. However, a conclusion will not be drawn here on the basis of the story of one eyewitness. Other than the weaponry used for the attack on Middelburg, there are also some circumstantial factors that should not be overlooked. May 17 was a windy day. It has already been mentioned that Kieviet described how the fire brigade had trouble controlling the fire because of the wind. This could point to the bombardment being strategic: only a few targets were being aimed at, but the wind made extinguishing 16

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fires nearly impossible and possibly spread the fire at that. Also, the damage caused by the bombardment turned out be very localized. The area that was destroyed was confined to the center of Middelburg, leaving most of the town undamaged. This could indicate both a tactical attack and a terror attack. It could indicate a tactical attack because the Germans may have been aiming for a few targets that were quite close to each other, using relatively little ammunition, but that the wind spread the ignited fires to consume most of the inner city. For instance, the Town Hall was destroyed not by German projectiles (not directly at least) but because other fires spread to it until it caught fire. Perhaps the same happened to much of the inner city. On the other hand, it could also point to a terror bombardment as the Germans knew (we can assume) that the inner city contained valuable monuments. In this way, a bombardment of the inner city would be a much harder blow to the

Dutch than a bombardment of the outlying neighborhoods.

Conclusion In this paper, the main question has been: was the bombardment of 1940 on Middelburg a tactical bombardment or a terror bombardment? The oral history method applied in this research has not resulted in the necessary information. This is the case because the sources that were consulted for this paper proved to contain insufficient clues to answer the research question. To determine with more certainty the nature of the bombardment, additional research is still needed. This research was conducted as a contribution to the research project Het vergeten bombardement (The Forgotten Bombardment), set up by the Zeeuws Archief. This project will lead to a book on the bombardment (expected to be published in 2010), a symposium, and an exposition.


Laurens Hemminga Witnesses of a Burning Town

References Literature Amersfoort, H., & Kamphuis P.H. (Eds.) (1990). Mei 1940 De strijd op Nederlands grondgebied. The Hague: SDU Uitgeverij. De Bree, L. (1979). Zeeland 40-45. Middelburg: Provincie Zeeland. De Jong, L. (1970). Het Koninkrijk der Nederlanden in de Tweede Wereldoorlog (Vol. 3). The Hague: Staatsdrukkerij. Houterman, J.N. (1991). “Deutschland� verovert Zeeland. Middelburg: Sanderse. Van der Weel. J.J. (2004). Opeens was alles anders. Den Boer/De Ruiter & Ooggetuigen van de twintigste eeuw. Primary Sources 1. Mahieu-Plazier, Digna. Memories of the fire of May 17 in the Lange Noordstraat. Zeeuws Documentatiecentrum: HS 7000. 2. Cornelisse, L. Diary of the war in Middelburg. Zeeuws Documentatiecentrum: HS 7013. 3. Kuiper-Abee, J. (1983). Interview with T.A.J.W. Schorer. Zeeuws Documentatiecentrum: 1903/D-20b. 4. Kuiper-Abee, J. (1983). Interview with M.P. de Bruijn. Zeeuws Documentatiecentrum: 1903/D-17a. 5. Meels, A. (2001). Interview with P. de Kuijper-van Hercules. Zeeuws Documentatiecentrum: 1902/ E-30. 6. De Bruijn, M.P. (1964). Interview with A. Bolle. Zeeuws Documentatiecentrum: 1901/E-13. 7. (May 17, 2002). Het bombardement van Middelburg. Trugkieke. Retrieved November 21, 2007, from the Zeeuws Documentatiecentrum (not in archive), includes the interviews with Wim Kieviet and Jan Sies. Personal interview with Jan Sies, December 5, 2007.


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Explaining Language Variation Ellie van Setten | Roosevelt Academy In partial fulfillment of the requirements for A&H 225 Sociolinguistics, taught by Dr. Ernestine Lahey (Spring 2007). Abstract The linguistic variation that exists between men and women has been attributed to several variables: sex, gender and sexuality. This paper aims to determine to what extent these variables are successful in explaining this linguistic variation. Sex can account for some linguistic differences because there are biological differences in the linguistic systems of men and women. Gender can account for the different manifestations of femininity and masculinity cross-culturally. Sexuality is a relatively new, but promising variable used in sociolinguistic research that has both been criticized and embraced. Although each variable is initially assessed on its own, it becomes clear that it is probably a combination of and interaction between factors that is needed to explain the linguistic variance between men and women. Hence, the conclusion of this discussion is that all these factors should be taken into account when trying to explain linguistic differences between men and women.


& Levy, 1989; Joseph, 1993; Tannen, 1990, all as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 36). Women have also been found to ask more questions, use more back-channelling and encourage each other to speak, while men have the tendency to interrupt, challenge and dispute, and to control the conversation by determining the topic (Wardaugh, 2006, p. 326). Coates (1996, as cited in Wardaugh, p. 326) has found that linguistic interaction also serves quite a different function in women’s lives than in men’s lives; for women conversation serves a more social purpose that creates solidarity, while for men the information exchange is often most important. The above mentioned differences are just

There are differences in the way men and women speak. Women tend to have more different styles (Holmes, 1997) and women speak more and faster with each other in allwomen groups compared to men in all-men groups (Glass, 1993; Joseph, 1993; Tannen, 1990, all as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 36). Moreover, women tend to perform better on several articulatory tasks (e.g. Bayley, 1968; Harris, 1978; Koenigsknecht & Friedman, 1976; Hampson & Kimura, 1992, all as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 36). In addition, women tend to produce more socioemotional vocalizations, sounds produced by the vocal cords with an emotional content and a social purpose (Brody, 1985; Burton 21

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some examples to demonstrate that there is scientific evidence for language differences between men and women. Even though almost everyone would probably perceive men and women as speaking differently in some way, the question is to which factors these differences should be attributed. Apart from the circumstances such as topic of conversation, social distance, class differences, power difference, culture, and the functions of the speakers in relation to each other, it also matters whether the speaker is a woman or a man. This means that, although the context of a conversation needs to be taken into account, there is something else that differs between men and women and causes the difference in the language they choose to use. The aim of this paper will be to attribute the difference in men and women’s speech to the factors sex, gender and sexuality. The latter of these does not attribute linguistic variation so much to one’s own sex, but rather to the sex of the preferred partner. Therefore, the research question of this paper is: “How effective are the variables sex, gender and sexuality in explaining linguistic variation?”

one who produces semen (Price, 1985, p. 92; Eckert, 1989). Gender, on the other hand, is socioculturally determined, although it is heavily grounded in sex, because gender serves as the fundamental basis for the different roles and expectations towards men and women in every society (Wardaugh, 2006, p. 315; Eckert, 1989, p. 213). Price (1985, p. 94) describes gender in the following way: “Gender is a cultural phenomenon, and culture is in turn the accumulation of information and behavior patterns that are passed on from generation to generation and which holds society together.” Gender is something that is learned and based on societal norms, while sex is an innate biological difference. Gender can therefore not be something that one “has”; it is something that one “does” (Wodak, 1997, p. 13, as cited in Wardaugh, 2006, p. 316). This makes it possible to show femininity or masculinity by behaving in a way that is associated with a certain gender (Holmes, 1997). Sexuality will be defined as one’s sexual preference, which can be a preference for the opposite sex, one’s own sex or for both sexes (Soanes & Stevenson, 2006). This working definition of sexuality is often used in sociolinguistic research (e.g. Kulick, 2000). For the purposes of this paper biological innateness is the criterion that separates sex and gender. It has been argued by, for example, Price (1985, p. 95) that the only sex-role is to reproduce in a certain manner because of the differences in sex cells and sex organs. However, there are other biological innate differences in behavior between the sexes, not involving reproduction. This behavior is also viewed in this paper as sex behavior rather than as gender behavior; hence, it is part of one’s sex-role.

Defining Sex, Gender and Sexuality Before reviewing the role of sex, gender and sexuality in explaining differences in language between men and women it is necessary to define these concepts properly. In the past sex and gender have been used interchangeably in research, but this is an oversimplification of reality. Sex is a fundamental biological characteristic. Although some species may change their sex, sex is binary: one is either female, i.e., the one who produces eggs, or male, i.e., the 22

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to run around and jump as much as the males (Joseph, 2000, p. 39). This is one of the reasons why males went hunting and females gathered fruits, made hand tools and looked after their offspring. Like other primate females, human females today still have a very strong tendency to show mothering behavior. As Joseph (2000, p. 46) puts it: “[B]e it chimpanzee, baboon, rhesus macaque, or human, females demonstrate an extraordinary interest in babies and will engage in play-mothering�. This is also an indication that some of the roles that still tend to exist today are not solely based on societal values, but that there is a clear innate tendency to behave like a mother in primates. Each activity requires different behavioral adaptation. Therefore, it is not surprising that some behavior that modern humans display can be explained as sex-specific behavior, wired into our neurological system. Hunting behavior has been correlated in research with violent and aggressive behavior (Joseph, 1993, as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 44). Among many mammals, human or non-human, it is the male who has the strongest tendency to use violence (e.g. Elia, 1988; Fedigan, 1992, both as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 44). This tendency is already apparent during the first months of life, even among nonhuman primates (Ransom & Powell, 1972; Mitchell, 1979, both as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 44). Apart from this, males have also developed a superior visual-spatial processing, compared to females, because this is very adaptive for hunting (Joseph, 2000, p. 58). Not adaptive, however, is language: hunting requires silence (Joseph, 2000, p. 58). Therefore, it was not our male ancestor who contributed very much to the

In sociolinguistics it is not a usual approach to explain linguistic differences by sexdifferences. Wardaugh (2006, p. 327) claims that there is little or no evidence to suggest that language differences between men and women can be explained by biological sex. In his opinion the difference between men and women are a result of stereotyping and are therefore more psychological than biological. However, when we assess human evolution more closely, there seems to be some evidence after all that the language systems of men and women are different. From an evolutionary point of view it is not strange that men and women show different behaviors, because they are different, biologically speaking. When comparing the behavior of human females to that of other female primates, very similar behavioral patterns can be observed. Non-human female primates tend to vocalize more frequently, and vocalization serves a more social function (Joseph, 2000, p. 36). On the other hand, the male primates tend to engage in vocalization only in situations where they feel threatened or want to display their dominance (Joseph, 2000, p. 36). It seems that also in our relatives females exceed males in their use of vocalization. When we look at how tasks were divided in our ancestor Homo erectus we may find an explanation for this. Homo erectus, who lived about 1.5 million years ago, is characterized by his already large brain size compared to earlier ancestors like Australopithecus, who lived about 3 millions years earlier (Joseph, 2000, p. 39). Because a larger brain volume demanded a larger birth canal, the female pelvis had become more fragile, in a way that it was not possible for her 23

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language ability that we have today. While language was not adaptive for males, it was for females as interaction with others was much more common. Interaction served a lot of functions for the female Homo erectus. For example, she was able to warn her children, but it also contributed to attachment and in those ways to the survival of her offspring (Joseph, 2000, p. 46). These interactions were most likely emotional in nature because infants are emotion-oriented and hardly understand non-emotional speech, as infants are not able to encode linguistic meaning from words or other linguistic units, but instead have to rely on the prosody (Cooper & Aslin, 1990, as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 47). Today, we still see remnants of this behavior in “motherese”, or child-directed speech, which can be characterized by an exaggerated emotional prosody and the usage of a higher pitch compared to “normal” language (Yule, 2006, p. 151). Although these early emotional interactions were very different from modern language, it is most likely that the earliest social-emotional communication did occur between Homo erectus mothers and their children (Joseph, 1993, as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 46). It took a long time to develop language as it is today from the early social-emotional communication; however, some bits of this early emotional communication are still left in the language system of modern women. This early communication has also been called “limbic language”, because sound production is mediated by limbic and subcortical nuclei such as the amygdala and cingulate gyrus (e.g. Joseph, 1982, 1993, both as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 47). Moreover, it is mainly perceived and produced by the right frontal and right

temporal–parietal area, in contrast to modern language, which is mainly perceived and produced in the left-hemisphere (e.g. Joseph, 1982, 1993, both as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 47). Today, language still appears to be represented to a larger extent in the right hemisphere of the brain in females compared to males (e.g. Bradshaw et al., 1977; Joseph, 1993, both as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 54). In addition, the posterior corpus callosum, which connects both hemispheres, is significantly larger, which also points to a more bilateral representation of language in females (Holloway et al., 1993, as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 54.). Not only emotional communication developed originally in women, communication also served a wider social function for women; just like in other primates they often lived in groups and had to deal with other group members (Bradshaw, 1991, p. 50). Apart from this, women most often engaged in tool-making which required fine motor coordination. What links tool-making and modern language is that both require complex sequential operations (Frost, 1980, as cited in Bradshaw, 1991, p. 49). Therefore, it makes sense that both language areas and areas involved in fine-hand movements lay closely together in the left hemisphere, namely near the angular gyrus in the inferior parietal lobule (Kimura & Harshman, 1984, as cited in Bradshaw, 1991, p. 49; Joseph, 2000, p. 51). Also Broca’s area, mainly involved in speech and vocalization, seems to have developed from a brain area that supports in other primates mainly fine manual motor movement (Rizzolatti et al., 1988, as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 52). Moreover, Wernicke’s area had become specialized in the perception and 24

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comprehension of language and paths had emerged between Wernicke’s and Broca’s area via the angular gyrus (Joseph, 2000, p. 54). This way speech became sequenced and vocalization became controlled, as it is today. The view that language first developed in the female brain is supported by the fact that Broca’s area in females still tends to be larger (Holloway et al., 1993, as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 55). However, whether advanced tool-making capacities really preceded language is debatable (Bradshaw, 1991). It is also possible that social pressure on females made it necessary to process sequential information (Ibid.). After all, living together in groups requires a lot because social roles have to be monitored, trust and reciprocity have to be developed and free-riders, who profit but do not contribute to the group, have to be detected (Dunbar, Barret & Lycett, 2007). It is imaginable that a larger brain capacity, and in particular sequential processing, was needed for these processes. Evidence supports that there is a direct correlation between group size and brain volume and that particularly the frontal areas of the neocortex developed rapidly when social pressures increased (Dunbar et al., 2007). Although males did of course acquire language through interactions with their mother and via their maternal genes, there are still some consequences of the evolutional development of language in females that are visible in women today. Females clearly show a superiority in expressing empathy and in perceiving and understanding subtle social-emotional nuances (e.g. Burton & Levy, 1989; Brody,1985; Buck, 1977, 1984; Buck et al., 1974, all as cited in Joseph, 2000, p.

48) Women also show a greater willingness and tendency to express their emotions and personal problems more verbally, while men have difficulties doing this in other ways than through showing anger, happiness and sexual arousal (Joseph, 2000, p. 48). Even in childhood there is a clear difference between boys and girls in emotional expression (Brody, 1985; Burton & Levy, 1989; Gilbert, 1969; Tannen, 1990, all as cited in Joseph, p. 48). Although this may be partially acquired, women furthermore do show a superior sensitivity in the right hemisphere to express and perceive emotional vocalizations (e.g. Burton & Levy, 1989; Hall, 1978; Joseph, 1993, 1996; Soloman & Ali, 1972, all as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 48). Apart from a better capacity to communicate emotionally, the general linguistic capacity of women often slightly succeeds this capacity of men. Joseph (2000, p. 55) writes the following with regard to this point: “In contrast to males, human females vocalize more, engage in more social speech, display superior linguistic skills, and excel over males on word fluency tests, for example, naming as many words containing a certain letter or words belonging to a certain category. Females also vocalize more as infants, speak their first words, and develop larger vocabularies at an earlier age. Their speech as children is easier to understand, they improve their articulation and grammatical skills at a faster rate, and the length and complexity of their sentences are greater than those of males. Females also speak more rapidly than males.” 25

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Jospeh (2000, p. 56) also cites a report from the United States Department of Education from 1997 stating that “at all age levels females continue to outscore males in reading proficiency (…) and females of all ages outscore males in writing.” Another indicator that points to initial, sex-based, differences in the linguistic systems of men and women is that language disorders, such as dyslexia and stuttering, tend to affect men more often than women (Joseph, 2000, p. 56; Snowling, 2000). The findings presented above may be explained by the better functional integrity of the angular gyrus in females that developed through evolution (Joseph, 1990; Goodglass and Kaplan, 2000, both as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 56). Although the above evidence for sexdifferences in the linguistic systems of men and women can explain some linguistic variance, it cannot explain all differences between the speech of men and women. If this were the case, then the difference between men and women would have to be the same everywhere. Since this is not the case, it is necessary to look also at the construct of gender which might be able to explain these differences better.

has mainly been used in qualitative research. Wardaugh (2006, p. 330) clearly illustrates with an example from Keenan (1974), that linguistic differences between men and women differ between cultures: “[A]mong the Malagasy, men do not put others into situations in which they may lose face. They use language subtly, try to maintain good communication in their relationships, and avoid confrontations. They are discreet, they prefer indirectness as an expression of respect, and they are considered to be able speechmakers: men’s requests are typically delayed and inexplicit, accusations imprecise, and criticisms subtle.” Women in the Malagasy society show the opposite behavior, they are direct and straightforward and even express anger openly to each other (Wardaugh, 2006, p. 330). It is clear that in this society the speech norms for the different genders are completely different from the ones in western societies (Wardaugh, 2006, p. 330). Because this is the case, it is not possible to use only sex, the biological differences between men and women, to explain linguistic variation between them; there has to be something else, namely gender. Gender changes constantly, because society constantly changes. Holmes (1997) discusses how some linguistic forms have become gender-marked. She believes that all forms are initially without any “social meaning”, but that through their distribution patterns they become associated with a certain group and may signify femininity or masculinity (Holmes, 1997, p. 215). This can also explain why men’s linguistic usage is associated with power. As

Gender That it is an oversimplification of reality to assume that sex is identical to gender has been realized by many sociolinguistic researchers (e.g., Holmes, 1997; Wardaugh, 2006). It is also gender, reflecting our socially learned ideas about men and women, that is most often believed to cause the main difference in language between men and women (Wardaugh, 2006, p. 316). This causes some problems for sociolinguistics as well, because gender is not easy to measure, unlike sex. Hence, gender 26

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men traditionally held most often positions of power, linguistic forms that they used have become associated with masculinity (Holmes, 1997, p. 203). Holmes (1997) continues that using feminine or masculine forms is a way of “doing gender identity”. In this way she shows that gender norms in linguistic usage are not static and that language does reflect societal norms which may be created by language in the first place. Another way in which Holmes (1997) demonstrates that gender does influence linguistic style is by correlating the fact that women have more different functions, and therefore different social identities, with the fact that women tend to posses more different styles. Furthermore, societal norms for women make it necessary for women to define their status on the basis of appearance instead of on the economic and occupational capital on which men’s status is often built (Eckert, 1989, p. 250). Holmes (1997, p. 199) formulates this as follows: “Language is one form of symbolic capital, and authority in the area of linguistic usage is one of the avenues available to women to assert their influence in society.” The way in which gender-difference emerges into the language of an individual are often explained by differences in upbringing. “Men learn to be men and women learn to be women, linguistically speaking” (Wardaugh, 2006, p. 327). For example, it has been argued that girls’ speech is more often corrected by teachers and parents compared to boys’ speech (Freeborn et al. 1993, p. 75). The fact that there is accommodation in the linguistic behavior of men and women has also been cited as one of the origins of gender difference in language (Tomson et al., 2001). It has been suggested that,

apart from the fact that boys and girls are raised differently, boys and girls also spend more time in same-sex groups, rather than in mixed groups, and that this influences the linguistic preferences they will develop (Tomson et al., 2001). Because children spend more time in same-sex groups, they are likely to develop the tendency to express solidarity and similarity with this group by converging towards the linguistic behavior of this group. As the social and gender-identity of a child will develop, they will show a greater tendency to use certain linguistic styles. One of the clearest experiments that demonstrates that gender is not a stable variable and that its influence may also diminish as accommodation between two gender-styles may occur was conducted by Tomson et al. (2001). In their research they analyzed the styles that 22 participants used in e-mail messages that were sent between “netpals”. In fact the netpal was an experimenter who wrote in either a femalepreferential style or a male-preferential style; these styles were based on an earlier analysis of male and female language use in e-mail message. Examples of female preferential-style are the use of many questions and emotion in their discourse, whereas male-preferential style included the use of more insults and opinions. Tomson et al. (2001) found that it was not the sex or gender of the participants that determined the linguistic style in which e-mails were written, but rather the linguistic style of the netpal, because the participants converged towards the netpal. Even when the sex of the netpal did not match the linguistic style that was used, it was still the linguistic style that determined the style in which participants wrote back. This experiment 27

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shows that in certain situations it is not the sex and or gender of the writer or receiver that causes people to speak in a certain way, but rather the linguistic style in which they are addressed, and possibly their desire to communicate and cooperate. It has become clear now that gender is a factor that certainly can be used to explain linguistic variation. However, the research presented above also demonstrates that gender is quite a complicated variable for linguistic research because its influence varies across circumstances, and gender is also defined differently in every culture. Therefore, it is only possible to say that gender can explain linguistic variation. However, it is impossible to make universal claims about the way in which gender affects language.

such as testosterone, the male brain may develop more like a female brain; and the female brain may develop more like a male brain when exposed to male hormones during sexual differentiation (Beatty, 1992; Joseph et al., 1978; Meyer-Bahlburg, 1993; Reinisch and Sanders, 1992, such as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 58). Furthermore, it has been found that the brains of homosexual individuals are more organized like the brains of the opposite sex, compared to the brains of heterosexual individuals (e.g. Meyer-Bahlburg, 1993, as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 58). These brain differences may result in corresponding female or male behavior. For example, homosexual men were found to perform more poorly in spatial tasks, compared to heterosexual men, while their performance on verbal tasks was quite similar to the performance of women (Gladue et al., 1990, as cited in Joseph, 2000, p. 58). This makes sexuality, rather than sex, more effective in explaining linguistic differences between homosexual and heterosexual individuals of the same sex. The argument above is based on a biological difference between homosexuals and heterosexuals, and does not include the sex of the preferred partner. However, there is also some evidence that homosexuals do not portray themselves as different from heterosexuals on all occasions (Groom & Pennebaker, 2005). This means that differences may not be only biological, but have to be attributed to sexuality itself. Groom and Pennebaker (2005) analyzed the linguistic styles used by both homosexual men and women as well as by heterosexual men and women in online advertisements for relationships. The goal of their research was to determine whether homosexuals portrayed themselves more similar to

Sexuality Wardaugh (2006, p. 332) points to a new direction in sociolinguistic research which uses sexuality to explain linguistic differences. When using sexuality the preference for a certain partner should be taken into account, instead of the sex or gender of the person himself or herself. It has been hypothesized that sex preference does play a role in linguistic behavior and at least stereotypically lesbians are perceived to be more masculine and gay men to be more feminine than heterosexuals (Groom and Pennebaker, 2005). Since this direction is relatively new, results are scarce. For example, there is hardly any discussion about bisexuals yet. From a biological point of view there is some evidence that sexuality may be of influence on language. It has been found that under considerable stress or deprevation of masculinizing hormones, 28

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heterosexuals of the opposite sex because they have the same partner preference. Results disconfirmed this hypothesis. Groom and Pennebaker (2005, p. 459) thus concluded that: “Gay men and heterosexual women were the furthest apart of all the groups. Lesbians and heterosexual men were closer together, but still more likely to be confused with members of their own sex”. However, there were some significant differences found in the styles of homosexuals and heterosexuals. Homosexuals tended to focus less on occupation and heterosexuals tended to use more pronouns that singled them out as different from other heterosexuals, while homosexuals focused more on similarity (Groom and Pennebaker, 2005, p. 458). It is hard to generalize the results of this research because of the specific situation, namely online dating advertisements, in which the linguistic material was collected. However, these findings do suggest that it is not only gender or sex, but also sexuality that can make a difference in linguistic choice. Here, it has to be noted that it is not the preference for a certain sex that determines behavior, but rather the nature of the preference, for one’s own sex, or for the opposite sex. The last point is partially supported by Queen (1998), who found that both homosexual men and women used the same linguistic strategies to build and maintain queer social networks. It seems that the shared homosexuality is more important than the sex of the preferred partner. Strategies that Queen (1998, p. 203) has found to be used by homosexuals are: “incorporation of cultural understandings that are assumed to be shared, the appropriation of gender stereotypes

for humorous effect, the use of covert communication strategies, and the use of co-narration”. This research is an indication that solidarity plays a large role, as well as a separate group-identity that distinguishes homosexuals from heterosexuals. However, it is important to acknowledge that Queen (1998) did not compare all-hetero to allhomo sexual groups, which make it hard to state differences between these groups. It is clear that a lot of research still needs to be done to determine if and how sexuality influences language. What complicates this research even more is that the exact etiology of homosexuality itself is not fully understood, which makes it difficult to say what is really the factor that is most important in explaining the influence of sexuality on language. However, the fact that sexuality does influence language makes it important to include sexuality in future research and to find out the exact nature of the effect. In a critical review of the research into gay and lesbian language Kulick (2000, p. 277) summarizes the present state of this research quite effectively: “…although it ought to be clear that I am critical of much of the work on gay and lesbian language, I also believe that the discussions that have taken place in that literature were probably a necessary stage in research on language and sexuality. Despite their general lack of attention to sexuality or desire as theoretical problems, studies of how gays and lesbians talk have demonstrated that sexuality is a dimension of linguistic interaction that can be documented, and they have raised issues, revealed possibilities, and uncovered problems that must be addressed before we 29

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can move forward to more insightful analysis.�

something about the systems that humans have at their disposal to produce a certain form of behavior. Since it is not possible to separate sex and gender completely, it is also problematic to determine which linguistic variation should be attributed to which biological or social variable. Future research is needed to determine which behaviors are really societally based and which are really biological. This makes it important to keep sex stable and vary gender-norms through cross-cultural comparisons in future research. It may be argued that there are some worldwide social norms regarding language use by men and women. However, this kind of research is most likely able to expose some differences that are really sex-based and that today may be wrongly classified as gender differences. The fact that there really are differences between the linguistic behavior of men and women, and that they are also perceived as such, makes it valuable to do this research because it gives a better insight into what is nature and what is nurture. Regarding the validity of this paper it has to be noted that it was not always possible to use original sources, especially about the evolutionary view on language. The reasons for this were the inaccessibility of online articles and the unavailability of certain articles because they were dated. The sources that have been used, however, are seen as credible and can also be seen as extensive discussions of previous findings in the fields of evolutionary psychology and linguistics. The original sources are furthermore mentioned in a list of secondary sources in case the reader wishes to access them and read more about particular findings.

Conclusion In conclusion, sex, gender, and sexuality can and do explain the language variation that is present between men and women. Sex can explain differences in capabilities and tendencies to show certain behavior. However, because language is a social phenomenon and men and women speak differently in different cultures, gender does influence linguistic behavior as well. Again, there are also differences between homosexuals and heterosexuals which can be attributed to their sexuality, although at this moment in time research is not conclusive about this effect. The answer to the research question: “How effective are the variables sex, gender and sexuality in explaining linguistic variation?� is that, individually, all these variables can explain some linguistic variation. However, examining a combination and interaction between these variables is probably the most effective.

Discussion This paper has tried to show that it is not simply one factor that can be responsible for linguistic variation between men and women. The implication of this is that all these factors need to be considered in future sociolinguistic research, which will make future research both harder and more challenging. From this paper it can also be learned that it is very helpful to integrate different views about human behavior from fields such as evolution, biology and (social) psychology and cognitive science, because it is not possible to understand human linguistic behavior without understanding


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References Bradshaw, J. L. (1991). Animal asymmetry and human heredity: Dextrality, tool use and language in evolution – 10 years after Walker (1980). British Journal of Psychology, 82, 39-59. Dunbar, R., Barrett, L. & Lycett, J. (2007). Evolutionary Psychology. A Beginner’s Guide. Oxford: Oneworld publications. Eckert, P. (1989). The whole women: Sex and gender differences in variation. Language, Variation and Change, 1 (1), 24567. Freeborn, D., Langford, D. & French, P. V (1993). Varieties of English. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Groom, C. J. & Pennebaker, W. (2005). The Language of Love: Sex, Sexual Orientation, and Language Use in Online Personal Advertisements. Sex Roles, 52, 447-461. Holmes, J. (1997). Women, language and Identity. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 1 (2), 195-223. Joseph, R. (2000). The evolution of sex differences in language, sexuality, and visual–spatial skills. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 29 (1), 35-63. Kulick, D. (2000). Gay and Lesbian Language. Annual Review of Anthropology, 29, 243-285. Price, V. (1985). Sex, Gender and Semantics. The Journal of Sex Research, 21(1), 92-101. Queen, R. M. (1998). ‘Stay queer!’ ‘Never fear!’: Building queer social networks. World Englishes, 17 (2), 203-214. Snowling, M.J. (2000) Dyslexia, 2nd ed. Oxford: Blackwell. Soanes, C. & Stevenson, A. (2006). The Concise Oxford English Dictionary. “Sexuality” Oxford Reference Online. Oxford University Press. Retrieved May 3, 2006, from =t23.e51580. Tomson, R., Murachverm T. & Green, J. (2001) Where is the gender in gendered language? Psychological Science, 12 (2), 171-175. Wardaugh, R. (2006). An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Yule, G. (2006). The Study of Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Secondary Sources Bayley, N. (1968). Behavioural correlates of mental growth. American Psychology, 23, 1-17. Beatty, W. W. (1992). Gonadal hormones and sex differences in nonreproductive behaviors. In Gerall, A. A., Moltz, H. & Ward, I. L. (Eds.), Handbook of Behavioral Neurobiology: Sexual Differentiation (Vol. 11, pp. 85-128). New York: Plenum. Bradshaw, J. L., Bradley, D., Gates, A. & Patterson, K. (1977). Serial, parallel, or holistic identification of single words in the two visual fields. Perception and Psychophysics, 21, 431-438. Brody, L. (1985). Gender differences in emotional development. A review of theories and research. In Steward, A. & Lyko, M. (Eds.), Gender and Personality, Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Buck, R. (1977). Nonverbal communication of affect in preschool children. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 35, 225-236. Buck, R. (1984). The Communication of Emotion. New York: Guilford. Buck, R., Miller, R. & Caul, W. (1974). Sex, personality and physiological variables in communication of affect via facial expressions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 30, 587-596. Burton, L. A., & Levy, J. (1989). Sex differences in the lateralized processing of facial emotion. Brain and Cognition, 11, 210-228.


Ellie van Setten Explaining Language Variation Coates, J. (1996). Women talk: Conversation between women and friends. Oxford: Blackwell. Cooper, R. P. & Aslin, R. N. (1990). Preference for infant-directed speech in the first month after birth. Child Development, 61, 1584-1595. Elia, I. (1988). The Female Animal. New York: Holt. Fedigan, L. (1992). Primates and Paradigms: Sex Roles and Social Bonds. Montreal: Elden Press. Frost, G. T. (1980). Tool behavior and the origins of laterality. Journal of Human Evolution, 9, 447-459. Gilbert, D. (1969). The young child’s awareness of affect. Child Development, 40, 629-640. Gladue, B. A., Beatty, W., Larson, J., & Staton, D. (1990). Sexual orientation and spatial ability in men and women. Psychobiology, 18, 101-108. Glass, L. (1992). He Says, She Says. New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons. Goodglass, H., & Kaplan, E. (2000). Boston Diagnostic Aphasia Examination. New York: Lange. Hall, J. (1978). Gender effects in decoding nonverbal cues. Psychological Review, 85, 845-857. Hampson, E., & Kimura, D. (1992). Sex differences and hormonal influences on cognitive function in humans. In Becker, J. B., Breedlove, S. M., & Crews, D. (Eds.), Behavioral Endocrinology (pp. 357-398). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Harris, L. J. (1978). Sex differences in spatial ability. In Kinsbourne, M. (ed.), Asymmetrical Function of the Brain. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Holloway, R. L., Anderson, P. J., Defendini, R. & Harper, C. (1993). Sexual dimorphism of thehuman corpus callosum from three independent samples: Relative size of the corpus callosum. American Journal of Physical Antropology, 92, 481-498. Joseph, R. (1982). The neuropsychology of development: Hemispheric laterality, limbic language, and the origin of thought. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 38, 3-34. Joseph, R. (1990). The left cerebral hemisphere: Aphasia, alexia, agraphia, agnosia, apraxia, schizophrenia, language and thought. In Puente, A. E. & Reynolds C. R. (ser. Eds.), Neuropsychology, Neuropsychiatry, Behavioral Neurology. New York: Plenum Press. Joseph, R. (1993). The Naked Neuron: Evolution and the Languages of the Body and Brain. New York: Plenum Press. Joseph, R. (1996). Limbic language, social-emotional intelligence, development and attachment. In Neuropsychiatry, Neuropsychology, Clinical Neuroscience. Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins. Joseph, R., Hess, S., & Birecree, E. (1978). Effects of sex hormone manipulations and explorationon sex differences in maze learning. Behavioral Biology, 24, 364-377. Keenan, E. (1974). Norm-makers, Norm-breakers: Use of speech by men and women in a Malagasy community. In Bauman R. & Scherzer, J. (Eds.), Explorations in Ethnography of Speaking. London: Cambridge University Press. Kimura, D. & Harshman, R. A. (1984). Sex differences in brain organization for verbal and nonverbal functions. Progress in Brain Research, 61, 423-444. Koenigsknecht, R. A. & Friedman, R. (1976). Syntax development in boys and girls. Child Development, 47, 1109-1115. Meyer-Bahlburg, H. F. L. (1993). Psychobiological research on homosexuality. Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Clinics of North America, 2, 489-500. Mitchell, G. (1979). Behavioral Sex Differences in Nonhuman Primates. New York: Van Nostrand. Ransom, T. W., & Powell, T. E. (1972). Early social development of feral baboons. In Poirer, F. E. (ed.), Primate Socialization. New York: Random House.


Ad Astra • June 2008 Reinisch, J. M., & Sanders, S. A. (1992). Prenatal hormonal contributions to sex differences in human cognitive and personality development. In Gerall, A. A., Moltz, H. &Ward, I. L. (Eds.), Handbook of Behavioral Neurobiology: Sexual Differentiation (Vol. 11, pp. 221-244). New York: Plenum. Rizzolatti, C., Camarda, R., Fogassi, L., Gentilucci, M., Luppino, G., & Matelli, M. (1988). Functional organization of inferior area 6 in the macaque monkey. II. Area F5 and the control of distal movements. Experimental Brain Research, 71, 491-507. Soloman, D., & Ali, F. (1972). Age trends in the perception of verbal reinforcement. Developmental Psychology, 7, 238243. Tannen, D. (1990). You Just Don’t Understand. New York: Ballantine. Wodak, R. (1997). Introduction: Some important issues in the research of gender and discourse. In Wodak, R. (Ed.), Gender and Discourse (p. 13). London: Sage.


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Explaining the Curse of Resource Abundance – An Exploration in the Political Economy of Growth Jochem de Bresser | Roosevelt Academy In partial fulfillment of the requirements for SSC 360 Development Economics, taught by Dr. Luuk van Kempen (Spring 2007). * The author would like to thank Luuk van Kempen and the anonymous referee for their helpful comments and criticism. All remaining mistakes are entirely my own.

Abstract The resource curse refers to the paradoxical observation that resource-abundant economies grow more slowly than those less well-endowed with natural capital. Recent literature suggests that as such the curse is a red herring, because conventional measures indicate resource dependence rather than abundance. The present paper analyzes the institutional channel of causation that has been proposed to underlie the curse and finds a negative relationship between dependence on resources and development, but not between resource abundance and development. Moreover, little evidence is found for institutional quality as a mediating variable, suggesting that other mechanisms than rent-seeking must be sought.


growth that is needed to provide surplus labor, a prerequisite of industrialization (Matsuyama, 1992). Moreover, high income in the agricultural sector creates effective demand, thereby stimulating industrial production and pushing investment rates up (Matsuyama, 1992; Sachs & Warner, 1997). Finally, exports of primary goods have served

Traditionally, economists have always regarded a generous natural resource endowment to be a potential motor of economic growth and development for the nations lucky enough to have it. Plentiful resources, especially in the form of arable land, would allow the population 35

Jochem de Bresser Explaining the Curse of Resource Abundance

Figure 1. The resource curse as specified in Sachs and Warner (1997). A line was fitted merely for illustration purposes.






0,00 0,10 0,20 0,30 0,40 0,50 0,60 sxp

as a valuable source of foreign exchange which in turn contributes to the financing of industrialization (Matsuyama, 1992). Such a positive relationship between natural resources and economic growth does indeed correspond closely to the experience of early industrializers such as Great Britain and the U.S.A., which depended critically on the presence of coal and iron ore (Cameron & Neal, 2003). In addition, many oil states have attempted to use oil revenues to finance diversified investments in order to stimulate a “big push� in industrial development (Sachs & Warner, 1997). During the final quarter of the 20th century, however, the positive relation between abundant natural resources and economic growth has started to be contradicted by empirical research. Figure 1 shows that between 1970 and 1990 the average annual real growth rate per economically active person (labelled gae7090) diminished with an increasing share of exports of primary products in

GNP (labelled sxp, measured in 1970), a commonly used measure of resource abundance. This empirical observation has been confirmed in many studies and has consequently become referred to as the resource curse. Moreover, it has been shown that resource abundance is not only associated with depressed economic growth in the narrow sense of the word (meaning growth of real per capita GDP, such as illustrated in Figure 1), but also with low levels of broader measures of development, such as the Human Development Index (HDI) and life expectancy (Bulte, Damania, & Deacon, 2005). This paper focuses on the resource curse with regard to the broad interpretation of development. The main goal of the analysis is to investigate how plentiful resources can limit economic development through the mediating variable of institutional quality. Previous research has indicated that resource abundance, especially abundance of pointresources, has a negative effect on quality of 36

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governance, which in turn decreases country development scores (Bulte, Damania, & Deacon, 2005). This paper will investigate this channel of causation further by testing the robustness of these results over two different measures of resource abundance and dependence. Such an approach is especially valuable in light of the strong criticism that has recently been voiced regarding the curse’s empirical status. In fact, it has been argued that the resource curse is nothing more than a “red herring”, a virtual paradox created by the use of poor proxies for resource abundance (Brunnschweiler & Bulte, 2006). This paper aims to contribute to the debate by testing whether or not the political economy explanation of the resource curse holds when different measures of resource abundance are used. The structure of the paper is as follows. The next section will provide a concise literature review, which will highlight the different explanations that have been given for the resource curse as well as the recent criticism on earlier literature. Section 3 introduces the data used in the empirical part of this paper, as well as the methodological approach that will be applied. The most important results will be described in section 4, after which section 5 offers a conclusion and discusses the strengths and weaknesses of the present approach.

period (the most important early example of the resource curse is that of the discovery of silver in Spain’s American colonies (Drelichman, 2005)). The paradox goes beyond mere fluctuations in commodity prices (Sachs & Warner, 2001). In fact, commodity prices are used as covariates in almost all analyses, which renders a terms-of-trade explanation unlikely (Anderson, 1998). Moreover, the resource curse literature should not be confused with the issue of convergence of per capita income across countries, as predicted by the Solow model of economic growth. Resource richness in the present context refers to the ratio of resources to total factor endowments, while the convergence debate concerns the aggregate endowment of factors (Anderson, 1998). Note that for the present paper abundance has the same meaning as in the Heckschler-Ohlin model of trade, implying that no country can be abundant in more than one factor of production at a time. The scientific consensus regarding the curse is that empirical support is rather strong (Sachs & Warner, 2001), although recently dissenting views have been expressed (Brunnschweiler & Bulte, 2006; Stijns, 2006). Natural resources have been classified as one of the ten most robust variables in empirical studies on growth, which means that resources tend to remain significant predictors of growth rates even when a wide variety of conventional growth determinants is included in the model (SalaImartin, 1997). In order to control for omitted variables that are not yet known to affect growth, previous growth rates are often controlled for since they are likely to be correlated with factors that are left out (Sachs & Warner, 2001). Through

Literature Review As mentioned in the introduction, the resource curse refers to the paradoxical observation that resource-abundant economies grow more slowly than other economies (Nafziger, 2006, p. 419). Studies concerning this paradox focus mostly, albeit not exclusively, on the post-WWII 37

Jochem de Bresser Explaining the Curse of Resource Abundance

the inclusion of previous growth rates in empirical models, researchers hope to assess the real impact of resources even when a comprehensive theory of growth has yet to be constructed. In order to explain the detrimental impact of resource abundance on growth a number of channels have been proposed. The first explanation was proposed by the sixteenth-century French political philosopher Jean Bodin who thought that easy riches lead to sloth (Anderson, 1998; Sachs & Warner, 2001). So far no empirical research has been conducted to confront this idea with real world data. Another explanation, which became popular during the early 20th century, was that of cultural determinism. According to this idea, plentiful resources tend to stimulate lazy cultures of people incapable of becoming industrious (Anderson, 1998). From a present perspective it is remarkable to read that in 1915 an Australian government report declared the Japanese to be “homogeneously unproductive” and that “it was impossible to change the habits of national heritage” (Anderson, 1998), while Japan registered phenomenal, if unsustainable, growth rates only half a century later during its economic boom. A more recent explanation is that based on Prebisch, 1964, who argues that resource-abundant countries face declining terms of trade because the prices of primary goods increase less rapidly than prices of manufactured goods. As a result of this decline in the relative price of their export products, countries with a comparative advantage in primary products would grow less rapidly than those with an advantage in manufactured goods (Anderson, 1998; Prebisch, 1950, 1964). Although the

evidence for the declining relative price of primary products is strong (Lipsey, 1994), empirical evidence contradicts this explanation of slow growth (Dawe, 1996). Since the early 1990s, much research has been done into the existence and mechanisms of the resource curse. This recent research is based on a crowdingout logic. The general argument can be described as follows (Sachs & Warner, 2001): “Natural resources crowd-out activity x. Activity x drives growth. Therefore natural resources harm growth.” The issue of which activity should be inserted for x is the focus of a heated debate which is as of yet unresolved, due to the aforementioned diversity of views regarding growth theory in general. Three main channels have been proposed: the Dutch disease, rent seeking and institutional models. Each of these explanations will be outlined in turn. The Dutch disease is named after the diversion of resources from the industrial sector when fields of natural gas were discovered on the Dutch coast during the 1980s (Matsen & Torvik, 2005). In this scenario, traded-manufacturing activities are the growth-inducing activity that is crowded out (Sachs & Warner, 2001). The basic problem is that of a resource windfall, either the discovery of new marketable resources or favorable price movements, which creates excess demand for non-traded goods through its positive effect on wealth. As a result non-traded prices increase, pushing up non-traded import costs and wages. This squeezes profits in traded activities such as manufacturing, that use non-traded inputs yet sell their products on international markets where prices are relatively stable (Gylfason, 2001). In other words: a resource boom tends to trigger inflation 38

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which deteriorates the competitive position of the traded goods sector through an appreciation of the real exchange rate. Note that the Dutch disease is not only associated with resource booms: also remittances, development aid and tourism have been shown to trigger similar appreciations (Adam & Bevan, 2006; Amuedo-Dorantes & Pozo, 2004; Chao, Hazari, Laffargue, Sgro, & Yu, 2006). The reallocation of factors of production itself could be relatively harmless, if it was not for the fact that Dutch disease models assume a positive externality or learning-by-doing effect in the shrinking export sectors (Krugman, 1987; Matsuyama, 1992). Indeed, manufacturing is assumed to be the motor of economic growth in this explanation. However, in recent publications terms of trade effects are often found insignificant as determinants of growth (SalaImartin & Subramanian, 2003). In rent-seeking models, production in general is crowded out by rent seeking as a result of resource abundance. Such models are based on the assumption that resource rents are easily appropriable, so that abundant resources become a disincentive for production. Consequently, bribes, distortions in public policies and a diversion of labor away from productive activities limit economic growth (Torvik, 2002). However, the variety of experiences among resource abundant countries suggests that a simple rent-seeking explanation is too blunt. Therefore, it has been proposed that resources only provoke rent seeking if the institutional framework is of poor quality (Mehlum, Moene, & Torvik, 2006a, 2006b). This explanation is supported by empirical evidence that the interaction between institutional quality, measured by the rule of law index, among others, and

resource abundance is a significant predictor of economic growth (Mehlum, Moene, & Torvik, 2006b). Thus, proponents of this explanation conclude that the resource curse applies only to countries with grabberfriendly institutions, while nations with producer-friendly institutions find resources to be a blessing (Mehlum, Moene & Torvik, 2006a). Institutional models also argue that the quality of institutions plays a role in explaining the resource curse, but they propose a different kind of role than rentseeking models. As mentioned before, rent-seeking models include an interaction between resources and institutions. Institutional models, on the other hand, include institutions as mediators between resources and growth. Resources, in other words, are said to help shape the “social infrastructure�, which in turn has been demonstrated to affect growth performance (Hall & Jones, 1999). For this third approach the distinction between point and diffuse resources is very important. Point resources, that are concentrated so that rents are easily appropriable, are said to negatively affect institutions, whereas diffuse resources, which are spread out, have no such effect (Auty, 2001). Countries that are well endowed with point resources, such as oil or precious minerals, tend to suffer from the consequences of poor policy, such as rentier effects, repression or postponement of industrialization (Bulte, Damania, & Deacon, 2005). This mechanism is supported empirically by the finding that only when we fail to control for institutional quality, there appears to be a negative relation between resource abundance and economic growth. However, when institutional quality is controlled for, natural 39

Jochem de Bresser Explaining the Curse of Resource Abundance

resources have no separate direct effect on growth (SalaImartin & Subramanian, 2003). Moreover, point resources are found to have a negative effect on institutions, while the same is not true for diffuse resources (Bulte, Damania, & Deacon, 2005). Finally, the curse is found to affect not only to GDP growth rates, but also the level of broad measures of development, such as HDI (Bulte, Damania, & Deacon, 2005). Recent research has been highly critical of the existence of the resource curse, because the measures commonly used to reflect resource abundance, share of resource exports in GDP or total exports, are said to reflect dependency rather than abundance (Brunnschweiler & Bulte, 2006; Stijns, 2006). The remainder of this paper will investigate whether or not the curse can be observed when measuring resource abundance in a different way. An institutional model will be built in which the effect of this alternative measure on development will be assessed. Special attention will be paid to the mediating role of institutions.

paper co-authored by Gylfason (Gylfason & Zoega, 2007). The sample is cross-sectional and includes a total of 212 countries, although data scarcity limits the N for most regressions. The overall valid N, if missing values are deleted listwise, is 73 (Appendix 2). However, the regressions reported in the appendices are often conducted on a smaller sample, because outliers in both the X and Y space have been removed.

Operationalization Resource abundance will be measured using two indicators: share of natural capital in national wealth and natural capital per capita. Both these measures have been developed and applied first by Gylfason (Gylfason, 2001; Gylfason & Zoega, 2007), but because of the widespread discontent concerning the conventional measures of resource abundance, other researchers have applied these measures as well (Stijns, 2006). The first measure, share of natural capital in national wealth, is generally interpreted to measure resource dependence rather than abundance, while natural wealth per capita is supposed to measure abundance. Countries that score high on this second variable have generous resource endowments relative to their populations, such as New Zealand, Canada and Australia. On the other hand, nations such as Belgium, Haiti and Malawi have a relatively small stock of natural resources compared to their population. The inclusion of both measures allows for the empirical investigation of the recent complaint that the recourse curse is merely the result of the wrongly interpreting dependence as abundance. The argument here is that abundance does not affect development negatively, while dependence, also known as the failure to differentiate

Method Sample This analysis is based on the data used by Bulte, Damania, & Deacon (2005), which is itself an extension of the data used in Sachs & Warner (1997). The only modification has been the inclusion of additional measures of resource abundance, which have been constructed by Gylfason (2001), using World Development Indicators data, published by the World Bank. The actual computation of the resource abundance and dependence variables has not been carried out by the present author. Instead, they have been copied directly from a recent 40

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economic activity successfully, does limit development. If resource abundance is found to have either no effect or a positive influence on development, this should be interpreted as support for the critical view of the curse as a “red herring” (Brunnschweiler & Bulte, 2006). After all, if this is the case it is not the presence of natural resources as such that limits development, but rather the failure of an economy to successfully enter other realms of economic activity. It is important to realize that the main criticism of previous empirical work on this topic goes beyond the conceptual difference between dependence and abundance. It is concerned with the problem of the potential endogeneity of such variables, which precludes the identification of unidirectional effects. This is the essence of the “red herring” argument which doubts that resources cause slow growth and points to the possibility that economic performance may determine the relative contribution of different production factors to growth. Therefore, the ideal approach to this problem should use instrumental variables in order to isolate the exogenous variation in measures of resource dependence and abundance. However, due to time constraints this analysis will not propose any such instruments and as a result should be interpreted solely in terms of partial correlations rather than causal relations. On the other hand, a case could be made for the potential exogeneity of the “natural capital per capita” variable, since economic development may not play an important role in the determination of a country’s stock of natural capital. However, economic growth strongly affects the size of a population, which implies endogeneity bias. The “share of natural capital in national

wealth” variable is clearly endogenous, since economic growth typically exerts influence on the structural characteristics of an economy. Poor nations may not be able to accumulate human or physical capital, which suggests that poor growth may cause resource dependence rather than the other way around. The present analysis, useful as it might be in finding relationships between variables, cannot identify the direction of possible causal mechanisms. Moreover, it is important to realize that neither measure of resource intensity used in the present research allows for the distinction between point and diffuse resources. However, as was mentioned in the literature review, this distinction has been emphasized in other institutional models of the resource curse, because rent seeking is less likely to be a problem when diffuse resources are abundant. The failure of this study to differentiate accordingly is a real weakness, but an unavoidable one due to data scarcity. At the very least, this should be kept in mind when interpreting the results. The remaining variables will be the same as those used in Bulte, Damania & Deacon, 2005, although some of them are of a more recent date than those used in the original study (see Appendix 1 for a complete list of all variables that will be included and their measurement). Institutional quality is measured through the rule of law index and the government effectiveness index, both for the year 1998. The rule of law index measures “the extent to which agents have confidence in and abide by the rules of society”, while the government effectiveness index reveals “the quality of public service provision, the quality of the bureaucracy, the competence of public servants, and the independence of the civil service from 41

Jochem de Bresser Explaining the Curse of Resource Abundance

Figure 2. The Theoretical Model

political pressures� (Kaufmann, Kraay and Mastruzzi, 2003). Development is measured by the Human Development Index for 2004, as published in the Human Development Report of 2006. Three control variables that are included are per capita GDP in 1970, secondary school enrollment rate for 1970 and investment prices in that same year. Note that historical data are used for the control variables, because recent figures are highly correlated with measures of institutional quality (which introduces multicollinearity). However, not all relevant controls can be included, because data scarcity prevents the present research from including some, such as the fraction of population speaking English. Again, this should be kept in mind when interpreting the findings. Descriptive statistics of all variables used in the present research are presented in Appendix 2.

economic growth, holds when alternative measures of resource abundance are used. More specifically, the institutional channel of causation is investigated, testing whether institutional quality mediates the effect of resources on development. This problem will be approached in three steps. Firstly, we will test whether or not the resource curse can be found in the present data. Secondly, the effect of resources on quality of institutions will be investigated. Thirdly, we test whether or not the effect of resource abundance on development remains significant when the quality of institutions is included in the model. The fundamental logic of the model is shown in Figure 2. Figure 2 shows the predicted mediating effect of institutional quality. Because of this characteristic of the model, it would be appropriate to apply a structural equations (SEM) approach in which the entire model is tested at once. However, it has been mentioned before that for the entire model the sample would only include 73 cases, which is rather small for SEM modeling. Therefore, the empirical analysis will only use OLS regressions. The model will be tested econometrically

Procedure As mentioned in the introduction, the main goal of this paper is to see whether or not the resource curse, applied to the level of development rather than the rate of 42

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in three stages, corresponding to the three steps outlined above. The first step tests for the presence of a resource curse, using the following regression: (1) HDI = a0 + a1Resource Abundance + a2Controls + e In the second step, we test for a correlation between resources and institutions: (2) Institutional Quality = b0 + b1Resource Abundance + b2Controls + e In the third step, we test for the presence of a resource curse when controlling for institutional quality: (3) HDI = c0 + c1Resource Abundance + c2Institutional Quality + c3Controls + e Note that this third regression is a counterpart of the usual growth models estimated by other researchers, except for the omission of a measure of current GDP per capita. This measure has been omitted purposefully, because past research indicates that GDP per capita is highly correlated with measures of institutional quality (SalaImartin & Subramanian, 2003). Therefore, the inclusion of both variables in one model introduces multicollinearity, inflating the error terms of the OLS coefficients. The conscious choice to leave current per capita GDP out of the development equation implies that the coefficient of institutional quality embodies two effects on development: a direct governance effect and an indirect effect through per capita income (Bulte, Damania, & Deacon, 2005). Based on Bulte, Damania & Deacon (2005), one expects a negative correlation between resource abundance on the one hand and development and institutional quality on the other (a1 and b1 are significant and negative). However, if the indirect

effect is indeed the most important, the correlation between resource abundance and development is expected to disappear once institutional quality is controlled for (c1 is non-significant). The present framework does not allow for the identification of the direction of causality.

Results First, we report the results of the estimation of equation 1, which tests for the presence of a resource curse in the data (Appendix 3). In confirmation of prior research, 1970 GDP per capita is found to have a positive effect on subsequent development. When controlling for 1970 per capita GDP, resource dependence is negatively and significantly correlated with development (Appendix 3). Therefore, for a given per capita wealth in 1970, countries that depend heavily on natural capital, that have accumulated little physical or human capital relative to natural capital, tend to have a lower level of development in 2004. However, the same is not true for resource abundance, as measured by per capita natural capital, which is not significant (Appendix 3). Although greater dependence on resources seems to go together with poor development performance, given initial level of wealth, abundance of resources does not have a similar effect. The present data thus confirm a spillover of the resource curse to development in a broad sense, but simultaneously suggests that the curse may not be that of generous resource endowments per se. Rather, a failure of an economy to utilize natural capital to accumulate other forms of capital seems to harm development. However, note that only aggregate resource abundance is measured, without distinguishing between point and 43

Jochem de Bresser Explaining the Curse of Resource Abundance

diffuse resources. Therefore, the possibility cannot be ruled out that abundance of point resources does harm development, but that this effect is neutralized by the aggregation of both types of resources (for instance, because diffuse resources have a positive effect on development). Moreover, it might be true that poor development causes resources to remain important production factors rather than the other way around. The magnitude of the resource curse present in this data is smaller than the effect of initial GDP per capita, but larger than the effect of investment price on development (Appendix 5). Next we turn to the correlation between natural resources and governance, corresponding to equation 2 in the above presented framework. The data show that countries that depend heavily on natural resources end up with poor scores on the rule of law index (Appendix 4). However, the evidence that resource dependency harms institutional quality is hardly conclusive, because no significant correlation is found between resource dependency and government effectiveness (Appendix 4). Furthermore, the magnitude of the correlation between resource dependency and rule of law is smaller than that of the other variables included in the regression (Appendix 6). Resource abundance is not correlated with either measure of quality of institutions (Appendix 4). Again, it is important to realize that the absence of effects of natural resources on governance can simply result from the failure to distinguish between point and diffuse resources. Moreover, it should be emphasized that the time lag between the measure of resource abundance and institutional quality is only four years, which

may be too short a timeframe for a causal link, or even a correlation, to manifest itself. On the other hand, both institutional quality and resource abundance/dependence have been shown to be rather stable over time (Brunnschweiler & Bulte, 2006). If the volatility of these variables is indeed low, one would expect to see strong partial correlations even when measures are taken with a lag of only half a decade. In the context of endogeneity bias, the stability of institutions and resource dependence introduces the risk of reverse causality concerning the significant correlation between resource dependence and institutions. Indeed, perhaps countries with poor institutions tend to remain dependent on natural capital due to their failure to diversify. The design of the present research guards against this by using a measure of resource dependence that precedes that of governance, but if institutions are stable over time one cannot rule out the possibility of poor institutions causing resource dependence rather than the other way around. Finally, equation 3 is estimated, in which the effect of resources is measured while controlling for institutional quality. Governance is found to be positively correlated with development: both rule of law and government effectiveness enter significantly positive (Appendix 7). The correlation of resource dependence remains significant, both when rule of law and government effectiveness are controlled for (Appendix 7). This suggests that resource dependence may have an important direct effect on development as well as an indirect effect through rule of law. However, the magnitude of the indirect effect is 44

Ad Astra • June 2008

Conclusion and Discussion

rather marginal compared to the direct effect, since the standardized coefficient of resource dependence is almost as large when institutional quality is controlled for as when it is not (Appendices 5 and 8). Given the absence of an effect of resource abundance on development, it should come as no surprise that when institutional quality is included in the regression, resource abundance remains insignificant as a predictor of HDI (Appendix 7). A higher initial GDP per capita is consistently associated with better development outcomes (Appendix 7). Rule of law has a larger effect on development than does government effectiveness, but both measures of institutional quality have smaller effects on development than the other variables (Appendix 8). Thus, the data indicate that institutions matter, but that they are by no means the leading determinants of development. Initial GDP per capita remains by far the most important predictor of subsequent development, followed by the resource dependence and investment price (Appendix 8). Regarding the assumptions underlying OLS regressions, note that all regressions reported in the appendices exclude outliers in both the X and Y space (which are removed based on their Mahalanobis distances and standardized residuals). Furthermore, results are robust to the inclusion of outliers and correction for heteroscedasticity (through the estimation method of generalized least squares). Multicollinearity was tested for in every regression and did not pose a problem. For all regressions the distribution of the unstandardized residuals was not significantly non-normal, as indicated by a Kolmogorov-Smirnov test.

The present research has investigated the resource curse through the causal channel of institutional quality. The hypothesized model poses institutions as mediating variables between resource abundance/dependence and development in a broad sense. In other words, a generous endowment of resources (or dependence on resources) was hypothesized to stimulate rent seeking, thereby negatively affecting institutional quality. This, in turn, would harm overall development. The empirical findings are not supportive of a resource curse in terms of resource abundance in general, or of the above mentioned causal channel in particular. Resource dependence is found to be negatively correlated with development, but only to a very small extent this correlation is mediated through institutional quality (and only through its rule of law dimension). No correlation of resource abundance with either development or institutions is found. Thus, the present paper supports the recent notion that it is not resource endowment per se that is related to development, but rather an excessive dependence on resources as a result of failure to successfully diversify economic activity to other sectors. Although the importance of good institutions for development is confirmed, their importance as a causal channel for the resource curse seems minor, even when the curse is reformulated as one of dependence rather than abundance. However, there are a few important problems with the design of the present research that could be responsible for these conclusions. Firstly, the variables used to measure resource abundance 45

Jochem de Bresser Explaining the Curse of Resource Abundance

and dependence do not allow for the distinction between point and diffuse resources. Secondly, the time lag between the measurement of resource abundance and institutional quality is only four years, which arguably is too little time for rent seeking to erode institutions. However, this objection loses importance to the extent that resource dependence and abundance are relatively constant over time, in which case the measures used in this analysis can be seen as proxies for historical levels of dependence on and abundance of resources. Thirdly, reverse causation with respect to the effect of resource dependence on

development and institutional quality cannot be ruled out. Future research should repeat the analysis presented in this paper with different measures of resource abundance and dependence in order to differentiate between the effects of point and diffuse resources. The indicators presented by Stijns (2006) seem to be of special interest in this respect, such as the ratios of subsoil wealth and green capital to physical capital. Moreover, the potentially endogenous nature of resource dependence and abundance needs to be corrected for, possibly using instrumental variables.

References Adam, C. S., & Bevan, D. L. (2006). Aid and the supply side: Public investment, export performance, and Dutch disease in low-income countries. World Bank Economic Review, 20(2), 261-290. Amuedo-Dorantes, C., & Pozo, S. (2004). Workers’ remittances and the real exchange rate: A paradox of gifts. World Development, 32(8), 1407-1417. Anderson, K. (1998). Are resource-abundant economies disadvantaged? Australian Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics, 42(1), 1-23. Auty, R. M. (2001). The political economy of resource-driven growth. European Economic Review, 45, 839-846. Brunnschweiler, C. N., & Bulte, E. H. (2006). The resource curse revisited and revised: a tale of paradoxes and red herrings (pp. 36): Tilburg University & CER-ETH. Bulte, E. H., Damania, R., & Deacon, R. T. (2005). Resource intensity, institutions, and development. World Development, 33(7), 1029-1044. Cameron, R., & Neal, L. (2003). A Concise Economic History of the World (4 ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. Chao, C. C., Hazari, B. R., Laffargue, J. P., Sgro, P. M., & Yu, E. S. H. (2006). Tourism, Dutch disease and welfare in an open dynamic economy. Japanese Economic Review, 57(4), 501-515. Dawe, D. (1996). A new look at the growth in developing nations. World Development, 24, 1905-1914. Drelichman, M. (2005). The curse of Moctezuma: American silver and the Dutch disease. Explorations in Economic History, 42, 349-380. Gylfason, T. (2001). Natural resources, education, and economic development. European Economic Review, 45(4-6), 847859. Gylfason, T., & Zoega, G. (2007). Natural resources and economic growth: the role of investment: University of Iceland. Hall, R., & Jones, C. (1999). Why do some countries produce so much more output than others? Quarterly Journal of Economics, 114, 83-116.


Ad Astra • June 2008 Krugman, P. (1987). The Narrow Moving Band, the Dutch Disease, and the Competitive Consequences of Thatcher - Notes on Trade in the Presence of Dynamic Scale Economies. Journal of Development Economics, 27(1-2), 41-55. Kaufmann, D., Kraay, C. and Mastruzzi, M. (2003). Governance Matters III: Governance Indicators 1996-2002, World Bank Institute, Governance and Anti-Corruption Resource Center. World Bank Policy Research Working Paper 3106. Lipsey, R. E. (1994). Quality Change and Other Influences on Measures of Export Prices of Manufactured Goods. Washington, DC: World Bank. Matsen, E., & Torvik, R. (2005). Optimal Dutch disease. Journal of Development Economics, 78(2), 494-515. Matsuyama, K. (1992). Agricultural Productivity, Comparative Advantage, and Economic-Growth. Journal of Economic Theory, 58(2), 317-334. Mehlum, H., Moene, K., & Torvik, R. (2006a). Cursed by resources or institutions? World Economy, 29(8), 1117-1131. Mehlum, H., Moene, K., & Torvik, R. (2006b). Institutions and the resource curse. Economic Journal, 116(508), 1-20. Nafziger, E. W. (2006). Economic Development (4th. ed.). New York: Cambridge University Press. Prebisch, R. (1950). The Economic Development of Latin America and Its Principal Problems. New York: United Nations. Prebisch, R. (1964). Towards a New Trade Policy for Development. New York: United Nations. Sachs, J. D., & Warner, A. M. (1997). Natural Resource Abundance and Economic Growth. Cambridge MA: Harvard University. Sachs, J. D., & Warner, A. M. (2001). The curse of natural resources. European Economic Review, 45(4-6), 827-838. SalaImartin, X. X. (1997). I just ran two million regressions. American Economic Review, 87(2), 178-183. SalaImartin, X. X., & Subramanian, A. (2003). Adressing the natural resource curse: an illustration from Nigeria: NBER, Cambridge. Stijns, J. P. (2006). Natural resource abundance and human capital accumulation. World Development, 34(6), 1060-1083. Torvik, R. (2002). Natural resources, rent seeking and welfare. Journal of Development Economics, 67, 455-470.


Jochem de Bresser Explaining the Curse of Resource Abundance

Appendices 1. The Variables Theoretical concept Variable

Source Definition




Human Development Index, 2004

Quality of institutions

Government effectiveness


Government effectiveness index, 1998

Rule of law


Rule of law index, 1998

GDP/cap 1970




Log of GDP per member of economically active population (ages 15-64), 1970 in PPP US$ Gross enrollment rate in secondary education, 1970

Control variables

Investment price BDD Resource abundance Natural capital G&Z per person, 1994 Resource Share of natural G&Z dependence capital in national wealth

Investment price 1970 Natural capital stock divided by population, 1994 in PPP US$ Natural capital stock divided by the sum of natural capital, produced assets and human resources, 1994

Sources: BDD, Bulte, Damania & Deacon, 2005 (cited in references) G&Z, Gylfason & Zoega, 2007 (cited in references) WRI, World Resources Institute, Earthtrends Searchable Database,


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2. Descriptive Statistics N

Minimum Maximum


Std. Deviation

HDI score 2004






Government effectiveness index 1998






Rule of Law index 1998






GDP/cap 1970






Secondary school enrollment 1970






Investment price 1970






Share of natural capital in national wealth 1994






Natural capital per person 1994






Valid N (listwise)


3. Regression 1: The Resource Curse HDI-index 2004h

HDI-index 2004h


–.298* (.100)

–.615* (.117)

GDP/cap 1970

.133* (.011)

.167* (.014)

Investment price 1970

–.088* (.018)

–.108* (.021)

Share natural capital in national wealth 1994

–.005* (.001)

Natural capital per capita 1994

R2 = .859, N = 83

* Significant at 1% level, h Indicates heteroscedasticity


–.002 (.002) R2 = .797, N = 83

Jochem de Bresser Explaining the Curse of Resource Abundance

4. Regression 2: Effect of Natural Resources on Quality of Institutions RL




–3.010* (1.025)

–3.989* (.957)

–5.296* (1.083)

–5.448* (.945)

GDP/cap 1970

.387* (.123)

.485* (.120)

.666* (.129)

.676* (.119)

Secondary education gross enrollment 1970

3.026* (0.719)

3.124* (.814)

1.713** (.782)

1.637** (.809)

Investment price 1970

–.411** (.168)

–.414** (.175)

–.251 (.167)

–.223 (.169)

Share natural capital in national wealth 1994

–.018** (.009)


Natural capital per capita 1994 R2 = .727, N = 73

–.002 (.009) –.005 (.012) R2 = .701, N = 73

R2 = .719, N = 71

.006 (.012) R2 = .714, N = 71

RL = rule of law index, 1998, GE = government effectiveness index, 1998 * Significant at 1% level, ** Significant at 5% level

5. Relative Magnitudes of Natural Resource Effect on Development HDI Index 2004 GDP/cap 1970


Investment price 1970


Share natural capital in national wealth, 1994


Reported values are standardized regression coefficients (β-coefficients)


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6. Relative Magnitudes of Natural Resource Effects on Quality of Institutions RL




GDP/cap 1994





Secondary education gross enrollment 1990





Investment price 1970





Share natural capital in national wealth 1994


Natural capital per capita 1994

–.016 –.035


RL = rule of law index, 1998, GE = government effectiveness index, 1998 Reported values are standardized regression coefficients (β-coefficients)

7. Regression 3: Explaining Development HDIh





–.152 (.121)

–.346** (.143)

–.124 (.129)

–.377** (.152)

GDP/cap 1970

.113* (.015)

.132* (.018)

.110* (.015)

.136* (.019)

Investment price

–.079* (.018)

–.089* (.021)

–.084* (.018)

–.099* (.022)

Rule of law

.029** (.014)

.048* (.016) .029** (.014)

.040** (.016)

Government effectiveness Share natural capital in national wealth 1994 Natural capital per capita 1994

–.005* (.001)

–.005* (.001)

–.002 –.002 (.002) (.002) R2 = .866, R2 = .818, R2 = .863, R2 = .808, N = 83 N = 83 N = 81 N = 81

* Significant at 1% level ** Significant at 5% level h Indicates heteroscedasticity


Jochem de Bresser Explaining the Curse of Resource Abundance

8. Relative Magnitudes of Resource Dependency Effects in Development Equation (Appendix 7) HDI


GDP/cap 1994



Investment price 1970



Rule of law


Government effectiveness


Share natural capital in national wealth 1994




Lindsey Goossens Taming the Demons of Lanka


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The Middelburgs Muziekkorps and Its Music Library Sanderine van Odijk and Veerle Heijne | Roosevelt Academy In partial fulfillment of the requirements for A&H395 Case Studies in Music, taught by Dr. Tassilo Erhardt (Fall 2007). Abstract The Middelburgs Muziekkorps, founded in 1815, has fulfilled an important musical role in the history of Middelburg. Throughout the years, the Muziekkorps developed an extensive music library with works by various composers. Especially during the period in which the Muziekkorps was directed by Jan Morks (1865–1926), the music library grew significantly. Apart from his work as director, Morks was also a highly established composer and arranger. Many of Morks’ compositions and arrangements could therefore be found in the Muziekkorps’ music library. Unfortunately, on May 17, 1940, a large part of Middelburg burned down as a result of the bombings. A significant part of the possessions of the Muziekkorps was damaged, including almost the entire music libray. The research, as described in this article, was aimed at discovering the part of the music library that had apparently survived the fire, but nevertheless was unretrievable at that moment. After a period of extensive search, more than one hundred original musical compositions, of which a significant part by Morks, were traced down. Thanks to this rediscovery, many of these valuable and historical pieces were placed at the Zeeuwse Bibliotheek with excellent conservation and restoration possibilities. This research has thus contributed significantly to Middelburg’s musical-cultural heritage.

Introduction Middelburg possessed a rich musical life in the past few centuries. Part of this musical life was the Middelburgs Muziekkorps, a very successful wind band in the early 20th century. It came into existence as a military band in 1815, and is still active nowadays as an amateur music society.

The Muziekkorps was famous throughout Zeeland, the Netherlands, and even abroad. Their concerts at Molenwater, the Abbey square and Schuttershof attracted many people. As it was founded as a military band, its military background was visible through the uniforms worn and the Korps’ strict discipline. The most famous conductor 55

Sanderine van Odijk and Veerle Heijne The Middelburgs Muziekkorps

library was stored. However, some sources indicated that after the war about forty pieces had survived.3 Our research was aimed at finding those surviving works of the 1940 music library.

of the Muziekkorps was Jan Morks, who directed it from 1891 until 1925. Apart from being a conductor he was a wellknown composer, and he guided the Korps through their most successful period in history.1 The history of the Muziekkorps will be described in the first section, along with a short biography of Jan Morks. The emphasis will be on the period before the Second World War, since this is the most interesting and successful time. Furthermore, this period is most relevant to the research that has been performed on the music library of the Muziekkorps. In the beginning of the Second World War, on May 17, 1940, a large part of Middelburg was burned down as a result of the bombings. Because of this fire, a significant part of the possessions of the Muziekkorps was damaged. The destruction and other wartime complications resulted in a difficult period for the Muziekkorps. Apart from instruments, music stands and uniforms, the sheet music library was almost completely lost. The Muziekkorps possessed a substantial amount of sheet music: more than a thousand works, including numerous works written or arranged by Morks. Fortunately, these works had been catalogued just before the war.2 The fire destroyed the building in which the music

History of the Middelburgs Muziekkorps The Middelburgs Muziekkorps was officially founded on February 17, 1815, as part of the Schutterij (citizen soldiery). It probably derived from the ‘cohorte urbaine’, a similar soldiery of French origin. This is likely because the instruments, as well as the director of this band, and probably some musicians, were taken over by the new Muziekkorps.4 The first director was R. Falstré. The names of a few of his successors were: De Planque Vuur, Finteman, Ceulen, Van Emden, Liesoy, and Van Druten.5 The first concert was held on June 4, 1815, in order to honor the officers that went to the battle at Waterloo shortly afterwards.6 The military principles were evident long after the transformation of the Muziekkorps into a civil band in 1907. Members wore military uniforms, they had to present before a concert, and until the 1960s they were paid for playing concerts. Nowadays, many of these traditions have been lost, and the Middelburgs Muziekkorps has become an amateur wind band.


J.P. Luteijn, P. Luteijn, Middelburgs Muziekkorps 1815-1960 (Middelburg, 1984).


P. Luteijn, Inventory of the music library of the Middelburgs Muziekkorps. Zeeuws Archief, entry 1523-37:

Middelburg, 1940. Digitalized by Heijne & Van Odijk, 2007. 3

Luteijn, Middelburgs Muziekkorps.


P. Luteijn, ‘Herdenkingsrede (1940)’, Zeeuws Archief, entry 1523-20, 1.


‘Middelburgs muziekkorps bestond Zondag j.l. 140 jaar’ Zeeuwsch Dagblad (Middelburg, March 4, 1955), 2.


‘Middelburgs muziekkorps met ‘veldwachterssteken’ bestaat 140 jaar’ Het Vrije Volk (Middelburg, March 4,

1955), 4. 56

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Figure 1. Concert Middelburgs Muziekkorps (1905), directed by Jan Morks.7

Sometimes it proved quite difficult to manage the finances to keep the wind band going. For example, the Muziekkorps was terminated because of financial problems in 1857. However, this never had a great influence on the history of the wind band, as it was re-established the next year. The transformation from military to civil band occurred because the soldiery ceased to exist in 1907. Several citizens of Middelburg therefore started a committee to preserve the Muziekkorps (Vereeniging tot Instandhouding van het Middelburgsch Muziekkorps), which gave the members the opportunity to continue as a civil band. From 1891 until 1925 Jan Morks (1865– 1926) directed the Muziekkorps. These were the most successful years in history for the 7

Middelburg musicians. They most often performed in their hometown Middelburg. Especially the concerts on the abbey square on Sunday mornings, which were held until 1939, were famous in the Netherlands and abroad. Furthermore, Molenwater and Schuttershof were also places where the Korps regularly performed. The success of the Korps can be demonstrated by a gift it received in the 1930s. The American Stephen Foster Foundation sent the complete score and parts for wind orchestra of a medley of Stephen Foster compositions (e.g. Home on the Ranch). Only three bands in the Netherlands received this honor. The two other bands were the Marinierskapel and the Koninklijke Militaire Kapel, both highly admired bands.8

“Het muziekkorps der dienstdoende schutterij o.l.v. Jan Morks te Middelburg. 1895 - 1904”, Zeeuws

Archief, Beeld en geluid,BG-0320-207. Thanks to the Koninklijk Zeeuws Genootschap der Wetenschappen. 8

Luteijn, Middelburgs Muziekkorps. 57

Sanderine van Odijk and Veerle Heijne The Middelburgs Muziekkorps

Jan Morks was born in Dordrecht, and he was profoundly interested in music. He worked as an organist and music teacher in Dordrecht before he became conductor in Middelburg. Morks was known as a strict conductor, who was not afraid of firing musicians when they were absent at concerts or rehearsals. Morks was enormously devoted to the Korps, which he conducted for 34 years. Apart from being a conductor, he was also a composer who wrote numerous musical pieces for the wind band. His name is still famous in Zeeland, albeit more as a composer than as a conductor. At the Molenwater a bust of Morks has been placed, and a street nearby received his name. Among his most famous compositions are the melody of the Zeeuwsch Volkslied (anthem of the province of Zeeland), Marcia Castagnole and the Zeeuwse Reien. These works and most of his marches were part of the repertoire of the Muziekkorps, as well as his countless wind band arrangements of popular classical music from various centuries, including operas, overtures, and dance music. Examples are Die Zauberflöte by Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, Sonate Pathétique by Ludwig Von Beethoven, and several works by Charles Gounod and Edvard Grieg.9 In 1925 Morks had to give up his responsibilities at the Middelburgs Muziekkorps because of his poor eyesight. Jan Morks’ successor, Johannes Hendricus Caro, was director from 1927 until 1951. He wrote the march Meco 1940, to celebrate the 125th birthday of the Muziekkorps in 1940. To honor this anniversary, a music 9

festival was planned on May 13 of that year. Twenty-five wind bands from Zeeland were invited to join the music contest. Other wind bands from Middelburg would simultaneously give three concerts at the Dam, the Loskade, and on the market. Furthermore, the Korps would give a concert, which premiered the march Meco 1940. The well-known Schermrei, Vlinderdans and Zeeuwsch Volkslied were on the program as well. Pieter Luteijn, secretary at the time, gave a celebration speech about the history of the Muziekkorps. However, this grandiose anniversary was not to be celebrated. The Second World War had been threatening all kinds of activities in the Netherlands for several months. On May 10, 1940, Germany attacked the Netherlands, and the festivities had to be cancelled. Instead, the members and the board held a closed celebration rehearsal on February 27. The members rehearsed in uniform; there were songs, dances and a theater performance. The Muziekkorps gave a short concert and performed two works by Jan Morks (Marcia Simfonico and Kleppermarsch), and one by the director at that time, J.H. Caro (Volhouden). Furthermore, they played a march written and directed by Abraham Calatz, namely the Mimuco-Marsch.10 At this evening, Pieter Luteijn presented his lecture about the Muziekkorps, which is one of the very few remaining sources on its history. As he mentions in this speech: “Since the arrival of Morks even all archival material is missing, while from 1907 until 1919 it only consists of the minutes of general meetings.”11

P. Luteijn, Inventory of the music library of the Middelburgs Muziekkorps.


‘Programma van de Feestrepetitie’, Zeeuws Archief, entry 1523-32, (Middelburg, 1940).


“Vanaf de komst van Morks ontbreekt zelfs alle archief, terwijl dit van 1907 tot 1919 slechts bestaat uit

het verslag der algemeene vergaderingen.” P. Luteijn, ‘Herdenkingsrede’ (Middelburg, 1940), 5. 58

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After this speech more performances were given, and the guests left the celebration after singing the Dutch national anthem Wilhelmus together.12 For the general public, they held a concert on March 10 at the Concert- en Gehoorzaal. Among the pieces played were Sibelius’ Finlandia, and the march Territorial. Unfortunately, on May 17, 1940, the war struck Middelburg. The city was bombed, setting the largest part of the city in flames. The Muziekkorps suffered heavily by losing instruments, music stands, uniforms and sheet music. A report mentions that 1035 works, of which 400 scores, own compositions and manuscripts, and 635 other works had been destroyed.13 The Muziekkorps asked for a refund from the government of ƒ 4222.50 for the sheet music only, and ƒ 6574.- in total, which also included the music stands and uniforms. However, they never received all the money they needed to compensate their losses. It proved very hard to continue playing music in the war. One of its board members, Mr. Leydesdorff, was Jewish, and was deported to Poland. Other members were sent to Germany to work there. Fortunately, many people tried to help the Muziekkorps. As Luteijn writes:


“Help was offered from different sides, such as music on loan from several private libraries of the gentlemen Max Ogier (Den Bosch) and Henri Zeldenrust (The Hague), free use of the Schuttershof for rehearsals, and the use of music stands and chairs from the music assocation ‘Excelcior’.”14 Despite this help, the Muziekkorps had to cease their public activities in 1943. Nevertheless, the rehearsal process continued as frequently as possible, often together with ‘Exelcior’. After the war, the Korps became just as active as before, still with Johannes Caro as its director. In 1950 he was replaced by Adriaan Kousemaker, after which he was succeeded by Piet de Rooy.

Music Library Apart from sheet music by Jan Morks, the music library of the Middelburgs Muziekkorps contained pieces of many other composers and arrangers. Most of these manuscripts, scores, and parts were part of the burned works. Fortunately, Pieter Luteijn made an inventory of the library, which was finished in 1940.15 This detailed inventory gives a good impression of the former music library. The title of this catalogue is: “Middelb. Muziekkorps.

‘Het 125-jarig bestaan van het Middelburgsch Muziekkorps’, Middelburgsche Courant (Middelburg,

February 28, 1940). 13

‘Gespecificeerde aangifte van de schade, die het Middelburgs Muziekkorps heeft geleden op 17 Mei 1940’,

Zeeuws Archief, entry 1523-11. 14

“Van diverse zijden werd daadwerkelijke steun verleend, zoals muziek in bruikleen uit de particuliere

bibliotheken van de heren Max Ogier (Den Bosch) en Henri Zeldenrust (Den Haag), gratis gebruik van het Schuttershof voor repetities en van de muziekvereniging ‘Exelcior’ het gebruik van lessenaars en bankjes.” Luteijn, Middelburgs Muziekkorps. 15

P. Luteijn, Inventory of the music library of the Middelburgs Muziekkorps. 59

Sanderine van Odijk and Veerle Heijne The Middelburgs Muziekkorps

Catalogus der Muziekbibliotheek. verbrand.”16 The last word has been added later. It suggests that the whole library was lost in the fire, although sources disagree on this. The current research will clarify this matter. The original catalogue by Luteijn consists of eight categories:

Comparison of concert programs from before 1940 shows that not all pieces ever played had been included in the catalogue. An example is the earlier mentioned Meco 1940, written by A. Calatz. It is also remarkable that the Zeeuwse Reien and the first, second and third Suite des Miniatures by Morks have not been catalogued. The last mentioned pieces might have been stored in Morks’ private library. The first piece was recently written, and that is probably why it was not included. In 1919, the Muziekkorps played De Padvinders komen! by Morks. As this work is not listed in the inventory either, it seems most likely that it may have been returned to Morks’ private library after it had been played. Jacobus Pieter Luteijn, the son of Pieter Luteijn who died in 1951, wrote that 40 out of 1075 works had survived the fire. According to him, the Stephen Foster medley was among those pieces.17 However, other sources disagree on this subject: the newspaper Het Vrije Volk, for example, writes:

Table 1. Inventory Music Library 1940 A. Marches 281 B. Ouvertures 97 C. Waltzes 106 D. Fantasies and Potpourries 90 E. Suites, Ballets, Intermezzos, Character pieces, etc. 86 H. Dances 111 J. Various 186 K. National songs 55 Total amount of pieces 1012

In total the inventory of the library consists of 1012 composition-entries; it is, however, likely that this number was slightly more in reality. The categories themselves are again divided into different groups. These groups are numbered, and the separate pieces are given a letter. There seems to be no logical explanation for this ordering in groups. It is neither alphabetically ordered nor by composer. It may refer to the order in which the pieces were gathered, but it seems rather random. After each category, pages are left blank to provide place for additional numbers.

He wrote many compositions and arrangements for the band. They have been lost in the bombing of 17 May 1940, which destroyed the complete music library –1057 pieces! – nine instruments, five uniforms, 22 music stands and 28 chairs.18


Luteijn, Middelburgs Muziekkorps.




“Vele composities en arrangementen schreef hij voor het korps. Ze zijn verlorengegaan bij het

bombardement van 17 Mei 1940, dat de gehele muziekbibliotheek-1057 nummers!-negen instrumenten, vijf uniformen, 22 lessenaars en 28 zitbankjes vernietigde.” ‘Middelburgs muziekkorps met ‘veldwachterssteken’’, 4. 60

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Figure 2. Middelburgs Muziekkorps and Jan Morks (1904).21

The inventory of the losses as a result of the war mentions 1035 lost music pieces. Firstly, this illustrates that the library contained more than the 1012-catalogued pieces. Secondly, it is not certain what the exact number of works that were part of the music library in total was. If Luteijn, Jr., is correct in his speech, then we would expect to find a total number of 40 surviving works, as the most official number of losses mentioned in the letter asking for refund is 1035.19 The research revealed that the surviving works today are located in the storage


room of the Muziekkorps in the renewed Concert- en Gehoorzaal at the Singelstraat in Middelburg. The current librarian of the Muziekkorps’s music library, Ms. Edith Tiggelman, created a list of the “old works” that were in the possession of the Muziekkorps and currently stored in moving boxes, because they served no direct goal for the Muziekkorps.20 When comparing both the inventory of old works and the inventory of the music library of 1940 by Luteijn, a total number of 109 works appear to correspond. Some of these old works

‘Gespecificeerde aangifte van de schade, die het Middelburgs Muziekkorps heeft geleden op 17 Mei 1940’,

Zeeuws Archief, entry 1523-11. 20

Personal communication, Edith Tiggelman, November 19, 2007.


“Een muziekuitvoering onder leiding van dirigent Jan Morks op het Abdijplein te Middelburg.

1897 - 1905”, Zeeuws Archief, Zelandia Illustrata, ZI-P-03552. Thanks to the Koninklijk Zeeuws Genootschap der Wetenschappen. 61

Sanderine van Odijk and Veerle Heijne The Middelburgs Muziekkorps

were added to their current collection, most likely because another director (re-) arranged them. This could in fact add up to the number of 109 surviving works and therefore it appears that Luteijn was not very well informed. See the appendix for the list of surviving works. The obvious question that arises now is how it is possible that of 1075 works that the library consisted of more than 100 have survived the fire. The answer to this question is not easy and clear-cut, but there are several possible explanations for this miraculous survival. First of all, the financial accounts of the Muziekkorps, which can be found at the Zeeuws Archief as well, revealed much valuable information. It appears that at least parts of the music library had been transported elsewhere. In June of 1940, Anton Polderman was paid ƒ 2.50 for “moving the music library on 10 and 11 May”, which is shortly before the bombings. Additionally, on September 11, Hendrikse & Co were paid ƒ 0.70 for a transport of music. According to Kees Baan, who was secretary of the Muziekkorps in the 1980s and 1990s, several works had been transported to the Stadhuis in Middelburg to ensure their safety just before the war.22 Another possibility is that the works were stored at the house of a member of the Muziekkorps or the board of the Muziekkorps. Apart from the question where these works might have been stored, it is very interesting to know why these particular works have been rescued. Again, several possible explanations can be given. First of


all, it could be that these works were part of the repertoire that the Muziekkorps had rehearsed in the period before the Second World War. They might have planned on playing these works at various occasions such as the wind band contest organized by the Muziekkorps to be held in the week of the bombing. However, it should be noted that a repertoire of more than 100 works is quite substantial and might be the repertoire over several years. Another explanation is that these works might have been the most valuable pieces of the collection, although this decision seems very subjective and it would be more likely that all works were regarded as valuable. However, there must have been a reason why the pieces that have been saved are seemingly random pieces from various categories. If it was planned to try to find a safer place for all of the works, then a more regular pattern would be expected. For example, the first 100 works of the first category would have been placed at safe locations, and available time could have permitted the moving of the rest of the library. Unfortunately, no definite conclusions can be drawn, but it seems most likely that these remaining works have survived the fire because they had a special value – either because they were part of the current repertoire at that time, or because they had been regarded as extremely valuable. On the declaration of the damage caused by the fire on May 17, 1940, the following was written: “The lost music consisted of manuscripts and own compositions and scores that are not for

Personal communication with Kees Baan, November 9, 2007. 62

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sale, because of the fact that they were never published.”23 From this fragment it becomes apparent that it was clear to the Muziekkorps that they had lost irreplaceable, and therefore very valuable material. Keeping this in mind, it is most likely that they did not expect that the place where all their valuable material was stored would be damaged. It is important to note here that it was known that Middelburg would be bombed on that particular Friday. However, it was probably not foreseen that a few bombs would result in such a destructing fire, which eventually caused most damage. As a result of the research performed it seems most likely that the works found will be placed in the safe of the Zeeuwse Bibliotheek. From April 2008 onwards, the works that have been re-discovered that were written or arranged by Jan Morks, can be found at the Zeeuwse Bibliotheek. Thus, the works will not be conserved more carefully; they will also be a valuable addition to the general collection of handwritten works by Jan Morks. Currently, the Zeeuwse Bibliotheek possesses a collection of about 150 compositions donated after Morks’ death. They survived the war, and are mentioned in a letter from the secretary to Johannes H. Caro in 1947:


Dear Mr. Caro, At the Provincial Library are numerous compositions and arrangements from the late Mr Morks, which he has given to this institution. […] The chair is in possession of a list of these pieces 24

These compositions are different from the ones found in the Muziekkorps library, and only part of them is written for wind band.25 After the war some of these pieces have been played by the Muziekkorps. The titles can be found in several programs of concerts after the war. On August 13, 1954, for example, they performed Morks’ arrangement of the Vlinderdans.26

Concluding Remarks The Middelburg Muziekkorps served an important social and musical role in the lives of many inhabitants of Middelburg. Especially in the pre-war period, the Muziekkorps, under the direction of Jan Morks, flourished tremendously. It therefore is not suprising to find that the Muziekkorps possessed a significant number of music pieces, of which a great part had been written or arranged by Morks himself. Unfortunately, the war had a devastating impact on the Muziekkorps and much of their material was burned into flames.

“De verloren gegane muziek bestond voor een gedeelte uit manuscripten en eigen composities en

partituren, die, daar ze nimmer uitgegeven zijn, niet te koop zijn.” ‘Gespecificeerde aangifte van de schade’. ‘Letter to Johan. Caro, March 16, 1947’, 24

“Geachte Heer Caro, In de Provinciale Bibliotheek liggen tal van compositie’s en arrangementen van

wijlen den heer Morks, die hij aan deze instelling heeft vermaakt. […] De voorzitter is in het bezit van een lijst dezer nummers” ‘Letter to Johan. Caro 16 March 1947,’ Zeeuws Archief, entry 1523-11. 25

M. Bierens, “Aanwezige Handschriften van Jan Morks” (Middelburg, 19xx).


‘Concert Program August 13, 1954’, Zeeuws Archief, entry 1523-16. 63

Sanderine van Odijk and Veerle Heijne The Middelburgs Muziekkorps

As a result of this research project over a hundred original works of the collection have been traced down in the current music library of the Muziekkorps. This accomplishment contributes strongly to the

preservation of these valuable manuscripts and prints. Moreover, this article and the research outcome will definitely enrich Middelburg music history.


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C. Friedmann Kaiser Friedrich Marsch, arr. P.J. Molenaar J.R. van der Glas Feestmarsch L. Ganne La Housarde arr. F. Jakma L. Ganne Les saltimbanques, arr. G. Meister L. Ganne Les saltimbanques, arr. Strauwen L. Ganne Marche Lorraine E. Gillet Entre acte Gavotte, arr. J. Morks E. Gillet Loin du bal, arr. G. Du Bin A. Godart Polka de concert pour deux cornets à piston solo, arr. J. Morks C. Gounod Fantasie sur l’opera Faust, arr. J. Morks C. Gounod Entre acte del opera La Colombe, arr. J. Morks W. Guitarist The Menin Road, arr. A.Winter L. Guzman Stephen Foster Melodies L.J.F. Herold Zampa, arr. W. v.d. Beek M. Hosrkowski Spanischer Tanz, arr. J. Morks L. Jessel Aufzug der Stadtwache L. Jessel Der rose Hochzeitszug L. Jessel Die Parade der Zinnsoldaten P. Lacombe Aubade printanière, arr. M. Krein S.P. van Leeuwen Neerlands Jubelmarsch F. Lehar La voix des cloches F. Lehár Die Lustige Witwe A. Lequini Ballet Egyptien P. Lincke Luna Waltzer P. Lincke Nakiris Hochzeit P. Lincke Verschmählte Liebe F. Liszt 1e Rhapsodie , arr. J. Morks F. Liszt 2de Rhapsodie Hongroise, arr. V. Bury A. Lortzing Czar und Zimmerman, arr. S.P. van Leeuwen A. Maillart Les dragons de Villars, arr. J. Morks G. Meijerbeer Grande Fantasie de l’opera “ Les Huguenots” , arr. J. Morks L. Montagne Meditation L. Montagne Valse Interrompue, arr. Molenaar J. Morks Kleppermars (Marcia Castagnola) J. Morks Cantatine voor kinderkoor J. Morks Zeeuwse Reien J. Morks Aan mijn vrienden (6de milit. marsch) J. Morks De Padvinders komen! J. Morks Serenata J. Morks Grad Fantaisie de l’Opera Feyschutz J. Morks Marce des petits Tambour J. Morks Reveil du Printemps J. Morks 1e suite des Miniatures

Surviving Works of the Middelburgs Muziekkorps Library (composer, title, and arranger) K.J. Alford The Middy, arr. A.Winter K.J. Alford On the Quarter Deck W. Aletter Rendez vous Intermezzo G. Allier San Lorenzo Ä.F. Baieldien Ouverture de l’opera “La Dame blanche , arr. J. Morks L. van Beethoven Adelaïde, arr. J.Morks L. van Beethoven Sonate pathetique, arr. Jan Morks L. van Beethoven Marche Turque des Ruines d’Athènes G. Bizet Carmen H.L. Blankenburg Prins Eitel-Friedrick, arr. A. Dreissen H.L. Blankenburg The Gladiators Farewell, arr. A. Winter H. Blatterno Ballet Divertissiment, arr. J. Morks F. von Blon Perpetuum mobilé F. von Blon Potpourri aus der Operette “Die Amazone” F. von Blon Unter dem Siegenbanner, arr. A. Dreissen Ä.F. Boieldieu Ouverture de l’opera  “La Dame blanche, arr. J. Morks F. Bicknes Oranje triomfmarsch A. Calatz Mimuco marsch J.H. Caro Meco 1940 W. Cière Op marsch (Potp), arr. A.J. Maas H.J. Crosby Over de top, arr. P J. Molenaar A. Czibulka Gavotte Stephanie, arr. A. Eenhaes L. de Cavallo Fantaisie sur paillassa, drame lyrique, arr. A. Coquelet A. De Kantsky Le réveil du lion F. Degrez La Fille du Tambour-major d’Offenbach L. Delibes Sylvia , arr. N. van Leeuwen L. Deodet Vlinderdans, arr. J. Morks A. Durand 1ère Valse A. Dvorak Humoreske, arr. W. Weide V. Fetrás Wals Mondnacht auf der Alster, arr. Retford M. Fink Die Dorfschone, arr. J. Morks F. van Flotom Indra, arr. J. Morks C. Friedemann Slavische Rhapsodie


Sanderine van Odijk and Veerle Heijne The Middelburgs Muziekkorps

J. Morks 2e Suite des Miniatures J. Morks 4 ème suite des Miniatures J. Morks Zeeuws Volkslied Th. Moses Enchanting Bells O. Nicolai Ouverture über den Choral, ein feste Burg ist unser Gott K. Noack Heinzel Mannchens Wachtparade Offenbach Orphée aux enfers, arr. L. Rugers F. Ondrieu Sirène for ever J. Oomes Nederland in lied en dans J. Paderewsky Menuet à l’Antique, arr. J. Morks F. Popy Valse Poudrée F. Popy Suite Orientale E. Pellemeulte Le Cominois J. Raff Trauermarsch Sarly Edelweiss M. Schmeling Une nuit á Toledo F. Schubert Ständchen Schumann Abendlied, arr. J. Morks P. Sincke Glühwürmchen J. Strauss Le Sang Viennois, arr. L. Girard I. Tchakoff Tanz suite A. Thomas Hamlet, arr. L. Christol A. Thomas Raymond ouverture Tschaikowsky Reminiscenses of Tschaikowsky, arr. T. Bidgood G. Verdi La Traviata, grande Fantasie de l’opera, arr. C. Walpot G. Verdi Rigoletto Fantasie pour Clarinetto, arr. Bassi G. Verdi Fantasie uit de Opera Il Trovatore, arr. J. Morks J.J.H. Verhulst Grusz aus der Ferne, arr. A.A. Groot Vieuxtemps Reverie E. Waldteufel Estudiantina E. Waldteufel Espana Walzer, arr. A. Eenhaas E. Waldteufel Hoch lebe der Tanz C.M. van Weber Fantasie uit de opera Obéron, arr. J. Morks E. Wesly Fiançaille , arr. A. Vivier G. Wittemann La Reine de Saba R. Willmers Un jour d’Été en Norvège, arr. J. Morks V.C.M. Ziehrer Wiener Burger Girofle-Girofla arr. A. Angot Holland Jubelt arr. A.J. Maas Martha arr. L. Christol


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Unrealistic Realism: World City Theory and the Reconfiguration of Power Relations Martijn Mos | Roosevelt Academy In partial fulfillment of the requirements for SSC 255 Theory of International Relations, taught by Dr. Giles Scott-Smith (Fall 2007). Abstract This paper explores the relevance of realist theories of International Relations in the face of processes of globalization and the local impacts they have. More concretely, it sets out to answer the question to what extent world city theory can be interpreted as a critique of the theoretical assumptions that underlie realism. It can be concluded that the emergence of global cities and a system of interurban competition undermines the notions of state sovereignty, centrality and unity because of a growing importance of city-level governmental actors, the increased importance of multinational corporations and other non-state actors, and the changing role and functions of the nation-state. Moreover, the law-like coercive logic of capitalism negates the realist belief that the international system is anarchical in nature. In short, this paper argues that the theoretical foundations of realism are untenable from the perspective of world city theory.


to the study of International Relations. In order to answer this question, the theoretical foundations of realism are first laid out. Then, world city theory is explored, by looking at its origins and at its premises. Finally, it is evaluated to what extent the assumptions of realism are tenable from the perspective of world city theory. Urban development in Egypt is a clear case-in-point of the rationale behind such a research focus. With the grandeur

This paper explores how world city theory challenges the classical assumptions of realist theory within the field of International Relations which posit that nation-states are the central unitary actors within the international system. More concretely, it aims to give an answer to the question to what extent world city theory can substantively be seen as a theoretical reconceptualization of realist approaches 69

Martijn Mos Unrealistic Realism

of pharaohs, the sacrosanct qualities of pyramids and the impressiveness of hieroglyphs belonging to a long-gone civilization, the country of Egypt is struggling to take on a role of importance in a largely Western-dominated world. Ranking only 112th on the composite Human Development Index (HDI) of the United Nations Development Program’s Human Development Report Office in 2005, the position of what was once one of the world’s greatest civilizations seems to be relegated to mediocrity and structural irrelevance; while ancient Egypt may have once set the cultural, economic and political tone, current-day Egypt is characterized by little more than “medium human development” (Human Development Report Office, 2007, p. 231). This nation-wide phenomenon is reflected by the changing experiences of the country’s capital city of Cairo. As El-Khishin (2003, p. 129) notes, this former global stronghold saw “its regional and continental status” being “eclipsed by cities as far afield as Dubai and Johannesburg”. While the country as a whole may be characterized by facelessness or anonymity when it comes to the Human Development Index, Cairo itself does not fare much better on the City Development Index (CDI) drawn up by the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (UNCHS) (El-Khishin, 2003, p. 130). Thus, all in all, the global economic picture appears to be rather bleak for Egypt in general, and for the city of Cairo in particular. Nevertheless, while these composite indices of UN-related institutions may appear to place both Egypt and Cairo “off the map” (Robinson, 2002, p. 531) in terms of economic and political importance,

Cairo’s city managers are taking up measures to ensure that the city will not remain frozen in the structurally irrelevant status quo. That is to say, Cairo is “in the throes of a dramatic change” (El-Khishin, 2003, p. 129). By establishing a “multi-million dollar National Museum”; by setting up a stock exchange complex; by expanding the city’s transport links; by erecting research parks; by constructing an opera house; by planning “four world-class golf courses”; by significantly expanding both residential and shopping complexes; by setting up grand hotels and an international convention center; and by laying out the foundations for a large-scale Media City, Cairo has become encapsulated in a craze for acquiring global recognition and importance (ibid.). Clearly, then, Cairo is “not short on grand schemes” (El-Khishin, 2003, pp. 129-130) that aspire to firmly relocate Cairo, and, by extension, Egypt, on the map of global relevance. What this suggests, then, is that there exists a hierarchy which is constructed with a view to a “standard of world city-ness” or “urban economic dynamism” (Robinson, 2002, pp. 531-532). As some cities are seen as global nodes in the capitalist system, others, like Cairo, are seen as second-tier urban environments at best. Being “atop the urban hierarchy” then depends on a city’s global reach; on its ability to play a relevant role in mostly economic world affairs through its “functional capabilities” in “politics, trade, communications, finance, education, culture and technology” (Beaverstock et al., 1999, p. 446). Consequently, peripheral or semi-peripheral cities that lack such an ability to exert a formative influence on a global scale attempt to acquire such functional capabilities through, for example, the projects 70

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embarked upon by Cairo’s city managers. Subsequently, these cities hope to rise in the urban hierarchy. Thus, Cairo’s efforts to acquire global meaning by no means exist in isolation; they are paralleled by experiences of cities across the globe, ranging from Singapore where “the arts function as a cultural magnet to attract all forms of foreign expertise” (Yeoh & Chang, 2001, p. 1036) to Glasgow where the public-private partnership of Glasgow Action led “the drive to attract corporate headquarters to the city” (Gómez, 1998, p. 111), and from attempts to promote Cape Town as “a destination for global business, investment, retail, entertainment and leisure” (Lemanski, 2007, p. 451) to the fact that Sydney is increasingly seen as “an important connecting point to global circulations of capital” (McGuirk, 2004, p. 3). In short, globalization and the subsequent emergence of an urban hierarchy has made “inter-urban competition more potent” (Harvey, 1989, p. 10). This reference to a differentiation in

levels of “world city-ness” (Robinson, 2002, p. 531), and the subsequent struggle of cities to acquire more status within this hierarchy, does not solely have implications for urban theory, however. Instead, the existence of an urban hierarchy topped by major cities that function as global centers of control and command has its repercussions for different spatial scales, as subnational, national and supranational layers are inextricably linked. That is to say, the formation of a network of global cities can be seen as effecting a reterritorialization of power relations, in which the urban level encroaches upon the superiority of the entity of the nationstate. As Sassen (2001, p. xviii) argues, we witness a “re-scaling of what are the strategic territories” in which the level of the nationstate is increasingly yielding to the city. This becomes particularly evident when the urban hierarchies drawn up in world city theories become visualized, such as in the following map of global cities constructed by Beaverstock et al. (1999, p. 456):

Figure 1. A Globalization and World Cities (GaWC) Inventory of World Cities (Taylor, Walker & Beaverstock, 2002).


Martijn Mos Unrealistic Realism

In this inventory, as Robinson (2002, p. 531) noted, entire geographical entities quite literally fall “off the map”. That is to say, a city’s absence on this map can be equated with being consigned “to structural irrelevance” (Robinson, 2002, p. 536). More important from an International Relations perspective, however, is the notion that this inventory challenges our commonlyheld view of the world as existing of neatly carved up and bounded nation-states, as cities replace countries as the prime indicators of spatial global presence. The globe is no longer predominantly national in nature; it is comprised of urban nodes of global command and control. Due to processes of globalization, the nature and composition of the global economy underwent drastic changes which resulted in a “dual complexity” (Sassen, 2001, p. 1) that undermined the sovereignty of the nation-state in the global economic system in two ways. On the one hand, globalization stimulates ever-increasing global integration of economic activity, signaling how the nation-state is progressively subjected to supranational influences. On the other, this increased global interdependence is spatially dispersed and localized in a way that has given major cities “a new strategic role” (ibid.), indicating how the nation-state is increasingly yielding sovereignty to subnational players; an inter-city system is replacing the inter-state system to such an extent that a thorough reconceptualization of the tenets of realist thinking might be necessary.

International Relations, in the sense that it attributes a key and formative role to nation-states in the international system. While realism, the origins of which can be traced back to the Chinese strategist Sun Tzu and the Greek historian Thucydides, knows many different strands within International Relations theory, such as the classical or human realism developed by the likes of Hans J. Morgenthau, the emphasis placed upon a balance of power by Kenneth Waltz and the more offensive realism of John Mearsheimer, there is a common set of assumptions that underlies most of these realist approaches to international affairs. Firstly, states are seen as the central and sovereign actors within the international system. Such political state-centrism derives from the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648, which brought an end to the Thirty Years’ War and which, following Turner (1998, p. 26) established a new order which “replaced the feudal system by decentralizing religious authority and centralizing political authority”. In other words, this treaty fundamentally established the prevalence of the state as a political rather than a religious entity. Moreover, the treaty exudes a fundamental belief in the notion of sovereignty and in the Weberian view that the state has the “monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force” (Weber, 1946, as cited in Turner, 1998, p. 28). In the realist worldview, state sovereignty and autonomy are the defining principles; the globe consists of clearly demarcated, self-contained entities so as to signal how one bounded state and its interests can be distinguished from any other nation-state and its interests. While realists do not deny that states are not the only actors in world politics, they claim that states are by and large predominant

The Theoretical Foundations of Realism The school of thought of realism can be seen as the state-centric paradigm within 72

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in determining world affairs; other actors, such as different levels of government, international organizations and national and international businesses, are subject to state influence. Secondly, these states are seen as rational actors, in the sense that they engage in utility-maximizing behavior. Thus, a nation’s own interest underpins the behavior that it undertakes in its relations with other states and international actors. As Russell (1994, p. 80) puts it, for a state such inherent rationalism “gives meaning to the dayby-day operations of its foreign policy”. In other words, a state’s internal policy objectives are linearly related to its external behavior. State conduct is then the outcome of an analysis that involves the careful weighing of costs and balances of all possible courses of action. Moreover, this realist stress on behaving rationally also denies “that states should follow either sub-national or supra-national interests” (Jervis, 1994, p. 855). Thirdly, and closely linked to the second assumption, is the assumption that states seek power. The ultimate policy objective that states, as rational actors, seek to establish is ensuring state survival through military capabilities. The acquisition of power, in political and economic terms, is seen as a means to this end. As Morgenthau (1978, as cited in Jervis, 1994, p. 856) argued, “the main signpost that helps political realism to find its way through the landscape of international politics is the concept of interest defined in terms of power”. What this means, is that state conduct is rational as long as it results in a relative advancement of power. As a consequence, economic and political activities are, from a realist perspective,

geared towards “the development and maintenance of a modern army” (Turner, 1998, p. 26) by means of which a state can uphold and strengthen its position in the global order. Thus, nation-states seek power because of its inherent functional qualities, in the sense that nation-states can utilize it to direct and condition the behavior of other states in the international system. For this reason, it is predominant over any moral or ideological dimensions to which realist scholars pay little attention. As a result, inter-state relations are conditioned by power asymmetries, rather than by innate morals and values that individual politicians may hold, or that a political system at large may exude. According to Jervis (1994, p. 872), most realists perceive of states as “billiard balls” in the sense that any innate cultural and moral differences that may exist are “inconsequential” and that their behavior is determined “only by their reactions to one another”. Following from this disjunction between the use of power and morality is the justification of a state’s use of violence, or the threat thereof, in order to maximize its utility. As the Prussian military historian and theorist Von Clausewitz (1832, as cited in Turner, 1998, p. 27) argued, war is but “a mere continuation of policy by other means”. Fourthly, the international system is characterized by a state of anarchy. This anarchical dimension of international politics has its roots in the Hobbesian perspective that there is no rule of law, but rather a state of nature or war that is a derivative of the belief that human nature is inherently selfish. Thus, the fact that there is no international authority or government overseeing global political affairs means that 73

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nation-states operate according to the “law of the jungle” (Goldstein & Pevehouse, 2007, p. 56). Concretely, this means that states “exist in a condition of anarchy in relation to one another”, and within this anarchical system the only law that matters “is the natural right of self-preservation” (Turner, 1998, p. 27). It is this lawlessness of the inter-state system that facilitates the amoral use of force between countries. Thus, in short, underpinning the realist school of International Relations is the belief that the global political environment revolves around states, as central, autonomous and unitary actors, taking up rational behavior in an anarchical state of nature. Linking the assumption of state centrality or sovereignty to the power assumption, Turner (1998, p. 28) argues that, should a state’s sovereignty be encroached upon, a state will forcibly try to overcome “all competing claims within a given territory”. As will become clear, however, these foundational assumptions of the realist school of thought are increasingly being challenged as a result of the restructuring and reterritorializing of global power relations that derive from processes of globalization. World city theory in particular provides a conceptual paradigm through which the unrealistic dimensions of the assumptions underlying realism can be laid bare.

origins of the rising relevance of world or global cities are seen as twofold, and are highly intertwined: the transformation of the organization of global economic activity and technological advancements. Firstly, while capital accumulation in the West long revolved around the manufacturing industry, economic growth has increasingly centered on the financial services industry. Sassen (2001, p. 83) notes that the “growing importance of major cities as financial centers” in the 1980s is inextricably linked to the fact that the world economy became increasingly businessrather than government-led. That is to say, as many governments across the globe experienced economic hardship following the 1973 and 1979 oil crises, and as the U.S. government had to grapple with the high costs of the Vietnam War, a transition in the expenditure policies of many governments in the West took place, both for practical and ideological reasons. These economic policies, referred to as Reaganomics in the United States and Thatcherism in Great Britain, were characterized by a “reduction in the flow” of government redistributions (Harvey, 1989, p. 4) and the concomitant waning state interventionism, as evidenced by privatization of many state-owned industries and the “rapid deregulation of many key markets in the highly developed countries (ibid.). This created a niche for many financial industries and boosted speculative activities in particular. Moreover, this “transformation of often hitherto unmarketable financial instruments into securities […] by financial institutions other than the transnational banks” (ibid.) led to the rise of agglomeration economies, dominated by advanced producer services such as banking, law, marketing, accounting

The Origins of World Cities World city theorists contend that the emergence of urban hierarchies in which some cities functions as nodes of command and control, whereas others are seen as virtually irrelevant, is the logical outcome of a large-scale restructuring of the global economic system in late capitalism. The 74

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and marketing. As a consequence, major financial centers expanded rapidly, both in economic and spatial terms. Due to the existence of global interdependences, and stimulated by low wages in developing countries, this growing importance of the tertiary sector in North America, Europe and the Pacific Rim made a marked impact across the globe, ultimately resulting in what has been termed a New International Division of Labor (NIDL). That is to say, as Western economies increasingly centered on the provision of services, the manufacturing industries were frequently relocated to developing countries, which gave rise to an “accelerated industrialization of several Third World countries” (Sassen, 2001, p. 1) spearheaded by large sums of foreign direct investment. Because of these spatial dimensions of specialization, with the possibility of a company’s headquarters, back offices, export-processing zones and auxiliary services all being located thousands of miles apart from each other, there is a growing need for strategic sites that function as management centers of this new global economic order. Thus, “the dispersal of economic activity brings about new requirements for centralized management and control” (Sassen, 2001, p. 36), which are met by world cities such as London, New York and Tokyo. Furthermore, the changing nature and intensification of economic interdependence led to a reconfiguration of territoriality by stimulating the emergence of a system of world cities in which the processes of globalization become localized and spatialized. Secondly, such a New International Division of Labor was both made possible

and augmented by rapid developments in technology, and information technology in particular, that have “enabled service and control to operate not only more rapidly and effectively, but crucially on a global scale” (Beaverstock et al., 2000, p. 65). As a consequence, new global flows, linkages and relations were rapidly established, while the density of existing connections increased considerably. In other words, “capital’s ability to co-ordinate flows of a value on a world scale” was enhanced considerably (Brenner, 1999, p. 437). Tying into these newly arising technological possibilities is the move from a Fordist to a Post-Fordist mode of production. That is to say, assembly-line styles of production have progressively become superseded by a more flexible mode of production. Sassen (2001, p. 11) argues that such increased diversification expands “the demand for highly specialized service inputs”. In other words, technological innovations fuel the expansion of the services sector in the West. As Beaverstock et al. (2000, p. 65) argue, “contemporary world cities are an outcome” of the interplay between these two factors of a restructured basis of the global capitalist system and rapid technological innovations that enhanced global interconnectedness. That is to say, both the increased spatial differentiation in terms of economic activities and the diversification of production necessitate the emergence of management nodes in a new economic order. Thus, world cities can be seen as those “control centres of capital in the new international division of labour” (Beaverstock et al., 1999, p. 447) that have a global reach through their functioning as major transportation nodes, 75

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as vast financial centers, as hosts of large international institutions, as cultural venues and as headquarters for a large number of multinational corporations.

environment is quite literally gaining territory vis-à-vis the level of the nationstate. Globalization, in this perspective, constitutes the “reterritorialisation of both socioeconomic and political-institutional spaces that unfolds simultaneously upon multiple, superimposed geographical scales” (Brenner, 1999, p. 432). Partially underlying this reterritorialization of power relations are the fluctuations of the capitalist system. In the face of the aforementioned economic hardship of the 1970s, there was a “widespread erosion of the economic and fiscal base of many large cities in the advanced capitalist world” (Harvey, 1989, p. 4), as local tax revenues took a plunge, and, following more neo-liberal state expenditure policies, as local governments were confronted with a “reduction in the flow” of national redistributions (ibid.). Thus, urban governance becomes encapsulated in “the politics of scale” (Brenner, 1999, p. 432). As a consequence, local councils had to adapt to this reconceptualization of state–city relationships in order to find the financial resources necessary to address local problems. The subsequent economic strategy taken up by many city councils marked what Harvey (1989, p. 4) termed a shift from managerialism to entrepreneurialism. This transition is marked by a move away from welfare distribution, for which local councils now lack the financial means; there is a “subordination of traditional social policies to those that supported economic development” (Fyfe & Kenny, 2005, p. 179). Thus, policies of urban regeneration in Cairo revolve more around the erection of grand schemes than on the direct provision of social welfare. However, in order to be able to effect

Interurban Competition and the Reconfiguration of the Role of the Nation-State If world cities are the “strategic sites for the management of the global economy and the production of the most advanced services and financial operations” (Fyfe & Kenny, 2005, p. 63), they set the trend for the development of non-world cities across the globe. In other words, the existence of an urban hierarchy instills into aspiring world cities a kind of “urban economic dynamism” (Robinson, 2002, p. 532) that slings cities into a frenzy for global economic relevance. As the case of Cairo has already made clear, the economic policies of those cities that belong to the semi-periphery or periphery are geared towards acquiring world city status. Thus, there exists fierce “interspatial competition between urban regions” (Brenner, 1999, p. 433) in order to attract those capital investments that can help cities climb the urban hierarchical ladder. The emergence of this interurban competition has led to a reconfiguration of the role of the nation-state, and has given rise to what Beaverstock et al. (2000, p. 65) term “an alternative metageography”, namely one that focuses upon world cities and their interconnections “rather than the mosaic of states”. Thus, from this perspective, as global cities are increasingly seen as the major nodes on the global map – reflecting the inventory drawn up by Beaverstock et al. in Figure 1 – a denationalization of economic and political relations is taking place; the urban 76

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economic development cities need to attract global capital by entering into an interurban financial battle that almost operates as an “external coercive power” (Harvey, 1989, p.10) over the policy options that are available to local authorities. Thus, cities rely on external sources of funding, and in order to attract these, they have little choice but to engage in acts of place-marketing and to invest in infrastructure so as to gain an edge over competing cities. As Harvey (1989, p. 8) indicates, the “creation or exploitation of particular advantages for the production of goods and services” becomes pivotal in the struggle for investments. The paradox here is that, while globalization has diminished the “monopolistic elements in spatial competition” (Harvey, pp. 10-11), it simultaneously brings about the need to stand out, to gain a comparative advantage, in order to attract capital. Increasingly, “the power to reorganise urban life” by means of city promotion does not lie with national or local governmental actors, but with “broader coalitions” such as public-private partnerships (Harvey, 1989, p. 6). In other words, there is a move from urban government to urban governance, with state actors functioning mostly as a “facilitator for the strategic interests of capitalist development” (Harvey, 1989, p. 7). Moreover, because globalization enhanced the possibilities for global capital to relocate itself, governmental authorities find themselves forced to absorb the lion’s share of the financial risks. What this means, is that local councils more frequently engage in speculative ventures, the risks of which are assumed by the public sector and the benefits of which flow mostly to the private sector. As Harvey (1989, p. 8) notes, urban regeneration relies upon local government

“offering of a substantial package of aids and assistance as inducements”. Furthermore, the fact that governments are risk-absorbent only adds to the geographical flexibility of multinational corporations, in the sense that the latter are not tied to specific spatialities through the investments they have made. This further weakens the position of governmental authorities vis-à-vis private actors. Thus, the transition from managerialism to entrepreneurialism carries with it several implications for the functioning of the nation-state. Firstly, powers are increasingly shifting from state-level to city-level governments, so as to better deal with the local impacts of globalization processes. Secondly, public actors yield more and more influence to private actors, because of the automatic and coercive influence of the interurban competition for global capital. Finally, the powers that public authorities make use of are increasingly facilitative in nature, rather than redistributive (i.e., related to the direct exercise of social policies), so as to improve living and working conditions indirectly via the attraction of global capital and the subsequent economic development. In short, a thorough re-scaling and reconceptualization of power relations can be witnessed.

World Cities and the Reconceptualization of Realism It has thus become clear that the emergence of world cities as centers of command and control of the global economy triggered an interurban tug-of-war for global capital in which the refining of the urban imagery has ineluctably become the centerpiece of local politics in city councils across the 77

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globe. As Harvey (1989, p. 15) notes, “the coercive laws of competition” force individual and collective agents “into certain configurations of activities which are themselves constitutive of the capitalist dynamic”. While a capitalist logic also underpinned economic activities prior to the economic hardship of the 1970s, the shift from managerialism to entrepreneurialism increasingly witnessed state-level influence being written out of these coercive laws; a “radical reconstruction of central to local state relations” combined with the “cutting free of local state activities from the welfare state and the Keynesian compromise” (ibid.) to fundamentally challenge the theoretical foundations of the realist school of thought in International Relations. Firstly, the existence of global cities as major economic, political and cultural nodes undermines the notion of state sovereignty. As Beaverstock et al. (2000, p. 65) describe it, the transnational qualities that world cities possess “materially challenge states and their territories”. There exists a discrepancy between the de jure status of nation-states as legally bounded and autonomous entities and the de facto global interconnectedness which decreases the sovereignty available to state politicians in shaping their policies. It is the “coercive laws of competition”, witnessed by Harvey (1989, p. 15), which prescribe state conduct, making it dependent upon a capitalist logic, and, by extension, making the state a non-autonomous entity. Thus, following oil crises and recessions, many Western governments took up a more laissez-faire type of policy-making, increasingly making themselves dependent upon the whims of capitalism. In short, as state dominance waned, the nation-state became more of a

facilitator to transnational businesses than a direct supplier of social welfare. Secondly, with a view to the phenomenon of urban entrepreneurialism, the state can no longer be seen as a central and unitary actor. While Beaverstock et al. (2000, p. 71) notice how interurban competition is not about the elimination of state power, and while Harvey (1989, p. 10) notes that it is “somewhat of a myth” that central governments do not redistribute anymore, both a vertical and a horizontal differentiation of key actors can be witnessed. That is to say, while central governments remain important actors, a “global restructuring […] is ‘rescaling’ power relations” (Beaverstock et al., 2000, p. 71) by expanding policy communities both vertically and horizontally. This vertical differentiation is evidenced by the growing importance of the urban vis-à-vis the state level. In other words, local governmental authorities can be seen as encroaching upon state influence as a consequence of the mechanistic logic of the capitalist system; city managers increasingly carry out tasks formerly performed by state-level bureaucrats. By exposing these different spatial layers of governmental decision-making, processes of globalization falsify the unitary actor assumption. Thus, the scales on which the territorialization of the outcomes of globalization takes place is “no longer spatially co-extensive with the nationally organised matrices of state territoriality that have long defined capitalism’s geopolitical and geoeconomic geographies” (Brenner, 1999, p. 435). The horizontal differentiation becomes clear from the increasing relevance of nongovernmental actors in shaping the fate of urban and national economies. Here, 78

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globally operating businesses are central, but Harvey (1989, p. 6) notes how more locally grounded players such as “educational and religious institutions” and “local labour organisations” are of relevance as well. As such, local coalitions and public-private partnerships undermine the centrality of state actors. As Brenner (1999, p. 435) notes, the nation-state is no longer a “selfenclosed container of socio-economic relations”. Thirdly, the interspatial competition that exists between urban environments challenges the realist assumption of the anarchical state of the international system. That is to say, while there exists no central government that enforces its rules on a global scale, it would be wrong to characterize the global system as lawless, or as following the “law of the jungle” (Goldstein & Pevehouse, 2007, p. 56). Instead, as was aforementioned, states and cities operate according to the “coercive laws of competition” (Harvey, 1989, p. 15); a capitalist logic guides the behavior of authoritative powers in a near-deterministic manner. Thus, it is the mechanistic logic of the global capitalist system that coerces cities into a frantic battle for financial investments by refining the urban imagery. From this perspective, Adam Smith’s invisible hand steers governmental actors into entrepreneurialism. Fourthly, while realists argue that a state will be “forcibly overcoming all competing claims” (Turner, 1998, p. 28) to state superiority and autonomy, it can be noted how state actors, both in local councils and central governments, have taken up a more proactive stance in order to attract global capital with which social problems can indirectly be addressed. In

other words, public-private partnerships were formed, city managers were appointed, infrastructural projects were carried out and efforts were made to attract important cultural events. For example, in the case of Cairo, and notwithstanding the importance of foreign direct investments, El-Khishin (2003, p. 130) notes the importance of governmental powers in turning the capital city into a “business venture”. Thus, while the move from national and urban government to urban governance may be the logical outcome of the laws of capitalism, state actors have facilitated rather than forcefully delayed this transition. In short, world city theory negates the assumptions that underlie the realist statecentric paradigm in a number of ways: by illustrating that the notion of state sovereignty is no longer tenable in a highly interconnected world order; by indicating how different spatial layers of government undermine the belief that the state is a unitary actor; by pointing out how the transition from government to governance signifies the waning of state centrality; by displaying how the international system is characterized by the coercive laws of capitalism rather than by a state of anarchy; and by noting how nationstates have been proactive rather than defensive in yielding state autonomy. Thus, the restructuring and reterritorializing of global power relations is suggestive of a reconceptualization of the theoretical pillars of realist thinking in International Relations.

Conclusion As globalization has led to an increased interconnectedness between locations of 79

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different spatial levels, world city theory argues that the environment of global cities provides the context in which such processes of globalization take on concrete, local forms. That is to say, global cities are “the built environments, agglomeration economies, technological-institutional infrastructures and local labour markets” where globalization is materialized (Brenner, 1999, p. 437). Since the economic crises of the 1970s, this materialization of global socio- and politico-economic processes in world cities, and the subsequent attempts of lower-tier cities across the globe to climb the urban hierarchy by attracting global capital through a transition from managerialism to entrepreneurialism, has effected the unraveling of a “state-centric configuration of world capitalism” (Brenner, 1999, p. 432). This denationalization, reterritorialization and reconfiguration of power relations is evidenced by the growing importance of different spatial layers, most notably the urban scale, the increased relevance of non-state actors in policymaking processes and the transformation of government policies from the direct provision of services to the indirect tackling of social hardship through the attraction of global capital. Thus, although the nation-state remains an important actor in the global economic order, this importance has been in transition due to the workings of globalization. Coupled to this reconceptualization of

the role of the nation-state is a belief that no state can control the spaces of global accumulation. That is to say, notions of state autonomy, centrality and unity are undermined by the “declining powers of the nation state to control multinational money flows” (Harvey, 1989, p. 5). In other words, realism as a theoretical paradigm within International Relations becomes increasingly untenable due to the multiplicity of relations that are implicated in the way capitalism operates globally and impacts locally. Thus, Egypt’s relevance in the global economy mostly hinges upon whether its capital city can make the transition from an “ordinary city” (Robinson, 2002, p. 533) to a global city. That is to say, while the Egyptian grandeur of long-lost times took the form of a vast empire, global relevance in a highly interconnected economic order more and more depends upon the spatial compression of this grandeur in the urban context. As the transnational has superseded the national, Cairo is no longer merely a subnational component of a “self-enclosed” and “autocentric” Egyptian nation-state (Brenner, 1999, p. 437). Challenging the realist perspective, world city theory argues that Cairo’s “grand new schemes” (El-Khishin, 2003, p. 129) have become the means by which the nation-state of Egypt can be reconnected to the global order through an inherently urban rather than national context.


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References Beaverstock, J. V., Smith, R. G. & Taylor, P. J. (2000). World-City Network: A New Metageography?. In N. R. Fyfe and J. T. Kenny (Eds.), The Urban Geography Reader. New York, New York: Routledge. Beaverstock, J. V., Taylor, P. J. & Smith, R. G. (1999). A Roster of World Cities. Cities. 16 (6), 445-458. Brenner, N. (1999). Globalisation as Reterritorialisation: The Re-scaling of Urban Governance in the European Union. Urban Studies. 36 (3), 431-451. El-Khishin, K. (2003). Bidding for ‘Global City’ Status: A Prescription for Sustaining Cairo’s Financial Health. Cities, 20 (2), 129-134. Fyfe, N. R. & Kenny, J. T. (Eds.). (2005). The Urban Geography Reader. New York, New York: Routledge. Goldstein, J. S. & Pevehouse, J. C. (2007). International Relations. New York: Pearson Longman. Gómez, M. V. (1998). Reflective Images: The Case of Urban Regeneration in Glasgow and Bilbao. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 22 (1), 106-121. Harvey, D. (1989). From Managerialism to Entrepreneurialism: The Transformation in Urban Governance in Late Capitalism. Geografiska Annaler. Series B, Human Geography, 71 (1), 3-17. Human Development Report Office (2007). Human Development Report 2007/2008 - Fighting Climate Change: Human Solidarity in a Divided World. Retrieved November 30, 2007, from the United Nations Development Program. Website: Jervis, R. (1994). Hans Morgenthau, Realism, and the Scientific Study of International Politics. Social Research, 61 (4), 853-876. Lemanski, C. (2007). Global Cities in the South: Deepening Social and Spatial Polarisation in Cape Town. Cities, 24 (6), 448-461. McGuirk, P. (2004). Sydney as a Global City. GeoDate, 17 (4), 1-7. Robinson, J. (2002). Global and World Cities: A View from off the Map. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 26 (3), 531-554. Russell, G. (1994). Hans J. Morgenthau and the National Interest. Society, 31 (2), 80-84. Sassen, S. (2001). The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Taylor, P. J., Walker, D. R. F. & Beaverstock, J. V. (2002). Firms and Their Global Service Networks. In S. Sassen (Ed.), Global Networks, Linked Cities. London: Routledge. Turner, S. (1998). Global Civil Society, Anarchy and Governance: Assessing an Emerging Paradigm. Journal of Peace Research, 35 (1), 25-42. Yeoh, B. S. A. & Chang, T. C. (2001). Globalising Singapore : Debating Transnational Flows in the City. Urban Studies, 38 (7), 1025-1044.



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UV Radiation and Its Effects on the Skin Johanna GrĂśne and Tania van Westering | Roosevelt Academy In partial fulfillment of the requirements for SCI 231 Molecular and Cell Biology, taught by Dr. Karine Steketee (Fall 2006). Abstract UVR damages the skin by changing the DNA in cells and producing free radicals. These free radicals themselves can also break the backbone of the DNA causing gene abnormalities. This damage can be repaired by DNA repair enzymes, but too much UVR is likely to result in skin cancer if no preventive measures are taken. As a protective reaction the stratum corneum of the skin gets thicker which increases its ability to absorb and reflect UVR. Another preventive measure is the production of melanin. Free radicals are caught by antioxidants in the body, which can be found in dietary supplements. EFAs like Omega-3 aid in preventing cancer by competing for binding sites in certain pathways. The accumulation of mutations, however, leads to skin cancer. Skin cancer can be divided in three main types: Basal Cell Carcinoma, Squamous Cell Carcinoma and Cutaneous Malignant Melanoma, of which the latter is the most dangerous form of cancer, as it easily metastasizes. However, since cancers on the skin are visible and thus usually early detected, the prognosis of patients with nonmelanoma skin cancer is generally favourable.


as sunburn), pigment coating and skin cancer. This makes UVR the most common carcinogen in our environment. This paper will discuss not only the influences of UVR, particularly skin cancer, but also the mechanisms the skin has to protect itself and other ways in which humans can protect themselves.

Sunlight is so ubiquitous that we usually do not give it much thought. Nevertheless, one has to realize that sunlight is the precondition for life on earth as its energy fuels photosynthesis in plants. Humans indirectly use the energy produced by plants, by either eating plants or animals that have eaten plants. As much as we are thus dependent on sunlight, it can also have adverse effects on human health due to the ultraviolet radiation (UVR) contained in it. Prolonged exposure to UVR can lead to for example erythema (commonly known

Influences of UV Radiation UVR is electromagnetic radiation and can be divided in UVA, UVB and UVC. All of them have wavelengths shorter than visible light. UVA has a wavelength of about 320 83

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Figure 1. Penetration Properties of UV radiation

to 400 nm, UVB of 280 to 320 nm, and UVC of 100 to 280 nm [1]. Most of the UVC radiation cannot pass the ozone layer, whereas UVB and especially UVA can pass it. However, if exposed to them, all three can penetrate and thus damage the skin [2]. The damage is limited to the skin because UVR does not go any deeper (Fig. 1). Exposure to UVR has many influences on the skin, including erythema, cataracts (clouding of the eye lens), light induced skin aging (also called photoaging) and actinic keratosis. The latter is a scaly cutaneous premalignant lesion that develops on those areas of skin that are frequently exposed to the sun, such as the face and ears. Without treatment, actinic keratosis can progress to squamous cell carcinoma, a form of skin cancer [3]. Skin cancer is one of UVR’s long-term effects and will be discussed more extensively later. At the molecular level, UVR has the negative effect that it induces two adjacent pyrimidines in the DNA to form a covalent

bond, leading to a dimer [4]. Furthermore, a major negative consequence of UVR is the production of free radicals. Free radicals are atoms or molecules that have one or more unpaired electrons in their outer shell [5]. This instability causes the atoms and molecules to be highly reactive as they tend to restore their outer shell by obtaining an electron from another atom or molecule. This process, however, produces another free radical that in turn will restore its own outer shell [6]. A selfperpetuating process of electron exchange then starts damaging cell membranes, lipids [7] and DNA by changing base pairs and breaking the sugar-phosphate backbone, causing chromosomal abnormalities [8]. The damage in the DNA leads to gene mutation and abnormal cell proliferation [9], causing cancer. Additionally, UVR activates certain transcription factors which induce the upregulation of genes involved in cell proliferation and function [9]. During normal physiologic processes such as 84

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respiration, mitochondria add four electrons to molecular oxygen (part of the reactive oxygen species (ROS)) to generate water. In this process, small amounts of intermediate species, such as superoxide radicals (O2-) are formed [10]. Superoxide takes up the first three electrons that it encounters [4]. It can also induce the activation of the activator protein-1 transcription factor which plays a significant part in tumor promotion. The reason why humans and animals can use oxygen for respiration is because cytochrome oxidase securely holds onto the oxygen molecule until the molecule has four additional electrons, and then releases both the oxygen atoms to form water molecules [4]. Exactly how free radicals are produced by UVR is still unknown. However, while free radicals are perilous for most cells, they are also used as a defense mechanism in the body; the phagocytes assemble an NADPH oxidase complex that catalyses the production of free radicals to eradicate viruses or bacteria [4]. Yet the immune system is also negatively influenced by UVR as especially UVB has been shown to have immunosuppressive effects. This has been established by studies with experimental animals, mostly rodents, who showed impaired cell-mediated immune responses and tolerance to normally hypersensitizing agents after UVB exposure [11]. Although only few volunteer studies are available for humans, the findings are similar to those for mice. The UVR induced immunosuppression may be another factor contributing to the development of skin cancer as epidemiological data shows that immunosuppressed patients such as transplant recipients have increased incidence of skin cancer especially on those parts of the skin frequently exposed to the

sun [12]. It is known that keratinocytes, the main type of cells in the epidermis, which is one of the layers of the skin and the one most often associated with skin cancer, are stimulated by UVR to release cytokines, including tumor necrosis factor (TNF)-α and interleukin (IL)-10. TNF-α and IL-10 have immunosuppressive effects, which, upon their release into the circulation, may become systemic. In addition, it has been suggested that the negative effects of UVR on the immune system may play a role in the pathogenesis of infections as for example induced by the human papillomavirus [11]; however, more research is needed to confirm this. An additional essential function of UVR in the body is the stimulation of the production of vitamin D in the skin. Vitamin D regulates the amount of calcium and phosphorus in the blood by maintaining the absorption of calcium in the intestines. This leads to the uptake of calcium by the bones, a process important for healthy bones [13]. While humans can take up some vitamin D with their food, it is estimated that about 90% has to be formed in the skin by the sun [14].

Protection Mechanisms of the Skin One of the skin’s main functions is to prevent that exogenous noxious agents, including UVR, enter the body. The epidermis plays an important role herein, especially its outermost layer, the stratum corneum. This layer thickens when exposed to UVR, thereby increasing its ability to absorb and reflect UVR [15]. Furthermore, an important protection mechanism against UVR is the melanin contained in the melanocytes of the skin. Melanin is a brown-black pigment that is 85

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Figure 2. Antioxidant Neutralizing Free Radical Electron

Free radical

Antioxidant able to absorb, reflect and disperse UVR, thereby decreasing its impact on the skin [1]. When the skin is exposed to the sun, UVB increases the rate of melanogenesis, meaning that more melanin is produced, whereas UVA causes melanin to bind to oxygen. Melanin is then spread from the melanocytes to other cells in the epidermis, causing the condition we know as suntan. Freckles, for example, are an accumulation of melanin in keratinocytes [10]. However, the ability to produce melanin is genetically determined and there thus is an upper limit to what the skin can achieve: a person with a light skin color will never tan as much as a person with a naturally darker skin color [1,15]. In addition, melanin is effective as a scavenger, catching the UV induced radicals. When these protection mechanisms fail, the damage to the DNA induced by UVR can be repaired by enzymes. Nucleotide excision repair (NER) is employed by the cells to remove the pyrimidine dimers. In NER, the part of DNA containing the dimer is removed by ATP-binding cassettes (ABC) exonuclease, a DNA helicase enzyme, and the resulting gap is then filled by DNA polymerase I and DNA ligase [4,13]. The

importance of this repair mechanism for UV induced damage becomes evident in the disease xeroderma pigmentosum, where affected individuals develop skin cancer at an early age because their NER system is not working properly [13].

Dietary Supplements as Nutritive Protection Dietary supplements serve as protection for the body and many are also thought to be effective in preventing cancer. Antioxidants, for example, are made by our body in order to stabilize free radicals, known to cause cancer, by donating one of their electrons (Fig. 2). Even though the antioxidants thereby become free radicals themselves, these antioxidants are not as reactive as their antecedents and therefore cause less damage. There are many different types of antioxidants divided into two groups, namely antioxidant enzymes and molecular antioxidants. Antioxidant enzymes include superoxide dismutase, catalase, and glutathione peroxidase. Molecular antioxidants include ascorbic acid (vitamin C), Îą-Tocopherol (vitamin E), carotenoids, bioflavonoids, and minerals. 86

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This last group is of most interest since these can be taken as dietary supplements. The most important role of ascorbic acid is to recycle other antioxidants; they donate one of their electrons to used antioxidants. Carotenoids are pigments that add the color to many fruits and vegetables; β-carotene (the precursor of vitamin A, also known as provitamin A) in carrots and lycopin in tomatoes. While carotenoids serve as antioxidants they function somewhat differently. This means too much carotenoids can have an adverse effect by stimulating cancer formation [16] because when they serve as an antioxidant in the presence of high oxygen tension and become free radicals, they are oxygenated by the oxygen which results in dangerous free radical formation [16]. Bioflavonoids contain polyphenol and catechins mainly found in tea. Extracts from green tea have most antioxidant properties and due to the polyphenols contained in it, it also has tumor preventing abilities [17]. The role of minerals in antioxidants is to function as cofactors for the antioxidant enzymes. The enzyme superoxide dismutase that catalyzes the conversion of superoxide to hydrogen peroxide [6] requires copper and zinc in its cytosolic form and manganese in its mitochondrial form. Catalase converts the less reactive hydrogen peroxide into oxygen and water, therefore diminishing the aforementioned threat of the ROS. Other dietary supplements known to prevent non-melanoma skin cancer (NMSC) are the Omega-3 Essential Fatty Acids (EFA). The Omega-3 EFA are derived from a-linolenic acid (ALA), found in phytoplankton and in some oils and leaves from vegetables. On the other hand, the Omega-6 EFA are known to cause NMSC

and are derived from dietary linoleic acid (LA). Omega-3 and Omega-6 influence the cyclooxygenase and lipoxygenase pathways [18]. The prostaglandins (PG) produced by the Omega-6 induced pathways promote tumors, downregulate macrophage tumoricidal activities, promote cellular hyperproliferation and tumor angiogenesis, and suppress apoptosis. The Omega-3 EFA help prevent this process by competing for binding sites in the cyclooxygenase and lipoxygenase pathways, thus inhibiting the formation of PG, producing other tumor inhibitory enzymes instead, and by targeting the enzymes the pathways induced by Omega-6 EFA produce. The Omega-3 EFA also lengthen the tumor latent period and reduce tumor replication [18]. In addition, the free radicals produced by Omega-3 and Omega-6 EFA have low and high reactive abilities, respectively. However, even though Omega-6 EFA cause NMSC, they also have positive effects in other parts of our body; they suppress the immunologic responses involved in tumor transplant rejection. Therefore, a well-balanced intake of Omega3 and Omega-6 EFA will result in fewer occurrences of NMSC [18].

Long-term Effects of UV Radiation: Skin Cancer Of the many long-term effects UVR has, skin cancer will be discussed. The evidence that skin cancer is caused by UVR exposure has been established with animal experiments [15]. This also applies to humans, as has been shown with epidemiological data [19]. It is hard, however, to define how much UVR causes skin cancer due to its long latency period; it takes about two to three decades to become apparent. It is especially difficult to assess 87

Johanna GrĂśne and Tania van Westering UV Radiation

how long individuals were exposed to the sun and how much damage was caused (e.g. from how many sunburns people suffered in their lives) as researchers have to rely on the memories they are recalling [19]. In addition, there are different types of skin cancers that are not equally strong related to sun exposure. Generally, the main types of skin cancer are NMSC and cutaneous malignant melanoma (CMM). NMSC are subdivided into Basal Cell Carcinoma (BCC) and Squamous Cell Carcinoma (SCC) [2]. Strong evidence that NMSC is related to sun exposure is the fact that it mainly forms on skin parts regularly exposed to the sun [15], where SCC seems to be caused especially by UVB [19]. For CMM, it is less certain how it is influenced by sunlight, though it is believed that UVA has more impact [19]. Nevertheless, different factors have been identified that influence the likelihood that UVR will lead to skin cancer. The region where one lives plays a role, since the amount of UVR increases closer to the equator [15]. In general, it seems that the life time radiation dosage, the cumulative amount of sun exposure, is an important factor for tumor development [1]. In addition, sun exposure in childhood seems to have a particularly strong impact [19]. It is not clear, however, whether this is a result of the fact that children are more outside than grown-ups and thus more exposed, or whether children are especially vulnerable. Genetic factors also contribute to the development of skin cancer. Skin color, for example, is an important risk factor, particularly strongly related to CMM [19]. Furthermore, not all individuals with a light skin color develop skin cancer, even when they are about equally exposed. This indicates that other

genetic factors may be involved [15]. Once DNA has been damaged by UVR, the earlier mentioned NER mechanism is crucial to repair the damage. However, it is a rather longsome process, estimated to repair approximately 50% in 24 hours [1]. Extensive and prolonged exposure to the sun, especially over years, can thus lead to an accumulation of errors in the DNA, explaining the importance of the life time radiation dosage. This accumulation of errors can make cell cycle regulation genes dysfunctional, eventually giving rise to cancer [15]. One mutation that has been firmly established to be associated with skin cancer occurs on the tumor suppressor gene p53. This specific mutation is induced by UVR [2,15,19,20]. It leads to CC → TT tandem base mutations at dipyrimidine sites, also known as UVB signature mutations, since they are particularly induced by UVB. The fact that there are more tandem base mutations in parts of skin regularly exposed to the sun is a strong indicator that the p53 mutation is associated with UVR. Moreover, the UVB signature mutation is found mainly in skin cancer, implying its importance for the development of tumors [20]. Since UVR is an ubiquitous carcinogen, skin cancer is generally common. It occurs about as often as lung cancer or breast cancer in NorthWestern Europe, whereas it is the most frequently encountered type of cancer in the U.S.A. [2]. Skin cancer is also very frequent in Australia [19], as the people there are much exposed to the sun while they have inherited the light skin color from their ancestors who used to live in countries with less sun exposure. For Caucasians, BCC is most common, followed by SCC and CMM, which are less common. Of these 88

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three, CMM is the most malignant type of cancer because it easily metastasizes. SCC can also metastasize, but less quick and BCC rarely metastasizes. Most people dying from skin cancer are thus suffering from CMM, but in general, for all types of skin cancer the chances of recovery are high. This is due to the fact that skin cancer occurs on the outside of the body where it is easy to detect at an early stage, a crucial step for therapy to be effective. About 98% of all skin cancer can be cured. The success rate thus is very high [2].

protect the skin from the direct influence of the sun, but also behavioral changes. People should stay out of the sun, especially when it is burning hot, as for example during noon in the summer. With the prevention of sunburn and thus DNA damage, the risks to develop tumors decrease. During the last years, the relation between too much sun exposure and skin cancer has become known to the general public. However, also during the last decades, it has become evident that the excessive production of fluorocarbons by humans has damaged the stratospheric ozone layer, which means that less UVR is absorbed. This greatly increases the risks to experience negative consequences of sunlight, due to the elevated amounts of UVR to which one is exposed. It is therefore of great importance to invest more in education about both the dangers of UVR and how people can protect themselves in order to raise the awareness that people can have an influence on their chance of developing skin cancer. Hopefully, this will prevent a drastic rise in the number of skin cancer incidents despite the enhanced exposure to UVR in our environment.

Concluding Remarks While sunlight is essential for humans, they also need to be aware of the possible negative consequences of UV light. Of these, skin cancer is the most severe one. Since studies show that especially children are negatively affected, this group needs protection the most. Alhough the skin has different protection mechanisms to lessen the negative impact of UVR and dietary supplements can add to improve the protection, people should make use of additional protection. This does not only include sunscreen products and clothing to


Johanna Grรถne and Tania van Westering UV Radiation

References 1. Mang, R. and Stege, H. Lichtschutz: Grundlagen der UV-Protektion. Hautarzt, No. 57, pp. 458-470, 2006. 2. Gruijl, F. R. de. Skin Cancer and Solar UV Radiation. European Journal of Cancer, Vol. 35, No. 14, pp. 2003-2009, 1999. 3. Kuflik, A.S. and Schwartz, R.A. Actinic Keratosis and Squamous Cell Carcinoma. American Family Physician, Vol. 49, No. 4, pp. 817-820, 1994. 4. Alberts, B., Johnson, A., Lewis, J., Raff, M., Roberts, K. and Walter, P. Molecular Biology of the Cell. New York: Garland Science, 2002. 5. Van der Kraaij, A.M.A. Oxygen Free Radicals in Myocardial Ischemia and Reperfusion. Rotterdam, 1989. 6. Janssen, M. Purines, free radicals and antioxidant systems : A Study in Hearts of Various species, including humans. Alblasserdam: Haveka, 1993. 7. Herrling, Th., Jung K., Fuchs, J. Measurements of UV-generated free radicals/reactive oxygen species (ROS) in skin. Spectrochimica Acta Part A, Vol 63, pp. 840-845, 2006. 8. Purves, W.K., Sadava, D., Orians, G.H., Heller, H.G. Life: The Science of Biology. Sunderlands, USA: Sinauer Associates, 2004. 9. Ichihashi, M., Ahmed, N.U., Budiyanto, A., Wu, A., Bito, T., Ueda, M., Osawa, T. Preventive effect of antioxidant on ultraviolet-induced skin cancer in mice. Journal of Dermatological Science, Vol 23, Suppl. 1, pp. S45-S50, 2000. 10. Kumar, V., Cotran, R.S., Robbins, S.L. Robbins Basic Pathology. Philadelphia: Saunders, 2003. 11. Jeevan, A. and Kripke, M. L. Ozone depletion and the immune system. Lancet, Vol 342 (8880), p. 1159-1160, 1993. 12. Kativar, S.K. UV-induced immune suppression and photocarcinogenesis: Chemoprevention by dietary botanical agents. Cancer Letters, 255, pp. 1-11, 2007. 13. Campbell, M.K and Farrell, S.O. Biochemistry. London: Thomson Brooks/Cole, 2006. 14. Reichrath, J. The challenge resulting from positive and negative effects of sunlight: how much solar UV exposure is appropriate to balance between risks of vitamin D deficiency and skin cancer? Progress in Biophysics and Molecular Biology, Vol 92, No. 1, pp. 9-16, 2006. 15. Urbach, F. Ultraviolet Radiation and Skin Cancer of Humans. Journal of Photochemistry and Photobiology B: Biology 40, pp. 3-7, 1997. 16. Russel, R.M. The Multifunctional Carotenoids: Insights into their behavior. The Journal

Of Nutrition, Vol 136, pp. 2690S-2692S, 2006.

17. Szeto, Y.T., Benzie, I.F.F., Tomlinson, B. In vitro antioxidant activities of various types of Chinese tea. Atherosclerosis, Vol 136, pp. S77, 1998. 18. Black, H.S., Rhodes, L.E. The Potential of Omega-3 Fatty Acids in the Prevention of Non-melanoma Skin Cancer. Cancer Detection and Prevention, Vol 30, pp. 224-232, 2006. 19. Armstrong, B.K. and Kricker, A. The Epidemiology of UV Induced Skin Cancer. Journal of Photochemistry and Photobiology B: Biology 63, pp. 8-18, 2001. 20. Nakazawa, H., English D., Randell, P.L., Nakazawa, K., Martel, N., Armstrong, B.K. and Yamasaki, H. UV and Skin Cancer: Specific p53 Gene Mutation in Normal Skin as a Biologically Relevant Exposure Measurement. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, Vol. 91, No. 1, pp. 360-364, 1994.


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Biographies of the Authors Jochem Rudolf de Bresser was born in Utrecht, the Netherlands, in 1986. He graduated from Roosevelt Academy in May 2007, after which he enrolled in the Economics master’s program at Tilburg University. He is currently writing his master’s thesis and has been accepted to the CentER Graduate School. His primary interest lies in Applied Econometrics and within that field he currently focuses on specialized methods to take explicit account of spatial autocorrelation. His hobbies include skateboarding and video games.  Johanna Maria Gröne was born in Lemgo, Germany, in 1984. Her major at Roosevelt Academy is Science with a focus on medical courses. In the future, Johanna would like to combine clinical medicine with research and therefore she hopes to become accepted to a medical school in the Netherlands. Veerle Anna Margeretha Heijne was born in Terneuzen, the Netherlands, in 1987. She is a third-year student majoring in Physics and Mathematics. Furthermore, she completed a Minor in Music History. After graduating from Roosevelt Academy, she would like to do a master’s in Particle Physics at the University of Amsterdam. Laurens Hemminga is currently doing an interdepartmental major in Arts & Humanities and Social Science. History is his main subject, but he also studies law, politics, and he is doing a minor in rhetoric. Although he feels RA offers many interesting courses, he is most interested in history. Laurens thinks history can make us understand the societies we live in, which have, after all, been shaped in the past centuries. After RA, he plans to do a research master in History at Groningen University. Martijn Mos was born in Maassluis, the Netherlands, in 1985. He complemented his major in Social Science, focusing on International Relations, Politics and Human Geography, with a minor in Methods & Statistics. He aspires to pursue a master’s degree in European Studies or International Public Policy at a competitive institution abroad. Sanderine Josephine Cornelie van Odijk was born in Groningen, the Netherlands, in 1987. After finishing high school in Hilversum, she started studying at Roosevelt Academy in 2005. She is currently completing her third year at RA and will graduate in May 2008 as Bachelor of Arts with an interdepartmental major in Musicology, Psychology and Cognitive Science. Her heart lies in music: she plays the clarinet and the piano, and is actively involved in the RA Choir and as a member of a clarinet trio. She nonetheless plans to continue her academic studies in Management or Organizational Psychology, after taking a gap year.


Biographies of the Authors

Ellie van Setten was born in Leeuwarden in 1986. After spending a year in Ireland she came to Middelburg to study Linguistics, Psychology, Cognitive Science and Statistics. She is mainly interested in topics that involve the integration of these fields such as Language disorders, Psycholinguistics, and Language learning. After three years of study at RA she is planning to pursue a research career in Behavior Science at the Radboud University in Nijmegen. Tania Walenka van Westering was born in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, in 1987. She majored in Science, with her main interests being both Medical and Computer Science. After finishing her studies at Roosevelt Academy, she will pursue a master’s in Medicine. In the future she hopes to be a paediatrician.


Ad Astra • June 2008

Biographies of the Editorial Board Members Isabelle Agatha Maria van der Bom was born in ’s-Hertogenbosch, the Netherlands, in 1988. She is a second-year student majoring in Arts & Humanities with a focus on Literature, Linguistics and Philosophy. In addition, she does a minor in Rhetoric & Argumentation. After finishing Roosevelt Academy, she would like to do a master’s in European literature or another bachelor in Philosophy. Willem van den Broeke was born in Middelburg, the Netherlands, in 1941. He studied Macroeconomics at the Erasmus University in Rotterdam. In 1966 he was appointed as instructor in the Faculty of Arts and Humanities (Department of History) at Utrecht University. He especially taught economic and social history, and economics for historians. In 1985 he completed his Ph.D. dissertation, entitled The Financing of Railway Construction in the Netherlands 1837-1890. He has published widely in the field of economic history in general and business history and regional economic history in particular. At Roosevelt Academy, he is Associate Professor of History. His full biography can be found on www.roac. nl. Veerle Anna Margeretha Heijne was born in Terneuzen, the Netherlands, in 1987. She is a third-year student majoring in Physics and Mathematics. Furthermore, she completed a Minor in Music History. After graduating from Roosevelt Academy, she would like to do a master’s in Particle Physics at the University of Amsterdam. Nadia Fatima Khawalid was born in Rotterdam, the Netherlands, in 1987. She is a second-year student following an interdepartmental major in Social Science and Arts and Humanities. Currently taking political science courses, she hopes to be admitted to a master’s program in International Relations. In the future, she would like to start a career within the NGO field. Henk Meijer was born in Groningen, the Netherlands, in 1952. He obtained his Ph.D. in Mathematics in 1983 at Queen’s University in Canada. He worked in the School of Computing of Queen’s University from 1978 until 2006 where he became Full Professor in 1999. His research interest lies in the area of Graph Drawing. He has published over 100 articles in journals and conference proceedings. In 2006 he was awarded the “Lifetime Teaching Award of the School of Computing”. In 1991 he worked at the University of Papua New Guinea and in 2006 he was appointed Head of the Science Department at Roosevelt Academy. His full biography can be found on Susan Anna Jantina Geertruida Nysingh was born in Zwolle in 1988. She is a third-year student majoring in both Arts & Humanities and Science. She is one of the Performing Arts piano students at RA, also taking Musicology courses. Within the Science department she focuses on Earth and Environmental Sciences. After RA she is planning to do a master’s 93

Biographies of the Editorial Board Menbers

in Environmental Management, hoping to pursue a career within the field of sustainable development. Gonny Pasaribu was born in Tilburg, the Netherlands, in 1976. She studied English Language and Literature, specializing in American Studies, at Utrecht University, the University of Amsterdam, and Washington University in St. Louis, Missouri. After graduating from Utrecht in 1999, she was first affiliated as Junior Copywriter with Baxter Communications in Hilversum, the Netherlands, and then joined the Roosevelt Study Center in Middelburg as Ph.D. student. She currently works for Roosevelt Academy’s Communications Department and also runs her own copywriting agency. Her full biography can be found on Adriaan Hendrik (Harry) van der Weijde was born in Woerden, the Netherlands, in 1987. He will graduate from Roosevelt Academy in May 2008, with an interdepartmental major in Economics and Musicology. He plans to pursue a master’s degree in Economics and Finance at the University of Edinburgh.


Ad Astra Issue Two  

June, 2008

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