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BOX 5.6
The seeds of segregation are planted early—How gender differences in education trajectories shape employment segregation
The education gap is closing, yet significant gaps remain as women and men continue to acquire very different types of skills both as part of their formal education and once in the labor market (see chapter 3). Limited evidence suggests that gender differences in education trajectories translate into gender differences in employment and ultimately into differences in productivity and earnings.a In developing countries, where only a limited number of people have a college education, it is primarily the level of education—and within tertiary education, the type of degree—that can have a large impact in employment outcomes. In Indonesia, a general secondary education and high academic ability increase the probability of completing college for both men and women, but impact on labor market outcomes varies with gender. A college degree substantially increases the probability of employment for both men and women, independent of whether it is a diploma or a BA. But for women, it is basically the entry point to a wage job in the public sector, while for men it appears to open a wider spectrum of employment possibilities.b In developed countries, where levels of education and tertiary enrolment rates are high for both men and women, gender differences in the field of study become more important in determining labor market outcomes. With women and men concentrating in different fields of study, these patterns immediately translate into occupational differences by gender. For example, information on tertiary graduates in 14 developed economies
shows that 6 percent of males occupy senior managerial positions, but only 3.8 percent of females. In contrast, 11 percent of women are employed in clerical positions, but only 7 percent of men.c Occupational segregation persists even when comparing men and women with the same field of study, suggesting that gender differences in education trajectories are only part of the story. Of those with a science degree, 55 percent of men but only 33 percent of women are in occupations related to physics, mathematics, and engineering. In contrast, 22 percent of women but only 13 percent of men with these degrees become teachers. Similar differences are found for other fields of study.d Gender differences in innate ability or academic performance cannot explain access to tertiary education and selection into different education trajectories. But gender differences in the intensity of ability sorting and in preferences for the field of study can. After controlling for relevant individual characteristics, the top male academic performers in developed economies were 10 percent more likely to choose a male-dominated field than other males, while the impact of tests scores on choice was insignificant among top female performers and for female-dominated and neutral fields. Moreover, choosing a demanding or prestigious field of study significantly increases the probability of enrolling in a male-dominated field for men but not for women, and it reduces the probability of enrolling in a female-dominated field for both.e
a. Clifford 1996; Goldin and Katz 2008; Morris and others 2006; Stevenson 1986; as well as new work commissioned for this Report: Flabbi 2011; Giles and Kartaadipoetra 2011. b. Giles and Kartaadipoetra 2011; World Bank 2010b. c. Flabbi 2011. d. Ibid. e. Ibid.
Gender differences in discretionary time translate into differences in the capacity of women and men to engage in all nonsurvival activities, including such market-oriented activities as wage employment. The second idea is that time can complement other production inputs, so some activities may require a minimum of time to be sufficiently productive. For example, market-oriented production of agricultural products may be profitable only if enough time is available to travel back and forth between home and the market place. Similarly, (formal) wage employment
may require a fixed schedule as well as a minimum amount of daily or weekly hours to be committed to a particular activity. In this sense, both the availability of discretionary time and its amount and predictability may affect the capacity of different individuals to take on specific types of activities. The discussion focuses on gender differences in time allocated to three main categories of productive activities: housework, care (of both children and elderly), and market or paid work. Housework includes reproductive activities for which substitute markets could