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after the incident, rumours hinted that the money had been intended for the presidential bid of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in Argentina. Within a few days of returning to his home in Florida, Wilson alerted officials from the Federal Bureau of Investigation that he was being pressured by representatives of the Venezuelan government and PDVSA to keep silent about the case.19 The United States instigated an investigation and trial, on the grounds that five businessmen were acting as unauthorised agents of a foreign government within the United States.20 Three agreed to cooperate with prosecutors, one contested the charges and another remained at large. Moises Maionica, a lawyer who had been tapped by PDVSA to keep Wilson quiet, testified that the oil company offered him US$400,000 for his efforts.21 Other testimony suggested that, when PDVSA officials were unable to orchestrate an effective cover-up, high-level officials, including Chávez’s intelligence chief and Chávez himself, stepped in to ensure that Wilson would not talk.22 In his testimony, Maionica further confirmed that PDVSA, using Wilson as a middleman, had sent the money as a contribution from the Venezuelan government to Fernández de Kirchner.23 In later interviews with the media, Wilson supported this account.24 In addition to allegations that the company had facilitated the delivery of the US$800,000,
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Wilson also stated his belief that from the same flight another US$4.2 million had passed through customs undetected.25 A PDVSA vicepresident whose son had been on the plane with Wilson was also heard voicing concerns about the whereabouts of these funds.26 Following publicity surrounding his son’s presence on the plane, the vice-president later resigned from his position at the oil company.27 Both Chávez and Kirchner denounced the US investigation as a politically motivated attempt to create conflict between Caracas and Buenos Aires.28 Attorneys for the accused contended that the United States had pursued the case to embarrass the Chávez government.29 These arguments notwithstanding, testimony from the case suggests that the Venezuelan government at once encouraged and facilitated the illicit behaviour of PDVSA. Should subsequent revelations prove beyond doubt that the government used PDVSA to fulfil political aims, the Chávez administration will have a hard time assuring citizens of its dedication to fighting corruption in either the public or private sectors. Oscar Vallés (Universidad Metropolitana) and Mercedes De Freitas (TI Venezuela)
Additional reading G. Coronel, ‘Corrupción, Administración deficiente y Abuso de Poder en la Venezuela de Hugo Chávez’ (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 2006).
International Herald Tribune (US), 10 September 2008. El País (Spain), 8 July 2008. Associated Press (US), 17 September 2008. New York Times (US), 15 September 2008. New York Times (US), 11 September 2008. El País (Uruguay), 10 November 2008. Ibid. La Nación (Argentina), 14 September 2008; Associated Press (US), 24 September 2008. Agencia EFE (Spain), 4 August 2008. International Herald Tribune (US), 10 September 2008. Associated Press (US), 2 July 2008.