The Bristol Cable Edition 4 by Bristol Cable

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the BRISTOL CABLE

Issue #04

A media co – op

Exclusive Bristol Uni’s (not so) ethical £56 Million investments

UK Border Force Severing the Community. In English and Somal

FREE Pull Out Poster Knowle West caught in the camera

But what about the bees?! Is agriculture threatening bee populations?

Bristol’s Summer Hustlers Making a pound or two (hopefully) in the sun (hopefully)

Local Power Can our communities take back control?

Co-op Note

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Voices, Visuals, Investigations, People’s History and much more! Drugs: to Bristol from where? 4

7 Share the wealth 9 Taking the piss: Agency fees / Catcalling - street harassment 10-11 Bristol’s dead space

This graphic gives a breakdown of origin by major location only, routes and info on the ground in the UK.

Whether it is MDMA labs in Poland or cannabis factories in Bristol, the prohibition of drugs has categorically failed to prevent drug production and use, with the Home Office reporting 230,000 more UK drug users in 2013-14 than in 2012-13. Meanwhile production, transit and sale are firmly in the hands of criminals and corrupt officials operating below the radar of regulation and transparency. In the UK alone that is up to £8bn of the least Fairtrade, untaxed and unvetted consumer products you can imagine. From destroying Afghan farmer’s fields to criminalising people in Bristol, the economic (£10.7bn annually for the UK alone, according to the National Crime Agency) and human cost of another failed war goes up. Simultaneaously the profits of the major players rocket, as the crackdown increases risk and thus the value.

UNITED KINGDOM

analysis uncovers the dubious ethical record of the University of Bristol’s £56 Million investment portfolio

UNITED KINGDOM

COCAINE

NETHERLANDS

434,000 doses of ecstasy seized in 2013

BALKAN COUNTRIES

12-13

TURKEY AFGHANISTAN

HEROIN

From Colombian cocaine to Czech MDMA: A closer look at the global impact of Bristol’s drug habits MOROCCO

WEST AFRICA

TBC - 160705

Between 25-30 tonnes imported yearly to the UK

Transported by road or ships when coming into the UK

18-23 tonnes arrive in the UK every year 0.8 tonnes seized in 2012/13

270 tonnes - size of UK’s demand market

Trafficking methods: parcel, air courier, maritime container

3 tonnes seized in 2012/13 Trafficking methods: maritime container, yachts, cargo, air couriers, light aircrafts

Whilst governments and conservatives bury their heads in ‘tough on crime’ rhetoric, it is more than time to have a serious debate. Whether it’s the legal commercial cultivation of cannabis in Colorado and Denver, decriminalisation of drugs in Portugal or an ethical cocaine supplier in Peru, this is about whether we want to address drug use as a reality, and drugs as just another consumer good to be regulated, or continue living in a haze.

Heroin (opium): Afghanistan The country has become a frontline in global drug trafficking since the CIA backed Mujahideen used the drugs to fund the war against the USSR in the 80’s. For many poor Afghans growing poppies has become the most economical cash crop. Narco-trafficking networks, organised crime, corruption and worldwide consumption continue to increase demand for this profitable trade, whilst fuelling various violent groups, governmental and non-governmental. Between 2012 and 2014, Afghani heroin production increased by 36%. This is despite the US having spent $7.5bn in an attempt to clamp down since 2001. As of late, the US pulled out of forceful eradication methods because local producers, without other options, were more likely to become Taliban supporters out of necessity.

It’s the summertime and 17 Bristol’s wheeler dealers

are coming out to make a pound or two

Ecstasy/MDMA: Netherlands, Poland and Czech Republic

Cocaine: Columbia, Peru, Bolivia

The production of synthetic drugs is no small feat. It takes secretive sourcing of chemicals and ad hoc pieces of machinery set up in backyard sheds or warehouses.

Cocaine leaves are a part of Andean Latin American cultures. They are used as a gift, cooking ingredient, medical cure and chewing product in social and working environments. Cocaine growers, however, produce for more than their local market. The leaf’s refined alter ego, the white powder, has long been an international drug, ending up in Western bankers’ nostrils as well as the guerrilla warlords’ in Rwanda.

Holland is one of the main producers; in part due to its large chemical industry providing the ingredients for ecstasy production. Some claim that shorter sentences for drug smuggling encourages people to set up shop in Holland, with the government treating drug use mainly as a public health matter. Organised criminals in Eastern Europe have also made the most of corruption, unemployment, cheap industrial materials and access to chemicals to produce Ecstasy/ MDMA for European markets.

In 1971, the US-led ‘War on Drugs’ was declared by Richard Nixon. Overall production has increased despite the ongoing war, with paramilitary narcotraffickers feeding global demand and wreaking havoc on communities. Today Bolivia’s president Evo Morales supports the legalisation of the coca plant as a key to recognising indigenous rights internationally.

poster: 18-19 Pull-out Knowle West caught in the camera

20-21 Apprenticeships: Skilled training or cheap labour? 22 Time to move on: Prejudice against Gypsy, Roma and Travellers in Bristol 23 Join the Cable team!

Web and tech: Mat Alborough -de-mystify.co.uk Vicky Plough Lidia Del Rios

4th edition active members: Emily Williams Jon Turney Beatriz Fernandez Dean Ayotte Fiorella Jacobson Abdi Mohamed Patrick O’Reilly Yasmin Aston-Patel Michael Malay Zoe Johnson Maria da Silva Ellen Segalov Sara Zaltash

www.thebristolcable.org

@thebristolcable

14 Hillgrove Street, Bristol, BS2 8JT

Why are the National Farmer’s Union lobbying to lift a pesticide ban that may threaten populations?

26 Westminster to Bristol: localising power

just 18% 26-27 ofWith Bristolians voting for the government, can power be wrested back for our communities?

27 Council coup: Just how tied are the hands of our councillors? 28 UK Border Force: Severing the community 29 Hartcliffe riots 1992: Burning into national consciousness 30-31 MITIE fine?

In Somali and English: 28 Looking behind the stats of the “tough on immigration” agenda

32 Why the carnival must go on 33 Global round up 34 For love or money 35 Crossword

TBC - 160705

Afghanistan -> through old Soviet countries/ Pakistan & Iran -> Turkey -> Balkan countries -> distribution to UK, mainly via Netherlands (incl. UK)

23.6 tonnes seized in 2012/13

Columbia -> light aircraft to Caribbean/West Africa -> Germany, Holland, Spain or UK -> small ship and lorries for the rest of the route

TBC - 160705

GERMANY

CANNABIS

TBC - 160705

POLAND /CZECH REPUBLIC

Netherlands & Belgium/Poland & Czech Republic -> UK ports on east coast

OLD SOVIET COUNTRIES

SPAIN

COLOMBIA

NETHERLANDS /BELGIUM

ECSTASY/MDMA

All sources are available at thebristolcable.org

exclusive 4-5 This investigation and

18-19 A silent mind’s view of Knowle West

Big up to all members, supporters, sources, contacts and contributors, credited throughout.

info@thebristolcable.org

Whether a drug user or not, and without wanting to ruin the party for those who are, by the time that spliff gets smoked in Castle Park or a line of coke gets sniffed at an up market dinner party, the global supply chain has left a trail of human and environmental impact.

15 My story: Getting back on my feet after alcohol

17 Bristol’s summer hustlers

Credits

Operations: Alon Aviram, Adam Cantwell-Corn, Alec Saelens

ristol is often seen as a leader in the movement for ethical and sustainable living. At the same time, free parties, raves and recreational drug use are also marks of the city. But how do these scenes interact? Are the ethical implications of drug use considered?

14 Going cold turkey? Drugs & alcohol advice services

25 Solar flair or damb squib? Design and Layout: Adam Wilkinson amwilkinson1984@gmail.com Laurence Ware laurenceware.tumblr.com Ellen Hardiman ellendesignillustration.co.uk Emily Poole emp-design.co.uk James Vickery sparror.cubecinema.com/james Chris Woodward chriswoodwarddesign.co.uk Woody

12-13 A high price? Bristol & the global drug trade

24 But what about the bees?!

Content coordination: Alec Saelens, Alon Aviram, Adam Cantwell-Corn, Arvind Howarth, Alex Turner, Kitty Webster, Drew Rose, Elizabeth Mizon, Bryony Ball

DESIGN ADAM WILKINSON

6 Mi casa su casa

16 Still going strong! Ujima radio 7 years on

In Bristol and beyond we need a new model for the media. We need a real and direct alternative - locally owned and produced journalism that is broad, challenging, informative and fresh. This is a good start. Let’s see it through!

RESEARCH ALEC SAELENS, ADAM CANTWELL-CORN & ALON AVIRAM

4-5 University of Bristol’s (not so) ethical investments

crucial date in 32 ABristol’s cultural calendar is threatened - but why?

23 years on from 29 the Hartcliffe riots of 1992, how much has changed?

Cannabis:

* Herb - UK

* Hashish - Afghanistan & Morocco

Long gone are the days where most of the bushweed was smuggled in from the Caribbean and West Africa. In 2012, research by the Association of Chief Polic Officers showed increased British-based production, with 80% of weed being hom grown as opposed to 80% coming from North Africa and Spain in the early 2000s UK Investigations have found links betw cannabis production and human traffickin and exploitation coordinated by complex global crime groups. In 2015 Jamaica decriminalised cannabis possession. In th UK you can get up to 5 years in prison fo possession.

the BRISTOL CABLE | ISSUE 04

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Afghanistan is the largest producer of hashish. Being a cheap plant to produce and harvest, each hectare earns producers an estimated $3,900. Like poppies, production is concentrated in the unstable regions of southern Afghanistan.

4 X

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ETH I CAL VI O L ATI O N S

This exclusive investigation and analysis has found 197 documented and recent ethical violations amongst the University of Bristol’s (UoB) £56 Million investment portfolio of 182 items

£21,324,399 68 COMPANIES

£923,930

£9,204,747 27 COMPANIES

Executive Pay Corruption Environment

GIVE YOUR FEEDBACK

espite proffering to maintain an Ethical Investment and Banking policy the University has hundreds of thousands invested in companies who have, or continue, to commit multiple grievous ethical transgressions.

Admittedly, ‘ethical’ is a loosely defined term, but UoB’s Ethical Policy sets a pretty low bar. The policy excludes investments only where they are “contrary to the research, education, and wider aims or objectives of the University or their activities are illegal under uk law” or where the University’s “ability to raise funds or obtain grants are likely to be materially harmed”. No mention of Human or worker’s rights, or environmental destruction then. In keeping with this low and loose interpretation of ethical, the University continues to maintain shares in companies like rbs (Finance) and bhp Billiton (Fossil Fuels), and Lloyds Bank (Finance) despite huge multi-million pound fines for fraud and corruption, fraud respectively all within the first half of 2015. Whilst there is one notable exception in the lack of investments in military or defence

companies, even UoB’s investment manager, Sarasins & Partners, has business in a whole slew of tax havens. We decided to take a meticulous look at the whole portfolio and assess it by slightly higher standards. But these are not the standards of a saint or an ecowarrior. Rather, they are standards based on a common sense understanding of the word ‘ethical’. In other words, we have not slammed companies ethical records for everything and nothing. For example, oil companies don’t get counted as an environmental violator just by the nature of the business. And a worker’s rights violation hasn’t been logged just because there is an industrial dispute, or an executive pay violation just because of the general excesses in the Finance sector. Instead, we only logged violations where there was a government/regulator sanction or a verifiable ngo or media report identifying specific incidents. In short we only counted violations that went beyond the pale in terms of ethical behaviour even by industry standards — where executive pay was obscene even for bankers, where corruption went way beyond a little backhander, or where fraud went beyond the usual rip offs. Importantly, to keep records current, we only counted violations from the past five years, despite much scandalous behaviour

prior to 2010. We also didn’t record any ethical violations for the seven investments into Governmental institutions. We’ll leave it to you to decide whether the governments of the uk, usa, Mexico, Ireland, Spain or the eu are ethical. Even allowing for these relatively relaxed ethical standards, what the data shows would be termed ‘ethical’ only by the most mercenary of Public Relations officers.

TOTAL INVESTMENT

£56,628,354 £5,984,357

When we asked the University whether their investment policy “sets a high enough ethical standard”, UoB responded that “Sarasin is a highly respected charity specialist and the University believe that they manage the funds appropriately”. Ultimately however, the data raises serious questions regarding the oversight and input of tax-payer (and fee-payer!) funded institutions, particularly those with a role in educating, researching and planning for the future.

Is it time for the University of Bristol, itself built with money from slaves and tobacco, to divest from those who threaten this future?

16 15 17

16 18

08 COMPANIES

TH E MAI N O F F EN DERS FOSSIL FUELS & FINA NCE

Investing in a sustainable future? Bristol Uni & the Fossil Fuel industry

Political Links

14 COMPANIES £3,290,547 11 COMPANIES

£3,783,329

17 COMPANIES

Fraud Tax

£1,532,607 07 COMPANIES

£1,861,709 05 COMPANIES £2,200,371 07 COMPANIES £2,625,974 06 COMPANIES £2,646,651

03 Get in touch and look out for a full and sourced interactive breakdown available online.

07 COMPANIES

03 COMPANIES

Worker’s Rights Consumer Rights

£652,779

Research of each investment revealed serious and documented ethical violations. Many companies are guilty of major abuses in several areas from multiple incidents. For accuracy we only counted violations from the past five years, despite much scandalous behaviour prior to 2010. Equally we only counted explicit and verified abuses that were beyond the ‘regular’ business of a particular company.

04 05

Let alone the effects of reckless profiteering on the environment and local people, how about BP’s sponsorship of the 2015 European Games in the dictatorship of Azerbaijan, where amid an internal crack down on dissent, international journalists have been denied permission to cover

the games, and where a British human rights activist was detained this June for calling the event the ‘bp Games’? Or Shell’s one billion dollar corruption scandal in Nigeria in 2014? Or your run of the mill tax avoidance and consumer rip offs by three of the Big Six energy firms?

We’ve all heard of the major tax avoidance, fraud, and excessive pay scandals of Barclays, rbs and hsbc. It seems that UoB hasn’t. What about Pershing Square, 3I Infrastructure, Alecentra, Bluecrest, Bluefield and Oakley Capital? They would need to visit the infamous tax havens of Guernsey and Jersey to meet them … But they might only find a p.o box!

Tax evaders and fraudsters? Bristol Uni’s financial partners

I N VESTMEN T SECTO R S

The Bristol Cable grouped investments by sector on the basis of main business activity

FOSSIL FUELS SECTOR

ENERGY & BIOFUELS

MEDIA

TRANSPORT

PHARMACEUTICALS

GOVERNMENT

Fossil fuel extraction business

Non-fossil fuel dominated energy

Includes; tv, film & journalism

Includes; railways

& HEALTHCARE

Uk, Mexico, usa, eu, Ireland & Spain

NATURAL RESOURCES

MANUFACTURING

FINANCE SECTOR

CONSTRUCTION

TECHNOLOGY

CONSUMER GOODS

OTHER

Includes; mining, water, metal extraction & minerals

& ENGINEERING

Includes; hedge funds, investment & retail banking, insurance, private equity

& PROPERTY

Communications, telecommunications, computers, commercial applications & internet

Includes; tourism, food and drink, clothing & consumer goods

Recruitment (1), Unknown (1) & Charity (1)

All investments are as of March 2015 as obtained from the University of Bristol via a Freedom of Information request

Includes; auto manufacture, chemical & other manufacturers

Includes; building, management & development

SOURCE Freedom of Information / CO-ORDINATION & WORDS Adam Cantwell-Corn / DESIGN Woody / THE BRISTOL CABLE July 2015 / SEE ONLINE FOR FULLY SOURCED INTERACTIVE DATA RESEARCH CONTRIBUTIONS Dean Ayotte, Alon Aviram, Alec Saelens, Fiorella Jacobson, Arvind Howarth & Maria da Silva

theBRISTO BRISTOL CABLE || ISSUE the L CABLE ISSUE04 04

the RISTOL CABLE I SSUE04 04 theBBRISTOL CABLE || ISSUE

Bristol University’s not so ethical investments

Human Rights

£596,954 02 COMPANIES

£ 5 6 MI L L I O N I N 1 3 SECTORS

50= 50= 10= 130= 50= 30= 130= 220= 70=

EXCLUSIVE

182 INV ESTMENTS 197 ETHICA L V IOLATIONS

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Mi Casa, Su Casa: The Bristol cafe that is ‘giving back’ to those in need

Bristol... Spread the wealth! RESEARCH FLORELLA JACOBSEN DESIGN EMILY POOLE On the other end of the economic scale,10,000 Bristolians resorted to using food banks to feed their families last year, while a quarter of children in Bristol live in poverty, rising to 60% of children in Lawrence Hill. We explored what their combined wealth could provide when divided evenly among the population of Bristol, while still leaving each of them with a comfortable salary of £65,000. Here’s what we found:

As another round of austerity begins and cuts to the most vulnerable are continued, the Bristol Cable visits the independent Café Casa during their free Sunday lunch, a weekly lifeline for homeless and vulnerably housed people in Bristol. The people had plenty to say about the significance of this support, and its tenuous future. WORDS & PHOTO ELIZABETH MIZON

warfed by neighbouring Debenhams and Primark, on the St James Barton roundabout (aka the Bear Pit) in central Bristol, sits Café Casa. The café appears to be your average British greasy spoon – big fry-ups with canteen seating, friendly staff and 17 (!) different breakfasts. What is notable, yet largely unknown, about the café is that every Sunday for the last ten years they have been serving the homeless and vulnerably housed of Bristol a free hot meal. Around 100 people arrive each week between 1-3pm to be given food at Café Casa. The manager explains why the café is closed to paying customers during these hours: “it’s not so much the overload, but the disparity – you’ve got someone eating a huge breakfast next to someone eating the meal we can afford to give them; it’s not right.” The staff provide three free meal options and a hot drink, waiting on each table as their customers take their seats. “I’ll have the lobster, please” jokes Tom, 51. Tom tells me he recently had the chance to speak with Kerry McCarthy, MP for Bristol East; she’d asked how he was getting on at the jobcentre. “It’s a joke – last night I slept in a doorway, the night before that in a tent, and the night before that in Castle Park. Of course, I’m not able to shower... so who’s going to give me a job?” The gulf between the lived experience of being vulnerably housed or homeless, and what others understand of it, comes up time and again in my conversations with the people on this visit. The latest official estimate of those ‘owed homelessness duty’ (in need of housing assistance) in Bristol is 187, and the ‘street count’ is 41. Actual figures are unknown.

“The gulf between the lived experience of being vulnerably housed or homeless, and what others understand of it, comes up time and again” Not everyone who comes here is sleeping rough - some are vulnerably housed or experiencing food poverty, etc. – but the number of people coming through the doors on a Sunday can easily surpass the higher figure. Phil, aged 37, comes to Café Casa not because he’s homeless but because he simply can’t afford to eat. For years he’s bounced from one zero-hour contract to another. “It’s not about being homeless, it’s about poverty. If I buy food, I can’t afford my bills.” Unlike paying his bills, no one will come knocking on his door demanding he eat, so his choice is made. Regulars Sharon, 42, and Gill, 57, are both currently in supported living, but have been sleeping rough in Bristol and coming to the café for years. Sharon spoke of having mental health issues and physical

THE BRISTOL CABLE, MAY 2015 See online for the full data used

disabilities, and noted that the café provides them with the social support that is so lacking elsewhere. “People don’t believe you have mental health difficulties because it’s not a disability they can see. They honestly think you’re making it up.” Gill notes that as support services of all kinds are shutting down, there is a looming undercurrent of anger and desperation: “Can you feel it? It’ll explode, you watch.” During my visit, John, 25 and Mike, 27, are having their first meal at Café Casa. Both are looking for work, which is difficult when also struggling to find sustenance. “You need the calories, and hot food - this is a good meal.” Mike told me. “Sometimes I’m walking ten miles a day to find food. Bristol is better than many places for it, but it’s more like a sandwich here and there, not like this.” When I take my camera out to take photos of their empty plates, Mike hastens to ask I don’t take his picture as it could be used against him when trying to find work. John asserts that they’d better get going; they’ll miss the meal at the nuns’ house on Ashley Road. Those who organise the weekly lunch asked to remain anonymous, eager that we write not about them, but about the homeless and vulnerably housed residents of the city who are about to be hit by further cuts to their already fragile support structures. The soup runs and food drives that remain operational are the result of work by individuals and faith groups, and cannot lessen or reverse the problem of poverty in our city without governmental support. As one of the Muslim organisers told me as I discussed the situation with him and his Christian cohort, “it doesn’t matter what you believe, you have to give back.”

the BRISTOL CABLE | ISSUE 04

This research by The Bristol Cable gives a snapshot of wealth inequality in Bristol, and some of its real world implications. The two richest people in Bristol, Peter Hargreaves and Stephen Lansdown, founded Hargreaves Lansdown in 1981 which today is one of the UK’s largest financial services businesses. Together they are worth £3.187 billion; providing enough for Hargreaves to own three racehorses, and Lansdown majority shares in Bristol Rugby, Bristol Flyers, and Bristol City Football Club.

8 ADV E RT ISE MEN T

Taking the piss: Agency fees

Clifton Estate Agents Based on a 1 bed property in Clifton

Connels Without a Guarantor

Who’s trumping the rip off in unwarranted costs?

WORDS BRYONY BALL

spent a hectic two months looking for a cheap flat to rent with my boyfriend. We knew that moving place was expensive, but we were shocked by all the added agency fees, which includes reference costs to other admin-based concoctions.

(Admin Fees based on 1 person/couple looking for a 1 bed flat in Bristol (3 mile radius from centre) May 2015)

Without a Guarantor

Chapple and Matthews Based on a 1 bed flat in Cotham

Bristol Residential Letting Co Based on a 1 bed property in city centre

Clifton Property Services Based on a 1 bed property in Bedminster

Abode Based on a 1 bed property in Cotham

Ocean Estate Agents

Without a Guarantor. Based on a 1 bed property in Redland

Rentify Piper Properties

Catcalling ILLUSTRATION MARJORIE NEWNHAM

marjorienewnham.com

the BRISTOL CABLE | ISSUE 04

As of 27 May 2015, letting agents are obliged to publicise a full tariff of their fees. That’s definitely a step in the right direction. But Scotland has outlawed agency fees, surely we should be pushing for this? Here’s a snapshot of the fees I came across.

CJ Hole

£522 for a single person £612 for a couple £505 for a single person £625 for a couple £448 for a single person £747 for a couple £320 for a single person £625 for a couple £412.50 £367.50 £360 £345.60 £0 £0

Bristol’s Dead Space We hear a lot about empty homes, but where are Bristol’s? Alex Turner took a look, and found as many questions as answers. RESEARCH & WORDS ALEX TURNER DESIGN ELLEN HARDIMAN

On a positive note, long-derelict homes in places like Liverpool and Stoke have been sold for one pound to owners hopefully willing to put down roots. But we’ve also seen the growing scandal, especially in London, of grand old houses left vacant to moulder – while their values rise inexorably – and new flats bought up to sit as unoccupied baubles that light up only balance sheets. Of course, squatting in residential properties also

became illegal under the Tory-Lib Dem government, even as UK homelessness figures began to mushroom. In Bristol, 892 private homes are known to have sat empty for six months or more. I can’t tell you exactly where they are, because case law enables councils to keep whole addresses – and even whole postcodes – confidential on the unlikely basis that revealing the information sparks breakins and vandalism. But Bristol Cable research has located Bristol’s empty properties by ward, and discovered how long they have stayed empty. More than two-thirds of Bristol’s private properties (635) have only lain empty since 2013. The council cannot take action against landlords until properties are two years unoccupied – it used to be six months, but this was overturned by the

“It’s puzzling that some of Bristol’s most desirable postcodes have the most unoccupied property.

By comparison, Bristol council has just 78 homes citywide that have been vacant more than six months. Of these, 26 are to be repaired, and 10 to be demolished. Meanwhile 16 properties, mostly likely to be isolated older houses such as the one controversially purchased by Green councillor Gus Hoyt, are to be sold as ‘uneconomic to repair’. The council, to its credit, returned 744 privately owned empty residences to use during 2013/14, during which time its own waiting list

Number of vacant properties per ward: 0-10 10-25

Seven of the ten wards with highest overall concentrations of privately owned empties could be described as either highend or gentrifying neighbourhoods, with house prices to match. Cabot has 69, Clifton 55, Windmill Hill 45, Bishopston 41, Southville 41, Cotham 36 and Ashley 34 (See infographic). Between them they make up 321 empty homes, or more than one-third of the total. We can’t say for certain that Clifton mansions or luxury city-centre apartments are being bought in order to sit empty. But it’s puzzling that some of Bristol’s most desirable postcodes have the most unoccupied property.

continued to rise. As Shelter has pointed out, repopulating empty housing isn’t a silver bullet for the UK’s housing crisis – new, genuinely affordable ones must be built too, in locations that will likely require planning reforms to be made. Still, the hundreds of homes sitting idle across Bristol are, whichever way you slice it, a massive and harmful waste of space in a town where many people are finding it increasingly tricky to put a roof over their heads.

25-50 50+ 2

2/23

27 12

16 18 21 24

11/13

1/21 26

Empty private properties 23

32 13

41 1/45

1/29

30 15/34

1/36

4/56

Empty council properties

9/44 1/23

2/55

7/69 24

4/41

34 3

3/45

1/24

2/10

5/17 14

23 7

2/10

9 11

1/13

19 4

Sources: Bristol Cable - Freedom of Information request.

1/27

1/4

Ashley

Avonmouth

Bedminster

Bishopsworth

Bishopston

Brislington East

Brislington West

Cabot

Clifton

Clifton East

Cotham

Easton

Eastville

Filwood

Frome Vale

Henleaze

Hartcliffe

Henbury

Hengrove

Hillfields

Horfield

Kingsweston

Knowle

Lawrence Hill

Lockleaze

Redland

Southmead

Southville

Stockwood

St. George East

St George West

Stoke Bishop

Whitchurch Park

Windmill Hill

Westbury on Trym

DESIGN Ellen Hardiman

the BRISTOL CABLE | ISSUE 04

mpty homes have been big news for years. Under New Labour’s Pathfinder initiative, swathes of them across the North and Midlands were torn down in the name of urban renewal – in some cases leaving wildflower-strewn wasteland that persists to this day. Since the coalition came to power the wholesale destruction has ceased and new narratives have emerged.

Conservatives on the grounds of its “heavyhandedness” in 2011. To start with, Bristol council ramps up its council tax by 50 percent on all homes empty for more than two years. But, it admits, this in itself acts as an incentive for some owners to simply not declare their property has no one living in it meaning the true numbers of empty places may be significantly higher.

A High Price? Bristol and the Global drug trade

Weed, coke, mandy? Bristol’s drug habits. * 217 people were surveyed by Safer Bristol to determine drug use in the Bristol Drug Survey 2014. UNITED KINGDOM

RESEARCH ALEC SAELENS, ADAM CANTWELL-CORN & ALON AVIRAM DESIGN ADAM WILKINSON

Whilst governments and conservatives bury their heads in ‘tough on crime’ rhetoric, it is more than time to have a serious debate. Currently there is legal commercial cultivation of cannabis in Colorado and Denver, decriminalisation of drugs in Portugal or an ethical cocaine supplier in Peru. This is about whether we want to address drug use as a reality, and drugs as just another consumer good to be regulated, or continue living in a haze.

This graphic gives a breakdown of origin by major location only, routes and info on the ground in the UK.

UNITED KINGDOM

Netherlands & Belgium/Poland & Czech Republic -> UK ports on east coast

CENTRAL ASIA NETHERLANDS

434,000 doses of ecstasy seized in 2013

GERMANY

All sources are available at thebristolcable.org

SPAIN

BALKAN COUNTRIES

AFGHANISTAN

CANNABIS WEST AFRICA

HEROIN TBC - 160705

Transported by road or ships when coming into the UK 23.6 tonnes seized in 2012/13

COLOMBIA TBC - 160705

Cocaine 39% compared to 37% in 2012 MDMA/ecstasy 49% compared to 45% in 2012 *Although Bristol has the second highest use of crack cocaine after Middlesborough, heroin and crack users in contact with services were not specifically targeted because robust data about this user group.

TURKEY

MOROCCO

COCAINE

TBC - 160705

270 tonnes - size of UK’s demand market

Busted!

TBC - 160705

“In 2012/13, 188,285 or 97% of seizures were made by police forces with the remaining 5,695 or 3% made by Border Force.

Afghanistan -> through Central Asia/Pakistan & Iran -> Turkey -> Balkan countries -> distribution to UK, mainly via Netherlands (incl. UK)

Although Border Force accounted for only 3% of seizures in 2012/13, the proportion they seized in terms of quantity was much higher. This is due to the fact that the agency is often involved in high profile operations where large quantities of drugs are seized, for example at airports or ferry ports”.

18-23 tonnes arrive in the UK every year 0.8 tonnes seized in 2012/13 Trafficking methods: parcel, air courier, maritime container

343

Columbia -> light aircraft to Caribbean/West Africa -> Germany, Holland, Spain or UK -> small ship and lorries for the rest of the route

319

Between 25-30 tonnes imported yearly to the UK 3 tonnes seized in 2012/13 Trafficking methods: maritime container, yachts, cargo, air couriers, light aircrafts

Ecstasy/MDMA: Netherlands, Poland and Czech Republic

Cocaine: Columbia, Peru, Bolivia

The production of synthetic drugs is no small feat. It takes secretive sourcing of chemicals and ad hoc pieces of machinery set up in backyard sheds or warehouses.

Cannabis:

* Herb - UK

* Hashish - Afghanistan & Morocco

Long gone are the days where most of the bushweed was smuggled in from the Caribbean and West Africa. In 2012, research by the Association of Chief Police Officers showed increased British-based production, with 80% of weed being home grown as opposed to 80% coming from North Africa and Spain in the early 2000s. UK Investigations have found links between cannabis production and human trafficking and exploitation coordinated by complex global crime groups. In 2015 Jamaica decriminalised cannabis possession. In the UK you can get up to 5 years in prison for possession.

Morocco is a world-leading producer and exporter of hash or resin destined for local and European markets. Alongside tourism, whole rural areas are known for producing hash. Following failed government attempts to shut down production, there is some talk today of cannabis legalisation and regulation. Afghanistan is the largest producer of hashish. Being a cheap plant to produce and harvest, each hectare earns producers an estimated $3,900. Like poppies, production is concentrated in the unstable regions of southern Afghanistan.

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ECSTASY/MDMA

Cannabis 61% compared to 53% in 2012

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POLAND /CZECH REPUBLIC

Offender given a drugs possession warning Offeneder given a caution Under investigation Awaiting court outcome 74 Offender fined 62 Court result unavailable 52 Formal action is not in the public interest 44 Offender given community sentence 37 Offeneder given conditional discharge 34 Offender sent to prison 30 Unable to prosetcute suspect 27 Investigation complete; no suspect identified 26 Offender given penalty notice 17 Offender deprived of property 16 Offender given suspended prison sentence 10 Defendant found not guilty Court case unable to proceed 6 Local resolution 4 Offender otherwise dealt with 4 Defendant sent to Crown Court 2

NETHERLANDS /BELGIUM

Percentage of drug use in past 12 months (2014)

Going cold turkey? Drugs & alcohol advice services severed Community drug and alcohol advice services in Bristol are struggling to keep afloat and provide vital support to people facing the cutbacks of austerity. WORDS ALEC SAELENS ILLUSTRATION ZOË POWER

For 15 years, Nilaari supported people of black and minority ethnic backgrounds, targeting those, says Rose, who “because of institutional racism were discouraged from using mainstream services”. Recently though, the organisation has had to reduce its team by more than half. Its remaining employment expenses are consuming reserves that will run dry by the end of 2015. Nilaari isn’t alone in its plight. Since Bristol council recommissioned its substance misuse contracts in 2013, several community-based organisations have been scrabbling for dear life in the face of up to 90% funding reductions. The council’s move meant the number of agencies awarded contracts tumbled from 16 to 5. The remainder now operate under the Recovery Oriented Alcohol & Drugs Service (ROADS) programme, a centralised scheme to coordinate referrals of people with drug and alcohol problems. So, what’s behind the dwindling of BCCsupported providers? The council’s stated rationale was compliance with the “value for money” logic of the EU procurement regulations, which stipulate that “the best mix of quality and effectiveness for [...] the goods or services bought” should be pursued. Another reason, suggested by a service provider worker, for this reduction in contracted organisations, relates to Bristol City Council’s intention to slash administrative costs in the context of £90m central government funding cuts.

While the local authority didn’t cite financial restrictions as a motive for its reform, its budget for substance misuse also fell by over half a million pounds to £12m after recommissioning. This happened as Public Health England lumped health sectors funding together and transferred responsibility for its distribution to local authorities. Despite an increase in public health funding for 2013/14, when the Department of Health ring-fenced £29.1m for the city of Bristol up until 2016, drug and alcohol recovery services have been severed.

“The government is like an addict – it’s ‘where can I get my fix?’. They don’t have a long-term perspective – ‘forced recovery’ won’t work.” Declining services, rising demand Regardless of the reasoning, changes have bitten hard in a number of Bristol communities. In Hartcliffe and Knowle West, wellestablished local charities Hawks and Kwads merged after losing council funding in 2013, rather than wind down two decades’ work supporting people with drug/alcohol problems and their families. By basing the new organisation in Hartcliffe, some Knowle West clients have inevitably been disadvantaged by the loss of a local presence. The transition to Bristol’s new drugs and alcohol service model hasn’t been seamless so far, as organisations settling into new areas require time to gain the confidence of users. The Bristol Drugs Project (BDP), one of the main service providers under

ROADS, was due to open a centre in Filwood Community Centre in June 2015. Despite the location shift, Hawkspring CEO Lorraine Bush says that over the past two years, numbers of people passing through its doors – 80% of them from south Bristol – have increased. The government’s welfare reform agenda, says Bush, has had a huge impact on the living conditions of people with addiction problems. “They’re unable to cope with demands placed on them from the benefits and housing offices”, says Bush. “It appears everyone is being treated the same, regardless of their individual circumstances.” Drugscope, a centre for research and expertise on drugs, has made similar observations. It recently warned against Tory proposals to impose benefit sanctions on people with drug and alcohol issues who decline treatment, cautioning that they may cause people to disengage from services altogether. Dave, a Hawkspring support worker, draws an analogy between the logic of the government’s austerity measures and his clients’ impulses. “The government is like an addict – it’s ‘where can I get my fix?’,” he says. “They don’t have a long-term perspective – ‘forced recovery’ won’t work.” Uphill struggles While need rises, organisations such as Nilaari and Hawkspring are battling to compensate for the funding lost with their council commission. “Smaller charities have been badly hit by the recommissioning process,” says Bush. Hawkspring has had to reduce staff, in a context where many of its peers are competing for the same pots of money. “Staff don’t feel stable,” Bush continues. “We’re fulfilling local need but we have to spend limited resources on constantly looking for funding.” This process has

become harder, with Hawkspring’s legitimacy affected by the council withdrawing its support. The council says the impact of its reforms are being assessed. But in the initial three years before a revision of the commissioning process takes place, and with service providers left out in the cold – already the last beacons of hope for some of their users – they may go under.

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his is a loss to the community,” says Pat Rose, a worker at Easton-based drug charity Nilaari. “It’s a loss of expertise and knowledge around providing culturally sensitive services to people with complex needs.”

• £3.5bn & £488m - NHS spending on alcohol related harm and drugs misuse in 2014 • £150,000 - budget to run Hawkspring operations • 29% - increase in number of alcohol and drugs related admissions at Southmead and Frenchay hospitals in 2014 In the 12 months to March 2015, Hawkspring supported 120 people with addiction problems and 144 related family members and carers. Reflecting on the social value her organisation brings to the people it supports, Bush evokes the “relation of mutual trust” as being most essential. “I’d no idea Hawkspring was here,” one service user tells the Cable. “I only stumbled across it when coming out of social services in despair.” In the midst of rising needs, a contradiction is glaring: that well functioning but overstretched drugs and alcohol advice services must bear the brunt of the withdrawal of their own public funding and of public service support for their users.

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Still going strong! Ujima radio 7 years on The past seven years have been an epic roller coaster ride for Ujima Radio, with the likes of Shaggy, Africa Bambaata and Benjamin Zephaniah appearing on the airwaves. We hear how the station is aspiring to grow in order to have an even bigger and more positive impact for disadvantaged communities across the city.

Bristol’s Summer Hustlers

Mike From the end of City Road in Stokes Croft, the spicy smell of Mike’s Jamaican jerk chicken reaches as far as the music booming out of his stereo. He wholeheartedly sings along. A trained chef, Mike prefers the street to the kitchen and works part-time on the stall. “I just like to do jerk outside.…I worked in Sainsbury’s until three months ago but I got kicked out, so this is my job now. This is a freedom job for myself, I can pee when I want, tell people I’m going away for ten minutes...I’m my own boss now.”

The arrival of summer means opportunity for Bristol’s street traders. As people follow the sunshine onto the streets all sorts of wheeler dealers emerge, looking to sell their wares, make a living and pick up extra business.

However, it emerges the freedom of outdoor trading is not complete. “I do down by the Bearpit, but the lady down there kicked me out”, he laughs, “so I’m trespassing here now.”

WORDS JULIAN DAVIS aka MISTRI PHOTO UJIMA

WORDS & PHOTOS ALFIE LAKE

Marcel

I spot Marcel sitting on steps in Corn Street during the evening lull and stop to hear his story. Despite hailing from Germany he speaks impeccable, unaccented English, down to his English father. “I’ve been going from town to town since February. I’m paying for my travels by busking and juggling, but I need some new strings.” His guitar is down to three strings. When I ask him to describe his musical style he says simply, “different”.

Over the past 7 years, we’ve had ups and downs but we’ve remained true to our original mission which is to inform, represent, educate and entertain by celebrating the culture, heritage and contributions of Bristol’s BME communities. As champions of diversity, Ujima 98fm has become a powerful and popular platform of engagement, expression and inspiration for our 150 volunteers, our 30,000 listeners and our clients. Our on-air adventures have been an epic roller-coaster ride which has included international icons such as Shaggy, Afrika Bambaataa and Benjamin Zephaniah gracing our airwaves. We’ve been part of some of the biggest festivals in the city such as the European Green Capital, Bristol’s Harbour Festival and See No Evil. We’ve celebrated landmark occasions such as the 50th anniversary of the Bristol Bus Boycott and the 50th anniversary of Malcolm X’s death with 50 Voices at the Bristol Old Vic. We’ve also teamed up with our cousin radio station BCfm to launch the One Love Breakfast, the UK’s only simulcasted breakfast show across different community radio stations as well as pioneered the first radio tri-cast in partnership with BCfm and BBC Radio Bristol. We’ve even made the headlines by prominently featuring in the Bristol episode of Channel Four’s Jamie Oliver’s ‘Great British’ which featured him having ‘tea’ at the home of one of our presenters as well as being interviewed on Ujima 98fm.

From nowhere, a queue suddenly forms and I wonder if the blazing sunshine has something to do with it. “I only trade from June to September, if the weather permits it. If it’s raining...I know I’ve got to pay my taxes and rent but I ain’t going out”

As part of our organic evolution, in 2011, we re-launched ourselves as a Social Enterprise to become Ujima Radio CIC, a fully independent broadcast media company. And whilst still based in and broadcasting from the heart of the city, In February 2015 we relocated to our new home, a world class facility, otherwise known as the Station (The Old Fire Station). So, as Bristol’s only city-centre based radio station that is made by Bristol for Bristol, we aspire to grow in order to have an even bigger and more positive impact for disadvantaged communities across the city. As part of this ambition and with a great deal of excitement, we can exclusively reveal that from August onwards you’ll be able to tune into Ujima 98fm via your Digital Radios. Watch this space for more news on this and the many other exciting projects and partnerships that we’re cooking up.

Otherwise, as promised at the beginning of this article, here’s the details on our 7 events over 7 days to celebrate our 7th birthday, and how you can get involved. Remember, Ujima Radio 98fm, is by you for you, so tune in, be inspired and participate. www.ujimaradio.com Monday 13th July: We will be launching our new website and there’ll be chances for you to win awesome prizes including a meet and greet with reggae star Dawn Penn. Tuesday 14th July: Come and join us for Ujima Unplugged. A live broadcast from the Kitchen in the Station. Wednesday 15th July: Join us in the daytime for our Open Day where you can get a look at what we do behind the scenes. Then in the evening come and celebrate with your favourite DJ’s for an evening of live music, inspiring speeches, art and dancing.

Thursday 16th July: 7 of the Best. We’ll be digging into our audio archives to look at 7 iconic moments of broadcasting over the past 7 years. Friday 17th July: As well as broadcasting live from the Bristol Harbour Festival with One Love live, join us and Bcfm for our official Bristol Harbour Festival After Party. This will be led by The One Love Official After Party @ Projekt 14-16 Baldwin Street Bristol. Doors 9pm till late. Tickets £5 + booking fee more on the door. Also Bristol Ticket Shop online www.afterdark.co/ bristol/tickets Saturday 18th – 19th July: All weekend long both Ujima and Bcfm will be broadcasting live from the Bristol Harbour Festival with One Love live. Come and meet your favourite presenters, hear great live music and on Sunday come and party with international Reggae star Dawn Penn (No No No – Yes, Yes Yes!)

The itinerant lifestyle seems to suit him. “Being a chef, living in a house, it’s great, but I’ve never had so much fun in my life. I don’t mind smelling”. And will he settle down somewhere once the cold weather returns? “I’ve already done one British winter; I got made homeless a week before (last) Christmas, got back on my feet, then decided to go and travel. I’ve made it this far...”

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roudly born in one of the most deprived but most dynamic parts of the city, St Pauls, Ujima 98fm first began broadcasting from the Centre for Economic Empowerment and Development (CEED) in July 2008. So in 2015, having turned 7 years old, as part of our 7th birthday, in July the 7th month of the year we will be celebrating with 7 days of separate events. Details on what these are and how you can get involved are below, but first let’s take a quick step back to look at what we’ve done, how we’ve done it and what’s been motivating us.

Mark

Nicola The Harbourside in summer provides customers aplenty and our conversation is often interrupted by people wanting to try on one of Nicola’s large variety of hats. “I’ve done this for 15 years. We had kids quite young, so this is what we’ve done.” How have things changed in that time? “It’s easier, I know what I’m doing now. I’ve got my lines!” She continues “It was great as a new business, you don’t have overheads.” She traded here for ten years before the Harbourside market became ‘official’, and started charging £25 per day for her pitch. “But I don’t mind paying, as long as I can be here”. The sun-fuelled atmosphere means trade is booming, but Nicola does not stop when summer is over. “I like it all year, as long as it’s busy...I’m here to make money, trying to make a living”. And what would she say is the best part of the job? “I like the social aspect. With our stall a broad range of society comes to us...and 99.9 percent are really nice. Only once I’ve had to hide under my table!”.

Mark’s enormous bunch of balloons stands out immediately, looming over the heads of the hordes. He describes himself as “Bristolian born, but bounced around in life a bit.” It looks like the recession has affected the balloon trade. “I’ve been doing this for 17 years and our prices ain’t gone up, but I’ve just spent four quid on a hot dog…It’s got much harder... we’ve got better at sourcing stock but gas has doubled. I’m not blaming one government, but people in all sorts of trades aren’t taking what they used to.” How has he adapted to stay afloat? “I also sell Christmas trees and other bits and pieces, you try and keep yourself out of factories and offices. I’d never give it up for that kind of job...when it’s like this it’s beautiful.” Dealing with the public on the streets is not always a pleasant experience: “People can be rude, think of you as street furniture, like you’re there to be picked on or abused...This hasn’t been a bad crowd today”. We are cut short by a young girl who asks for a horse balloon. “Fine choice madam, thank you for shopping at World of Balloons”, Mark jokes. “I’ve been saying it for years, just rolls off the tongue.”

PULL OUT POSTER

A silent mind’s view of Knowle West Knowle West is a neighbourhood in south Bristol, home to 12,000 residents. Since its creation in the 1930s following slum clearance in the city centre, the area has been plagued by long-term social and economic issues and scores high on multiple measures of deprivation. Perceptions of Knowle West in the media and among other outsiders tend to focus on stereotyped understandings of ‘issues’ and ‘problems’ and have often been formed without a dialogue with the people who live in the community. However, below misplaced media representations lies richness in Knowle West and places like it. Familial and social networks built over the years offer its community a strong sense of identity, and often practical solutions and everyday support. Through this photo essay I intended to engage and interact with the community of Knowle West with a silent mind and without preconceptions to create an authentic record of my interactions and experiences. (See online for an extended selection) tommysussex.com instagram.com/tommysussexphoto/

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PHOTOS & WORDS TOMMY SUSSEX

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Skilled training or cheap labour?

INTERNSHIPS REPACKAGED?

Apprenticeships have been heralded by the main parties as a solution to youth unemployment. The Cable spoke to people inside the world of apprenticeships to ask who’s really benefiting from the scheme?

9,000: Number of traineeships nationally in 2014/15 Wage: £0 Duration: 6 weeks to 16 weeks Training providers: Awarded government grant for each trainee program

Skills Funding Agency

some training providers haven’t bothered to do anything, or they haven’t heard from them. They just more or less take the money and don’t give them any education.” Specialised work or shoehorning? Patrick Jones, hires apprentices in his IT and manufacturing company. He said, “the apprentice scheme is heavily marketed on ‘jobs for skills’, but companies like ours can liaise with employment agencies directly and ‘invent’ apprenticeship schemes only relevant for our needs. For instance we had an apprentice as a “remanufacturing technician” - whose job was to dismantle equipment - only appropriate to us and hardly useful for future employment.”

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Patrick hired his apprentices through a private training provider which was inspected. “They went spectacularly down the drain last October due to a scathing Ofsted report. Our two apprentices at the time were left with the option of either starting another 12 month apprenticeship with a different privately run supplier or resigning [...]So after many grants, government kickbacks and third parties making money from him, he is once again unemployed.” Raking it in: businesses and training providers At a minimum wage of £2.73 an hour, hiring an apprentice is obviously a bargain.

743,000 unemployed people aged 16-24 in 2014/15 400,000 apprentices- in work- aged 16-24 in 2014/15

There were 5790 apprenticeships in Bristol last year. Many offered quality and skilled training, we shouldn’t knock that. But when you see ‘cleaning operative’ and ‘kitchen assistant’ apprentices (see box out) being advertised on a job search, you’ve got to ask if we’re being taken for a ride. In 2014, the Government invested £1.5 billion in apprenticeships. And

Who’s checking who? The Bristol Cable has discovered that not a single employer provider, a business that hires and trains apprentices, has been inspected by Ofsted in Bristol. Unlike colleges and training agencies, there appears to have been no independent monitoring of apprentices in workplaces that also act as training providers. So who’s checking that these apprentices aren’t being used as cash cows by companies looking to skimp some government grants while not providing proper training?

£1.5 billion: UK government budget for apprenticeships £1,500: Government grant given to companies per apprentice £2.73: Minimum wage for apprentices £3.77: Amount saved by companies for every hour worked by an apprentice instead of a regular minimum wage worker on £6.50.

YOU’RE FIRED! YOU’RE REHIRED...AS AN APPRENTICE 93 per cent of those aged 25 or older already worked for their employer before starting their apprenticeship. (Department for Business, Innovation and Skills)

Speaking to the Cable, Nikki Spooner of the Skills Funding Agency (SFA), the department in charge of apprenticeships, said “the SFA has robust procedures in place to assure itself of the capacity and capability of those organisations with whom it directly contracts.” She went on to say that, “further education and skills providers are also inspected by Ofsted [...]any employer delivering training would also be inspected as part of this process.” This isn’t what we found in Bristol. David McGregor worked for a Bristol telecoms company contracted by the National Apprenticeship Service (NAS) to encourage businesses to employ apprentices. David told the Cable: “it isn’t being monitored. Businesses have told me that

CHAMPION OF THE LOW PAY!

“More hope, more opportunity, and more security for our young people.” Prime minister, David Cameron on apprenticeships.

The Government also pays employers a £1,500 grant per apprentice and they can take up to 5 apprentices at a time. “We would have to specifically tell them that [businesses] could buy whatever they want [with the grant],” says David. First Secretary of State, George Osborne, announced last year that employers who take on apprentices will no longer have to pay their national insurance from 2016. This change will cost taxpayers over £400 million in lost revenue up to 2019/20 according to government estimates. And then you’ve got the training providers who are vying for apprentices. These agencies deliver educational courses which the apprentice carries out while doing their work at a business. Courses, accredited or not, are paid for by the SFA, often to the tune of thousands of pounds. Recent government data shows that one in five apprentices are receiving no formal training despite all training providers being paid course fees. Martyn Read, as recorded in 2014, was a director of Bristol-based apprenticeship training provider S & B Automotive Training Academy. Whilst this company received training fees, another company Mr. Read directed, Renrod, otherwise known as Platinum Motor Group, benefited by employing these apprentices, receiving £1,500 grants. The multimillion pound car dealership has branches across the South-West. Other businesses, including Pizza Hut and Aldi, who both advertise apprenticeships in Bristol, act as both the training provider and ‘host’ business. In other words, they provide in-house training and employment. So they receive from government a

whooping £1,500 per apprentice, paid course fees, and the option of paying workers a minimum wage of £2.73 per hour. These examples show some of the ways in which, wholly legally, companies and individuals benefit as employer and training provider - sometimes both- from taxpayer money. Apprenticeships have become somewhat of a sacred cow in public debate. And yes there are quality apprenticeships, so let’s not throw the baby out with the bath water. But who’s benefiting here? Does £4 an hour for “mopping, sweeping, dusting, emptying bins” sound like skilled training to you? Some names have been changed at the request of the interviewees.

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David said ‘apprenticeship invention’ was commonplace back in his telecomms company. “That happened all the time. Lots of people would say this is a specialised business […] so we would find a category, admin for example, and, quote, ‘shoehorn’ people in.”

sure enough, private training agencies, colleges and businesses are making plenty of dosh from the government’s flagship youth program.

CORPORATE WELFARE?

flickr.com/photos/mariwesteng

WORDS ALON AVIRAM ILLUSTRATION MARI WESTENG SØRENSEN

avid Cameron has said he wants three million apprentices to be hired this parliament. On the face of it training young people to become skilled tradespeople increases their prospects of employment. But are taxpayers getting value for money? And just how skilled and regulated is the apprenticeship industry?

“Traineeships are designed to help young people who want to get an apprenticeship or job but don’t yet have appropriate skills or experience.”

“So after many grants, government kickbacks and third parties making money from him, he is once again unemployed.” flickr.com/photos/mariwesteng

JUST SOME OF THE LOCAL APPRENTICESHIPS ON OFFER: Job: Apprentice retail sales assistant Wage: £3 p/h Workplace: Shoe Zone retail ltd. Description: “This is a hands-on-role which requires regular replenishing of the stock and possible handling of cartons of shoes.”

Job: Cleaning operative apprentice Wage: £4 p/h Workplace: 007 Cleaning Description: “Mopping, sweeping, dusting, emptying bins, cleaning washrooms, windows, brass and carpet cleaning.”

Job: Apprentice kitchen assistant Wage: £2.68 Workplace: Fish & Chip shop, Whitchurch Description: “Filleting fish, Vegetable preparation, Dealing with customers, Placing orders, Stock checking & rotation cashing up.”

Job: Apprentice Pizza Chef Wage: £3.72 p/h Workplace: Pizza Hut Description: “Preparing great food that our guests will want to come back for time and time again.”

Job: Retail apprentice Wage: £5.30 p/h Workplace: Aldi Description: “After the three-year scheme, you’ll have the perfect springboard to a successful career in retail.”

Job: Culinary apprentice Wage: £4.50 Workplace: Marriott Hotel Description: “Wash and peel fresh fruits” & “Move, lift, carry, push, pull, and place objects weighing less than or equal to 25 pounds.”

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Time to move on Prejudice against Gypsy, Roma and Travellers in Bristol

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The sensationalised British media delights in portraying Gypsies as dirty, thieving criminals in our otherwise well-ordered society. A Gypsy, Roma and Traveller (GRT) community engagement officer gives her take

“United Nations Human Rights Committee, the UN Committee on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination and the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance have all ‘observed direct links between minority groups targeted by the media and minority groups targeted in violent attacks.’”

he Bristol Cable launched in October 2014 and is now a co-op with over 350 paying members. We are currently volunteer run but aim to pay all those involved when we reach at least 700 members.

I usually work with the Gypsy, Roma and Traveller (GRT) community in Bath and North East Somerset. Recently I came to Bristol to meet families living on site and those who work to support them. Without fail, everyone I spoke with who knew these families talked of their kindness and their sense of community – qualities that can sometimes be hard to find in modern settled society. Bristol has a large and vibrant GRT population, some housed, some living permanently on site, and, especially during summer - travelling season - some on transit sites. Gypsies and Travellers have lived in the area for generations, and quite possibly used to own the land you now live on. However much their existence continues to be met with shock and horror, they are by no means a new phenomenon to the city. Bristol has a number of drop-ins and projects available to Gypsies and Travellers, that give voice to those who haven’t been heard before, encourage self-esteem and challenge hate-crime. The drop-ins focus more specifically on practical aspects, offering support in pitch applications, general form-filling, mental health, securing places in schools and accessing other services. Regardless of this, and increased efforts to raise cultural awareness of GRT culture, Gypsy and Traveller residents of Bristol continue to be met with prejudice and discrimination, and many are suffering as a result.

“The question of ‘whose dress is best’ fades into insignificance when one is fighting a daily battle against prejudice, poverty and discrimination.” This discrimination may take shape in a school’s refusal to ‘take on’ Gypsy Traveller children whilst they are in the area, as travelling can be considered a disruptive ‘lifestyle-choice’ rather than way of life. Or it can be found in doctors’ surgeries, when a patient is refused temporary registration as they have no fixed address, forcing them to wait until the problem worsens and they have to use A&E. Often it is in the form of repeated refusal of planning permission. A family I work with have lived on their privately owned land for over 20 years and yet their planning application continues to be rejected by Bristol and North East Somerset Council on the grounds of them being on Green Belt land. This reasoning would have more weight to it if there wasn’t a gas-guzzling new build in the making directly across the road. Isn’t a small structure and the means to access mains electricity less imposing in comparison? Apparently not, if it comes with a Traveller family attached. This family have also effectively had their means to travel stripped from them – the last time they left their land, a local took the privilege of charging people to use it as a rubbish dump. It cost the family thousands to have it cleared to a habitable state again.

So where does this deeply embedded discrimination come from, and what can be done about it? The sensationalised British media delights in portraying Gypsies (usually with a small ‘g’ and an ‘i’) as dirty, thieving criminals in our otherwise well-ordered society – the lack of positive information available about GRT culture has further marginalised the communities. A prime example of this would be the shocking discovery of a human trafficking business in Redland, Bristol. Due to the ‘travelling nature’ of the traffickers, they were wrongly identified by the press as Travellers, thus adhering to age-old stereotypes and inciting hatred from much of settled society. Mistakes such as these cause irreversible damage to the reputation of GRT communities.

As we work towards this, we are calling people to join the volunteer team as we work to produce real media, owned and produced by people in the city. For most roles you don’t need extensive and specific experience or a university education, just ideas and a commitment to the project! This will be hands-on learning with support. As a volunteer, all travel expenses will be paid for and lunch will be provided as well as payment as detailed for specific roles.

Organising workshops, events and fundraisers for the membership and wider public, and coordinating with other Cable members. Time: 1 day or 6 hours per week.

Developing, designing, and managing the Bristol Cable website. Experience in managing Wordpress platforms is required for this role.

Time: 1 day or 6 hours per week

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Researching and writing grant applications, and building opportunities for paid engagements, training, collaborations, partnerships and general project development. Commissions will be given on successful grant applications. Time: 1 day or 6 hours a week

Sourcing advertising for the Cable print magazine that meets our Ethical Advertising Charter and working to increase the organisations that we have discount arrangements with. A 30-40% commission will be given on all advert sales. Time: 1 day or 6 hours per week.

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Working to democratically engage and communicate with Cable members in an organised and creative way. Time: 1 day or 6 hours per week

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Similar hate incitement can be found in programmes such as Channel 4’s My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding. The 9 million viewers it attracted were supposedly getting an insight into ‘a secretive, marginalised and little-understood segment of our society’. Through my experience as a Gypsy/ Traveller support worker, I can guarantee you that the extravagant brides and notorious ‘grabbing practices’ the show depicted are far from representative of the people I work with. Look up ‘My Big Fat Gypsy Wedding ruined my life: an open letter to Channel 4’ as an example. The question of ‘whose dress is best’ fades into insignificance when one is fighting a daily battle against prejudice, poverty and discrimination. It is the responsibility of the media, of schools, of the government and of ourselves to create a tolerant society that will be inclusive of all people of all cultures, ethnicities, and beliefs. GRT communities have lived in the UK for over 500 years, and it’s about time we started to listen to them.

Events coordinator (2) Website coordinator (2)

Visioning, sourcing, producing and co-ordinating articles, videos and info-graphics for thebristolcable.org and the print magazine alongside the editorial team. Time: 1 day or 6 hours per week.

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The Bristol Cable is always looking for people interested in writing, producing, filmmaking, graphic design, art, research and other multimedia. Get in touch!

To apply please email a cover letter (no more than 1 A4 page), or an audio or video recording (maximum 4 mins) detailing why you would like to work in The Bristol Cable co-op and any relevant experience you have for the role. Please also email your CV. Email: info@thebristolcable.org with ‘Joining the Cable - (position)’ as the email subject line.

Call 07729124080 for more information. Closing date for applications is 10th August. Interviews will be held shortly after. Posts will commence on 1st September and we ask for a minimum commitment of three months.

the BRISTOL CABLE | ISSUE 04

WORDS CONNIE RAMSAY ILLUSTRATION LIANE AVIRAM

n today’s increasingly inhospitable political climate, Gypsy and Traveller culture is having to adapt faster than ever in a bid for survival. Families are being driven into difficult times due to rapid economic change, the gradual dismantling of the ‘grey’ economy and increased restrictions on free movement. Ineffective needs assessments and slowto-act councils have ensured that there are far from enough authorised private or council-run sites across the UK, and as a result, travelling communities are forced to continue fighting for their most basic of rights.

But what about the bees?! The National Farmer’s Union are lobbying to lift the ban on a pesticide that may threaten bee populations. WORDS TIM BARSBY ILLUSTRATOR LAURENCE WARE

he last few years have seen a surge in public support for the protection of bees and other pollinators. Two big wins for environmental groups have been the European Commission’s decision on banning neonicotinoids in 2013 to protect pollinators, and the National Pollinator strategy (led by Friends of the Earth) in the UK. Community groups and charities have helped with habitat creation. In Bristol this includes Avon Wildlife Trust, the Urban Pollinators Project, BugLife and new projects like BeeBristol. Even royalty got involved when Prince Charles launched the “Coronation Meadows” project to help conserve flower-rich grasslands across the UK. Concern about pollinator decline here and across the Atlantic was boosted by the outbreak of ‘Colony Collapse Disorder’ in US beehives. However bees aren’t the only pollinators. Others include butterflies, beetles, hoverflies, flies and even spiders. Together they are responsible for pollinating one third of the crops we eat, with a retail value of close to £1bn in 2007. Everyone agrees that pollinators are in trouble, probably from a combination of factors, including disease, parasites, habitat loss and human mismanagement. Yet controversy reigns with regard to the use of pesticides, specifically neonicotinoids. Neonicotinoids have been used in the last 20 years to control a variety of pests, especially sap-feeding insects, including aphids on cereals and root-feeding grubs. They are systemic, meaning they are transported throughout the plant – to leaves, flowers, roots, stems, pollen and nectar. The insecticide remains active in the plant for a season and has proven to be a very effective crop protector. However, the UK government banned the use of neonicotinoids two years ago due to worries that these chemicals have

been harming pollinators. Campaign and environmental groups have praised the ban but farmers have seen a loss of crop yields and income. The National Farmers Union (NFU) has recently asked for the ban to be lifted for rapeseed, whose yellow flowers cover many English fields. According to NFU Vice President Guy Smith, the application was triggered by “hundreds of our members who are rapidly losing the ability to grow oilseed rape”. The NFU declares that since the restrictions began in 2013 there’s been no “game-changing new evidence to back them up”.

Solar flair or damp squib? Another recent study by neuroscientist Geraldine Wright, of Newcastle University, raises further concern. She found that the bees actually preferred pesticide-laced solutions of sugar; “Our data indicates that bees cannot taste neonicotinoids and are not repelled by them. Instead, bees preferred solutions containing [neonicotinoids] IMD or TMX, even though the consumption of these pesticides caused them to eat less food overall. This work shows that bees cannot control their exposure to neonicotinoids in food and implies that treating flowering crops with IMD and TMX presents a sizable hazard to foraging bees” In the South West we have roughly 135,000 acres of rapeseed crops. If we lift this ban there will be 135,000 acres of flowering crops treated with neonicotinoids that bees actually ‘prefer’, often surrounded by grassland that provides few flowers for them to feed on. The main parties calling for the ban to be lifted are the NFU and a consortium of chemical companies, who say that there is no

conclusive evidence to suggest a link between neonicotinoids and pollinator decline.

In 2013, Bristol council announced ambitious plans to cut its tenants’ energy bills by putting solar panels on their roofs. Two years on, we find that the progress has been less than stellar.

Should we lift the ban to help farmers struggling to sustain their crops? Is there enough evidence that neonicotinoids cause or do not cause real harm to pollinators?

WORDS ALEX TURNER ILLUSTRATION JACK XANDER

If pollinators are choosing treated crops over non-treated crops, does exposure to this cocktail of pesticides pose a threat? We should be considering immediate impacts to the health of pollinators and the concurrent side effects that could have an adverse effect on their immune system and development as well as the habits of insects, which could ultimately lead to the pollinators decline.

Rewind two years to summer 2013, and solar was big news round these parts. Around the same time as Bristol was being named European Green Capital for 2015, mayor George Ferguson was trumpeting his ambition for the city to be largely solarpowered by 2020.

A precautionary principle should be adopted here as ultimately the question is, is it really worth the risk?

While some experts described Ferguson’s proposals as unlikely, by October 2013 the city council was unveiling a £47million programme to kit out its property (it owns 40% of land and buildings across Bristol) with solar panels. Most impressively, in a region where inequality is an ever more important issue, its plans included putting the technology on up to 7,000 council house roofs. This would mean low-income households being able to take advantage of free daytime electricity.

Tim Barsby is Director of BeeBristol (beebristol.org). With thanks to Jon Turney for editorial assistance.

While the financial fine print remains hidden, experts are puzzled as to why the local authority has been unable to set its plans in motion

Should we lift the ban to help farmers struggling to sustain their crops? A study published this year came to a different conclusion. Researchers monitored colonies of honeybees and wild bees, including bumblebees, in 16 fields in southern Sweden. Half the fields contained an oilseed rape crop grown from seeds coated with the insecticide clothianidin and a fungicide. The other half were planted with seeds coated only with fungicide. The researchers found that seeds coated with clothianidin “reduced wild bee density, solitary bee nesting and bumblebee colony growth and reproduction under field conditions”

t doesn’t take a scientist to figure out that this point in the calendar, with its bright skies and long daylight hours, is a pretty handy time as far as solar energy goes. That’s especially true in the southwest of England, the UK’s sunniest region.

Speaking to Inside Housing magazine that autumn, former assistant mayor Gus Hoyt spoke of “immense commitment” to the housing element of the programme. Richard Lowe, the officer co-ordinating it, estimated 1,000 “easy-win” council houses would have their solar panels in place by midway through Green Capital year. By the end of 2013, “a £47m investment in solar energy for council homes” had made it onto Mayor Ferguson’s list of achievements for his first full year in office.

“We suspected all along [that] the housing element was going to be difficult, because you’re giving electricity for free to tenants,” a council source admitted in May. “The financial model didn’t quite work.

“The next big target is the solar PV programme for our social housing stock. But the project must be a feasible one with all proper checks and balances in place,” Ferguson tells the Cable.

“There are no immediate plans to install on housing,” the source added.

“We’re looking again at whether a solar PV programme can be delivered in Bristol, for the tenants of the council and other social housing,” adds Bristol council’s energy service manager Mareike Schmidt. “We’re talking to housing delivery colleagues and have a seminar planned with contractors to see if it makes sense to go ahead. I would say we’re on the case.”

Bristol council has from the outset refused, on grounds of commercial sensitivity, to reveal what return is necessary on its money in order to make its scheme viable. While the financial fine print therefore remains hidden, experts we speak to say they’re puzzled as to why the local authority has been unable to set its plans in motion. “Right now, if you put money in the bank you get 0.5 to 2% interest,” explains Andrew Eagles, managing director of the Sustainable Homes consultancy. “With some solar panels having come down in price by 60%, you can get between 10 and 12% return from solar at present – it’s solid.” Coincidentally or not, since we began looking into the subject it seems the wheels of progress could be rumbling into action.

Schmidt refuses to be drawn, however, on whether Bristolians should expect to see hundreds of solar panels decorating the roofs of Knowle West or Southmead any time soon. But with the new government’s proposed £12bn of benefit cuts set to make life more difficult for many of the city’s lower-income households, it would be more than a little disappointing if Europe’s Green Capital fails to deliver on its plans to ease the burden of energy bills on its tenants.

As we move into the second half of 2015 however, the picture is somewhat less bright than predicted. The council, which is in the process of launching its own energy company, has forged ahead with equipping its corporate buildings, plus some leisure and community centres, with solar panels. But as yet, not one council house has benefited – with the scheme instead being quietly put on hold during summer 2014. Why is this? Well, like any individual or business with solar panels on their roof, Bristol council benefits from the UK government’s Feed-In Tariff, meaning it gets money back from electricity generated and piped into the National Grid. In the case of one of its office blocks, it gets a second bite of the cherry, via reduced electricity bills. Internal emails seen by the Cable indicate that when this saving goes into tenants’ pockets instead, the council’s sums – despite 2013’s bold statements – simply no longer stacked up once a tendering exercise had taken place.

However, the NFU’s agricultural adviser points out that while the study did find harm to wild bees, although not honeybees, this does not mean neonicotinoids are causing widespread declines in bee populations. It could just mean that insecticide-treated fields are inhospitable places for insects. This study shows only that bees entering the field are in danger. laurenceware.tumblr.com

cargocollective.com/jackxander

the BRISTOL CABLE | ISSUE 04

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Westminster to Bristol: localising power

Council coup: Just how tied are the hands of our councillors?

It’s time for a real local debate on devolution. Let’s put aside the petty party politics, and instead focus on what kind of powers and responsibilities are needed locally. WORDS TESSA COOMBES ILLUSTRATION TOM DEASON

The Chancellor, George Osborne, made it absolutely clear that whilst he won’t impose the government’s model on any area, if cities want extra resources and greater responsibility they will have to go along with the idea of directly elected metro‐mayors and combined authorities. There seems to be little room for debate about local solutions or structures, despite the rhetoric about local decisions being made by those who know their areas best. Manchester has already signed up to this and will be the first place to adopt the model. As a reward, they will be given greater control and responsibility for not just housing, transport, planning and skills at a local level but also the potential for control over health budgets and the functions of police and crime commissioners.

Maybe it’s not such a bad idea if Bristol has more power to do things differently. But the belief, or is that hope, is that it comes with greater resources to deliver. This provides distinct advantages to those city regions that fall into line with government plans, and potentially disadvantaging those areas that don’t. The debate in each city region is likely to be quite different. Some are already a long way along the route of agreement, whilst others are stuck in disagreement and indecision. There are, however, already a number of cities considering the proposals quite seriously, such as; Hull, Newcastle, Leeds and Birmingham. Bristol’s elected mayor George Ferguson has welcomed the proposals as providing an opportunity for English cities to become more like our European neighbours, extending beyond tight boundaries and working around economic geographies. However, it would be fair to say that this attitude is not shared by some of the councils surrounding Bristol. There’s a real tension locally here in the Bristol city region (or the West of England as we are encouraged to call it) about this issue. Interestingly, the Bill seems to contain a provision for the Secretary of State to remove a non‐consenting council from the potential arrangement if that is the only thing stopping it happen, which could make for some challenging conversations here in Bristol.

Part of what Bristol suffers from is that old and regularly repeated problem of “complacency”. We have a relatively prosperous city region with a resilient local economy. We don’t suffer the same structural problems on the same scale of as some of our northern cities. So alongside the lack of local urgency, there may well also be a lack of government attention, as regeneration and the need to promote growth is not seen as a big enough problem here. In recent months we have seen Bristol, with its elected mayor, seek to form partnerships outside the city region, with Cardiff and Newport. This is unlikely to replace the need for Bristol to work with Bath & North East Somerset, South Gloucestershire and North

Somerset Councils. A combined authority for the Bristol city region is likely to form around the old Avon area, or some derivation of it. But is this ever going to be possible? Is the ‘offer’ enough to encourage our local political leaders to put aside their differences or could we see a ruling that excludes a dissenting council from the arrangement? It’s time for a real local debate about these issues, where some of the petty politics is put to one side, and we focus instead on what kind of powers and responsibilities would work and are needed locally. Let’s discuss how we can reduce poverty, provide affordable and social homes, improve the infrastructure deficit and deliver a skills programme adapted to local needs – now that would make a refreshing change.

Tory council leaders across England and Wales recently joined Labour and Lib Dem run local authorities in saying that another round of funding cuts would be devastating. Will there be a showdown between central and local government? Or is it just hot air? WORDS ALON AVIRAM

ristol, like most UK cities, is an island of some Labour control in a sea of blue. Three in four Bristol’s MPs are Labour, with Conservative Charlotte Leslie holding Bristol North West. Research by the Cable found just 18.5% of the Bristol electorate voted Conservative. Bristol City Council is also markedly centre-left by parliamentary standards, with a strong Labour, Libdem and Green hold.

Local authorities in England lost 27 per cent of their spending power between 2010/11 and 2015/16 in real terms, and there are more cuts in the pipeline. Bristol City Council, having already made £90 million worth of ‘savings’ since 2013 is going to be flogging off much more than just the family silver in the coming years. Will elected officials in Bristol Council squabble over the particulars of which services should be cut, or are they willing to challenge the logic of the cuts and those behind it?

There is a historical precedent for councils resisting cuts. This year marks the 30th anniversary of the ‘ratecapping rebellion’. In 1985, 15 English councils campaigned to force Thatcher’s government to withdraw powers to restrict central government spending for local councils. The campaign’s tactic was that councils whose budgets were restricted should refuse to set any budget at all for the financial year 1985–86, requiring the Government to either intervene directly in conducting council business or concede.

“I suggest we run our Mayoral campaign on the pledge to set a budget based on pre-austerity finances, i.e an illegal budget.”

From London to Liverpool, left-wing Labour councils waged a daring campaign in an attempt to curb the restrictions on local councils’ public spending abilities. Labour premier, Neil Kinnock, told his party members at the time “not to scorn legality” and condemned the dissenting councils and their members, who included the likes of Ken Livingstone, John McDonnell, and David Blunkett. They responded by arguing that further cuts would lead to councils breaking their statutory obligations of delivering vital services a crime in itself. The Cable spoke to Ted Knight, 82, former Labour leader of Lambeth Council, and a key player during the ratecapping rebellion. Ted pointed out that unlike then, councillors today can’t be financially penalised for such activity. “The penalties today are not so damaging to the individual. So they (councillors) should take some confidence in themselves and fight the government.”

“There seems to be little room for debate about local solutions or structures, despite the rhetoric about local decisions being made by those who know their areas best.”

The rate-capping rebellion is largely remembered as having failed, with the majority of dissenting councils buckling under Thatcher’s government and setting reduced budgets. But Ted remembers that the two most radical councils, Lambeth and Liverpool, had different outcomes. “Suddenly in Lambeth, one morning, the director of finance was advised that there had been a mistake in the funding arrangement.” Ted saw this as a veiled concession: “we were presented with large sums of money...the same situation www.tomdeason.co.uk

applied to Liverpool. As a consequence we were able to go ahead with our budget without cuts...That’s something that people don’t recognize.” Earlier this year, Rob Telford, leader of the Green Party councillors, wrote on his blog, “I suggest we run our Mayoral campaign on the pledge to set a budget based on preausterity finances, i.e an illegal budget. We would then use the consequent crisis to renegotiate Bristol’s budget, along with demands for significant devolved powers.” The Cable asked Councillor Telford if he thought refusing to set a budget, or setting an illegal one, was a viable strategy. “We are realistic about the likelihood of success when the national parties of 57 of the 70 Bristol councillors (and the Mayor) are signed up to austerity. If we were all on the same page, then I think, yes, it could be a potentially effective strategy.” Telford has written that setting an illegal budget would trigger what is called a section 114 notice. “In theory, yes, the Government could step in, dissolve the democratically elected administration, and hand the affairs of a major English city over to civil servants.” For the government, the prospect of sending commissioners into councils would be nightmarish think unelected technocrats trying to manage Bristol. Whitehall would have a constitutional crisis on its hands. This is surely a trump card to be played to the advantage of local authorities. Indeed, Telford argues that we must “appreciate the political fallout of such a move, as well as the possibilities of the negotiating period that would precede any such attempt.” If current Labour, Lib-Dem and Green branches want to prove themselves as positively different from the Tories and their respective leaderships, then they must prove it now, not in four and a half years time when City Council is no longer able to deliver vital public services. With only 18.5% support in Bristol, how much of a mandate does central government have to implement their agenda? The question is: will our councillors act as Whitehall’s civil servants or as Bristol’s representatives? Note: The Cable requested comment from both Lib-Dem and Labour councillors and did not receive a response.

the BRISTOL CABLE | ISSUE 04

metro‐mayor ruling over a combined authority is the future for Bristol. Or so it would seem given the Cities and Local Government Devolution Bill recently announced in the Queen’s Speech. But what does this really mean for Bristol? Will our local politicians put aside their differences and do what’s right for the area as a whole? Or will we continue to see the distrust, antipathy and lack of agreement that bubbles beneath the surface of many of our West of England wide decisions?

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People. Not statistics. WORDS: MOHAMED RASHID ILLUSTRATION: LUKE CARTER

UK BORDER FORCE: SEVERING THE COMMUNITY

179% INCREASE IN UK BORDER FORCE VISITS IN BRISTOL BETWEEN 2011 AND 2014

he increase of immigration raids by the British government has put a shiver through the spines of many people in the Bristol area. Many of these operations have lead to the arrest of asylum seekers or legitimate status individuals. The UK Border Force have made themselves a public presence on our streets, often conducting operations which lead to no arrest but heighten public fear.

Total ‘Visits’ 2011 -14 : 311

148% INCREASE IN ARRESTS BY UK BORDER FORCE IN BRISTOL BETWEEN 2011 AND 2014 Total Arrests 2011 - 14: 259

Since the recent elections, the immigration debate has become ever more toxic. For the government, immigration has been about statistics. We however do not forget the human face of tragic personal stories of separation, imprisonment and loss.

150% INCREASE IN REMOVALS SINCE 2010 BY UK BORDER FORCE IN BRISTOL BETWEEN 2011 AND 2014

SOURCE: BRISTOL CABLE FREEDOM OF INFORMATION REQUEST TO THE HOME OFFICE

Foreign language series: this is a Somali translation of the above.

Dadku lambar maaha

CIIDANKA ILAALADA XUDUUDAHA UK: DHAAWACA BULSHADA 179% AYAY KORODHAY INTA JEER EE AY CIIDANKA ILAALADA XUDUUDAHA UK AY SOO BOOQDEEN (AMA HAWLGAL U YIMAADEEN) MAGAALADA BRISTOL MUDADII U DHEXAYSAY 2011 AND 2014 Wadarta guud ee ‘booqashooyinka’ 2011 - 14 : 311

awlgalada faraha badan ee dawladda Britishku ku qabqabato dadka aan haysan waraaqaha (ama sharciga) degenaanshaha ayaa argagax geliyay dad badan oo degan Bristol iyo nawaaxigeeda. Hawlgalo badan oo kuwan ka mid ah ayaa lagu qabtay (ama xidhay) dad magangelyo-doon ah ama si sharci ah waddanka u degan. Ciidanka Ilaalada Xuduudaha UK ayaa waddooyinkeena ka muuqda iyagoo inta badan hawlagalo fulinaya, kuwaasoo aanay cid ku xidhin laakiin shicibka baqdin geliyay.

148% AYAY KORODHAY TIRADA DADKA AY CIIDANKA ILAALADA XUDUUDAHA UK AY BRISTOL KA QABTEEN (XIDHEEN) MUDADII U DHEXAYSAY 2011 IYO 2014 Tirada guud ee dadka la qabtay 2011 - 14: 259

150% AYAY KORODHAY TIRADA DADKA AY CIIDANKA ILAALADA XUDUUDAHA UK KA KEXEEYEEN (AMA MUSTAAFIRIYEEN) MAGAALADA BRISTOL INTII U DHEXAYSAY 2011 IYO 2014 Wadarta guud ee booqashooyinkooda 2011-14: 80

Ilaa iyo intii ay socotay doorashadii dhawaan waddanka ka dhacday, dooda ku saabsan dadka waddanka soo galaya (ama usoo haajiray) waxay ahayd mid aad u qadhaadh. Laakiin dawladdu waxay dadka waddanka u soo haajiray u aragtaa tiro ahaan. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, inagu ma iloobayno dhinaca bini’aadanimada ee ay dhacdooyinkani keenaan sida qoyskii oo kala lumay, xabsi iyo dhimasho.

LAGA SOO XIGTAY: CODSI AY BRISTOL CABLE U QORTAY WASAARADDA ARRIMAHA GUDAHA (HOME OFFICE) IYADOO RAACAYSA FREEDOM OF INFORMATION

lukecarter.co.uk

Twenty-three years ago, soon after the last Conservative government was elected, Hartcliffe rioted. We cast an eye back to dark times and the seeds of hope that emerged WORDS TONY DYER

n discussions of urban unrest, the three days of rioting that took place in Hartcliffe during July 1992 are – if they’re mentioned at all – usually only afforded a brief footnote. This is usually along the lines of, ‘Rioting erupted following the deaths of two men killed in pursuit after stealing a police motorcycle’. The story is now firmly embedded in the memory of many who grew up in the Hartcliffe area. How a powerful police motorbike was stolen from the regional crime squad. How they attempted to recover it without involving the local police. And how the ill-advised manoeuvre by an officer inexperienced in police pursuit, placing his car directly in the path of a motorcycle travelling at between 80 and 100mph, resulted in two local men losing their lives. That this then led to three days of rioting is incontestable. But if you speak to many who lived on the Hartcliffe estate at the time, a common response is that an outbreak of violence was inevitable. If the two deaths had not provided the flashpoint, something else would have done.

The city council, however, was invited to bid for a second round of funding, with the winners set to be announced after the General Election in April 1992. Pollsters predicted a Labour victory. Accordingly, many Hartcliffians were confident that the soon-to-be-elected Labour government would ensure the funding for much needed regeneration of the Hartcliffe and Withywood estates found its way to South Bristol. For many of us, the prospect of the end of Thatcherism and the dawn of a new era of solid investment in working class areas such

In 1991, Hartcliffe and St Paul’s vied for the unwanted title of Bristol’s most deprived area

If the two deaths had not provided the flashpoint, something else would have done as Hartcliffe and Withywood, offered some light at the end of the tunnel. The downturn was gnawing away at a part of the city that had already been hit badly in the Thatcherinduced recession of the early 1980s. But, just as in 2015, the pollsters in 1992 got it wrong. The ‘shy Tory’ vote swung it for John Major. The Conservative Party that had been in power during a devastating recession had been rewarded with a fourth term of office. To rub salt into the wounds, it was announced that Hartcliffe and Withywood had failed for a second year in a row in their City Challenge bid. The date of that announcement? That’d be 16th July; the same day the police motorcycle was stolen, leading to two avoidable deaths. The three days of rioting that followed was probably the final nail in the coffin for the old Symes Avenue shopping precinct. It had been declining for some time – in the same way Filwood Broadway is doing now – largely due to a lack of investment. Following the riots, Hartcliffe suddenly started getting some attention. In October 1992, the Prince of Wales organised a ‘Seeing is Believing’ visit to Hartcliffe. Soon afterwards Hartcliffe and Withywood Ventures was able to develop the £1.5m Gatehouse Centre to provide training and employment opportunities, childcare, a cafe, shops and workshops. This opened in 1995 with investment coming from several private sector companies and the city council.

Subsequently, following a presentation to the Bristol Regeneration Partnership in October 1998, the community-led Hartcliffe and Withywood Community Partnership (HWCP) submitted a bid for funding to the South West Regional Development Agency. And in July 1999 it was awarded more than £12m toward a £33m regeneration scheme; at the time the largest ever grant to a local community in the southwest of England. Nearly 20 years later, HWCP is still there and is now based in the @Symes community building – in the supermarketled development that replaced the old Symes Avenue shopping precinct burned down during the 1992 riots. Since its creation, HWCP has expanded and its remit now includes community services that cover the whole of South Bristol. As well as managing the @Symes building, which offers meeting rooms and office equipment hire, HWCP also run the CATT community bus service and the local neighbourhood partnership. The building is also home to organisations that offer support for people misusing drugs and alcohol and suffering mental health problems, victims of domestic abuse and those in need of careers advice – as well as the local library. Buildings may burn down but the community endures, irrespective of rioters or irresponsible governments alike.

By 16th July 1992, Hartcliffe had endured three years of recession. In 1990, Wills Tobacco’s Hartcliffe cigarette factory – the largest in Europe – closed with the loss of some 5,000 jobs plus another 20,000 in the supply chain. As the 1989-1992 recession continued, defense cuts saw the loss of almost one in four jobs in the aerospace industry, another major source of jobs for the area, despite it being on the other side of the city. By 1991, average unemployment across the county of Avon had doubled to nearly 10%, but in areas like Hartcliffe it was particularly acute. At the time, Hartcliffe and St Paul’s vied for the unwanted title of ‘Bristol’s most deprived area’. In May 1991, the Conservative government launched a £75m City Challenge Fund for urban regeneration proposals. Bristol was one of the cities invited to compete for the funding but it had just six weeks to put together a bid. It quickly knocked up a proposal centred on housing improvement in Hartcliffe and Withywood. The bid failed.

The Bristol Post

the BRISTOL CABLE | ISSUE 04

Total Visits 2011-14: 80

People’s history: Burning into national consciousness

MITIE fine?

In the first of a series, we take a look at some of the corporate movers and shakers headquartered in Bristol. WORDS ADAM CANTWELL-CORN ILLUSTRATION KLEINER SHAMES

First up is the FTSE 250 outsourcing giant MITIE. With a stock market share price seeing a healthy spike the day after the election, MITIE is a top contender for lucrative government privatization contracts. Aiming to take a closer look beyond the “private sector good, public sector bad” ideas of mainstream politics, we look at the cold facts of Mitie’s record, with a healthy dose of opinion on top.

Along with other major public sector contracts, MITIE is now leading the charge to cash in on detaining poor people from the wrong country on behalf of the Home Office. March 2015: Over 200 people hunger strike at Harmondsworth Immigration Removal Centre. MITIE described the situation as “stable”. March 2015: Undercover footage at Harmondsworth Immigration Removal Centre reveals widespread abuses including increased lock-up time of detainees, in contravention of Government policy. A guard is recorded saying “It’s just gonna break. There’s only so much people can take.” February 2015: HM Inspectorate of Prisons finds several children have been detained by MITIE at Campsfield House Immigration Removal Centre for up to 62 days, despite a Government commitment to end the practice. September 2014: MITIE takes over from GEO Group UK LTD and commences a £180 Million contract to manage “supersize” detention centres at Heathrow after a series of abuses and failures by GEO. Corporate Watch research reveals members of GEO senior management joined MITIE in the lead up to the contract award.

Health & Care:

Mitie Group PLC is headed up by Ruby McGregor-Smith. Moving from SERCO (famous for contaminated hospital equipment, abusing asylum seekers and defrauding the taxpayer) the CEO’s annual pay packet is £1.3 million, plus bonuses and share options. A signatory to a 2010 letter in the Telegraph supporting the Conservative Party’s “tighten our belts” austerity budget, Mrs McGregor-Smith has a salary over 100 times the minimum wage. A soft spot for excessive pay is shared with fellow director Crawford Gillie. In March this year, as Chair of Barclay’s Bank Board Remuneration Committee, Mr Gillie oversaw the ‘award’ of £16 Million worth of bonuses to 11 of Barclays’ top execs, including ‘awards’ that avoided the EU cap on banker’s bonuses.

According to MITIE’s 2014 annual report, the company foresees “significant long-term growth opportunities” in the healthcare sector. But what is their record in the sector?

Look at the cold facts of Mitie’s record, with a healthy dose of opinion on top.

Workers’ rights: March 2015: A leaked company document details minimum wage underpayments amounting to £80,000 for 44 MITIE employees in South Wales. September 2014: MITIE reinstate a sacked trade union organiser at the Royal Opera House following a 100% Yes vote on industrial action and an employment tribunal claim. September 2013: 17 cross party MPs sign a Parliamentary early day motion that “notes with concern the threat to freedom of association and the right to protest posed by the facilities company MITIE”.

Privatisation: What’s all the fuss about? Unfortunately the mainstream discussion is “public sector bad, private sector good”, when the real question should who is best placed to deliver the best services. Nevertheless, the gist of the arguments about privatization revolves around the following statements:

May 2015: Bristol based MITIE spin off Mihomecare is given the lowest possible ranking of ‘Inadequate’ by the Care Quality Commission, an independent regulator. The report found that legal breaches in safeguarding, management and training had not been rectified following the ‘Inadequate’ status found in the 2014 inspection.

“Introduce competition into the sector and the taxpayer gets better value for money” Or “Private companies exist to make profit, therefore the public and service user gets ripped off ”

April 2015: MITIE is fined 51% of profits by the NHS in Cornwall due to 50 incidents in its service provision, 12 of which were deemed “major failures” in one hospital in February.

Without getting into a massive debate about it, here’s a few things to consider from my point of view.

Transparency and accountability:

March 2015: A leaked Mihomecare company document detailed the widespread practise of “clipping” where care visits are scheduled back to back, without accounting for travel time. This means dramatically reduced care time, added workplace stress and payment below the minimum wage (see below).

Unlike public institutions, private companies are exempt from the Freedom of Information Act and are protected by commercial secrecy and confidentiality rules. However, it can be argued that Government or independent regulators can investigate them in the public interest. Whether they do adequately is another question.

March 2015: 20 MITIE staff walk out of NHS Cornwall due to persistent pay packet underpayments.

The profit motive:

January 2015: 85 ‘service failures’ by MITIE are recorded by NHS Cornwall in January. 15 minor events, 64 medium, 4 major and 2 critical.

There is not an explicit legal obligation on companies to maximise profits. However, the maximisation of profits is what any company aims to do. Along with increasing market share, the best way to gain profits is to cut costs. Whilst many see this as ‘efficiency’, it can look a lot like cutting corners, depressing wages, undercutting working conditions and failing to invest in training and infrastructure - as can be seen with MITIE above.

November 2014: Serious failings are exposed at NHS Cornwall. From an extensive list, these include a bucket of dirty water left in a clinic for days, failure to conduct background checks on ward staff, and kitchen staff working on wards without training.

Monopolies: It can be argued that introducing competition into public services ensures the best value for customers and the taxpayer, as the contract goes to the provider offering the best deal. However, in many cases corporations or conglomerates effectively create monopolies or cartels. For example Information released in May by the NHS shows that four multinational corporations, Capita, KPMG, PwC and UnitedHealth dominate NHS procurement contracts, whilst smaller companies or 3rd sector groups lose out.

Indirect and direct costs: By outsourcing, the public sector can focus in on core service activities. So the argument goes. However, privatisation isn’t free of costs. Consider the massive taxpayer subsidies to train operators (£3.8 Billion in 2014) and energy companies (£775 Million annually) despite huge profits, shareholder payouts and high customer charges. When publicly operated, the East Coast Mainline made a net return to the treasury of £23 Million in 201314. Virgin and First Great Western made the public a net loss of £218 Million and £255 Million respectively. Despite the losses, both paid out 10s of millions in dividends. Nationalised following private operator failure in 2009, the government recently reprivatized the East Coast Mainline, awarding the contract to Virgin.

Cronyism: Whilst corruption is wholly possible in publicly operated services, the sum total of the murky world of contracts, commercial secrecy, and political donations mixed with a few billion quid makes ripe for what at least appears to be impropriety. Case in point? The 71 MPs who voted for the privatising Health and Social Care Act 2013 have direct interests in the sector.

www.kleinershames.com

“We will be providing the best environment possible for the people in our care – putting decency, dignity, and safety at the heart of everything we do.”

“Harmondsworth Immigration Removal Centre is in large parts a depressing, dirty place and in some cases has a destructive effect on the welfare of detainees.”

MITIE CEO on being “delighted” to win £180 Million government contract to run immigration prisons. February 2014.

First line of Independent Monitoring Board annual report into “fairness and respect” at Harmondsworth Immigration Removal Centre. February 2015.

£80,000

Amount owed by MITIE to 44 south Wales employees after a March 2015 leaked company document admitted paying staff under the minimum wage.

£1,300,000 Mitie CEO’s cash salary

the BRISTOL CABLE | ISSUE 04

Human rights:

People:

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Why Carnival must go on…

A round-up of interesting global news you might have missed. WORDS KITTY WEBSTER

Jakarta, Indonesia – water privatisation cancelled Authorities in Jakarta, Southeast Asia’s most populous city, have returned the city’s water supply to public hands. The water supply was privatised in 1998 under the military dictatorship of President Suharto. The private companies have since made huge profits while the city’s water system deteriorated and water rates rose to unsustainable levels. The Central Jakarta District Court found that the private companies responsible (Suez and Aetra) had been negligent in fulfilling the human

WORDS CLEO LAKE, ST. PAULS CARNIVAL DIRECTOR PHOTO CHARLIE MARSHALL

ortable toilets, fencing, £60,000 on security, £20,000 for the clean up and a national story of media misrepresentation are some of the issues faced by Carnival organisers. Look behind the ‘jump and wave’, or in Bristol’s case the ‘bass and rave’ and you’ll find that putting on ‘Carnival’ is not only costly but one of the event management industry’s most challenging events to stage. Perhaps the biggest challenge for the new team at St Pauls Afrikan Caribbean Carnival (SPACC) is finding a balance between the trademark loud and bassy dance music on the one hand and an arts and cultural celebration that is fit for purpose on the other. Research suggests that a growing number of attendees have little or no understanding of the Afrikan Caribbean journey or that the Carnival has a cultural ethos. Over the years the procession has seen an increase in numbers but a decline in artistic quality - addressing this remains a top priority for the organisation with more investment in local troupes, dance and costume design. Despite progress such as the Race Relations Act of 1965 which followed the 1963 Bristol Bus Boycott, community cohesion in Bristol was lacking when St Pauls Carnival was launched in 1968. The aim of the first Carnival was to bring people from outside the area to Bristol to experience the vibrancy of the Caribbean Culture. Against a backdrop of local mercantile history, the Carnival remains a day when the descendants of the enslaved Afrikans stand up and come out not only to show their culture and historical resistance, but

also to open their arms and share love with the masses. No one pays, few give, many capitalise, yet everyone gets to experience a truly amazing event based on unity unfenced and on the streets - which is surely a living symbol of freedom. Bristol City Council and the Arts Council England remain our main and core funders. Their investment is a recognition of the social impact of arts and culture and supports a particular demographic of audience and artist. Up until decision to cancel this year’s event, the Bristol City Council give £60,000 a year towards a Carnival that costs over £200,000 to stage. Sponsorship is slow due to negative media perceptions and donations are even sparser. Carnival has never made money. Following the resignation of the former event managers, it has been near impossible to ﬁnd suitable replacements. We are working towards a family focused arts and cultural event for the immediate community and local artists this year, whilst we continue to source people with the skills needed and re-build in-house capacity. St Pauls will celebrate its 50th Carnival in 2018. We remain committed, optimistic and would like to extend thanks to all supporters and funders who are walking with us as we evolve into a Carnival that everyone can be proud of. A Carnival where artist development, youth and community empowerment and the contribution, creativity and culture of the Afrikan Caribbean people are at the heart. You can make a £5 donation to St Pauls Carnival by texting ‘CARN45 £5’ to 70070.

France – laws to tackle food waste New laws passed in France make it illegal for supermarkets to throw away or destroy unsold, edible food. French supermarkets will now be forced to donate discarded food to charity or let it be made into compost, energy or animal feed. As is still the case in the UK, food that couldn’t be sold in French supermarkets was chemically destroyed, despite rising inequality and numbers of people unable to afford to eat. Supermarkets that break the new laws face penalties, including fines of up to €75,000 (£53,000) or two years imprisonment. UK campaigners are calling on the government to follow France’s lead.

rights to water for Jakarta residents. Jakarta now joins Paris, Berlin, Accra and Dar es Salaam who also brought water services back into public control after privatisation failure. Bangladesh – factory owners charged with murder 42 people have been charged with murder, two years after the Rana Plaza collapse that killed 1,137 people and injured 2,500. Among those charged are building landlord, Sohel Rana, and the owners of five clothing factories housed in the building. Despite warnings the day before the collapse that the building was structurally unsound, workers were still reportedly forced to work. The factories produced clothes for major brands including Mango and Primark, who benefit from the country’s repressive labour laws and lowcost labour. The disaster drew attention to the dire working conditions in Bangladesh’s garment industry, whose workers are banned from joining trade unions. Algeria – protesters fight fracking At the start of 2015, the Algerian government announced plans to frack in the oasis town of Ain Salah, in the heart of the Sahara desert. Thousands of protesters

are calling for a halt to fracking; demanding to see the prime minister and carrying banners reading, ‘Do not endanger our environment and groundwater’. The scale of the protests have taken the authorities by surprise and have delayed the country’s multibillion dollar fracking programme, pursued by multinational companies, including Total and Shell. Protesters are angry that while Total is banned from fracking in France, the French government is encouraging it in Algeria. Berlin, Germany – rent cap introduced Berlin has introduced a cap on rent increases that will help control rising rents for tenants in the city. The law allowing rent controls on inner-city property now prevents landlords from charging new tenants more than 10% above the local average. Existing tenants already benefit from rent control in Berlin, but the caps will now be rolled out to new contracts. The new law also requires estate agent fees to be paid by the person who hires them and not by the tenant. Housing activists in London have been fighting for similar legislation to help control skyrocketing rents in the capital.

the BRISTOL CABLE | ISSUE 04

Global round-up PHOTO: Charlie Marshall

St. Pauls Carnival remains a day when the descendants of the enslaved Afrikans stand up and come out not only to show their culture and historical resistance, but also to open their arms and share love with the masses. Unfortunately, the large scale event had to be cancelled. We hear of its organisational challenges and past successes.

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Fiction: For love or money

WORDS SHAUN CLARKE ILLUSTRATION SAM STUBBS

ha’cha’ gotta-as-ya-sen-iz, a-ya-inn-f ’ the-love, or f ’ the money?” he’d asked, when we spoke casually about low paid jobs. That was yesterday. I didn’t see it coming, like a sly suckerpunch, an uppercut that should’ve knocked me clean out. “Do I do it for the money, or for the love?” That’s what he said, alright. No mistaking. My cousin Paul Patterson a cemented lad who snarled and slurred, a tiger that would never change his spots, with a pint glued to his hand, always came out with stuff like that. He usually misappropriated whatever he said, the joker he was.

That night it returned in a dream. And now it’s back in reality a big question, a life changing, rearranging, philosophical, diabolical question that’s leads to other questions like, does my self-importance equal sacrifice of my social time, my lover, family and friends? ADVERTISEMENT

We met at the Newlands our local, played some pool. I itched to bring it up as soon as the opportunity came, and did. He grinned insanely. “Making money is always a gamble. Under pressure? Worse cos’ things get hectic. People are rocking it for the wrong reasons, Narmean..?” I was getting the gist. “The product can’t be great,” he said. “When you put love into things everything is better – work actually feels good, customer and the trader.” My cousin didn’t look smart or hang out in smart places, but he was. If the creativity gods choose me, don’t I have a duty to find time to deliver? Then promote my inventions through mainstream languages and mediums by every means. That’s how great ideas can change the world for the better, I believe. But... A big, broad, heavy BUT...

If for the love, I’ll be rewarded in heaven, praised for my nobility. Legendary perhaps know true love... If for the money, I’ll be loved and respected for the money. Legendary probably buy love. My cousin, a big guy, was like a little bird I heard whispering words in my ear. This bird had it all worked out for me. I’ve thought about it since then, months on, over and over. Another trusted friend added, “Have a family? Be responsible first. Get the 9-5... the car... feed the kids, and aim to buy that diamond for the wife one day, but never give up your dreams... Better still, try and combine your dreams with your love and natural life.” Is that even possible? He did say TRY. I had a decision to make, for me. Gave myself just a few words to do it in. It’s like one train has gone and the other don’t come on time. Lost faith in the money making strategy. In the end, depending on my circumstances, I do

samstubbsart.tumblr.com

it for the love, for now, working with life’s imperfections. I’ll do something else for the money, when I have to. If I could, like my cousin said, I’d do what I enjoyed, even for less pay. Like for all of us, getting by is the most important thing. For love or money... Think I’m gonna try and write the song, not that anyone will ever hear it.

the BRISTOL CABLE | ISSUE 04

Always sounded like he didn’t know what he was talking about, when he did he really did... Got me thinking!

What exactly was he trying to say anyway? I called him up and offered him a drink.

Crossword

Bristol’s Summer Hustle CREDIT ANDREW MCCARTHY DOWN 1. Spanish party a load of hot air... (6, 6) 2. Jill’s lad from the hill now on Horfield common, dressed in leaves! (4, 2, 3, 5) 7. Shaking up The trees, to gather up the money (6, 11) 10. This celebratory group might be at liberty, but it’s probably illegal (4, 6) 11. Single Greek students take a break (3, 8)

ACROSS 3. Learning the local tongue? How do you say groups of fish? (8, 7) 4. To do this, George says give your car a rest on the seventh day (4, 6, 7) 5. Confused idol (from nineties Bristol band?) comes across a place to swim outside (10, 4) 6. My (Italian) grandma labours over the tea, so you don’t have to (7, 7) 8. Head of the Criminal Investigation Department gets drunk and ends up in A and E (in America!) (5) 9. Male child takes to the waves, for a summer of partying (8, 6) 12. Hen do? Go for a boat ride with a bit of a stripper (5, 4) 13. What the hijklmno? A sweet fruit (10) 14. Rip-off sliced pork, good place for a picnic by the Avon (6, 5, 4) 15. DIY soft fruit (4, 4, 3) 16. Last sun on the docks (9) 17. Bit of a mixed up villain next to an automobile (8) See answers at thebristolcable.org

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