The volcanic landscapes in Disaster Mythology of circum-Mediterranean areas
By detecting this mythological substratum in the volcanic landscapes, unfamiliar, alien or hostile, of circum-Mediterranean areas (Anatolian plateau, Ethiopian & Sub-Saharan lands, Greek Aegean Islands, Italian peninsula and adjacent islands, Massif Central in France and SW Atlantic Europe), the writer tries to focus on these landscapes as perception spaces (imagined, sacred, educational / spiritual, therapeutic).
THE VOLCANIC LANDSCAPES IN THE DISASTER MYTHOLOGY OF THE ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN WORLD Dr. Amanda Laoupi (Archaeoenvironmentalist / Disaster Specialist) Centre for the Assessment of Natural Hazards and Proactive Planning – NTUA email@example.com The volcanic landscapes, their formation, evolution and transformation, have played a pivotal role in disaster dynamics, impacting on various patterns and structures of past human civilizations. The Toba eruption, so far away from the Mediterranean basin, being the largest eruption of the last few hundred thousand years, caused a severe ‘bottleneck' in human population,, but it was followed by a population explosion and possibly migrations of modern humans (Homo Sapiens sapiens). Later on, mighty empires collapsed and vanished or shocked irreversibly, in the aftermath of colossal explosions (i.e. Cycladic & Minoan due to Santorini’s eruption in ca 1628 B.C.). Wide-ranging case studies have shown that those natural factors triggered the fall of well organized social systems when their normal coping mechanism failed. By detecting this mythological substratum in the volcanic landscapes, unfamiliar, alien or hostile, of circum-Mediterranean areas (Anatolian plateau, Ethiopian & Sub-Saharan lands, Greek Aegean Islands, Italian peninsula and adjacent islands, Massif Central in France and SW Atlantic Europe), the writer tries to focus on these landscapes as perception spaces (imagined, sacred, educational / spiritual, therapeutic). Keywords: Disaster Archaeology, Disaster Mythology, fire symbolism, palaeovolcanic activity, volcanic landscapes 1. Introduction In the history of humankind, the mythological language and symbolism have been functioning based both on survival instincts and communication skills. So, the study of hazards’ historic evolution has shown that the cultural patterns and networks are interdependent. Moreover, the characteristics, distribution, and complexity of Earth’s cultural mosaics, all involve the parameter of disaster in their functional processes. Apart from influencing totally the course of human history (e.g. acute climatic episodes, epidemics), ‘fire’ disasters had also influenced the division and control of Earth’s surface. The volcanic landscapes, their formation, evolution and transformation, have played a pivotal role in disaster dynamics, impacting on various patterns and structures of past human civilizations. The Toba eruption, so far away from the Mediterranean basin, being the largest eruption of the last few hundred thousand years, caused a severe ‘bottleneck' in human population, leaving less than 10.000 individuals for a period of up to 20.000 years, but it was followed by a population explosion and possibly migrations of modern humans (Homo Sapiens sapiens). The genetic studies pointed out this putative marked reduction in the population of our human ancestors, confirming the subconscious nucleus of tremendous fear and reverence toward the volcanic powers, experienced by ancient populations. Later on, mighty empires collapsed and vanished or shocked irreversibly, in the aftermath of colossal explosions (i.e. Cycladic & Minoan due to Santorini’s eruption in ca 1628 B.C.). Wide-ranging case studies have shown that those natural factors triggered the fall of well organized social systems when their normal coping mechanism failed. The chaotic violent forces of volcanoes’ mechanisms with their primordial impetus (burning heat, the phenomenon of ‘nuclear winter’, darkness, catastrophic accompanying phenomena like earthquakes or landslides and tsunami) gave birth to deities, creatures and heroes who formed famous mythological cycles, narrations and traditions (e.g. the Neolithic Goddess at Čatal Hűyűk, Hephaistos / Vulcan, the Atlantis’ legend, the Titanomachy / Gigantomachy, the realm of Ades and the descent into the Underworld, the ‘volcano’ of the Biblical Exodus). On the other hand, the positive response to hazardous volcanic phenomena may vary considerably. During the aftermath of such catastrophes or environmental changes, technological innovations are illustrated (e.g. sea-faring for the obsidian trade, metallurgy), new lands discovered (e.g. fleeing through waterways, prehistoric human migrations), new socio-cultural patterns (cooperation or conflict), new subsistence strategies and more efficient techniques were adopted. In essence, crises use to stimulate rather than devastate the cultural traits of a society. The emplacement of nutrient-rich volcanic tephras and alluvial soils counterbalanced the spread of malaria in marshy areas, the repeated repair attempts after the experience of severe effects counterbalanced the dislocation of city’s activities caused by volcanic phenomena. By detecting this mythological substratum in the volcanic landscapes, unfamiliar, alien or hostile, of circum-Mediterranean areas (Anatolian plateau, Ethiopian & SubSaharan lands, Greek Aegean Islands, Italian peninsula and adjacent islands, Massif Central in France and SW Atlantic Europe), we try to focus on these landscapes as perception spaces (imagined, sacred, educational / spiritual, therapeutic). In general, we can group these disaster ‘cycles’ into two major categories of archetypal symbolism: a) the archetypal symbolism of chaos and disaster (Toba eruption Atlantis myth: Canary Islands, Thera & volcanic fields of sub-Saharan Africa, the 10 plagues of Egypt & the volcano of Exodus, Titanomachy & Gigantomachy: Campi Flegrei, Etna, Vesuvius, Aeolian Islands & Nisyros), and b) the archetypal symbolism of creation, transformation and move (the volcanism of Massif Central and the Palaeolithic cultures of Europe, the Earth Goddess of the Anatolian plateau, the Mesolithic / Neolithic trade of obsidian in the Aegean Sea, People’s movement from Aegean to Africa: first waves of colonization, the Hephaestus’ pelasgic cycle: Lemnos – Sousaki – Methana, the Descend into Underworld: a journey into our subconscious). 2. The archetypal symbolism of chaos and disaster 1.1. The Pleistocene Toba eruption and its impact on human race In Sumatra -Indonesia (2.58°N & 98.83°E) lays the Toba volcano, with a summit elevation of 2157 m. Its caldera (35 x 100 km) is the Earth's largest Quaternary caldera, created after the Pleistocene colossal eruption (the Toba ash layer in deep – sea Indian Ocean’s cores, gave a 73.910 ± 2.590 yr BP date / the Toba ignimbrite deposits, gave a 73.500 ± 3.500 yr B.P. date, based on K/Ar method, or a 73.000 ± 4.000 yr B.P., based on the 40 Ar/39 Ar method). Toba is a low latitude volcano, so dust & volatiles would have been injected efficiently into both Northern & Southern Hemispheres (total eruption volume ~2,800 km; estimated eruption cloud heights of 32±5 km; estimated duration of continuous fallout of Toba ash over the Indian Ocean at two weeks or less). That eruption produced an estimated 1015 to 1016 g of stratospheric dust & H2SO4 aerosols, the ice-core data & atmospheric modelling indicating an ~6 year residence time for the dense global aerosol cloud, and caused a 'volcanic winter' with possible abrupt regional coolings of up to 15oC & global cooling of 3 to 5oC (and possibly greater) for several years. The palynological records, the coral reefs, the ice cores and various sediment analyses speak of a global ecological disaster. Fig. 1. Lake Toba is a crater lake. Image source: Wikipedia Apart from this event, another crucial process took place, a severe population bottleneck that left possibly only 3.000 to 10.000 Individuals (~500 breeding females), followed eventually by rapid population increase, technological innovations & migrations. The abrupt reduction in rainfall & temperature made tropical forests very vulnerable to chilling (some chimpanzee populations appear to have undergone such a bottleneck ~70.000 to 60.00 ya). The severely reduced, isolated populations in small refugia in Africa & Eurasia caused genetic drift and local adaptation, meaning a rapid racial differentiation. This is the â€˜weak Garden of Edenâ€™ version (Harpending et al., 1993 in Rampino and Ambrose, 1999). 1.2. The Atlantis Myth (Canary Islands, Thera, Ethiopian highlands & volcanic fields of sub-Saharan Africa) While there are not volcanoes in South Spain, the Canary Islands in the Atlantic Ocean, beyond the most famous Columns of Hercules in the ancient world (Gibraltar Strait), are of volcanic origin, and it is known that past volcanic explosions and submarine landslides triggered giant tsunamis (Pararas, 2002). The Canarian Archipelago is constituted by seven major islands, the African continent is just at 100 km from Fuerteventura. The Roman historian Pliny the Elder called the island Canaria, a reference to the large wild dogs (from the Latin canis, for dog) which he reported living on the island in his 37-volume Natural History. The artefacts of Guanches, these native original inhabitants of the Canary Islands, show several very though-provoking similarities with other prehistoric civilizations of N. Africa and NW & SE Europe. The whole area is one among the strong candidates for the location of the mythical Atlantis. The Atlantides were the seven daughters of Atlas, the mythic Titan son of Poseidon (Oceanus) that founded the city of Atlantis. Greek myths tell that the Atlantides were also called Pleiades or Hesperides, and personified the seven Islands of the Blest, which the Greeks obscurely placed in the Outer Ocean (Atlantic). Ancient writers tell also about an island opposite the strait, larger than Libya and Asia combined (see Platoâ€™s Timaeus and Critias). From it travellers could in those days reach the other islands, and from them the whole opposite continent which surrounds what can truly be called the ocean. The Atlantis' case is taken mainly with some scepticism among many scholars because it disappeared an advanced civilization without leaving any trace. Fig. 2. The Pleiades. Detail from a red - figured Hydria. End of the 5 th cent. B.C. Athens, National Archaeological Museum 17469 Nevertheless, many tephra layers are used as liable time markers in establishing a chronology for the Quaternary, because they occur within very short intervals of time over wide areas (Simkin and Siebert, 1994). Progress in characterization techniques for identification and dating methods has made possible a long-distance correlation between tephras. Studies of multiproxy data from distant cores offer narrow constraints to the timing and sequence of the major Holocene climate events in the circum-Mediterranean region, that may help in re evaluating the chronologies of the archaeological records (Manning, 1988 and 1992). The 10cm thick ash layer from the Minoan eruption of Santorini (3.57 ± 0.08 Kya B.P.) in the SE Aegean core LC21 and its correlation with GISP2, is a useful example (Rohling et al., 2002). The story of Thera & Therasia is told at greater length by Strabo (Geography I.3.16): “For midway between Thera and Therasia fires broke forth from the sea and continued for four days, so that the whole sea boiled and blazed, and the fires cast up an island which was gradually elevated as though by levers and consisted of burning masses—an island with a stretch of twelve stadia in circumference. After the cessation of the eruption, the Rhodians, at the time of their marine supremacy, were first to venture upon the scene..”. This eruption, known as ‘the Minoan eruption’, was among the most catastrophic volcanic events of the last 100.000 years (VEI ≥ 6.0 ). Volcanic eruptions have always played a crucial role in the evolution of human civilization. Their most evident impact on human communities were the massive death of unprepared people. Furthermore, other long-term impact caused more destruction in the flourishing communities of prehistoric Aegean after the Minoan eruption of Santorini’s volcano in 1627 - 1600 B.C. Tephra layers have been found dispersed not only in the sea floor of E. Mediterranean / Black Sea and the lacustrine sediments of S. Turkey, but also in depositional terrestrial sequences and archaeological strata in the Greek islands (i.e. Anaphe, Kos, Rhodes, Crete), the Nile valley, inland Anatolia, Syria and Israel. Apart from the generated tsunami that swept the coast of E. Mediterranean, swarm earthquakes and the rainfall of volcanic ejecta, disastrous effects on vegetation and loss of cultivated land, death of animals, abrupt climatic changes, acidic contamination of aquifers, disruption of sea corridors between the states of the Bronze Age, plague, famine and socio-economic upheaval devastated the equilibrium of natural and human ecosystems in the region (Marinatos, 1939; Pararas-Carayannis, 1974; Driessen, 1999). Apart from being a rich geoarchive due to island’s location at the subduction zone on the Hellenic Arc, the LBA ‘Minoan eruption’ of Santorini’s volcano (see references in: http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Minoan_eruption) is also a very dynamic disaster case because offers excellent geosequences that imprint the event per se, its phases, duration and magnitude, and its short-term and long-term results. Respectively, the most recent interdisciplinary research has disclosed new evidence for the magnitude of the event (being bigger than the mega-eruption of Tambora in 1815), the socio-cultural parameters of the event (there was no time available for preparedness or mitigation) and the revision of the chronological sequences of the Eastern Mediterranean civilizations (Vougioukalakis, 2006). Even more, scientists correlate the eruption and its impact with archaeological and philological testimonies, such as the Bamboo Annals which describe the turbulent years of the collapse of the Xia Dynasty in China with a year without summer (approximately in 1618 B.C.), the calamities of Admonitions of Ipuwer (a text from Lower Egypt dated to the Middle Kingdom or the Second Intermediate Period), the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus and the Tempest Stela of Ahmose I (Redford, 1992; Polinger Foster and Ritner, 1996; Balter, 2006; Friedrich et al., 2006; Manning et al., 2006; Sigurdsson et al., 2006). This event, apart from being selected for the explanation of the Ten plagues in Egypt (turning of rivers into blood, invasion of frogs, lice, mixed hordes of wild beasts, grievous pestilence, rain of naptha, Hail, locusts, dungeon darkness, death of the first born children) and the Biblical Exodus, is the second strong candidate for Atlantis’ myth (Friedrich, 1999), being an excellent example of how a complex natural phenomenon can overturn flourishing societies into chaos. Fig. 3. The Ahmose stele, erected by the first pharaoh of the 18th Dynasty, were unearthed in Karnak by Henri Chevalier in 1947. In it an unknown god incurs one of the same plagues described in the Biblical account (darkness, also described as "a great storm"). Image source: ArchaeoWiki Finally, the Minoan eruption of Thera and volcanic fallout may well have inspired the myths of the Titanomachy in Hesiod's Theogony, its background derived from the Kumarbi cycle, a Bronze Age Hurrian epic (later Hittite) from the Lake Van region, and some elements of western Anatolian folk memory. Hesiod's lines have been compared with volcanic activity, citing Zeus' thunderbolts as volcanic lightning, the boiling earth and sea as a breach of the magma chamber, immense flame and heat as evidence of phreatic explosions, among many other descriptions. A third, vast area, now totally different from its early/mid Holocene version, the subSaharan Africa (from the Ethiopian highlands to the SW Libya and NE Mauritania), with its disperse volcanic landscapes and a vast system of lakes /rivers, due to different past hydroclimatic conditions, seems to fit perfectly to the data derived from the ancient historians, geographers, poets & philosophers, who wrote about a ‘sunken continent’ that flourished many thousand years ago. This radical point of view, already presented as an interpretation in Atlantis : The Antediluvian World by Ignatius Donnelly & Egerton Sykes, and, now, present in the Internet (http://www.unexplainedmysteries.com/forum/index.php?showtopic=124435), has been studied thoroughly by the Greek independent researcher G. Saranditis in the recent Atlantis II International Symposium held at Athens, (November 2008). Generally speaking, active volcanoes in Africa pose a serious threat to life and property. Africa has about 140 volcanoes that have erupted during the last 10,000 years, of which 25 are active and 60 are located in Ethiopia (Siebert & Simkin, 2002). Volcanic eruptions produce lava and ash flows, pyroclastics, carbon dioxide emissions from volcanic crater lakes, earthquakes, and landslides. Fig. 4. Haruj is a large volcanic field spread across 45,000 km2 (17,000 sq mi) in central Libya (27.25°N 17.50°E). It contains about 150 volcanoes, including numerous basaltic scoria cones and about 30 small shield volcanoes, along with craters and lava flows Image source: Wikipedia 1.3. Gigantomachy (Campi Flegrei, Etna, Nisyros/Kos) Two cycles of events in the ancient Greek mythology deal with a long and “ painful ” transformative process from the chaotic and primordial natural forces into a ruled universe, the Titanomachy & the Gigantomachy. The later is a sequence of different events and persons with a various symbolism, naturalistic, environmental, cosmic, religious, sociological, historical, anthropological, folkloric, linguistic, e.t.c. The rivalry, the pursuit and the battles between the Olympian Gods and the Giants, in Greece and Egypt, incarnate the internal changes of the elementary primordial natural forces and the cosmic reordering that took really place in the Mediterranean Region, during a remote period of time. Shifts of the crust, submarine trenches, orogeny, erosion and sedimentation, the emergence and fragmentation of the mainland of Aegaeis, tectonic faults, volcanic eruptions and sea-level changes symbolize the perpetual struggle between the natural elements (fire, water, air, soil). In fact, it is a cosmic climax of clash and environmental upheaval. Moreover, the historically active volcanoes of the Mediterranean are confined to only a few areas: the Hellenic Arc, Sicily and the Strait of Sicily, Southern Italy and the Aeolian Islands. All these regions were within reach of the early navigators. Archaeological finds from Neolithic settlements testify that obsidians were exploited as tools and arms. Commerce between the islands and the continent seems to have flourished, possibly as early as the tenth millennium BC. The early inhabitants observed volcanic activity and new myths were born to account for such portentous events. A plethora of ancient writers mentioned the giants (Aeschylus, Apollonius Rhodius, Aristophanes, Diodorus of Sicily, Euripides, fragmenta of various historians & comedians, Herodotus, Hesiod, Homer, Kallimachos, Lucian, Pausanias, Pindar, Plato, Sophocles, Vergilius). The core AD91-17 recovered in the Otranto Strait - S. Adriatic Sea, the sediment of which consists of hemipelagic mud with intercalated tephra layers has spoken about this western area that gave birth to rich cross-cultural disaster mythological patterns. These layers correspond to the tephra of Campanian volcanoes and their eruptions, ‘Agnano’, ‘Mercato-Ottaviano’ , ‘Agnano Monte Spina’, ‘Avellino’, and the historical paroxysm of Vesuvius at A.D. 472 (Sangiorgi et al., 2003). The Phlegrean Fields caldera formed about 40. 000 years ago with the eruption of 80 cubic km of ash (the Campanian Tuff). The caldera is about 13 km in diameter and includes numerous cones and craters, 25 km west of Vesuvius and 5 km westsouthwest of Naples. Accurate geologic studies of the volcanic formations have reconstructed the evolution of the area, as they marked by some catastrophic events that have substantially modified the territory. Recent data drawn by the distribution of the volcanic products in the Mediterranean point out that, in the period between 40 000 and 27 000 years ago, in the Phlegrean Fields there at least five explosive eruptions occurred. Those events gave the most violent volcanic paroxysm of the circum-Mediterranean area during the last 200.000 years. A whole region from Italy to S. Russia suffered dramatically and the Palaeolithic natural and cultural landscapes changed. Even the climatic shift of Heinrich Event 4 has been attributed to the post shock results. Later on, a volcanic ‘paroxysmal’ period along the S. Italy and Sicily dominated during Early Neolithic Era. Fig. 5. Campi Flegrei. Solfatara crater. Image source: Wikipedia There is no evidence for Giants’ birth in the written texts of Greek Classical Period, but a later tradition says that the pregnant Gaia half - opened the Phlegrae plain and brought them to life as adolescents. The final battle of Gigantomachy took also place in Pallene, former Phlegraean or "burning" fields, which could be located in Italy, according to a later tradition, reported by Strabo, who locates the place of the battle in Campi Phlegrei or Burning Fields. During that battle, Zeus and Hera exterminated Porphyrion, Hercules beated Alcyoneus, Athena won Enkelados & Pallas, Apollo Ephialtes, Poseidon Polybotes, Dionysos Rhoitos, Hecate Klityos. Hephaistos, after being in serious trouble , saved by Helios , killed Mimas. The Greek names of several Giants are related to some physical phenomena and ecofacts derived from the volcanic phenomena: Enkelados < ancient greek word “ kelados ” ( = the loud noise, the meteorological or geological crash ), Mimas < “ mimichmos ” (= the subterrenian dull sound, the neighing ), Rhoitos < “ rhoibdos ” (= the deafening sound) & “ rhoisos ” (= the hissing sound ), Porphyrion < “ pyr ” (= the fire, either as a mass of hot missile, or as a person who causes a fire destruction) and Pallas & Pallene < “ pella ” ( = the stone and its correlating words), e.t.c. Typhoon, a monstrous creature of the Greek and Egyptian mythology, was the son of Tartarus and Gaia. Typhoon bellowed like a bull and roared like a lion, symbolizing the strong winds, the hurricanes and the burning steams of the volcanoes. Lernean Hydra, a huge serpent with nine heads, was the daughter of Echidna and Typhon. He was the largest monster ever born, his bottom portion and hands were a mass of coiled snakes. He frightened the gods of Olympus sending them fleeing to Egypt. When Zeus was taunted for his cowardice he returned to fight Typhoon. After a long and dreadful battle Zeus defeated the monster. Its punishment was to lay under Etna. The artistic motif of Typhoon originated from Egypt, where existed a long tradition for the strange bodily combinations of men and serpents and Asia, where the artistic standards are more clearly presented. The figure of the dragon penetrates into the Greek art, during the second half of the 7th cent. B.C. The easternmost volcano of the Aegean arc forms the 9-km-wide island of Nissyros (it is truncated by a 3-4 km wide caldera). The island was constructed during the past 150.000 years, with three cone-building stages. The whole scenery was related to the mythical Polybotes, a giant who fought Poseidon in their war against the gods. He was pursued by the god across the sea and crushed beneath the rock of Nissyros which formed the tip of the island of Kos. His name is derived from the Greek noun polybôtos, meaning "fertile," or more literally "feeding-many". The Thermoluminescence dating of four volcanic samples (material of eruption ejecta), from the island of Yiali near the Nissyros volcano, has revealed, according to the scientists who conducted the measurements (Liritzis, Michael & Galloway, 1996: 361 – 371; Sampson & Liritzis, 1999: 95 - 107), for first time, a volcanic eruption which occurred during the 2nd millennium B.C. (c. 1460 B.C). This one could be a perfect candidate for the natural events correlated to the Biblical Exodus! 2. The archetypal symbolism of creation, transformation and move 2.1. The geoclimatic/anthropogeographical cycles in Massif Central The Massif Central area is the largest magmatic province of the West-European Rift system, being named because it is right in the middle of France. Auvergne is at the heart of this area. The Massif Central is made up of extinct volcanoes, reaching heights of 1,885m in the area surrounding the region's capital Clermont-Ferrand. The highest peak is Mont Dore (1,885m) in this, the largest group of volcanoes in Europe. The volcanic cones are called puys (pronounced pwee), the most famous and impressive of which is the Puy de Dôme on the west of Clermont-Ferrand. The spatial-temporal distribution of Tertiary-Quaternary volcanism in the area, shows that three magmatic phases can be defined, each of them characterized by different volumes and different locations. These continental alkaline volcanics range in age from 65 Ma to 3450 years BP and can be divided by geography and age into 20 separate areas (Michon & Merle, 2001: 201 – 211; Downes, 1987: 517 - 530). Fig. 6. After Raynal & Daugas, 1984: p. 17, Table 2. Climatic chronology, volcanic activity and human occupation in Massif Central, between 200.000 and 30.000 years BP. Note the reduced volcanic activity during Riss and first half of Wűrm Glacial in Basse-Auvergne. On the contrary, an intense volcanic activity took place during the end of Lower Wűrm. Absolute dates from D. MIALLIER (1982) & G. GUERIN (1983). Climatochronologies from H. LAVILLE, J.P. RAYNAL & J.P. TEXIER (1984) According to modern archaeoenvironmental research, the Pleistocene volcanic activity in the French Massif Central, was often brutal and devastating, with volcanic products dispersed far away into vast geographic zones, some lacks of occupation could result from it, showing that prehistoric populations adjusted to the volcanic activity’s periodicity. In a second time, effects and products of volcanism favour human settlement (crater lakes, rock-shelters under lava flows, e.t.c.). Noteworthy is the fact that human presence in the area dates back to the Upper Pliocene, ca 2mya, adjusting to the climatic cycles of glacial /interglacials. Between 40.000 and 25.000 ya, a peak in the basaltic flows caused the geological formation of rock-shelters, that were occupied 20.000 or 10.000 years later, during the Magdalenian. A final eruptive crisis with Plinian/Strombolian cataclysmic eruptions, took place between 11.000 and 7.000 ya, probably explaining the absence of Mesolithic tool industries in the area of Basse – Auvergne. But, the Pleistocene interglacial & Holocene landscapes were extremely favourable to humans, with lush vegetation, rich fauna, fertile soils and abundant tool-fit materials. The most recent stage of biotopes’ full exploitation comes with the Neolithic , ca 5000 BC., through a gradual ecological / economic readaptation. All these volcanic sceneries seemed to enhance the pastoral / agricultural processes (Guilaine, 1998; Daugas & Raynal, 1988; Raynal & Daugas,1984: 7 - 20). 2.2. The Anatolian volcanoes and the Neolithic Goddess During Neolithic Times Anatolia was the centre of an advanced culture. Excavations during 1961 - 1965 unearthed Catal Hüyük in central Anatolia (modern Turkey) as a major site. The settlement consisted of brick houses with entry over ladders from roof level. The houses contained a hearth and stove and had platforms for sleeping and working. It is believed to have had a population of around 7.000 people, who cultivated grains and oil seeds and may have practiced animal husbandry. The massive double-peaked stratovolcano Hasan Dagi in Central Anatolia has undergone four episodes of caldera collapse, the latest of which formed a 4-5 km wide caldera at the summit. A group of more than 25 Quaternary cinder cones, maars, and lava flows dot the plains surrounding Hasan Dagi. Eruptions from Hasan Dagi impacted Neolithic communities and were dramatically recorded in paintings that depict apparent caldera formation about 7600-7500 BC. Other paintings illustrate eruptions producing pyroclastic flows and lava flows that destroyed towns and villages. The religious quarter of Catal Huyuk contains several shrines with wall paintings of outstanding quality. A vivid, nearly naturalistic wall painting from one of the shrines depicts the plan of the city and a remarkable Neolithic portrayal of the active twinpeaked volcano of Hasan Dag, eight miles to the east of the city. This is the earliest known visual record of a volcanic eruption, dating to about 6200 B.C. with an error margin of less than 100 years. The mural shows a cinder cone, perhaps one of the cinder cones in the Karapinar volcanic field that lies about 30 miles east of Catal Hüyük, ejecting tephra from the summit vent. The volcano is shown exhibiting only mild Strombolian activity. Several features suggest that the painting is not simply a landscape, but is an icon of the Volcano Goddess. The contours of the volcano are breast-like and the overall shape of the volcano closely matches schematized "bison-woman" Palaeolithic designs and other goddess representations; it looks distinctly like a body, much more so than like a mountain. The spots on the volcano's flanks, described as ‘glowing firebombs of lava’, are very similar to the ‘leopard-skin spots’ that are a characteristic sign of the Goddess of Catal Hüyük throughout the city's artwork. Fig. 7. James Mellaart, Catul Hüyük: A Neolithic Town in Anatolia, McGraw-Hill, 1967 The painting is a shrine mural (north & east sides), an expression of religion, and clearly a representation of the Mother Goddess of Obsidian. Mellaart, W.I. Thompson, Marija Gimbutas, and others have connected the animal art in Lascaux with the animal art of Catal Huyuk with the hundreds of representations of bulls, rams, leopards, vultures, and other animals (Gimbutas, 1989; Leroi-Gourhan, 1982; Mellaart, 1967; Thompson, 1981). The evidence suggests that dozens of shrines, as well as the city's artwork, artisanry and architecture, may have all been inspired and supported by a religious control of the sacred obsidian trade. The Anatolian obsidian, "purchased" in Catal Huyuk with an exchange of valuable lumber or Mediterranean seashell, in its way a thousand miles southward to Jericho. Jericho’s craftsmen, paying for the black volcanic glass with equally black chunks of bitumen from the shores of the Dead Sea, would work the obsidian into a variety of stone tools that were sharper and harder than steel. 2.3. The Aegean island of Melos and the Mesolithic / Neolithic sea trade Obsidian, this black and shiny volcanic glass, has been one of the main features of Mesolithic / Neolithic and Bronze Age trade across the circum-Mediterranean world, as it was considered a semi-precious stone by the ancients, initially, a very important raw material for the manufacture of weapons and tools. Since prehistoric times, humans noticed that obsidian was more abundant and sharper than flint, later, more easily worked and even cheaper than copper.. Especially, the Neolithic Era, in the Holocene between 12,000 and 3,000 BC connected with vast demographic growth and the development of agriculture, marks the steady arrival of man on the Mediterranean islands and the outbreak of the transformation of the natural environment. Melos and adjacent small islands have grown from submarine and subaerial volcanism that initially was dominantly andesitic and basaltic, but ended with predominately rhyolitic eruptions. Melian obsidian is found at many sites, as far as W. Mediterranean, N. Aegean, and Egypt, and researchers have recognised the Aegean island as a very important trade centre of the ancient world (Farrand, 1999; Karimali, 2002). In fact, the famous inland cave of Franchthi, gave with its geoarchaeological evidence (Farrand, 1999) the clues for a Mesolithic trade between the islands and the mainland. The second phase of the Mesolithic is characterized by the appearance of large quantities of large fish bones and the appearance of substantially larger quantities of obsidian from Melos as a material in the local chipped stone industry. These two developments imply that, apart from sea trade, deep-sea fishing may have been done for the first time, revealing a flourishing Aegean network during the Neolithic. But a plethora of modern research, both archaeological and geochemical (for an extended bibliographical d-base, see: http://www.obsidianlab.com/sourcecatalog/ easia_refs.html#A), now highlights obsidian of non-Melian origin, such as that from the Carpathians (e.g. Kilikoglou et al., 1996: 343 - 349), central Anatolia, Antiparos and, particularly, Yali of Nissyros (Georgiades, 2008: 101 - 117). The map of prehistoric obsidian exchange (Perles, 1992 : 115 â€“ 164; Torrence, 1981) includes trade centres of Central & W. Mediterranean, e.g. the Middle Neolithic obsidian trade in the North was dominated by the Lipari source. Other island sources came from Palmarola, Pantelleria, and Sardinia. The spatial and chronological patterns of obsidian distribution helped scientists to address archaeological issues as the colonization of the islands, the introduction of Neolithic economies, and the increasing social complexity of Neolithic and Bronze Age societies in the central Mediterranean (i.e. Farr, 2006: 85 â€“ 99; Malone, 2003: 235 â€“ 312; Tykot, 2002: 618 625). Fig. 8. The Bear Rocks of the shore of Melos Island. The Aegean islands with volcanic activity had geopolitical significance since Mesolithic, with the obsidian trade, and, later on, with amber trade. Image source: Wikipedia Nevertheless, it is unknown yet, to what degree these Early Neolithic patterns of connectivity across the Mediterranean were temporarily transformed into more stable exchange structures between Italy, the Balkans and the Aegean. Signs for a crosslinking of these separate exchange networks, such as the important Neolithic and Copper Age interregional zones of maritime interaction, for instance for the distribution of Liparian and Sardinian obsidian varieties in the Central and Western Mediterranean and for Melian obsidian in the Aegean, are not well established. The largest number of wrecks have been found in the west Mediterranean - off Provence in France, Tuscany in Italy, Bonifacio in Corsica, the Balearic islands, the Aeolian islands, and south-east Sicily - all places where sport diving and archaeological research have been intensive. Elsewhere, exploration has been more sporadic, as in the Adriatic, or very limited, as off north Africa. The distribution of these wrecks speak about patterns of ancient shipping. Mediterranean seafaring for colonization and trade was widespread before Bronze Age onset. 2.4. Creation – healing – transformation (the Hephaestus’ Pelasgic cycle) Hephaestos belongs to the guardian-gods or ‘creators’ of the Universe and functions as a pivotal force among the ‘proto-hellenic’ deities, presenting a strong relationship between Hephaestos and the Pelasgian substratum of circum-Mediterranean region (Laoupi, 2006). This god of volcanic and thermal activity, of wild and destructive fires, the patron of smiths and metalworkers, builders, architects; stonemasons , carpenters and wood-workers, seems to represent not only the earthen / subterranean fires but this of extra-terrestrial origin, ever awful and uncontrollable. Divine smiths are peacemakers, too, for they are connected with celestial and subterranean fields, by acting as mediators between them. Lemnos, the island that was sacred to Hephaestus, as well as the name Aethaleia, sometimes applied to it, points to its volcanic character. It is said that fire occasionally blazed forth from Mosychlos, one of its mountains; and Pausanias (8.33) narrates that a small island called Chryse, off the Lemnian coast, was swallowed up by the sea. All volcanic action is now extinct. The ‘flame of Hephaistos’ or his ‘red breath’ (characterized as purest flame) was a leit motif among ancients (Orphic Hymn 66 to Hephaestus; Homer Iliad, II.426, IX.467, XVII.88 & XXIII.33 and Odyssey xiv.71; Hesiod Theogony, 864; Aristophanes Birds, 436; Quintus Smyrnaeus, 13.170,13. 367 & 4.160; Suidas, s.v. 'Hephaistos'). Although ancient writers mention it together with Keian, Cappadocian and Sinopic earths, all four being identified as red earths, Pliny’s comment makes the difference. This earth (terra lemnia, rubricata or sigillata) resembles cinnabar ( 35.14), it had a pleasant taste, too, while Galen (13.246b) adds that “it differs from miltos because it doesn’t leave a stain when handled”. The same writer , during his visit to Hephaestias , analyzes the myth of Hephaistos and his relationship with Lemnos, saying that “the mythical hill, also known as Mosychlos, appeared to be burnt due to its color and from the fact that nothing grows on it”. Belon, during his journey in the 16th cent., refers also to the yellow/white colors of the earth, equally explained by the presence of hydrothermally altered rocks. The ritual of its extraction highlights its peculiarity (Hall & Photos-Jones, 2008: 1034 - 1049). On the other hand, the god was reknown as an ‘ aithaloeis theos’, meaning the sooty god (Suidas , s.v. 'Aithaloeis theos') and in Lemnos, Hephaestus was worshipped as a god of healing, his priests possessing antidotes to poisons. Later on, the priestesses of Artemis had the right to use this earth (http://www.gla.ac.uk/archaeology/projects/indminerals/LemnianEarth). 2.5. Descend into the Underworld A final implication of volcanic Mediterranean geomythology is the descend of ancient heroes into the Underworld (Ades) as a journey into human subconscious. Besides Heracles, the only other living people who ventured to the Underworld were all heroes: Odysseus, Aeneas (accompanied by the Sibyl), Orpheus, Theseus, Pirithous, and Psyche, but the first three are connected to the volcanic area of Cumae. The myth of Heracles is mainly related to two episodes at Campi Flegrei: the Gigantomachy and the construction of the coast road between lake Lucrinus and the sea. In ancient times, the boar's tusks were said to be preserved in a sanctuary of Apollo at Cumae in Campania (Pausanias, viii.24.5). The capture of this wild boar had been one of the twelve labours performed by the hero. Moreover, the hero, returning homeward from Spain, spent a night beside the Tiber (Dionysius of Halicarnassus, i.39 â€“ 40; Livy, i.vii). Baia includes the vast area between the promontory of Miseno and the Lake of Lucrino. Its name derives from the place where Baios, a helmsman of Ulysses got buried. In the Campi Flegrei the ground is subsiding and the ancient Roman ruins are disappearing below the waves. There the homeric hero descended into Hades and spoke with the deads (Homer, Odyssey v, x & xi). Fig. 9. Ruined temple of Apollo. Avernus, near Cumae (Cuma), Italy in the Region of Campania west of Naples The mythical Cumaean Sibyl was consulted by Aeneas when he was fleeing Troy (according to Virgil) to give him instructions to descend to the underworld. The entry to the underworld (Hades) was at the nearby volcanic crater of Avernus. The Cumaean Sibyl was the priestess presiding over the Apollonian oracle at Cumae, a Greek colony located near Naples, Italy (Cicero, Tusculan Disputations iii.27; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, vii.3; Livy, ii.21, iv.44, viii.22, xxiii.35-37; Pausanias, vii.22.6; Strabo, v.4 et al.). The word Sibyl comes (via Latin) from the ancient Greek word Sibylla, meaning prophetess. There were many Sibyls in the ancient world, but because of the importance of the Cumaean Sibyl in the legends of early Rome, she became one of the most noted and famous, often simply referred to as The Sibyl. She was said to inhabit a cave with one hundred mouths. The Cave of the Sibyl was rediscovered in May 1932 by Amedeo Maiuri. Conclusions Disasters and hazardous phenomena / landscapes not only impacted on natural-resource dependent communities, acting as important accelerators in economic and socio-cultural crises, but also transformed the spiritual environment and the community life of past societies. The volcanic landscapes of circum- Mediterranean area had, since Palaeolithic times, through visual contact or information flow patterns (tales, legends or data from trade experiences), created a complex, symbolic geomythological framework with a basic dual concept. The traditions of local communities and the journeys across those volcanic environments created social alliances, identities, relationships and practices that are now revealed as mentifacts, reflecting past activities (knowledge, skills) and temporalities. After the Toba event that seems to have changed the human evolution, from Caucasus to Canary Islands, and from Massif Central to sub-Saharan Africa, volcanoes inspired admiration and fear, as they could be simultaneously creators and destructors. Evil and divine, the power of fire and earth was one of the most risking challenges that humans had to face. References Balter, M. (2006). New carbon dates support revised history of Ancient Mediterranean. Science, 312: 508 – 509. Daugas, J.P. and Raynal, J.P. (1988). L’ Homme et les Volcans: mesolithisation et Neolithisation dans le Massif Central Francais. Colloque "Mésolithique et néolithisation en France et dans les régions limitrophes", Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques, Commission de Pré- et Proto-histoire, 113è Congrès des Sociétés Savantes, Strasbourg, 5-8 mars 1988. Driessen, J. (1999). Towards an Archaeology of Crisis: Defining the LongTerm Impact of the Bronze Age Santorini Eruption. In: Proceedings of the Symposium ‘Catastrophism, natural Disasters and Cultural Change’, WAC 4, 10th 14th January 1999, University of Cape Town. Downes, Hilary (1987). Tertiary and Quaternary volcanism in the Massif Central, France. Geological Society, London, Special Publications, v. 30: 517-530. Farr, Helen (January 2006): Seafaring as social action. Journal of Maritime Archaeology, v. 1 (1): 85 – 99. Farrand, R. (1999). Depositional History of Franchthi Cave. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. Friedrich, WL (1999). Fire in the Sea, the Santorini Volcano: Natural History and the Legend of Atlantis. Cambridge University Press. Friedrich, W.L., Kromer, B., Friedrich, M., Heinemeier, J., Pfeiffer and Talamo, S. (2006). Santorini Eruption Radiocarbon dated to 1627 – 1600 B.C. Science, 312 (5773): 548. Georgiades, M. (2008). The Obsidian in the Aegean beyond Melos: An outlook from Yali. Oxford Journal of Archaeology, v. 27 (2): 101 – 117. Gimbutas, Marija (1989). The Language of the Goddess. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Guilaine, J. (dir.) (1998). Atlas du Néolithique européen. 2. L’Europe occidentale, ERAUL, 46, Liège. Hall, A.J., and Photos-Jones, E. (December 2008). Accessing Past Beliefs and Practices: The case of Lemnian Earth. Archaeometry, v. 50(6): 1034-1049. Hardy, D.A., Keller, J., Galanopoulos, V.P., Flemming, N.C. and Druitt, T.H. (eds.) (1990). Thera and the Aegean world III. Volume two: earth sciences. London: The Thera Foundation. Karimali, Lia (2002). Designing a 3-layered data base for modelling lithic distribution: The example of the Aegean. Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods in Archaeology International Conference CAA 2002 "The Digital Heritage of Archaeology" 2-6 April, 2002 Heraklion, Crete, Greece. Kilikoglou V., Bassiakos Y., Grimanis A. P., Souvatzis K., Pilali-Papasteriou A. and Papanthimou-Papaefthimiou A. (May 1996). Carpathian Obsidian in Macedonia, Greece. Journal of Archaeological Science v. 23(3): 343-349. Laoupi, Amanda , (2006) : The Divine Fires of Creation. Homeric Hephaistos as a Comet / Meteor God. International Symposium on ‘SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY IN HOMERIC EPICS’, 27-30 August 2006, Ancient Olympia, Greece. Printed in: a) S. A. Paipetis (ed.), Science and Technology in Homeric Epics, Springer Verlag, 2008, pp. 325 – 340. (English text) & b) Σ. Α. Παϊπέτης (εκδ.), Επιστήμη και Τεχνολογία στα Ομηρικά Έπη, Εκδόσεις Περί Τεχνών, 2009, σσ. 256 – 268. (Greek text). Leroi-Gourhan, A. (1982). The Dawn of European Art (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Liritzis, J., Michael, C. and & Galloway, R.B. (1996). A significant Aegean volcanic eruption during the second millennium B.C. revealed by thermoluminescence dating. Geoarchaeology, V. 11 (4): 361 – 371. MacKoy, F.W. and Heiken, G. (2000). Tsunami generated by the Late bronze Age Eruption of Thera 9Santorini), Greece. Pure Appl. Geophys. , 157 (6-8): 1227 – 1256. Malone, C. (September 2003): The Italian Neolithic: A Synthesis of Research. Journal of World Prehistory, v. 17 ( 3): 235-312. Manning, S.W. (1988). The Bronze Age eruption of Thera: absolute dating, Aegean chronology and Mediterranean cultural interrelations. JMA 1(1): 17-82. Manning, S. W. (1992). Thera, Sulphur, and Climatic Anomalies. OJA, 11 : 245-253. Manning, S.W., Bronk Ramsey, C., Kutschera, W., Higham, T., Kromer, B., Steier, P. and Wild, E. (2006). Chronology for the Aegean Late Bronze Age. Science, 312 (5773): 565 – 569. Marinatos, S. (1939). The volcanic destruction of Minoan Crete. Antiquity, 13 : 425-439. Mellaart, J. (1967). Catul Hüyük: A Neolithic Town in Anatolia, McGrawHill, UK. Michon, L. and Merle, O. (March 2001). The evolution of the Massif Central Rift; spatio-temporal distribution of the volcanism. Bulletin de la Societe Geologique de France, v. 172 (2): 201-211. Pararas-Carayannis, G. (1974). The Destruction of the Minoan Civilization. Encyclopaedia Grollier, Science Supplement, pp. 314-321. Pararas-Carayannis, G. (2002). Evaluation of the threat of mega tsunami generation from postulated massive slope failures of island stratovolcanoes on La Palma, Canary Islands, and on the island of Hawaii. Science of Tsunami Hazards, v. 20 (5): 251 – 277. Perles, C. (1992): 'Systems of Exchange and Organization of Production in Neolithic Greece', Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 5,2 (1992), 115-164. Polinger Foster, K. and Ritner, R.K. (1996). Texts, storms, and the Thera Eruption. JNES, 55: 1 – 14. Rampino, M.R. and Ambrose, S.H. (1999). Volcanic winter in the Garden of Eden: The Toba super-eruption and the Late Pleistocene human population crash. In: Proceedings of the Symposium ‘Catastrophism, natural Disasters and Cultural Change’, WAC 4, 10th - 14th January 1999, University of Cape Town. Raynal, J.P. and Daugas, J.P. (1984). Volcanisme et occupation Humaine prehistorique dans le Massif Central Francais: Quelques Observations. Revue Archéologique du Centre, Tome 23, vol. 1 : 7-20 (manuscrit). Redford, D.B. (1992). Egypt, Canaan and Israel in Ancient Times. Princeton University Press, Princeton. Rohling, E.J., Mayewski, P.A., Abu-Zied, R.H., Casford, J.S.L. and Hayes, A. (2002). Holocene atmosphere - ocean interactions: records from Greenland and the Aegean Sea. Climate Dynamics, 18: 587 - 593. Sampson A. and Liritzis I. (1999). Archaeological implications of Yali volcanic eruption during the Late Minoan times, Tuba-AR 2 (2): 95 – 107. Sangiorgi, F., Capotondi, L., Combourieu -Nebout, N., Vigliotti, L., Brinkhuis, H., Giunta, S., Lotter, A.F., Morigi, K., Negri, A. and Reichart, G.J. (2003). Holocene seasonal sea-surface temperature variations in the southern Adriatic Sea inferred from a multiproxy approach. J. Quatern. Sci. , 18(8): 723 - 732. Saranditis, G. (2007). The disclosure of a myth. Color Plus, Athens, GR (Greek version). The English one is in press. Sigurdsson H, Carey, S, Alexandri M, Vougioukalakis G, Croff K, Roman C, Sakellariou D, Anagnostou C, Rousakis G, Ioakim C, Gogou A, Ballas D, Misaridis T, and Nomikou P. (2006). Marine Investigations of Greece’s Santorini Volcanic Field. EOS Trans. AGU, 87(34): 337. Siebert L. and Simkin T (2002-). Volcanoes of the World: an Illustrated Catalog of Holocene Volcanoes and their Eruptions. Smithsonian Institution, Global Volcanism Program Digital Information Series, GVP-3, (http://www.volcano.si.edu/world/). Initially published as: Simkin, T. and Siebert, L. ( 1994). Volcanoes of the world. Geoscience Press, Tucson, Arizona. Thompson, W. I. (1981). The Time Falling Bodies Take to Light New York: St. Martins Press. Torrence, R. (1981). Obsidian in the Aegean: towards a methodology for the study of prehistoric exchange, Ph.D. Dissertation, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, New Mexico. Tykot, R.H. (2002). "Chemical Fingerprinting and Source Tracing of Obsidian: The Central Mediterranean Trade in Black Gold” Accounts of Chemical Research 35:618-625. Vougioukalakis, G. (2006). Minoan Eruption and the Aegean World. AΛS 4: 21 – 55.