Nedayeh Mardom #1
Nedaye Mardom is a progressive youth-produced publication in the Afghan and Iranian community in Toronto. This newspaper is the official publication of the Afghan-Iranian Youth Network (AIYN), a progressive, pro-working class and anti-imperialist organization based out of Toronto. Contact us at: Afghaniranianyouth@gmail.com
SEPTEMBER 2009 "Fight for a Better World" ISSUE #1 NEDAYEH MARDOM THE AFGHAN-IRANIAN YOUTH PRESS The IranIan revoluTIon Marches on! Regime divisions deepen, people's movement progresses Iran is going through its most vital days of the last 30 years. For the last 10 years, a deep hatred for the Islamic regime has been brewing among the people which has effectively led to a wide range of social movements and protests. However, it was in the aftermath of vote-rigging in the recent presidential elections that masses of people came out into the streets to collectively ignite the flames of the new Iranian Revolution. Though much else can be said about the uprisings of the past few months, two facts stand out; internal divisions in the Islamic regime are increasingly deepening, while revolutionary people's uprisings continue defiantly amidst harsh repression. These two facts are inter-connected: the former causes the latter while helping it grow. by Arash Azizi ...continued on pg 3 and The WInner Is...WesTern IMperIalIsM Sham Afghan Elections Mired in Fraud by Shafiqullah Aziz As the process to elect a president of Afghanistan draws on, both the Afghan people and the international community are beginning to question the legitimacy of the polls. Thousands of complaints of fraud and violations in the pre and post election period mar the hopes of the international community for a successful election process. The Election Complaints Commission headed by UN appointed Canadian Grant Kippen is currently bogged down while looking into each allegation of fraud. Due to these factors, preliminary results of the election which should have been released on September 3rd, are now expected to be announced in a few weeks. Out of the 41 candidates at the start of the election, three remain in a prominent position. The current president Hamid Karzai and former foreign minister Dr. Abdullah Abdullah are seen to be in a tight race for the win while Ramazan Bashardost is trailing in a distant third place. Approximately 15.5 million Afghans registered to vote in this election, of which 38% were women. Even with this high number of registrations, the actual amount of voters that showed up to elect their candidate of choice was at a stifling low. With the Taliban movement calling for a complete boycott of the election, many citizens were uneasy in the run up to the August 20th vote. With 2009 being the bloodiest year after the occupation in 2001 with still four months to go, their anxiousness was quite relevant. After the August 20th vote, Taliban had control over major roads in both Qandahar and Helmand provinces and used this control as an opportunity to make road stops of every vehicle that crossed their path. In Afghanistan, the index finger is dipped in ink to avoid multiple votes, and this ink stays on the skin for up to two weeks, leaving those who voted as easy targets if caught by the Taliban. There have been many reports of the Taliban cutting off the finger of voters amongst other punishments to those who defied their demands for a boycott. It seems as though the elections, rather than helping, are detrimental to the development of "democracy" in Afghanistan. Months before the election even took place, citizens expressed disdain to the possibility of change, and had already placed Karzai as the winner due to fraud and foreign influence in the elections. Even with 117 election observers sent by the EU and hundreds more from NATO and the UN, along with several independent commissions to overlook the proceedings, the elections were in effect a failure to the Afghan people and to a democratic Afghanistan. With new results announcing Karzai in the lead, it looks as if Afghanistan will not be seeing much change in the years to come. If one candidate does not have at least 50% of the vote, there will be a second round runoff; however there is no definite outcome at this point in time. One thing that is definite about this election process, or as the Taliban refer to it the "program of the crusaders", is that no matter which candidate is elected, American and British Imperialism still reigns in this country. As long as there are forces in the nation of Afghanistan, be they American, British, Canadian, Pakistani, or Russian, it is clear that the Afghan people will never see peace and stability under occupation. Founding StatementS ............... pg 2 international Section ................................. pg 3 �Who is Moussavi? �Iranian Protests in Toronto �Iranian Chauvinism: Western Baluchistan INSIDE local Section .......... pg 4 �The Case of Zahir Ofuq �Poverty & Race in Toronto �Youth Protest Police Brutality get involved ............ pg 2 anTI-afghan racIsM WIll noT Be ToleraTed In our coMMunITy by Arash Azizi What do you think about when you hear the word "racism"? What is the most familiar kind of racism that you know? You are likely to answer racism against blacks or post 9-11 Islamophobia (discrimination against those who look like Muslims). But the truth is that one of the most terrible kinds of racism is usually overlooked just because it exists within "ethnic minorities" themselves. We are talking about racism directed from one minority against another. One of the darkest examples of this racism is the subject of our article today: Anti-Afghan racism that exists, to varying degrees, among Iranians both in Iran and in the Diaspora. Afghanistan is a beautiful country with a rich cultural past. But this country has been torn in wars for the past 30 years; wars that are fuelled by US Imperialism and its servants-turned-rivals: Taliban and Islamists. Thirty years of war has brought nothing but poverty and insecurity to Afghans. It is under these conditions that millions of Afghans have taken refuge in Iran. Immigrant Afghans in Iran are Ahmadinejad duo has handled the election dispute and subsequent uprisings. Most of them were never crazy about Ahmadinejad from the beginning and many are now even openly talking about bringing down Khamenei. In short, the criminal cliques that have ruled Iran for the last three decades are now deeply divided. But why is it that they don't act decisively? Why can't they just do a back-room deal and eliminate their opponents? The answer lies with the revolutionary movement of people which caused the division in the first place. If it wasn't for the movement, "Reformist" leaders like Khatami, Mousavi and Karoubi (an expresident, an ex-prime minister and an ex-Speaker of the Parliament, respectively) would have already been killed by the Khamenei faction. not only deprived from the most elementary rights but also work in unbelievably miserable conditions, doing the most difficult work for lower wages. The very capitalist system that is the cause of all their miseries has forged another weapon against them - it fuels AntiAfghan racism among Iranians. This racism, in turn, justifies the heavy exploitation of Afghans who are a significant portion of the working class in Iran. The good old game of "divide and rule!". Since there is no great barrier between Tehran and Iranian communities in Toronto, the same tendency has been adopted by some Iranian-Canadians leading to unfortunate, discriminatory Anti-Afghan speech and action. Contrary to what many have claimed, the people's movement has been going strong despite the harshest repression. It is not for nothing that Khamenei has named the protests "a Caricature of 1979 Revolution". By doing so, he has publicly admitted his fear of the current Revolution. Analysts compared his statement to that of Shah who told the people a few months before being overthrown "I have heard the cry of your revolution". It is this revolutionary movement that is the real force behind the events. Massive spontaneous movements have undoubtedly progressed and transformed with the course of events. Initially supporting one wing of the regime against the other, the people now clearly shout "Down with Khamenei". One of their recent slogans was "Independence, We, activists of the AfghanIranian Youth Network, hereby declare that the imagined division between Afghans and Iranians must be brought down, and that the only struggle worth fighting must be for our common humanity. We are committed to taking up the task of destroying ths racist poison that exists in our community. In addition, we recognize all other residents of Canada, from Whites to Russians to Chinese to Korean to Indian to Pakistani as our brothers and sisters. The common enemy for those of us who have to work in order to be able to live is the capitalist system and its collaborators. Continued from pg 1... iran upriSingS Before, we could generally talk of two opposing factions inside the regime: the so-called "Hard-liners" and the "Reformists". However, these two factions were united and always saved face when confronted with opposition to the regime. But now, the advent of a people's movement has made their divisions considerably more acute. "Reformists", who were among the founders of the Islamic dictatorship, are now being ridiculed in the Islamic government's show trials. Their intellectual father, Saeid Hajarian was forced to come to court to recant everything he ever stood for. "Hard-liner" leaders, mostly consisting of the conservative mullahs in Qom, on the other hand, are not happy about the way inglorious Khamenei- Freedom, Iranian Republic". While this still betrays a national illusion, it clearly shows that people do not want an Islamic Republic and are already talking about what to replace it with. The masses have shown that they have enough intuition, courage and heroism and are willing to fight. But their strong point, spontaneity, is also their weakest. What they need is a socialist leadership that will lead the revolution all the way to overthrowing the Islamic Republic and establishing a worker's rule, the only way forward. An Iranian Revolution will only be victorious as a Worker's Revolution, or, it will not be victorious at all. Arash is also a supporter of Fightback, a Marxist journal for labour and youth in Canada. We are a group of progressive Afghan and Iranian youth who have come together to build a network of organized progressive youth in our communities across Ontario. The initial task we have set for ourselves is the coordination of our political activities and the development of a progressive voice in the community. In building this organization, we decided upon basic points of unity that would unite our work as we moved forward: � We are united in our opposition to the Islamic dictatorship ruling over Iran. Furthermore, we are firmly opposed to any type of foreign imperialism in Iran, particularly in the form of military aggression and economic destabilization. � We also express a fierce opposition to the imperialist occupation of Afghanistan by UN-mandated NATO forces, and as an organization based in Canada, we hope to play a particular role in exposing and challenging Canadian imperialism. While we support the resistance of Afghans, we make our opposition to the reactionary forces of political Islam clear. � We refuse to decide between foreign imperialism and reactionary Islamic forces back home, rather, we actively support the progressive movements in our countries. � We are determined to take up the issues that affect our Diasporic communities, as well as those of the broader working class people of Canada. In addition to providing solidarity to movements in Iran and Afghanistan, our intention is to also play a more active role in working class and progressive struggles in Canada. We hope to integrate our work with the struggles of workers, students, women, immigrants and youth in Ontario, and to promote these political struggles among PG. 2 foundIng sTaTeMenT of The afghan-IranIan youTh neTWork layout editor PEDRAM MOSSALLANEJAD afghan issues editor our Afghan and Iranian community. To raise awareness about the political work we engage in, and to promote the movements we support, we are publishing a progressive and grassroots paper called "Nedaye Mardom". The articles in the paper will be available in both English and Farsi at this time, and in due course will also be available in Pashto. With this paper we hope to reach the wider Afghan and Iranian community in Ontario and attract people of all related ethnic and linguistic backgrounds to involve themselves and take interest in progressive political work and ideology. One of the first fronts of our political activity must be in engaging the racist ideology that exists among some Iranians towards our Afghan sisters and brothers. We, Afghan and Iranian youth, make a clear statement that we will not tolerate any discrimination against Afghans. Our organization hopes to help build the theoretical knowledge and practical methodology that will allow activists within our network to further the struggles of working class people in Canada. As much as youth are an energetic and enthusiastic section of the population, we are also convinced that beyond just determined political work, it is necessary to engage in education. Developing a political education program for our membership is among our goals. We call on all Afghan and Iranian youth to get active and organized within the youth network, and to become active in their communities, workplaces and schools. The Afghan-Iranian Youth Network and our publication, "Nedaye Mardom", are grassroots initiatives. We need your involvement to continue to grow and to build a movement that can fight for a better society. afghan-iranian Youth network 26 August, 2009 SHAFIQULLAH AZIZ english editor FARSHAD AZADIAN farsi editor ARASH AZIZI writers SALMA AL NADHIR RASHIN ALIZADEH ALBORZ ATASHBAND FARID AZADIAN getting involved The Afghan-Iranian Youth Network is a grassroots youth initiative. The only way we can continue to grow is with your involvement. Progressive youth should help develop the newspaper and expand the organization to their campuses, high schools and workplaces. Elders in the community should also help support our work. Notice that our paper is completely self-funded; by members and supporters. Help fund the Afghan-Iranian Youth Network so our paper and our work can continue to grow. Website & contact: www.AIYN.ca Afghaniranianyouth@gmail.com ISSUE #1 SEPTEMBER 2009 INTERNATIONAL SECTION Who Is MoussavI? by: Pedram Mossallanejad June 12th marked Iran's tenth presidential election. Incumbent Mahmoud Ahmedinejad was declared victorious by a wide margin over his three competitors including, one, MirHossein Mousavi. Soon after the election results were made public, many Iranians felt that the results were tampered with. This feeling was soon accompanied by grievances and massive protests, both in Iran and around the globe. Though Mousavi is currently the face of reform in Iran, and though he is favored by certain parts of the population, his struggle for presidency must be contextualized to see exactly why the latter is the case. Mousavi's relationship to Iranian reformists dialectically caused what Prof. Hamid Dabashi coined the "new civil rights movement in Iran". Not only did Mousavi affect the people of Iran, but the people of Iran affected Mousavi. And, the two hefty political forces effectively culminated into the street protests we see today. The climax of this was recently manifested in Mousavi becoming critical of the Islamic Republic. He obviously does not go as far as advocating for the desecration and dismantling of the Republic; a position that many Iranians, at least in the diaspora, support. Yet, however superficial his criticisms may be, they are historically remarkable: significant criticisms are, for the first time, coming from inside the systems itself - not outside. Anti-Islamic Republic sentiments are not baseless. They began to take shape very soon after the revolution, resulting dually from the systemically flawed government removing the most basic of rights and freedoms while massacring voices of opposition. The problems are not from mere "lies and fraud" from the Islamic leadership as Mousavi claims, but go far deeper. Mousavi's assertion that he wants "a reform with a return to the pure principles of the Islamic Revolution" breeds the unfortunate illusion that the Islamic Republic had some fabled golden era. Mousavi will always moderate his criticisms of the Islamic Republic. After all, for him to do so only makes political sense as it was the undemocratic body of the Guardian Council which gave Mousavi the very opportunity to run for president in the first place. We need not let our views on whether or not to support Mousavi be divisive of our spirits. Instead, lest us recognize that it was the restless generation of young Iranians that started the current movements. Only if driven by the collective spirit of the masses will the movements succeed in bringing down the tyrannical Islamic Regime, allowing the country to move towards a real golden era. a look aT The IranIan proTesTs In ToronTo by: Rashin Alizadeh After the June 14th elections many concerned Iranians in the diaspora marched onto the streets of major cities in the world to show their discontent with the Islamic Republic and the illegitimate government of Ahmadinejad. The demonstrations outside Iran were aimed at showing solidarity and support for those inside Iran's borders--both on the streets and within the prison walls--however there was a lot of confusion on how to connect the different trends within the protests and what the aims of our movement in Toronto should be. "Where is my vote", a slogan that was prevalent in the early stages of protests in Toronto and across the world, is interpreted very differently by different people: while some tried to limit it to a protest against "electoral fraud", for many others it was an indication of not having a real "vote" not only in the last elections but in the last three decades of Islamic rule. The people inside the borders of the Iran are much more daring in their criticisms of the government despite the threats they face to their lives. Aside from basic democratic rights, the Iranian people were protesting the lack of basic human rights such as the equality for women and minority groups. The theocracy of the past three decades has given the people the choice to vote from a list modified and selected by the Guardian Council--a mere sham of an election. Iranians have to choose between establishment candidates and even the will of the elected doesn't count for much compared to that of the Supreme Leader. Every vote for change counts for nothing when a single man's voice resonates above 70 million of his kin. As the protests went on, many people became more aware of who Mousavi really is and what he represents: including his history, and the basic fact that he is part of the establishment, that is, the ruling elite. Despite him being branded as a "reformist" he is part of the same Islamic regime that justifies its actions, no matter how notorious, by hiding behind the veil of religion. Many people started arguing that a basic principle for democracy is for it to be independent of any religious associations because state religious ideology is inherently oppressive. The cry for a secular republic may perhaps be a logical first step. Among the top demands from our movement in Toronto, to the Islamic Government, should be the freeing of all political prisoners and labour activists; people must have the right to voice their opinion, to be organized (politically and in their workplace), and to choose (without foreign influence) the type of government they desire. Meanwhile, the government of Canada along with other Western governments, who claim to be "fair and peaceful", must allow all Iranians who are fleeing repression to seek refuge in their countries. All in all, Toronto protests not only proved to the Islamic regime that their actions wouldn't be unseen by millions of Iranians and world citizens but it also gave a real meaning to a slogan that was used by the revolutionary movement in Iran: "Don't be afraid, we are all in this together". WesTern BaluchIsTan Roya Sarani was an ordinary 12 year-old Balochi girl from Dozaap (Zahedan), being driven back home from school by her father. The police pulled their car over, questioned the father and asked him to step out of his vehicle. He tried explaining to the officers that he was only driving his daughter home from school, but they paid no heed to him and opened fire onto both him and his car. His daughter was killed right in front of his eyes in cold blood. To this day, there has been no formal investigation of the incident. This sounds extreme even for Iran's government, but events like these are part of everyday life for the Baloch in Iranian Balochistan. With 76% of Baloch living under the poverty line, they have been discriminated against for being both an ethnic minority and Sunni by the Iranian government ever since the nation of Balochistan was invaded and split between Iran and what is now Pakistan in the 19th century. The Iranian government is seeking to make Sunni majority provinces into Shi'a majority provinces as to limit the power and representation Sunni's have in Iran's government. Sunni mosques and Balochi villages are demolished across Balochistan under the guise of land development. Villages have been attacked by the army with rockets under the pretence of hunting down terrorists. Part 1 of Series: Iranian National Chauvinism The Baloch who have been forcefully evicted from their homes thus seek refuge in the desert, and have been offered no compensation. Due to their ethnicity and religion, the Baloch are often denied access to higher education and employment. The Iranian government intentionally isolates them by not developing the vast mineral resources available in the province and limiting the amount of food to be imported. Thus, they are forced into illegally smuggling goods such as drugs and foodstuff across the border with Pakistan for income. Many are killed for merely smuggling much needed food, like rice, into the province. The drug trade has helped Balochistan become the most lawless area in Iran. Considering all this, it's no surprise that many, if not most, Baloch feel a strong sense of alienation. Balochistan is an important province with a significant amount of potential, but it is being ignored by the central Iranian state which has thus far disregarded the development and infrastructure needs of that area. Racism is a tool of the elite, but sadly, many average working class Iranians have bought into this racism and, themselves, have played a role in the alienation of the Baluch in Iran. All people living in Iran, irrespective of nationality, must struggle against chauvinism and racism. by: Alborz Atashband SEPTEMBER 2009 ISSUE #1 PG. 3 The case of ZahIr ofuq by: Farshad & Farid Azadian Writer, Philosopher and Activist stuck in Limbo for 15 years Our communities here in Toronto, both Afghan and Iranian, are quite familiar with the many injustices in the immigration system and to the multiple obstacles that unnecessarily make it difficult or impossible for political refugees, in particular, to get status and citizenship. Zahir Ofuq is a good example of the type of person who faces the brunt of the immigration system; a progressive human rights activist and anti-imperialist. Zahir Ofuq, a member of the Academy of Science, fled Afghanistan in 1992 after the collapse of the regime of Dr. Najibullah, of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). He had been sentenced to 20 years for criticizing the PDPA (of which he was a member), and escaped when the regime collapsed two years later. This tireless defender of humanity has been without status or rights for 15 years. His case at the Immigration & Refugee Board was rejected. They have also prevented him from sponsoring his family to come to Canada, and he has even had a visa denied when he attempted to travel to Germany to see his severely ill daughter. Estimates are that there are 5,000 Afghan and Iranian political refugees facing similar situations to Zahir here in Canada. The Canadian LOCAL SECTION government of both Conservative and Liberal Parties often refuse to give refugees landed status, preventing them from becoming a citizen, traveling, and making it much more difficult to get a job. With the passing of Bill C-50 by Stephen Harper it has become even more difficult to become accepted as a refugee and to be given landed status. Zahir stands with thousands of other Political Refugees who are particularly singled out and rejected. The hypocrisy of the Canadian government is evident. The very regimes that many progressive Iranian and Afghan activists are fleeing face regular demonization by the Canadian government and corporate press. In light of the refusal to give these people status, it is clear that the Canadian providing no legal protection and thus, leaving these groups prone to exploitation through the threat of deportation. These people cope with harassment and levels of exploitation beyond those of the average worker; facing longer hours, lower wages, worse work and no benefits. The racial ideology therefore justifies the refusal of providing these groups with status, and thus, destines those groups to perpetual poverty. Police brutality, poor quality housing and low paying jobs are all symptoms of Toronto's highly racialized poor and working class. The corporate media' coverage often reinforces racist ideology, which then justifies the conditions people face. Often, the media encourages the increasing of state is not interested in a free Afghanistan or Iran. The Canadian government's display of aggression to the Islamic regimes in Iran and Afghanistan, in light of their refusal to accept political dissidents from these countries, make the imperialist character of Canada very evident. The Iranian and Afghan communities here in Canada need to make a strong stand demanding that all refugees, and those fleeing for political reasons in particular, should be allowed to settle in Canada and get citizenship without a moments wait. no one is illegal, an organization fighting for migrants rights and status for all, has taken up the case of Zahir Ofuq. For more information about No One Is Illegal check: http://toronto.nooneisillegal.org The realITy of racIsM In ToronTo Moving the Struggle for Equality Forward It is a common misconception that those living with financial trouble find themselves in that situation by their own accord, usually because of laziness. This myth is especially widespread in countries like Canada, which are celebrated as being havens of equal opportunity despite an individual's race, ethnicity, religion or background. On the contrary, those from racialized backgrounds and those living in vulnerable communities in Canada have experienced firsthand how their race has become an obstacle to their advancement. The Colour of Poverty, an Ontario by: Rashin Alizadeh based awareness campaign, has concluded that individuals' backgrounds play a crucial role in their family income despite the fact that 3/4 of all immigrants have a University degree. The discrediting of educational credentials is a good example of racist ideology in action, where "their education is not up to Canadian standards" discourse is used to deny immigrants access to decent jobs. Even worse, immigration policies leave hundreds of thousands in Canada without status. The viewpoint that those without status are illegal serves the interests of a flawed system, by the police budget, the closing of homeless shelters, the shrinking of social service funding and the destruction of public housing. Racist ideology, as we can see, is used as a tool of division and serves to justify class oppression and exploitation. Toronto Families Living below the LowIncome Cut-Off (LICO) - By Racial Group European African Arab and West Asian Specific Nationalities Somali Afghan Iranian Source: The Colour of Poverty http://cop.openconcept.ca/ 11% 39% 30% 72% 60% 32% 2nd annual JusTIce for alWy Ball TournaMenT ToronTo agaInsT polIce BruTalITy by: Salma Al Nadhir Originally Printed in Basics community newsletter, http://basicsnewsletter.blogspot.com In The second annual Justice for Alwy Basketball tournament was held with great success this summer, held for the second time at Carlton Park (Symington and Dupont area). The tournament was held to raise awareness about the issue of police brutality and was dedicated to the memory of Alwy Al Nadhir (a 17 year-old murdered by police in October 2007). The other main purpose of the event was to educate the youth about the Justice for Alwy Group (J4A) � a campaign that is fighting to raise awareness about police brutality and develop a broad mass movement against it in our city. It is a group that victims can feel safe approaching to report incidents of police violence and racism, and one which young people interested in organizing their communities for meaningful change can join. All the performances and speakers at the tournament touched up on the issue of PG. 4 this Years Justice for alwy Basketball tournament Saw over a Hundred Youth unite against police Brutality. police brutality. Speakers at the tournament included elder Norman Otis Richmond from CKLN 88.1fm and Odion Osegyefo, President of the York United Black Students Association. Other speakers included Shak, a young victim of police brutality from the neighbourhood of Pelham Park, nearby where we held the tournament. The 14 year-old Shak shared his frightening experience of being assaulted by police this past May � an attack that left him nearly unconscious and with a damaged eye. Local activist and rapper Wasun also gave out an amazing performance dedicated to all the victims of police violence. The tournament this year had three different age-group divisions competing for cash prizes. The tournament was intense with over 100 players competing for the winning prize of $500. The Spectaculars took second place in the "19 over" division being defeated by the champions 5 Dutch from Jane and Finch. For the second Division ("18 under"), Team Swag won defeating the second place finishers team Y Trust. Lastly, for the "16 under", Mayhem took first place winning the prize money of $250, while the Sheppard Ballers came in second. The event not only allowed youth from across the GTA to come together peacefully to play a game they all had a passion for, but reinforced their common experiences � the understanding of the violent and oppressive conditions that affected them all. Throughout the day, as the performances and basketball was going on, a muralist created a painting about police brutality. This year's tournament was bigger than the last and we hope next year's will be even better. The tournament was a success with youth from hoods throughout the city (and beyond) united to play ball against police brutality. For more information or to get involved with Justice for Alwy or next year's basketball tournament, email email@example.com. ISSUE #1 SEPTEMBER 2009 . . . : . . c-50 . . . . . . . . . . . )no one is illegal( . http://toronto.nooneisillegal.org " " ( ) , . . , , , . - . " " : http://cop.openconcept.ca/ , . , . � . . . " " , , . . , . , ," " . , . . ) ( . (Mayhem) " (Sheppard Ballers) . � " " . Justiceforalwy@gmail.com . CKLN 88.1 fm : . . � . . (Basics) . " " . ) . ( . . . . " " . "" . (The Spectaculars) " " (Dutch 5) (" ") . (Team Swag) (Y Trust) " . . " " . . " " . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " " . . . , ," : ." . ) ( " " . : . . . . . . . . . . . )( . . . . . . . . : . . . ( .) . : " " " . , " : . " " "" . . . , . , : , ( , . ) � . . "" . . . . . . : . . . ... "! " . . . . " . . " . . ." " " " . . . . . . . . . . " . ."" "" ." . . " : . "" . ." . . . "" . . ( "" ) : " " . " " . . . " " . . : . . � " . . " . . . . . . . . � � . . . . . : firstname.lastname@example.org www.AIYN.ca ! � . " " : . . . ... . . . . . . " " . . ........................................................................ ........................................................................... ........................................................................... ........................................................................... "" . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . .